PL 3 · cols. 9–62

Passio SS. Perpetuae et Felicitatis, cum prolegomenis Th. Ruinart

Editors' preface

PL 3:9

SAECULO III, CIRCA ANNUM CHRISTI CCIII.

Third century, about the year of Christ 203.

ACTA SS. PERPETUAE ET FELICITATIS MARTYRUM

Acts of Saints Perpetua and Felicity, Martyrs

PROLEGOMENA

Prolegomena

(Ex Actis Martyrum sinceris V. C. Theodorici RUINART, pag. 77 sqq.)

(From the Genuine Acts of the Martyrs of the distinguished man Thierry Ruinart, p. 77 ff.)

SYNOPSIS.

Synopsis.

I. De horum Actorum editis et mss. — II. Perpetua et Felicitas an Tuburbitanae. — III. Non Tuburbii, sed Carthagine martyrium passae noscuntur. — IV. Tempus passionis inquiritur. — V. De horum Actorum auctore, seu potius collectore. An Tertullianus. — VI. Non fuit Montanista: contra Valesium. — VII. Exploditur ite⟨r⟩um commentum de auctoris montanismo. — VIII. De harum Martyrum cultu et memoria. — IX. Ejusmodi Acta adversus Samuelem Basnagium a viro doctissimo dudum vindicata. Quanti facienda sint. Acta proconsularia deinceps omittenda.

I. On the printed editions and manuscripts of these Acts. II. Whether Perpetua and Felicity were of Tuburbo. III. They are known to have suffered martyrdom not at Tuburbo but at Carthage. IV. The time of the passion is investigated. V. On the author, or rather the compiler, of these Acts. Whether Tertullian. VI. He was not a Montanist: against Valesius. VII. The fiction of the author's Montanism is exploded once more. VIII. On the cult and memory of these Martyrs. IX. Acts of this kind were long ago defended against Samuel Basnage by a most learned man. How highly they are to be valued. The proconsular Acts are henceforth to be omitted.

I. Multum desiderata, et frustra in variis bibliothecis diu conquisita, Acta germana sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis, invenit tandem studiosissimus sacrae antiquitatis indagator, Lucas Holstenius, in codice ms. sacri monasterii Casinensis: unde eruta et Romae vulgata, eadem postea cum ejusdem Holstenii notis, Parisiis edidit Henricus Valesius. Nos vero ea proferimus ex duobus codicibus mss. cum eadem editione collatis: quorum unus est Ecclesiae Salisburgensis; cujus codicis varias lectiones sapientissimi viri Antonii Faure, theologi Parisiensis et Remensis ecclesiae praepositi, beneficio accepimus: alter vero qui ad annos 800 accedit, est bibliothecae nostri monasterii Sancti Cornelii Compendiensis. Invenimus etiam in schedis Mabillonii nostri excerpta ex iisdem Actis non contemnenda; sed e quo codice ea descripta sint, non indicatur. Porro in iis locis in quibus codices mss. inter sese vel ab editis dissident, et tamen utraque lectio ferri potest, varietatem in notulis apposuimus, ne temere in tam pretioso Ecclesiae monumento aliquid immutasse videremur. Eadem etiam cautela usi sumus, si quando in mss. codicibus ubi eadem Acta vitiata habentur, aliquid notatu dignum occurrit.

I. The genuine Acts of the saints Perpetua and Felicity, much desired and long sought in vain in various libraries, were at last found by that most zealous investigator of sacred antiquity, Lucas Holstenius, in a manuscript codex of the holy monastery of Monte Cassino; drawn out from there and published at Rome, they were afterwards edited at Paris, with the notes of the same Holstenius, by Henri de Valois. We, however, bring them forward from two manuscript codices collated with that same edition: one of these belongs to the Church of Salzburg, and we received the variant readings of this codex through the kindness of the most learned Antoine Faure, theologian of Paris and provost of the church of Reims; the other, which approaches 800 years of age, belongs to the library of our monastery of Saint Corneille at Compiègne. We also found among the papers of our Mabillon excerpts from these same Acts that are not to be despised; but from what codex they were copied is not indicated. Further, in those places where the manuscript codices differ among themselves or from the printed editions, and yet either reading can be accepted, we have placed the variant in brief notes, lest we should seem to have rashly altered anything in so precious a monument of the Church. We have also used the same caution whenever anything worth noting occurred in manuscript codices in which these same Acts are found in a corrupted state.

II. Tria inquirit eruditus Valesius in praefatione ad haec Acta: primo, ubinam hae mulieres sanctae passae sint; secundo, quo tempore martyrium consummarint; ac tandem quisnam horum Actorum auctor seu potius collector fuerit: de quibus omnibus etiam hic paucis agendum est. Quod ad primum attinet priusquam sincera harum martyrum Acta reperta fuissent, nemo fere in dubium revocabat quin eaedem ipsae fuerint quas sub Sanctarum Tuburbitanarum nomine varii auctores celebrabant. Id persuadebat, praeter quorumdam, etiam veterum, martyrologiorum auctoritatem, Acta quae sub Perpetuae et Felicitatis nomine circumferebantur, in quibus eas Tuburbii passas fuisse disertis verbis expressum erat: et quamvis in his Actis nonnulla viris eruditis vitiosa ac depravata viderentur, nullus tamen de loco martyrii hactenus quaestionem moverat. Verum, quum Holstenianae editionis occasione res exactius discuteretur, aliter viris doctioribus visum est, ac prae caeteris Henrico Valesio; qui libratis quae ex utraque parte afferri poterant momentis, has martyres, non Tuburbii, sed Carthagine martyrium consummasse asseveranter pronuntiavit. Hanc sententiam probat V. C. tum ex ipsis Actis, tum etiam ex antiquorum scriptorum auctoritate. Ex Actis evincitur has martyres proconsulari potestate damnatas fuisse; ac proinde, ut ait, non Tuburbii in Mauritania, quum in ea provincia nullum jus proconsules haberent; verum, ut in nova editione Augustiniana observatum est, quum duplex fuerit Tuburbium in proconsulari provincia situm, atque in alterutra earum civitatum fortassis amphitheatrum esset, quumque ex iis una, Tuburbium majus diceretur, parum valet ea Valesii ratio: nisi dicatur martyrologia fere omnia Tuburbium in Mauritania expressisse.

II. The learned Valesius inquires into three things in his preface to these Acts: first, where these holy women suffered; second, at what time they consummated their martyrdom; and finally, who was the author, or rather the compiler, of these Acts. All of these must be treated briefly here too. As regards the first, before the genuine Acts of these martyrs had been found, almost no one called into doubt that they were the very same women whom various authors celebrated under the name of the Saints of Tuburbo. What persuaded people of this, besides the authority of certain martyrologies, even ancient ones, was the Acts that circulated under the name of Perpetua and Felicity, in which it was stated in express words that they had suffered at Tuburbo; and although some things in these Acts seemed faulty and corrupt to learned men, no one had yet raised a question about the place of the martyrdom. But when, on the occasion of Holstenius's edition, the matter was discussed more exactly, more learned men took a different view, and above all Henri de Valois, who, having weighed the arguments that could be brought on either side, pronounced emphatically that these martyrs consummated their martyrdom not at Tuburbo but at Carthage. This opinion the distinguished man proves both from the Acts themselves and also from the authority of ancient writers. From the Acts it is shown that these martyrs were condemned by proconsular authority, and therefore, as he says, not at Tuburbo in Mauretania, since proconsuls had no jurisdiction in that province. But, as was observed in the new edition of Augustine, since there were two places called Tuburbo situated in the proconsular province, and there was perhaps an amphitheatre in one or the other of those cities, and since one of them was called Tuburbo Major, this reasoning of Valesius has little force, unless it be said that almost all the martyrologies specified Tuburbo in Mauretania.

III. Certius ex argumentum quod ex auctoritate veterum qui de sanctis Perpetua et Felicitate scripserunt, deducitur. Nam, praeterquam quod Victor Vitensis eas « Carthagine in basilica majori sepultas fuisse » affirmat, Prosper in Chronico Labbaeano, Beda in libro de sex Aetatibus Mundi, imo

III. More certain is the argument which is drawn from the authority of the ancients who wrote about the saints Perpetua and Felicity. For, besides the fact that Victor of Vita affirms that they "were buried at Carthage in the Basilica Major", Prosper in the Chronicle published by Labbe, Bede in his book On the Six Ages of the World, indeed

Editors' notes and page, col. 9

Footnotes

(1) ‹sepultas fuisse » affirmat› · call in col 9 (page set full width across cols 9–10)

Vict. Vit., de Persecut. Vandal., lib. I, cap. III, pag. 5, edit. Paris. 1694.

Victor of Vita, On the Vandal Persecution, book I, chapter III, page 5, Paris edition of 1694.

(printed under page 57)

Page

other: col 10 is the right-hand number of a full-width page, set whole under col 9 (corpus full_width rule); nothing of its own: pointer only

PL 3:11

et in Martyrologio sincero (quamvis illud quod sub ejus nomine circumfertur, aliter habeat), Regino, Rabanus in Martyrologio, aliaque bene multa martyrologia, cum edita tum mss., ut videre est apud Bollandianos ad diem VII martii, expressis verbis has sanctas martyres apud Carthaginem passas fuisse asserunt. Nec reponere juvat ab Augustino in Sermone XXXII, a Sirmondo edito, qui est novae editionis CCCXLV, has martyres Tuburbitanas appellari: nam in codice ms. ex quo desumptus est iste sermo, non Tuburbitanarum, ut correxit Sirmondus, sed Suburbitarum legitur. Diceret forte aliquis eas Suburbitanas fuiss⟨e⟩ dictas, quod in suburbio Carthaginis passae fuissent. Sed, etsi detur hunc locum recte a Sirmundo emendatum fuisse, nihil inde contra Valesii sententiam deduci potest. Fatetur quidem de Tuburbitanis martyribus hic Augustinum agere; at negat plane eas esse Perpetuam et Felicitatem: de quibus alias saepe agens Augustinus, numquam eas Tuburbitanas, sed proprio semper nomine Perpetuam et Felicitatem appellavit. Contendit vero vir eruditus Tuburbitanarum nomine hic a sancto Augustino Maximam, Donatillam ac Secundam designatas fuisse, quae quidem Tuburbii sub Valeriano et Gallieno imperatoribus passae dicuntur. Et quidem id Valesii responsum confirmari posset ex vetusto kalendario Carthaginiensi apud Mabillonium, ubi sanctarum Tuburbitanarum festum recolitur III kalendas augusti: quo die nusquam Perpetua et Felicitas, Maxima vero et sociae in omnibus martyrologiis mortem obiisse referuntur.

and in the genuine Martyrology (although the one which circulates under his name has it otherwise), Regino, Rabanus in his Martyrology, and a great many other martyrologies, both printed and manuscript, as may be seen in the Bollandists at the 7th day of March, assert in express words that these holy martyrs suffered at Carthage. Nor is it of any use to object that these martyrs are called Tuburbitan by Augustine in Sermon 32, edited by Sirmond, which is number 345 of the new edition: for in the manuscript codex from which this sermon was taken one reads not Tuburbitanarum, as Sirmond corrected it, but Suburbitarum. Someone might perhaps say that they were called Suburbitan because they had suffered in the suburb of Carthage. But even if it be granted that this passage was rightly emended by Sirmond, nothing can be deduced from it against the opinion of Valesius. He admits indeed that Augustine is here dealing with the Tuburbitan martyrs; but he flatly denies that they are Perpetua and Felicity: for Augustine, treating of them often elsewhere, never called them Tuburbitan, but always by their proper names, Perpetua and Felicity. The learned man contends rather that under the name of the Tuburbitan women Maxima, Donatilla and Secunda were designated here by Saint Augustine, who indeed are said to have suffered at Tuburbo under the emperors Valerian and Gallienus. And indeed this reply of Valesius could be confirmed from the ancient Carthaginian calendar in Mabillon, where the feast of the holy Tuburbitan women is kept on the third day before the Kalends of August: on which day Perpetua and Felicity are nowhere said to have died, but Maxima and her companions are so reported in all the martyrologies.

IV. Diu non immorabimur in assignando tempore quo istae beatae martyres passionem consummarunt. Acta et martyrologia quae eas sub Valeriano et Gallieno passas fuisse referunt, vel ex eo convincuntur falsi, quod Tertullianus qui in libro de Anima, Perpetuae meminit, diu ante horum imperatorum tempus e vita excesserit. Melius itaque in Martyrologio genuino Bedae aliisque antiquis, id martyrium ad Severi imperatoris tempus revocatur: quibus Acta sincera consentiunt; siquidem ibi sanctae martyres die natali Getae Caesaris bestiis objectae sunt: quod anno Christi CCII aut sequenti, idibus martii, contigisse existimamus.

IV. We shall not dwell long on assigning the time at which these blessed martyrs completed their passion. The Acts and martyrologies which report that they suffered under Valerian and Gallienus are convicted of falsehood by this alone, that Tertullian, who in the book On the Soul mentions Perpetua, departed this life long before the time of those emperors. Better, therefore, in the genuine Martyrology of Bede and in other ancient ones, is this martyrdom referred to the time of the emperor Severus: and with these the genuine Acts agree; since there the holy martyrs were thrown to the beasts on the birthday of Geta Caesar: which we judge to have happened in the year of Christ 202 or the following year, on the Ides of March.

V. Inquirendum tandem quisnam fuerit horum Actorum auctor, seu potius collector, quum eorum maximam partem a Perpetua et Saturo scriptam fuisse nemo inficiari possit. Id opus Tertulliano attribuit auctor epistolae Biturigibus scriptae ad Henricum Valesium: quod ut probaret, collatis multis Actorum locis cum aliis Tertulliani operibus, ostendit eumdem omnino stylum, easdem loquendi formulas, ac etiam saepius eadem verba in utrisque reperiri. An vero rem omnino evincat, alii judicabunt.

V. It remains finally to inquire who was the author, or rather the compiler, of these Acts, since no one can deny that the greatest part of them was written by Perpetua and Saturus. The author of a letter written at Bourges to Henri de Valois attributes this work to Tertullian: and to prove this, comparing many passages of the Acts with other works of Tertullian, he shows that altogether the same style, the same forms of speech, and quite often even the same words are found in both. Whether he really proves the matter conclusively, others will judge.

VI. At Valesio assentiri non possum, haec Acta a Montani sectatore, quisquis ille fuerit, collecta fuisse existimanti. Id tamen certissimis indiciis colligere sibi videtur vir eruditissimus. Quae quidem indicia haec sunt, quod auctor ille novas prophetias recipere se profiteatur, et eas Veteris Testamenti prophetiis longe anteponat. Id probat ex collectoris ipsius verbis, qui sic in praefatione loquitur: « Itaque et nos qui sicut prophetias, ita et visiones novas, pariter repromissas, et agnoscimus et honoramus. » Et paulo ante dixerat: « Sed viderint qui unam virtutem Spiritus unius sancti pro aetatibus judicent temporum, quum majora reputanda sint novitiora quaeque ut novissimiora. » Verum, etsi haec verba primo aspectu Montani errores sapere videantur, si tamen paulo accuratius dispiciantur, nihil in ipsis contineri nisi orthodoxum et fidei catholicae plane consonum reperies. Non enim iste auctor visiones novissimas cum Scripturis canonicis, ut putavit Valesius, sed solummodo cum veterum martyrum visionibus et revelationibus comparat; asseritque non minori veneratione habendas esse quae suo tempore, quam quae priscis temporibus, id est primo aut secundo Ecclesiae saeculo contigerant: imo et aliquatenus has novas revelationes majori studio suscipiendas esse dicit, quum exempla eo efficaciora sint, quo magis praesentia: tum deinde quod hae novissimae visiones, quae aliquando veteres futurae erant, aliqua auctoritate fulciendae essent, ut a posteris crederentur. Id patet ex eadem ipsius auctoris tota praefatione, ubi ne unum quidem verbum de Scripturae sacrae cum visionibus martyrum comparatione habetur: « Si vetera, inquit fidei exempla... propterea in litteris sunt digesta ut lectione eorum, quasi repensatione rerum, et Deus honoretur et homo confortetur, cur non et nova documenta aeque utrique causae convenientia et digerantur? etc. » Porro, etsi iste auctor harum martyrum visiones, ex iis esse quas Deus per Joelem repromiserat, existimaverit, non tamen inde consequitur quod eas Scripturis sacris aequipararit: sicut nec Ecclesia fidelium dicta vel scripta inter has Scripturas canonicas computavit, quamvis non dubitaret ab eo processisse a quo alii dantur genera linguarum, alii prophetiae, alii sermo sapientiae, aliis alia dona, quae laudato Joelis testimonio praenuntiata et promissa fuisse certum est.

VI. But I cannot agree with Valesius, who thinks that these Acts were compiled by a follower of Montanus, whoever he may have been. Yet the most learned man believes he gathers this from the surest indications. These indications are as follows: that the author professes that he receives new prophecies, and sets them far above the prophecies of the Old Testament. He proves this from the words of the compiler himself, who speaks thus in the preface: «And so we too, who acknowledge and honour new visions just as we do prophecies, as equally promised.» And a little before he had said: «But let those see to it who judge the one power of the one Holy Spirit according to the ages of times, since all the more recent things are to be reckoned greater, as being the latest.» However, although these words at first sight seem to savour of the errors of Montanus, yet if they are examined a little more carefully, you will find nothing contained in them but what is orthodox and fully consonant with the Catholic faith. For this author does not compare the most recent visions with the canonical Scriptures, as Valesius thought, but only with the visions and revelations of the old martyrs; and he asserts that those which had occurred in his own time are to be held in no less veneration than those which had occurred in former times, that is, in the first or second century of the Church: indeed he even says that to some extent these new revelations are to be received with greater zeal, since examples are the more effective the more present they are: and then further, because these most recent visions, which would one day be old, needed to be supported by some authority, so as to be believed by posterity. This is clear from the whole preface of this same author, where there is not even one word about a comparison of sacred Scripture with the visions of the martyrs: «If the old examples of faith,» he says, «... have been set down in writing for this reason, that by the reading of them, as by a recalling of the deeds, both God may be honoured and man strengthened, why should not new records also, equally suited to both purposes, be set down? etc.» Further, although this author thought that the visions of these martyrs were among those which God had promised through Joel, it does not follow from this that he made them equal to the sacred Scriptures: just as the Church has not counted the sayings or writings of the faithful among these canonical Scriptures, although she did not doubt that they proceeded from Him by Whom to some are given kinds of tongues, to others prophecy, to others the word of wisdom, to others other gifts, which it is certain were foretold and promised in the cited testimony of Joel.

VII. Sed, ne fortassis aliquos moveant auctoris praefationis verba, qui eas visiones quasi divinitus inspiratas laudat, ea de re audiendus est Augustinus, qui, licet expressis ut aiunt, verbis has Perpetuae visiones a canone Scripturarum excludat, eas tamen « divinas revelationes » appellat, atque a fidelibus religione honorandas asserit. « Exhortationes earum, » (Perpetuae et Felicitatis) inquit, in dininis revelationibus, « triumphosque passionum cum legerentur, andivimus; eaque omnia verborum digesta et illustrata luminibus aure percepimus, mente spectavimus, religione honoravimus, charitate laudavimus. » De iisdem visionibus pluribus aliis in locis agit Augustinus, quas in Ecclesia publice lectas

VII. But lest perhaps the words of the author of the preface, who praises these visions as if divinely inspired, should trouble some, Augustine must be heard on this matter, who, although in express words, as they say, he excludes these visions of Perpetua from the canon of the Scriptures, nevertheless calls them «divine revelations», and asserts that they are to be honoured with reverence by the faithful. «Their exhortations,» (those of Perpetua and Felicity) he says, in divine revelations, «and the triumphs of their passions, we heard when they were read; and all these things, set out and illuminated with the lights of words, we took in with the ear, beheld with the mind, honoured with reverence, praised with love.» Augustine treats of these same visions in many other places, and that they were read publicly in the Church

Editors' notes and page, col. 11

Footnotes

(3) ‹canone Scripturarum excludat› · call in col 11 (page set full width across cols 11–12)

Aug. lib. I de Anim. et ejus origin. ad Renat., cap. 10, num. 12, et lib. III, ad Vincent., c. 9, n. 12.

Augustine, On the Soul and Its Origin, book I, to Renatus, chapter 10, number 12; and book III, to Vincent, chapter 9, number 12.

(printed under page 58)

(4) ‹religione honorandas asserit› · call in col 11 (page set full width across cols 11–12; the numeral of the call at the foot is not legible in the scan, which shows "(Id.")

Id., Serm. I, nov, edit. 280, tom. V, p. 1134.

The same, Sermon I [on Perpetua and Felicity], 280 in the new edition, volume V, page 1134.

(printed under page 58)

Footnotes

(2) ‹siquidem ibi› · call in col 12 (page set full width across cols 11–12)

Acta passion., etc., cap. 16.

Acts of the Passion, etc., chapter 16.

(printed under page 58)

Page

other: col 12 is the right-hand number of a full-width page, set whole under col 11 (corpus full_width rule); nothing of its own: pointer only

PL 3:13

fuisse testatur. Sed tandem, ut uno verbo rem conficiam, qua ratione haereticus et Montani sectator, ad communionem cum his feminis servandam suos adhortaretur, quas in catholicorum quos Psychicos vocabant, communione obiisse sciebant? Nec id poterant ignorare ii ad quos haec auctor scribebat, siquidem eos qui martyrio praesentes fuerant, alloquitur: « Annuntiamus, inquit, vobis, fratres et filioli, ut et vos qui interfuistis, rememoremini gloriae Domini, » etc. Sed de his satis. Jam paucis de illis quae in harum martyrum laudes a variis auctoribus dicta sunt, agendum est.

he bears witness. But finally, to settle the matter in one word: on what principle would a heretic and follower of Montanus urge his own people to keep communion with these women, whom they knew to have died in the communion of the Catholics, whom they called "Psychics"? Nor could those to whom this author was writing be ignorant of it, since he addresses those who had been present at the martyrdom: "We announce to you," he says, "brothers and little sons, so that you also who were present may call to mind the glory of the Lord," etc. But enough of these things. Now we must deal briefly with those things which have been said by various authors in praise of these martyrs.

VIII. Celebris semper fuit in Ecclesia, praesertim Africana, sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis memoria; in quarum die natali tres tractatus sanctum Augustinum habuisse testatur Possidius in Indiculo, qui in nova editione sunt Sermones CCLXXX, CCLXXXI et CCLXXXII. Aliquandiu haesi an hos sermones integros huc proferrem: at, quum in omnium fere manibus habeantur Augustini opera, visum est satis si, iis omissis, ea quae ad Acta peculiarius referuntur, in notulis ad textum adnotarem. Pluribus aliis in locis de iisdem martyribus earumque sociis agit idem sanctus Doctor. « Fortissimae Perpetuae et commartyrum » meminit Tertullianus lib. de Anima, cap. 55, ut jam diximus. Omnia martyrologia earum festum ad diem VII martii referunt, qua die hactenus apud nos celebratur. Memorantur praeterea earum nomina in canone Missae Romanae, in vetustissimo Sacramentario Gallicano, quod edidit noster Mabillonius. Item in canone Missae Sacramentarii Gregoriani, quamvis harum sanctarum festivitas inter alias ibi notatas non habeatur, quod fortassis ea tempore Quadragesimae contingat. Abest etiam a vetustissimo kalendario Mabilloniano Ecclesiae Africanae: sed, quum ex Augustino certum sit earum festivitatem ejus tempore celebratam fuisse, dicendum quod, si in eo Tuburbitanarum nomine non designentur, kalendarium istud integrum non sit, in quo revera februarii dies duodecim ac martius et aprilis menses integri desiderantur. Quod autem earum festivitas etiam primis temporibus Romae celebrata fuerit, patet ex missali Gelasii et ex antiquo martyrologio Bucheriano, ubi haec habentur: « Nonis martii Perpetuae et Felicitatis Africae. » Idem habent caetera martyrologia, cum vetera, tum recentiora. Celebrantur cum sociis in Menologio Graecorum Basilii imperatoris die II februarii. Harum reliquiae tempore Vandalicae persecutionis ex Africa Romam delatae dicuntur, quas postmodum exinde Rodulfus Biturigensium archiepiscopus accepit saeculo IX, easque in monasteriis Doverensi et Bellilocensi, ab ipso conditis, deposuit. Certe hodieque monachi Benedictini, qui, destructa Dovera, Virsionem migrarunt, se beatae Perpetuae reliquias habere gloriantur.

VIII. The memory of the saints Perpetua and Felicity has always been celebrated in the Church, especially the African Church; Possidius in his Indiculus bears witness that Saint Augustine delivered three discourses on their feast day, which in the new edition are Sermons 280, 281 and 282. For some while I hesitated whether to bring these sermons forward here in full; but, since the works of Augustine are in almost everyone's hands, it seemed enough, leaving them out, to note in brief notes on the text those things which relate more particularly to the Acts. In several other places the same holy Doctor treats of these same martyrs and their companions. Tertullian makes mention of "the most valiant Perpetua and her fellow martyrs" in the book On the Soul, chapter 55, as we have already said. All the martyrologies assign their feast to the 7th day of March, on which day it is celebrated among us to this day. Their names are moreover recorded in the canon of the Roman Mass, and in the most ancient Gallican Sacramentary, which our Mabillon edited. Likewise in the canon of the Mass of the Gregorian Sacramentary, although the feast of these saints is not found among the others noted there, perhaps because it falls in the season of Lent. It is also absent from the most ancient Mabillonian calendar of the African Church; but, since it is certain from Augustine that their feast was celebrated in his time, it must be said that, if they are not designated there under the name of the Tuburbitan [martyrs], that calendar is not complete, for in it twelve days of February and the whole months of March and April are in fact missing. That their feast was also celebrated at Rome in the earliest times is clear from the missal of Gelasius and from the ancient Bucherian martyrology, where these words are found: "On the Nones of March, Perpetua and Felicity, of Africa." The other martyrologies, both the old and the more recent, have the same. They are celebrated with their companions in the Menologion of the Greeks of the Emperor Basil on the 2nd day of February. Their relics are said to have been brought from Africa to Rome at the time of the Vandal persecution; Rodulf, archbishop of Bourges, afterwards received them from there in the 9th century and deposited them in the monasteries of Dèvres and Beaulieu, which he had founded. Certainly even today the Benedictine monks who, after Dèvres was destroyed, migrated to Vierzon boast that they possess relics of blessed Perpetua.

Sed jam ipsa Acta proferenda sunt: quae quantum ex nostris codicibus emendatiora prodeant, quisque, si ea cum editis conferre voluerit, facile animadvertet. Id certe spernendum non est, quod Saturnini nomen et martyrium eorum ope restituerimus. Hucusque Cl. RUINARTIUS

But now the Acts themselves must be brought forward: how much more correct they come forth from our manuscripts anyone will easily perceive, if he is willing to compare them with the printed editions. This certainly is not to be despised, that by their help we have restored the name and martyrdom of Saturninus. Thus far the distinguished Ruinart.

PASSIO SANCTARUM MARTYRUM PERPETUAE ET FELICITATIS.

The Passion of the Holy Martyrs Perpetua and Felicity.

(Acta sinc. Martyr. D. RUINART, p. 77 sqq. Acta SS. Bolland. Mart. III, 633. Galland. Bibl. Vett. PP. t. II, pag. XXIII-174).

(Dom Ruinart, Genuine Acts of the Martyrs, p. 77 ff.; Acta Sanctorum of the Bollandists, March, vol. III, 633; Gallandi, Library of the Old Fathers, vol. II, pp. XXIII-174).

PRAEFATIO.

Preface.

Si vetera fidei exempla, et Dei gratiam testificantia et aedificationem hominis operantia, propterea

If the ancient examples of faith, which both bear witness to the grace of God and work the edification of man, [have been set down in writing] for this reason

Editors' notes and page, col. 13

Footnotes

(5) ‹fuisse testatur› · call in col 13 (prolegomena set full width across cols 13–14)

Aug. Serm. 282.

Augustine, Sermon 282.

(printed under page 59)

(7) ‹PERPETUAE ET FELICITATIS› · call in the title, across cols 13–14 (the note is set in two columns, 13 then 14)

Passio SS. In ms. Casinensi nullus apparet titulus: ideoque hactenus curiosos scrutantium oculos elegantissimum hac sacrae antiquitatis monumentum subterfugisse existimo. Ego Augustini auctoritate Passionem inscripsi; ita enim ipse vocat locis supra relatis in Psal. XLVII, et Serm. 3, prout sine dubio tunc in fronte multorum exemplarium hujus Opusculi quae passim exstabant, legebatur et solebant illic similia scripta sic inscribi, ut intelligimus ex martyrio S. Cypriani a Pontio Diacono descripto, et aliis id genus. Si quis tamen Graeco nomine Martyrium appellare malit, habet (continues)

The Passion of Saints. In the Monte Cassino manuscript no title appears; and so, I think, this most elegant monument of sacred antiquity has until now escaped the eyes of curious searchers. On Augustine's authority I have entitled it Passion, for so he himself calls it in the places cited above, on Psalm XLVII and in Sermon 3, as no doubt was then read at the head of many copies of this little work that were current everywhere; and it was usual for like writings to be so entitled, as we understand from the martyrdom of St Cyprian written by Pontius the Deacon, and from others of the kind. If anyone, however, would rather call it by the Greek name Martyrium, he has (continues)

* ‹Variae lectiones› · call in the heading "Variae lectiones", col 14 Lectiones variae desumuntur ex edit. D. Ruinartii inter Acta sincera martyrum, pag. 77 et seqq. Annotationes vero tum ex eodem Ruinartio, tum ex posthumis Lucae Holstenii notis ex ejus Adversariis excerptis, tum demum ex brevioribus P. Possini e soc. Jesu ad easdem notas Paralipomenis. Edd.

The variant readings are taken from Dom Ruinart's edition, among the Genuine Acts of the Martyrs, pages 77 and following. The annotations come partly from the same Ruinart, partly from Lucas Holstenius's posthumous notes excerpted from his Adversaria, and lastly from the shorter Paralipomena to those notes by Father Possinus of the Society of Jesus. The Editors.

(printed under page 59)

Footnotes

(6) ‹anchor: agendum est› · call in col 14 (prolegomena set full width across cols 13–14)

Mabil., tom. I Mus. Ital.

Mabillon, Museum Italicum, volume I.

— Variae lectiones * —

— Variant readings * —

1 ‹PASSIO› · call in the title, across cols 13–14 Passionis nomen retinemus, quod his actis competere probat Holstenius. In cod. Salisburg. additur in civitate Turbitana. Sed in eo cod. deest praefatio, sicut et in Compendiensi.

We keep the name "Passion," which Holstenius shows to suit these Acts. In the Salzburg manuscript "in the city of Turbita" is added. But in that manuscript the preface is lacking, as also in the Compiègne one.

— Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 59)

Page

other: col 14 is the right-hand number of a full-width page, set whole under col 13 (corpus full_width rule); nothing of its own: pointer only

PL 3:15

in litteris sunt digesta, ut lectione eorum, quasi repensatione rerum, et Deus honoretur et homo confortetur; cur non et nova documenta aeque utrique causae convenientia et digerantur? vel quia et haec vetera futura quandoque sunt et necessaria posteris, si in praesenti suo tempore minori deputantur auctoritati propter praesumptam venerationem antiquitatis. Sed viderint qui unam virtutem Spiritus unius sancti, pro aetatibus judicent temporum; cum majora reputanda sint novitiora quaeque ut novissimiora, secundum exuberationem gratiae in ultima saeculi spatia decreta. In novissimis enim diebus, dicit Dominus, effundam de Spiritu meo super omnem carnem; et prophetabunt filii filiaeque eorum. Et super servos et ancillas meas de meo Spiritu effundam: et juvenes visiones videbunt, et senes somnia somniabunt (Joel., II, 18, 19; Act., II, 17, 18). Itaque et nos qui sicut prophetias, ita et visiones novas pariter repromissas et

have been set down in writing, so that by the reading of them, as by a re-presenting of the events, both God may be honoured and man strengthened, why should new examples, equally suited to both purposes, not also be set down? Or rather because these too will one day be old and necessary to posterity, even if in their own present time they are assigned a lesser authority on account of the veneration presumed for antiquity. But let those see to it who judge the one power of the one Holy Spirit according to the ages of time; since all the more recent things are to be reckoned the greater, as being the latest, in accordance with the overflowing of grace decreed for the final periods of the world. For in the last days, says the Lord, I will pour out of My Spirit upon all flesh; and their sons and daughters shall prophesy. And upon My servants and My handmaids I will pour out of My Spirit: and the young men shall see visions, and the old men shall dream dreams (Joel 2:28–29; Acts 2:17–18). And so we too, who just as prophecies, so also new visions, equally promised, and

Editors' notes and page, col. 15

Footnotes

— Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 60)

(7) (continued)

in hac ipsa narratione unde conjecturam suam fulcire possit. HOLSTENIUS.

(continued) in this very narrative something with which to support his conjecture. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 60)

(8) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 15

In litteris sunt digesta. Legerem libentius in litteras. Sic enim Pontius principio Libri de Passione S. Cypriani: Operibus ejus de meritis etiam haec praerogativa debetur, ut exemplum suum in litteras digeratur; ubi minus recte editum est, dirigatur. HOLST.

"Are set down in writing" [in litteris]. I would rather read "in litteras". For so Pontius at the beginning of his book on the Passion of St Cyprian: "To his works, from his merits, this privilege also is owed, that his example be set down in writing [in litteras digeratur]"; where it is less correctly printed "dirigatur". HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 60)

(9) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 15

Minori deputantur auctoritati. Sic Tertulliani lib. de Poenit., cap. 3: Id peccato deputandum, a quo Deus arcet. Et mox ibidem: Quae delicto deputanda sunt. Idem. lib. de velandis Virginibus: Sed nolo hunc morem veritati deputare. Et adversus dermogenem, cap. 11: Quae malo deputantur secundum mali statum computantur. Tum ibid., cap. 13: am nec bona ipsa Deo deputabuntur. Et cap. 25: Materia apud Hermogenem in originem et causam malorum deputatur. De Idololatria, c. 10: Necessitas ad excusationem deputatur. Denique libro I, ad Uxorem, cap. 4: Jam in terris de familia Angelica deputantur. HOLST.

"Are assigned to a lesser authority." So Tertullian, On Penance, chapter 3: "That is to be assigned to sin from which God holds us back." And soon after in the same place: "Things that are to be assigned to fault." The same, On the Veiling of Virgins: "But I will not assign this custom to the truth." And Against Hermogenes, chapter 11: "Things assigned to evil are reckoned according to the state of evil." Then in the same, chapter 13: "[Now] not even good things themselves will be assigned to God." And chapter 25: "Matter, in Hermogenes, is assigned as the origin and cause of evils." On Idolatry, chapter 10: "Necessity is assigned as an excuse." Lastly, book I To his Wife, chapter 4: "Already on earth they are assigned to the angelic household." HOLSTENIUS. [The print reads "dermogenem" for Hermogenem and "am" for Jam.]

(printed under page 60)

(10) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 15

Novitiora quaeque ut novissimiora. Tantum in his sibi licere Africani voluerunt. Sic apud Tertullianum extremiora et extremissimi non semel leges. Sic apud Apuleium, postremissimus, et novissimo extremius. Apud Arnobium, minimissimus. HOLST.

"All the newer things as the latest-most." So much licence did the Africans want for themselves in such forms. So in Tertullian you will read "extremiora" and "extremissimi" more than once. So in Apuleius "postremissimus" and "novissimo extremius". In Arnobius "minimissimus". HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 60)

(11) ‹visiones novas› · call in col 15

Prophetias ita et visiones novas. Testatur Irenaeus apud Eusebium lib. V, cap. 7, visiones et prophetias in Ecclesia suo tempore multis fuisse concessas: quod idem de suo docet Dionysius Alexandrinus apud eumdem Eusebium, cujus ex illustri loco, lib. V, cap. 3, ubi de Montano, constat viguisse primis Ecclesiae temporibus inter Christianos, praeter alia charismata, etiam prophetiam: ex quo usu videtur Montanus haeresiarcha fiduciam sumpsisse vocandi doctrinam suam, novam prophetiam. HOLST.

"Prophecies, so also new visions." Irenaeus testifies, in Eusebius book V, chapter 7, that visions and prophecies were granted to many in the Church in his time; and Dionysius of Alexandria teaches the same of his own time, in the same Eusebius. From a notable passage of Eusebius, book V, chapter 3, where he treats of Montanus, it is clear that in the first times of the Church, besides other charisms, prophecy too flourished among Christians; and from this usage the heresiarch Montanus seems to have taken the confidence to call his doctrine "the new prophecy". HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 60)

(12) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 16

Virtutes Spiritus sancti ad instrumentum Ecclesiae deputamus. Hic usus vocis. Instrumentum Africanae ac Tertullianeae consuetudinis est. Ita enim Tertullianus lib. de Fuga in persecutione, c. 2, Diaboli iniquitatem ad instrumentum persecutionis esse ait. Idem lib. de Poenit. cap. 6: Instrumentum Poenitentiae, metus. Lib. de Patientia, cap. 15: Instrumentum sustinendi, Patientia. Lib. II de Cultu feminarum, cap. 7: Instrumentum pudicitiae, gravitas. Lib. I ad Uxorem, cap. 8: Nobis continentia ad instrumentum aeternitatis demonstrata est a Domino. Lib. de Baptismo agens de aquae elemento: Quanta vis ejus aut gratia? quot ingenia, quot officia, quantum instrumentum mundo feret? Denique Apologetici cap. 17: Deus totum molem istam cum omni instrumento elementorum, corporum, spirituum de nihilo expressit. HOLST.

"We assign the powers of the Holy Spirit to the equipment of the Church." This use of the word instrumentum is of African and Tertullianic custom. So Tertullian, On Flight in Persecution, chapter 2, says the iniquity of the devil serves as the instrument of persecution. The same, On Penance, chapter 6: "The instrument of penance, fear." On Patience, chapter 15: "The instrument of endurance, patience." Book II On the Dress of Women, chapter 7: "The instrument of chastity, gravity." Book I To his Wife, chapter 8: "Continence has been shown us by the Lord as an instrument of eternity." In On Baptism, treating of the element of water: "How great is its power or grace? How many skills, how many services, how great an equipment will it bring the world?" Finally Apology chapter 17: "God brought forth out of nothing this whole mass with all its equipment of elements, bodies and spirits." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 60)

Page

running head: 15 PASSIO SS. MART (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A in litteris 15 sunt digesta; B bunt, et senes somnia somniabunt; C dermogenem, cap. 11 (in the Variorum notae); D lib. v, cap. 3, ubi de Montano (in the Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 15 after litteris
misprints kept as printed: ‹Joel., II, 18, 19› for 28, 29 (the English gives Joel 2:28–29). Q5a 2026-10-24.
Q5a UNSURE, left as set: in note (10) the print may read "Apulcium" (for Apuleium).

PL 3:16

agnoscimus et honoramus, caeterasque virtutes Spiritus sancti ad instrumentum Ecclesiae deputamus, cui et missus est idem omnia donativa administrans in omnibus, prout unicuique distribuit Dominus, necessario et digerimus, et ad gloriam Dei lectione celebramus; ut ne qua aut imbecillitas aut desperatio fidei apud veteres tantum aestimet gratiam divinitatis conversatam, sive martyrum, sive in revelationum dignatione: cum semper Deus operetur quae repromisit, non credentibus in testimonium, credentibus in beneficium. Et nos itaque, quod audivimus et contrectavimus annuntiamus et vobis, fratres et filioli, ut et vos qui interfuistis, rememoremini gloriae Domini, et, qui nunc cognoscitis per auditum, communionem habeatis cum sanctis martyribus, et per illos cum Domino Jesu Christo, cui est claritas et honor in saecula saeculorum. Amen.

we acknowledge and honour, and the other powers of the Holy Spirit we assign to the equipment of the Church, to which the same Spirit was also sent, administering all gifts among all, according as the Lord has distributed to each one, these we necessarily both set in order and celebrate by reading to the glory of God; so that no weakness or despair of faith may suppose that the grace of the Godhead dwelt among the ancients only, whether in the favour granted to martyrs or in that of revelations: since God always works what He has promised, for a testimony to unbelievers, for a benefit to believers. And so we too declare to you also what we have heard and handled, brothers and little children, so that you too who were present may call to mind the glory of the Lord, and you who now come to know it through hearing may have communion with the holy martyrs, and through them with the Lord Jesus Christ, to Whom is splendour and honour for ages of ages. Amen.

Editors' notes and page, col. 16

Footnotes

(13) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 16

Omnia donativa administrans in omnibus, etc. Locus expressus ex Paulo I Cor. XII 4, ubi de Charismatis disserit, quae noster hic Donativa vertit, hac quoque in re Tertullianum referens. Is enim lib. V, adversus Marcionem, cap.: Deus dedit filiis hominum, id est donativa, quae Charismata dicimus. Et lib. I ad uxorem, cap.: Extendamur in priora, meliorum donativorum sectatores simus. Ita enim praestantissima illa editio Nicolai Rigaltii legit. Sic lib. de Resurrect. carnis vertit illud ad Rom. VI, 3: Stipendia delinquentiae, mors, donativum autem Dei, vita aeterna; quod ab imperatorum liberalitate et re militari deductum nemo est qui ignoret. HOLST.

"Administering all gifts [donativa] in all," etc. The passage is drawn from Paul, 1 Corinthians 12:4, where he discusses the charisms, which our author here renders "donativa", in this too following Tertullian. For he, in book V Against Marcion, chapter [number blank in print], says: "God gave to the sons of men, that is, donatives, which we call charisms." And in book I To his Wife, chapter [blank]: "Let us stretch forward to what lies before; let us be pursuers of the better donatives." For so that most excellent edition of Nicolas Rigault reads. So in On the Resurrection of the Flesh he renders the verse of Romans 6:3 [sic]: "The wages of transgression, death; but the donative of God, eternal life"; a term taken from the largesse of emperors and military life, as no one is unaware. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 60)

(14) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 16

Sive martyrum, sive in revelationum dignatione. Frequentissima apud Tertullianum et Cyprianum, aliosque ejus aevi Africanos scriptores. Dignationis vox pro gratia, quam Deus conferre aut praestare dignatur. Pontius in Vita S. Cypriani: Finge enim tunc illum martyrii dignatione translatum. Ibidem post visionem S. Cypriano in exilio ostensam, subjungit: Quid hac revelatione manifestius? quid hac dignatione felicius? Et infra: Sed crastinus dies ille quem ante annum dignatio divina praedixerat. Ita Cyprianus ipse non semel lib. IV, Epistolis VII, XXV et XXXIV. Item libro de Mortalitate, ubi sic legitur: Non est in tua potestate, sed in Dei dignatione martyrium. Et serm. V, de Lapsis: Corona de Dei dignatione descendit. Idem alibi Tertullianus de Patientia, cap. 11: Gratulari et gaudere nos decet dignatione divinae castigationis. Et de Cultu feminarum, cap. 2: Nam et vobis.... eamdem judicandi dignationem pollicetur. De Baptismo, cap. 18: Si Philippus tam facile tinxit ennuchum, recogitemus manifestam et exsertam dignationem Domini intercessisse. Et mox: Dei dignatio suas praemittit praerogativas. Ita eodem lib. cap. 3; Praescriptionum adv. Haer. cap. 34; De Patientia cap. 4; Lib. adv. Judaeos., cap. I, etc. HOLST.

"Whether of martyrs or in the favour of revelations." Very frequent in Tertullian and Cyprian and other African writers of that age is the word dignatio for the grace which God deigns to confer or bestow. Pontius in the Life of St Cyprian: "Suppose him then translated by the favour of martyrdom." In the same place, after the vision shown to St Cyprian in exile, he adds: "What is plainer than this revelation? What happier than this favour?" And below: "But that morrow which a year before the divine favour had foretold." So Cyprian himself more than once, book IV, Letters VII, XXV and XXXIV. Likewise in On Mortality, where we read: "Martyrdom is not in your power, but in God's favour." And sermon V, On the Lapsed: "The crown comes down from God's favour." Likewise elsewhere Tertullian, On Patience, chapter 11: "It befits us to give thanks and rejoice at the favour of divine chastisement." And On the Dress of Women, chapter 2: "For to you also ... he promises the same favour of judging." On Baptism, chapter 18: "If Philip so readily dipped the eunuch, let us remember that a manifest and open favour of the Lord intervened." And soon after: "God's favour sends ahead its own prerogatives." So in the same book, chapter 3; On the Prescription of Heretics, chapter 34; On Patience, chapter 4; Against the Jews, chapter 1, etc. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 60)

(15) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 16

Non credentibus in testimonium, credentibus in beneficium, etc. Sic Tertullianus de Anima, cap. 51: Ubique Deus potestatis suae signa proponit; suis in solatium, extraneis in testimonium. HOLST.

"For unbelievers as a testimony, for believers as a benefit," etc. So Tertullian, On the Soul, chapter 51: "Everywhere God sets forth signs of His power: for His own as a comfort, for outsiders as a testimony." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 60)

Page

running head: [...]IO SS. MARTYRUM 16 (cut off at the left edge of the image; presumably PASSIO SS. MARTYRUM)
marginal letters: A ‹agnoscimus et honoramus›; B ‹tum, communionem habeatis›; C ‹Et lib. I ad uxorem› (in the Variorum notae); D ‹ubi sic legitur› (in the Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 16 after ‹Dominus,›
note (12), called here (‹deputamus›), is set in n15 under the column where it is printed. Q5a 2026-10-24.

PL 3:17

INCIPIT PASSIO.

Here begins the Passion.

CAPUT PRIMUM.

CHAPTER I.

ARGUMENTUM. — Apprehensis sanctis, S. Perpetua patrem vincit, cum aliis baptizatur, detruditur in tetrum carcerem; sollicita de infante, ex visione sibi facta, scalae in coelum erectae, et ascensus S. Saturi et sui, et buccellae oblatae, intelligit martyrium propediem futurum.

SUMMARY. — The saints having been arrested, St Perpetua overcomes her father, is baptized with the others, and is thrust into a foul prison; anxious about her infant, from a vision granted to her, of a ladder set up to heaven, and of the ascent of St Saturus and of herself, and of a morsel offered to her, she understands that martyrdom will come very soon.

I. Apprehensi sunt adolescentes catechumini. Revocatus et Felicitas conserva ejus, Saturninus et Secundulus. Inter quos et Vivia Perpetua,

I. There were arrested young catechumens, Revocatus and Felicitas his fellow slave, Saturninus and Secundulus. Among them also Vivia Perpetua,

Editors' notes and page, col. 17

Footnotes

² · call in col 17 (Variae lectiones) In edit. deest Saturninus.

In the editions Saturninus is missing.

³ · call in col 17 (Variae lectiones) Hunc locum ex nostris c‹the rest of this line lies beyond the edge of the foot images› Ubia Perpetua, honesta, liberaliter educata, matrona licet nupta. Holsten.

This passage from our c[…]: "Ubia Perpetua, honourable, liberally brought up, a matron though married." Holstenius.

(16) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 17

Adolescentes catechumini. Sic in vetustis membranis Casinensibus scriptum reperi: atque ita in Mombritii Sanctuario passim editum legitur. Neque aliter fortassis eo saeculo proferebant hujusmodi voces. Sic apud Optatum Milevitanum Filuminus legitur. Caeterum apposite ad rem nostram Pontius Carthaginiensis diaconus in Vita S. Cypriani: Majores nostri plebetis et catechuminis martyrium consecutis, tantum honoris pro martyrii ipsius veneratione dederunt, ut de passionibus eorum, multa, aut prope dixerim pene cuncta conscripserint, ut ad nostram quoque notitiam, qui nondum nati fuimus, pervenirent. Quo loco plebeii accipiendi sunt laici, nullum in clero ordinem adepti. Sic enim paulo inferius idem Pontius: Multa sunt quae adhuc plebeius, multa quae jam presbyter fecit. Videtur autem Pontius haec ipsa, aliaque his similia Acta innuere. Id saltem liquet, Ecclesiam Africanam sedulo in hoc operam dedisse, ut gloriosa sanctorum martyrum facta ad posteritatis memoriam transirent. Porro non ad extenuandam, sed ad augendam martyrum nostrorum gloriam facit, quod fidei christianae rudimenta vixdum edocti, et religionis nostrae tirones, tam strenue concertasse memorantur. Ita Lugdunensis Ecclesia apud Eusebium, lib. V, cap. 1, summopere laudat Maturum νεοφώτιστον μὲν, ἀλλὰ γενναῖον ἀγωνιστήν. Et lib. VI, cap. 4, ab eodem Eusebio commemorantur martyres ex Origenis ludo Heraclides et Heron, ὁ μὲν πρότερος ἔτι κατηχούμενος, ὁ δὲ νεοφώτιστος, alter adhuc catechumenus, alter recens baptizatus. Quibus et Rhais catechumena ibidem accensetur, quam Origenes dicebat baptismum ignis consecutam esse. Sed egregie de catechumenorum martyrio loquuntur Constitutiones Apostolorum, lib. V, cap. 5: Ὁ δὲ ἀξιωθεὶς μαρτυρίου χαιρέτω τὴν ἐν Κυρίῳ χαρὰν, κἂν κατηχούμενος ᾖ, ἄλυπος ἀπίτω· τὸ γὰρ πάθος, τὸ ὑπὲρ Χριστοῦ, ἔσται αὐτῷ γνησιώτερον βάπτισμα, ὅτι αὐτὸς μὲν πείρᾳ ἀποθνήσκει τῷ Κυρίῳ, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ τύπῳ [last word blurred in the scan; reading uncertain]. Hoc est: Qui autem dignatus martyrio est, gaudeat in Domino, et quamvis catechumenus sit, securus abeat; passio enim pro Christo tolerata, erit et verius baptisma: quoniam ipse quidem re ipsa moritur Domino, caeteri autem in figura. HOLST.

"Young catechumens." So I found it written in the old Monte Cassino parchments, and so it is read printed throughout Mombritius's Sanctuarium; and perhaps in that age they pronounced such words no otherwise. So in Optatus of Milevis "Filuminus" is read. Moreover Pontius, deacon of Carthage, speaks aptly to our point in the Life of St Cyprian: "Our forebears gave such honour, out of veneration for martyrdom itself, to lay folk and catechumens who attained martyrdom, that they wrote down many things, or I might almost say nearly everything, about their passions, so that these should reach even our knowledge, who were not yet born." In that place "plebeii" are to be understood as lay people, who had obtained no order in the clergy. For so a little lower the same Pontius: "Many are the things he did while still a layman, many those he did when already a presbyter." Pontius seems to be alluding to these very Acts and others like them. This at least is clear, that the African Church took diligent care that the glorious deeds of the holy martyrs should pass into the memory of posterity. Moreover it serves not to lessen but to increase the glory of our martyrs that, barely taught the rudiments of the Christian faith and recruits in our religion, they are recorded to have contended so vigorously. So the Church of Lyons, in Eusebius book V, chapter 1, highly praises Maturus, "newly enlightened indeed, but a noble contestant". And in book VI, chapter 4, the same Eusebius records the martyrs from Origen's school, Heraclides and Heron, "the former still a catechumen, the latter newly enlightened", one still a catechumen, the other recently baptized. With them is also counted there Rhais, a catechumen, whom Origen said had obtained the baptism of fire. But the Apostolic Constitutions, book V, chapter 5, speak admirably of the martyrdom of catechumens: "Let him who is counted worthy of martyrdom rejoice with joy in the Lord; and even if he is a catechumen, let him depart without grief; for the suffering for Christ will be to him a more genuine baptism, since he himself dies to the Lord in very deed, the rest in figure." That is: "He who has been counted worthy of martyrdom, let him rejoice in the Lord, and though he be a catechumen, let him depart free from care; for the passion endured for Christ will be even a truer baptism: since he himself dies to the Lord in very deed, the rest in figure." HOLSTENIUS.

(16*) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 18 (lemma "matronaliter nupta" stands in col. 18; the note is printed under this column) Matronaliter nupta. Circumstantia matrimonii, praesertim in muliere, augere videtur meritum et pretium martyrii, propter impedimenta quae hic status peculiaria objicit in tali discrimine. Quare Tertullianus, lib. I ad Uxorem, ait tempore persecutionum onera matrimonii esse plurimum importuna et fidei periculosa; cur enim Dominus de praegnantibus et nutricantibus cecinit, nisi quia filiorum impedimenta, etc., significans, sive in utero, sive in ulnis mulieres prolem habeant, multum ejus charitate retardari a necessaria tali tempore alacritate offerendi se ad mortem. Quare quod hae duae sanctae mulieres. Perpetua et Felicitas, altera in alvo, altera in uberibus filios haberent, magis heroicam utriusque fortitudinem arguit: quae forte causa fuerit ut cum eadem occasione Revocatus, Secundulus, etc., martyrium consummarint; Ecclesia tamen solarum Perpetuae ac Felicitatis memoriam peculiari honore prosecuta sit. Sed ut ad Tertullianum revertamur, pergit is ibidem obstaculorum respectu, quae mulieribus matrimonium in occasione martyrii objicit, uxorem dehortari a secundis nuptiis post suum excessum: eo quod, ut ait: Viduae ad quamcunque pressuram persecutionemque perferendam magis expeditae sint; nulla in utero, nulla in uberibus aestuante sarcina nuptiarum. Quare quae, tot retinaculis abruptis, liberae et expeditae per calcatam patris, viri, prolis charitatem, ad crucis tropaeum cucurrerunt, haud paulo laudabilius heroicae fortitudinis exemplum praebuisse visae sunt. Quaeri hic potest, cur viri Perpetuae mentio in his Actis nulla sit? an quod is Christianus erat, ut ex paulo inferius scriptis ab ipsa Perpetua recte videtur colligi? an quod muliere gravioris criminis comperta, dissolutum tunc matrimonium censebatur? ut innui videtur lege 5 ff. De bonis damnatorum. HOLST.

"Married as a matron." The circumstance of marriage, especially in a woman, seems to increase the merit and worth of martyrdom, because of the particular hindrances this state puts in the way in such a crisis. So Tertullian, book I To his Wife, says that in time of persecution the burdens of marriage are most troublesome and dangerous to faith: "for why did the Lord speak of those with child and those giving suck, except because of the hindrances of children," etc.; meaning that whether women carry offspring in the womb or in their arms, they are much held back by love for it from the eagerness to offer themselves to death that such a time requires. So the fact that these two holy women, Perpetua and Felicity, had children, the one in the womb, the other at the breast, shows the fortitude of each to be the more heroic; and this perhaps is why, though Revocatus, Secundulus and others completed their martyrdom on the same occasion, the Church has honoured the memory of Perpetua and Felicity alone with particular honour. But to return to Tertullian: in the same place, with regard to the obstacles which marriage puts before women when martyrdom offers, he goes on to dissuade his wife from a second marriage after his death, because, as he says, "widows are readier to endure any pressure and persecution, with no burden of marriage seething in the womb or at the breast." Hence those who, having broken so many restraints, ran free and unencumbered to the trophy of the cross, trampling on love of father, husband and child, are seen to have given a far more praiseworthy example of heroic fortitude. Here it may be asked why there is no mention of Perpetua's husband in these Acts. Is it because he was a Christian, as seems rightly gathered from what Perpetua herself writes a little below? Or because, when a woman was convicted of a graver crime, the marriage was then held dissolved, as seems hinted in law 5 of the Digest title On the goods of the condemned? HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 61)

Page

running head: PERPETUÆ ET FEL (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A CAPUT PRIMUM.; B (16) Adolescentes catechumini. Sic in vetustis; C rum facta ad posteritatis memoriam transirent.; D αὐτῷ. Hoc est : Qui autem dignatus martyrio est,
old-edition numerals: 17 after Revocatus
other: full-width title "INCIPIT PAS[SIO...]" printed across both columns above the text, cut off at the edge; set once, full width, at the head of col. 17 (Q3 2026-10-24: earlier "not set" wording updated); editors' matter set: Argumentum ‹Apprehensis sanctis, S. Perpetua›; Per- is split at the column break (Perpetua continues in col. 18); footnote call (16) and variant calls ² ³ not set in the text. Q3 2026-10-24: Variae lectiones ² and ³ (called in this column) added above; the middle of ³'s first line is not visible in the lean images. Q3 UNSURE, left as set: in note (16) the Latin paraphrase may print "gaudent" (misprint for gaudeat), and "κἂν" may be printed otherwise; in the Argumentum "coelum" is italic and æ/œ is not certain at this resolution.
running head: 17 PERPETUÆ ET FELICITATIS. 18
marginal letters: A ‹petua, honeste nata› (right column, text); B ‹duæ sanctæ mulieres› (footnotes); C ‹tio in his Actis› (footnotes); D ‹luisse mutationem› (footnotes)
old-edition numerals: 17 after ‹Revocatus›

PL 3:18

honeste nata, liberaliter instituta, matronaliter nupta, habens patrem et matrem et fratres duos, alterum aeque catechuminum, et filium infantem ad ubera. Erat autem ipsa annorum circiter viginti duorum. Haec ordinem totum martyrii sui jam hinc ipsa narrabit, sicut conscriptum manu sua et suo sensu reliquit.

of honourable birth, liberally educated, married as a matron, having a father and mother and two brothers, the one likewise a catechumen, and an infant son at the breast. She herself was about twenty-two years of age. From here on she will herself narrate the whole course of her martyrdom, just as she left it written down by her own hand and according to her own understanding.

I. « Cum adhuc, inquit, cum persecutoribus essemus, et me pater avertere et dejicere pro

I. "When we were still," she says, "with the persecutors, and my father persisted in trying to turn me away and to throw me down out of

Editors' notes and page, col. 18

Footnotes

— Variae lectiones (only the last line of this series falls inside the foot image; any earlier entries on this page are above the crop and are NOT set here) —

— Variant readings (only the final line is visible in the foot image) —

[…] (continued from above the crop) Ubia Perpetua, honesta, liberaliter educata, matrona licet nupta.

… Ubia [for Vibia] Perpetua, honourable, liberally brought up, a matron though married. ["Ubia" as printed.]

4 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 18 Holst. essem.

Holstenius: essem.

5 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 18 Evertere cupiret Holsten.

evertere cupiret ["cupiret" as printed]. Holstenius.

— Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 61)

(17) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 18

Infantem ad ubera. Infans ad ubera eadem ratione dicitur, ut servus ad limina, puer ad manum, ad pedes, etc. Ii Latinis Sububeres vocantur. Glossae Isidori: Sububeres, infantes qui adhuc sunt sub ubere, Graecis ὑποτίτθια [form blurred in the scan; reading uncertain]: ut LXX Ose, c. XIV, 1; quae Joeli, cap. XI, 16, νήπια θηλάζοντα μαστοὺς, parvuli sugentes ubera. Aliis ὑπομάζια, vel ὑπομάστια, et ἐπιμάζια vocantur. Ita equas ὑποπώλους vocabant Graeci, αἷς πῶλους ὑπῆσαν quibus pulli suberant, ut ait Homerus Ιλ. λ. HOLST.

"An infant at the breast." "Infant at the breast" is said on the same pattern as "slave at the threshold", "boy at hand", "at the feet", etc. In Latin these are called sububeres. The Glosses of Isidore: "Sububeres, infants still at the breast," in Greek hypotitthia: as in the Septuagint, Hosea chapter 14:1; and in Joel chapter 11 [sic; read 2]:16, "infants sucking the breasts", little ones sucking the breasts. Others call them hypomazia or hypomastia, and epimazia. So the Greeks called mares hypopolous, "under which foals were", as Homer says, Iliad book 11. HOLSTENIUS. [The print reads "πῶλους" for πῶλοι.]

(17*) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 18 Cum adhuc cum persecutoribus essemus, etc. Quomodo non erat cum persecutoribus haec scribens S. Perpetua, quae tum maxime ab iis custodiebatur in carcere? An dicemus significare voluisse mutationem quae in ipsa contigit, quam paulo post exprimit his verbis: Recipimur in carcerem, et expavi, quia nunquam experta eram tales tenebras. O diem asperum! aestus validus turbarum beneficio, concussurae militum, etc.? Sed talem angorem aliquandiu pro naturae debilitate passa, deinde affluxu gratiae uberioris, statim (inquit ipsa) convalui, et relevata sum a labore, et factus est mihi carcer subito praetorium, ut ibi esse mallem quam alicubi, etc. Quo videri potest pertinere Tertulliani locus ex libro ad martyres: ubi conversationem saeculi et carceris comparans, inter caetera multa hujus commoda, etiam haec ponit: Vacas a scandalis et tentationibus, a recordationibus malis, jam et a persecutione. Hoc praestat carcer christiano, quod eremus prophetis. Auferamus carceris nomen; secessum vocemus. HOLST.

"While we were still with the persecutors," etc. How was St Perpetua not with the persecutors when she wrote this, she who was then most closely guarded by them in prison? Shall we say she meant to signify the change that took place in herself, which she expresses a little later in these words: "We were taken into prison, and I was terrified, for I had never known such darkness. O bitter day! fierce heat from the crowding, extortion by the soldiers," etc.? But having suffered such anguish for a while through the weakness of nature, then by an inflow of richer grace, "at once," she says, "I recovered, and was relieved of my distress, and the prison suddenly became a palace to me, so that I would rather be there than anywhere," etc. To this the passage of Tertullian from the book To the Martyrs may seem to belong, where, comparing life in the world and in prison, among many advantages of the latter he sets down these too: "You are free from stumbling-blocks and temptations, from evil memories, now even from persecution. The prison does for the Christian what the desert did for the prophets. Let us take away the name of prison; let us call it a retreat." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 61)

Page

running head: [PERPE]TUÆ ET FELICITATIS. (left part cut off at the image edge; column number 18)
marginal letters: A ‹petua, honeste nata›; B ‹duae sanctae mulieres› (in the Variorum notae); C ‹tio in his Actis nulla sit› (in the Variorum notae); D ‹diebatur in carcere› (in the Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 18 after ‹reliquit.› (bold, at the head of the paragraph "I. « Cum adhuc")
running head: 17 PERPETUÆ ET FELICITATIS. 18
marginal letters: A ‹petua, honeste nata›; B, C, D stand beside the footnotes only
old-edition numerals: 18 before ‹I. « Cum adhuc›
Q5a 2026-10-24: the Variae lectiones are set across the full page width; the line "Ubia Perpetua … nupta. ⁴ Holst. essem. ⁵ Evertere cupiret" is followed by a line holding only "Holsten.", which ends variant 5 (moved there from the end of variant 3). Note (16*), called here (‹matronaliter nupta›), is set in n17. Q5a UNSURE, left as set: ὑποτίτθια in note (17) may be printed "ὑποτέσθια".

PL 3:19

sua affectione perseveraret : « Pater, inquio, vides, verbi gratia, vas hoc jacens, urceolum, sive aliud ? » Et dixit : « Video. » Et ego dixi ei : « Numquid alio nomine vocari potest quam quod est ? » Et ait : « Non. » « Sic et ego aliud me dicere non possum, nisi quod sum christiana. » Tunc pater motus in hoc verbo, mlsit se in me ut oculos

his affection: "Father," I said, "do you see, for example, this vessel lying here, a little pitcher, or whatever else it is?" And he said: "I see it." And I said to him: "Can it be called by any other name than what it is?" And he said: "No." "So I too cannot call myself anything other than what I am, a Christian." Then my father, stirred by this word, threw himself upon me as if to tear my eyes

Editors' notes and page, col. 19

Footnotes

[The foot image begins with note (18); anything printed above it on this page (author's text, variant readings) is outside the crop and not set here.] — Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 62)

(18) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 19

Et dejicere pro sua affectione perseveraret, etc. Dejiciendi vox a pugilibus et palaestra translata, frequentissima est apud scriptores christianos in sensu tentandi et pervertendi. Ut Tertullianum omittam, unum apponam exemplum e Cassiano De spiritu vanae gloriae, cap. 7: Quem non poterit per honorem dejicere, humilitate supplantat. HOLST.

"And persisted, out of his affection, in trying to throw me down," etc. The word dejicere, borrowed from boxers and the wrestling-ground, is very frequent among Christian writers in the sense of tempting and perverting. To pass over Tertullian, I will set down one example from Cassian, On the Spirit of Vainglory, chapter 7: "Whom he cannot throw down through honour, he trips up by humility." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 62)

(19) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 19

Sic et ego aliud me dicere non possum, nisi quod sum christiana. Proborum est enim ac veracium, ut est in graeco Senario, τὰ σῦκα σῦκα, τὴν σκαφὴν σκαφὴν λέγειν. Merito queritur Tertullianus in Apologetico de gentilibus, quod christianos, id quod erant confitentes, torquerent, cum negantes id quod sunt, torqueri legibus soleant. Quo alludere videtur Eusebius, lib. V, cap. 1, his verbis: Ἀλλ' οἱ μὲν ὁμολογοῦντες ὅπερ ἦσαν, συνεκλείοντο, ὡς χριστιανοί. Atque hi quidem confitentes quod erant, in carcerem conjiciebantur, tanquam christiani. HOLST.

"So I too cannot call myself anything other than what I am, a Christian." For it belongs to honest and truthful men, as the Greek senarius has it, "to call figs figs and a spade a spade." Tertullian rightly complains in the Apology of the pagans that they tortured Christians for confessing what they were, whereas the laws usually torture those who deny what they are. Eusebius seems to allude to this, book V, chapter 1, in these words: "But those who confessed what they were were shut up as Christians." And these, confessing what they were, were thrown into prison as Christians. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 62)

(20) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 20

Sed vexavit tantum. Vexandi verbum hoc loco usurpatur in sensu leniori, pro impulsu violento citra laesionem gravem, cum tamen alias plerumque, ut observat Asconius Pedianus ad II Verrinam, ingentis calamitatis usum significet; quod etiam Virgilii auctoritate confirmat, qui Scyllam scripsit, Dulichias vexasse rates: tamen, quod ad hunc nostrum locum proprie facit, vexandi verbum, ut ait Gellius, lib. I, cap. 6, leve est ac parvi incommodi, nec tantae atrocitati congruit, quanta homines repente a bellua immanissima raptantur et laniantur. Quare poetam illic proprie ac signate locutum contendit, de jactatione navium citra naufragium. Nam qui fertur et raptatur, ait, atque huc atque illuc distrahitur, is vexari proprie dicitur. Atque ita hoc loco S. Perpetuam ab irato patre pugnis calcibusque contusam raptatamque intelligo. Tertullianus vulnera quoque ad vexationem refert, dum lib. de patientia, cap. 3, Malchum, ait, a Petro vexatum; quem utique gladio vulneraverat. Et ad Scapulam, cap. ult., Christianum nomen vexari dixit, cum gravissima persecutione premeretur. HOLST.

"But he only roughed me up." The verb vexare is used here in a milder sense, for a violent shove short of serious injury, although elsewhere, as Asconius Pedianus observes on the second Verrine, it usually signifies the use of great calamity; which he confirms on the authority of Virgil too, who wrote that Scylla "harried the Dulichian ships". Yet, what bears properly on our passage, the word vexare, as Gellius says, book I, chapter 6, is light and of small hurt, and does not suit such an atrocity as men being suddenly snatched and torn by a monstrous beast. So he contends that the poet there spoke properly and pointedly, of the tossing of ships short of shipwreck. "For one who is carried and dragged," he says, "and pulled this way and that, is properly said vexari." And so in this place I understand St Perpetua to have been battered with fists and heels and dragged about by her angry father. Tertullian also refers wounds to vexatio, when in On Patience, chapter 3, he says Malchus was "vexed" by Peter, whom of course he had wounded with a sword. And in To Scapula, last chapter, he said the Christian name was "vexed" when it was oppressed by a most grievous persecution. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 62)

(21) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 20

Est victus cum argumentis diaboli. Sic Antonius in Vita S. Simeonis Stylitae, cap. 6: Cum signum crucis fecisset (antequam in currum a daemone sibi oblatum pedem inferret), continuo diabolus nusquam comparuit, cum argumento suo evanuit, etc. Et Anastasius Bibliothecarius in Benedicto III: Carnem vicit ac mundi principem, et omnia ejus argumenta nequissima. HOLST.

"He was defeated together with the devil's devices." So Antony, in the Life of St Simeon Stylites, chapter 6: "When he had made the sign of the cross" (before setting foot in the chariot offered him by the demon), "at once the devil appeared nowhere; he vanished with his device," etc. And Anastasius the Librarian, on Benedict III: "He conquered the flesh and the prince of the world, and all his most wicked devices." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 62)

(22) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 20

Quod caruissem patre, Domino gratias egi, etc. Pontius in Vita S. Cypriani: Nobis patria, minus cara et commune nomen est, qui parentes ipsos, si contra Dominum suaserint, abhorremus. HOLST.

"That I was rid of my father, I gave thanks to the Lord," etc. Pontius in the Life of St Cyprian: "To us fatherland is a less dear and common name, for we shrink even from our parents themselves if they urge us against the Lord." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 62)

(23) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 20

Et refrigeravit absentia illius. Explicat quod Graece diceretur ἀνέπαυσεν, vel διανέπαυσεν, hoc est, requiem dedit, juvit, consolationem attulit. Quod legitur apud Eusebium, Histor. Eccles., lib. VIII, cap. 10. HOLST.

"And his absence refreshed me." It renders what in Greek would be said anepausen or dianepausen, that is, gave rest, helped, brought consolation; which is read in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, book VIII, chapter 10. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 62)

(24) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 20

Et mihi spiritus dictavit non aliud petendum ab aqua, nisi sufferentiam carnis. Sanctus nimirum Spiritus baptizatos incitat ad petendam martyrii gratiam. Dictus ideo a Tertulliano, lib. De fuga in persecut, in fine: Paracletus exhortator tolerantiarum. Porro in hujus loci sententiam egregie Cyprianus, Epist. ad martyres designatos: Nec quidquam nunc versatur in cordibus et mentibus vestris, nisi divina praecepta et mandata coelestia, quibus vos ad tolerantiam passionis Spiritus sanctus semper animavit. Quod dicit ab aqua, intelligit post perceptum baptisma, sive post aquae salutaris lavacrum. Ita non semel Tertullianus, lib. de Poenit.: Si ab aquis peccare desistimus. Et l. de Bapt.: Ergo et nos, dicet aliquis, a lavacro potius jejunare oportet. Mox: Deinde Dominus post aquam segregatus in desertum. Sic lib. I ad Uxorem: Quot enim sunt qui statim a lavacro carnem suam obsignant? Et de Exhort. Castit.: Secunda virginitas a secunda nativitate, id est a lavacro. Idem quoque Tertullianus baptisma simplici aquae nomine saepius appellat, ut principio libri De baptismo: Felix Sacramentum, aquae nostrae. Sed in ipsis quoque Scripturis SS. quotiescunque aqua sola nominatur, baptisma praedicari, prolixe docet S. Cyprianus, epist. LXIII. Caeterum hoc plane insigni S. Perpetuae exemplo, mirum in modum confirmatur virtus baptismi contra novos sectarios. Per ultima illa verba, nisi sufferentiam carnis, significat S. Perpetua edoctam se a Spiritu quem in baptismo accepit, intellexisse quam necessaria foret, non solum animi, sed etiam corporis patientia. Qua de re praeclare Tertullianus, lib. De patientia, cap. 13, ubi cum eatenus egisset de patientia, tantum in animo constituta, addit: eamdem etiam in corpore demerendo Domino multipliciter allaborare, utpote quae ab ipso Domino in corporis quoque virtute edita sit. Siquidem, addit, rector animus facile communicat spiritus invecta cum habitaculo suo. Et paulo post: Quod de virtute animi venit, in carne perficitur. Carnis patientia in persecutionibus denique praeliatur. Si fuga urgeat, incommoda fuga caro militat: si et carcer premat, caro in vinculis, caro in ligno, caro in solo, et in illa paupertate lucis, et in illa penuria mundi: cum vero producitur ad experimentum felicitatis, ad occasionem secundae intinctionis, ad ipsum divinae sedis ascensum, nulla plus illic quam patientia corporis. Si spiritus promptus, et caro sine patientia infirma; ubi salus spiritus, et carnis ipsius? At cum hoc Dominus de carne dicit, infirmam pronuntians, quid ei firmandae opus sit ostendit: patientia scilicet, adversus omnem subvertendae fidei vel puniendae paraturam; ut verbera, ut ignem, ut crucem, bestias, gladium constantissime toleret. Sola enim patientia, ut inferius, cap. 15, subjungit, martyria consummat. Magistrum sequitur Cyprianus, qui eodem sensu verbis diversis: Non alia magis quam patientiae solatia iis subvenire, ait, quibus in persecutionem certamine patrimonia relinquenda sunt, subeundus carcer, portandae catenae, animae impendendae, gladius, bestiae, ignes, cruces, omnia denique (continues)

"And the Spirit told me to ask nothing else of the water but endurance of the flesh." The Holy Spirit, that is, rouses the baptized to ask for the grace of martyrdom. Hence Tertullian, On Flight in Persecution, at the end, calls Him "the Paraclete, the exhorter to endurance." Cyprian, moreover, speaks excellently to the sense of this passage in his Letter to the martyrs designate: "Nothing now moves in your hearts and minds but the divine precepts and heavenly commands, by which the Holy Spirit has always animated you to endure suffering." By "of the water" she means after receiving baptism, or after the bath of saving water. So more than once Tertullian, On Penance: "If from the waters we cease to sin." And On Baptism: "So, someone will say, we too ought rather to fast after the bath." Soon after: "Then the Lord, after the water, was set apart in the desert." So in book I To his Wife: "For how many there are who straight from the bath seal their flesh!" And On the Exhortation to Chastity: "A second virginity from the second birth, that is, from the bath." The same Tertullian also quite often calls baptism simply by the name of water, as at the beginning of the book On Baptism: "Happy the sacrament of our water." But St Cyprian, letter LXIII, teaches at length that in the Holy Scriptures themselves, too, wherever water alone is named, baptism is proclaimed. Moreover by this most notable example of St Perpetua the power of baptism is wonderfully confirmed against the new sectaries. By those last words, "but endurance of the flesh", St Perpetua signifies that, taught by the Spirit she received in baptism, she understood how necessary was patience not only of soul but of body too. On which Tertullian speaks splendidly, On Patience, chapter 13, where, having treated thus far of patience as seated only in the soul, he adds that it also labours in many ways in the body to win the Lord's favour, as being something produced by the Lord Himself in the strength of the body as well. "Since," he adds, "the ruling soul easily shares the gifts of the spirit with its dwelling." And a little after: "What comes from the strength of the soul is perfected in the flesh. Finally the flesh's patience does battle in persecutions. If flight presses, the flesh campaigns with the hardships of flight; if prison too oppresses, the flesh is in chains, the flesh in the stocks, the flesh on the ground, and in that poverty of light and that want of the world; and when it is brought out to the trial of happiness, to the occasion of a second dipping, to the very ascent to the divine throne, nothing counts more there than the patience of the body. If the spirit is willing and the flesh without patience weak, where is the salvation of the spirit, and of the flesh itself? But when the Lord says this of the flesh, declaring it weak, He shows what it needs for its strengthening: patience, namely, against every apparatus for overthrowing or punishing faith, so that it may bear blows, fire, the cross, beasts, the sword with the utmost constancy." For patience alone, as he adds below in chapter 15, "consummates martyrdoms". Cyprian follows his master, saying the same in other words: "No other comforts more than those of patience come to the aid of those who in the struggle of persecution must leave their patrimonies, undergo prison, bear chains, spend their lives, [face] the sword, beasts, fires, crosses, and in short all (continues)

(printed under page 62)

Page

running head: 19 PASSIO SS. MART[...] (cut off at the image edge; the column number reads like "10" in the scan, taken as 19)
marginal letters: A ‹sua affectione perseveraret›; B ‹spiritu vanae gloriae, cap. 7› (in the Variorum notae); C ‹etiam Virgilii auctoritate confirmat› (in the notes); D ‹nius in Vita S. Simeonis Stylitae› (in the notes)
old-edition numerals: 19 after ‹mlsit›
misprints kept as printed: ‹mlsit› for misit. Q5a 2026-10-24.
Q5a 2026-10-24: notes (20)-(24) are printed under this column but called in col 20; their call lines corrected. The Variae lectiones 6-8 printed above the notes on this page are called in col 20 and set in n20.

PL 3:20

mihi erueret : sed vexavit tantum, et profectus est victus cum argumentis diaboli. Tunc paucis diebus quod caruissem patre, Domino gratias egi, et refrigeravit absentia illius. In ipso spatio paucorum dierum baptizati sumus; mihi autem Spiritus dictavit nihil aliud petendum in aqua, nisi sufferentiam carnis. Post paucos

out; but he only harassed [me], and departed defeated together with the devil's arguments. Then, because I had been without my father for a few days, I gave thanks to the Lord, and his absence refreshed [me]. In that very space of a few days we were baptized; and the Spirit dictated to me that nothing else was to be sought in the water except endurance of the flesh. After a few

Editors' notes and page, col. 20

Footnotes

— Variae lectiones —

— Variant readings —

(printed under page 62) 6 · call in col 20 Profecto. Holst.

Holstenius: profecto.

(printed under page 62) 7 · call in col 20 Sic Holsten. Codd. mss. refrigerata sum. Sic in sequentibus differt Holsten. a mss.; quem praetulimus, cum id verbum sic in aliis Actis Africanis expressum observaverimus.

So Holstenius. The manuscripts: refrigerata sum ["I was refreshed"]. In what follows Holstenius differs from the manuscripts in the same way; we have preferred him, since we have observed that word so expressed in other African Acts.

(printed under page 62) 8 · call in col 20 Ab aqua Holsten. quod sic quis posset interpretari ab eo tempore quo baptismum suscepi.

Holstenius: ab aqua; which one could interpret thus: "from the time when I received baptism".

(printed under page 62)

Page

running head: ‹…›O SS. MARTYRUM 20 (left part cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹mihi erueret : sed vexavit›; B ‹prianus, Epist. ad martyres› (in Variorum notae); C ‹Caeterum hoc plane insigni› (in Variorum notae); D ‹producitur ad experimentum› (in Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 20 after ‹illius› (bold numeral, second figure partly blotted)
other: note calls (20)-(24) and superior figures 6, 7, 8 omitted; the bold old numeral is partly damaged and read as 20, UNSURE; the Variorum notae (‹ab aqua, nisi sufferentiam carnis. Sanctus nimirum›, running to ‹omnia denique›) are the continuation of note (24), set in n19 with notes (20)-(24), which are called in this column; line ends of the neighbouring column 19 visible at the left edge not set; column ends mid-sentence at ‹Post paucos›
Q5a 2026-10-24: Variae lectiones 6, 7, 8 (called in this column; printed across the page foot, read from the lean images of cols 19 and 20, which overlap) added above. The figure before "Ab aqua" looks like 5 at this resolution; set as 8 to match the call ‹aqua ⁸›. "a mss." as printed (for ab).

PL 3:21

dies recipimur in carcerem, et expavi, quia nunquam experta eram tales tenebras. O diem asperum! aestus validos turbarum beneficio concussurae militum: novissime

days [later] we are received into the prison, and I was terrified, because I had never experienced such darkness. O harsh day! Fierce heat, thanks to the crowds; extortions of the soldiers: finally

Editors' notes and page, col. 21

Footnotes

[The foot images start below the top of the notes; the lines above their crop (the end of (24), the start of (25), the end of (28) and the start of (29)) were set by the Q5b re-read from the column images c21_1 and c22_1, which show them.] — Variae lectiones —

— Variant readings —

(printed under page 63) 9 · call in col 21 Validus Holsten.

Validus ("strong"): Holstenius.

(printed under page 63) — Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 63)

(24) (continued from p. 62) · call in col 20

[…] tormentorum ac poenarum genera, fide et virtute patientiae perferenda. HOLST.

[…] the kinds of torments and punishments, to be borne with faith and the virtue of patience. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 63)

(25) · call in col 21

Recipimur in carcerem. Gesta purgationis Caeciliani et Felicis. pag. 279, recipiatur in carcerem. Ita Passio SS. Dativi, Saturni, etc., pag.290: Martyres Christi exoptatus carcer recepit. Ulpianus leg. 1 ff., De custodia reorum: De custodia reorum proconsul aestimare solet, utrum in carcerem recipienda sit persona, an militi tradenda, vel fidejussoribus committenda, vel etiam sibi. Hoc autem vel pro criminis quod objicitur qualitate, vel propter honorem aut amplissimas facultates, pro innocentia personae, vel pro dignitate ejus qui accusatur, facere solet Haec ibi; ad quam legem eruditissime de custodiarum diversitate scripsit Raevardus Var. Lect. l. III, cap. 12. HOLST.

"We are received into the prison." The Acts of the Purgation of Caecilian and Felix, page 279: "let him be received into the prison". So the Passion of SS. Dativus, Saturninus and others, page 290: "The longed-for prison received the martyrs of Christ." Ulpian, Digest law 1, On the custody of the accused: "Concerning the custody of the accused the proconsul is accustomed to judge whether a person is to be received into prison, or handed to a soldier, or entrusted to sureties, or even to himself. And this he is accustomed to do according to the nature of the crime charged, or on account of honour or very great wealth, or for the innocence of the person, or for the rank of the accused." So there; on which law Raevardus wrote most learnedly about the different kinds of custody, Variae Lectiones book III, chapter 12. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 63)

(26) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 21

Et expavi, etc. Vides ut ad carceris horrorem expaverit constantissima martyr, quae sententiam proconsulis, et mortem ipsam, non solum forti et intrepido, sed hilari quoque animo paulo post excepit. Unde apparet carceris molestias, praeexercitamenta futuri martyrii fuisse, et, ut Eusebii voce utar, χροχαταιχίσματα [so the scan appears to read; letters uncertain]. quae corpus et animum malorum usu ac consuetudine ad suppliciorum mortisque patientiam solidarent. HOLST.

"And I was terrified," etc. You see how the most steadfast martyr was terrified at the horror of the prison, she who a little later received the proconsul's sentence and death itself not only with a brave and fearless but even a cheerful mind. Hence it appears that the hardships of prison were preliminary exercises for the martyrdom to come, and, to use Eusebius's word, preparatory trainings, which by use and habit of ills hardened body and mind to endure tortures and death. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 63)

(27) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 21

Tales tenebras. Tertullianus, lib. Ad martyres, cap. 2: Habet tenebras carcer, sed lumen estis ipsi. Habet vincula, sed vos soluti Deo estis. Triste illic exspirat, sed vos odor estis suavitatis. Quod imitatus B. Cyprianus, epist. LXXXI, O beatum inquit, carcerem. quem illustravit vestra praesentia! O tenebras lucidiores sole ipso, et luce hac mundi clariores! Tertullianus, lib. De resurrect. carn., cap. 8: Age jam qui de ea (nempe carne) sentis, cum in carceribus maceratur, teterrimo lucis exilio penuria mundi, squalore, paedore, contumelia victus: ne omno quidem libera, quippe ipsis etiam cubilibus vincta, ipsisque stramentis lancinata. Libanii plane insignis locus est in Orat. De custodia reorum, nuper in lucem prolata, quo commentariensium improbitatem et avaritiam describit, qui magno pretio vix unum lychnum concedebant. Ejus verba paulo post commodius proferentur. HOLST.

"Such darkness." Tertullian, To the Martyrs, chapter 2: "The prison has darkness, but you yourselves are light. It has chains, but you are free for God. A grim smell breathes there, but you are an odour of sweetness." Imitating which blessed Cyprian, letter LXXXI, says: "O blessed prison, which your presence has made illustrious! O darkness brighter than the sun itself and clearer than this light of the world!" Tertullian, On the Resurrection of the Flesh, chapter 8: "Come now, you who think thus of it" (the flesh, that is), "when it wastes in prisons, in the foulest exile from light, in want of the world, in squalor, filth and insult of food; not free even in sleep [omno as printed, for somno], bound even to its very beds and torn by the very straw." There is a quite remarkable passage of Libanius in his oration On the Custody of the Accused, lately brought to light, in which he describes the wickedness and greed of the jailers, who would scarcely grant a single lamp for a great price. His words will be given more conveniently a little below. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 63)

(28) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 21

Aestus. Oritur aestus ille ex loci angustia et hominum turba, quo multos in carcere suffocari queritur Libanius, orat. quam modo dixi: idque magistratuum negligentia. Ascribam locum ejus ex pag. 68, leviter a me correctum et ex auctoris mente conversum: Ὅταν οὖν οὗτοι πέμπωσιν ἐπὶ τὰ δεσμωτήρια φάλαγγας, ἐῤῥῶσθαι δὲ φράσαντες [participle blurred in the scan; reading uncertain] τοῖς περὶ ἐκεῖνα νόμοις, ἐπ' ἄλλοις διατρίβωσιν, ὡς δὴ φιλάνθρωποι δόξαντες εἶναι, τίς οὐκ ἂν ἀποπνιγείη; Hoc est: Cum ergo magistratus isti turmas hominum in vincula mittant, atque interim legibus quae ea de re latae sunt, valere jussis, circa alia versentur negotia, quo populares videantur; quis non suffocetur? Lucianus quoque confessor apud Cyprianum, ep. XXII, easdem carceris molestias his verbis obiter itidem restitutis, describit: Jussi sumus secundum praeceptum imperatoris, fame et siti enecari: et reclusi sumus in duabus cellis, ita ut nos afficerent fame et siti. Sed et ignis, ab opere pressurae nostrae tam intolerabilis erat, quam nemo portare posset. Haec ibi; ubi videtur ignis dici quem S. Perpetua aestum vocat. Ex his intelligitur non minimam aut postremam diaboli machinam adversus martyres fuisse carcerum aerumnas; id quod Gallicanae ecclesiae agnoscunt apud Eusebium, Hist. Eccl. lib. V. cap. 1. his verbis: Τὰς κατὰ τὴν εἱρκτὴν ἐν τῷ σκότει καὶ τῷ χαλεπωτάτῳ χωρίῳ συγκλείσεις, ὥστε [the scan may read ὥστει] ἀποπνιγῆναι τοὺς πλείστους τῇ εἱρκτῇ. Hoc est: Constipationes in tenebroso et aerumnosissimo loco tales, ut plerique suffocarentur. HOLST.

"Heat." That heat arises from the narrowness of the place and the crowd of men, by which Libanius, in the oration I just mentioned, complains that many were suffocated in prison, and that through the negligence of the magistrates. I will add his passage from page 68, lightly corrected by me and rendered according to the author's meaning: "When therefore these men send whole battalions to the prisons and, bidding farewell to the laws on the matter, busy themselves with other things, as though to seem humane, who would not be choked?" That is: "When therefore these magistrates send troops of men into chains, and meanwhile, bidding farewell to the laws passed on the matter, busy themselves with other business so as to seem popular, who would not be suffocated?" Lucian the confessor too, in Cyprian, letter XXII, describes the same hardships of prison, in words likewise restored in passing: "We were ordered, by the emperor's command, to be killed by hunger and thirst; and we were shut up in two cells, so that they might afflict us with hunger and thirst. And the fire too, from the work of our affliction, was so unbearable that no one could endure it." So there; where "fire" seems to mean what St Perpetua calls heat. From this it is understood that the miseries of prison were not the least or last of the devil's engines against the martyrs; which the churches of Gaul acknowledge in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, book V, chapter 1, in these words: "the confinements in the prison, in the darkness and the most grievous place, so that most were stifled in the prison." That is: "crowdings in a dark and most wretched place, such that very many were suffocated." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 63)

(29) · call in col 21

Turbarum beneficio, Hoc est, propter turbas, vel multitudinem hominum. Graecismus merus, τοῦ ὄχλου χάριν. Ita mox: Mei beneficio, hoc est, mei causa, vel propter me. HOLST.

"Thanks to the crowds." That is, on account of the crowds, or the multitude of men. A pure Grecism, "for the sake of the crowd". So just after: "by my benefit", that is, for my sake, or on account of me. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 63)

(30) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 21

Concussurae militum. Videtur significare impulsus feros contrudentium reos militum, quos ὠθισμὸν Procopius vocat Hist. arcanae pag. ult. Nota autem militum barbara feritas in vinctos, etiam S. Ignatii testimonio; qui propterea leopardos eos vocat, et beneficio efferari scribit ad Romanos. Porro iis non solum custodiae merces solvebatur, sed ultro offerebantur dona, ut mitius leniusque agerent cum vinctis, quae mercedis extortae loco essent. Ita Constit. Apostolorum lib. V, cap. 1, eleemosynas designatis martyribus submittere jubent, et ad victum ipsorum, et ad solvendum mercedem militibus, ut allevent sua opera, curentque vinctos, hoc est, saevitiam in eos solitam remittant, ἵνα, ὅσον ἐφ' ὑμῖν, μὴ θλίβηται ὁ μακάριος ἀδελφὸς ὑμῶν: ut quantum in vobis est, non concutiatur beatus frater vester: hoc est ad vexationem et concussuram redimendam; θλίψις enim hoc loco, est concussura. HOLST.

"The extortions of the soldiers." It seems to mean the savage shoving of soldiers thrusting the accused along, which Procopius calls "jostling", Secret History, last page. The barbarous ferocity of soldiers towards prisoners is well known, also by the testimony of St Ignatius, who for that reason calls them leopards and writes to the Romans that they grow fiercer for kindness. Moreover not only was a fee for custody paid them, but gifts were offered besides, so that they would deal more mildly and gently with the prisoners, gifts that stood in place of an extorted fee. So the Apostolic Constitutions, book V, chapter 1, order alms to be sent to martyrs designate, both for their food and to pay the soldiers' fee, so that by their care they may relieve the prisoners and look after them, that is, remit their usual cruelty towards them, "so that, as far as lies in you, your blessed brother may not be oppressed": that is, to buy off harassment and extortion; for thlipsis in this place is concussura. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 63)

(31) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 21

Novissime macerabar sollicitudine infantis. Elegans admodum et nativa materni affectus expressio; cujus exemplo Deus ipse in sua erga nos pietate contestanda utitur. HOSLT.

"At last I was wasting with anxiety for the baby." A most elegant and natural expression of maternal feeling, the example of which God Himself uses in attesting His tenderness towards us. HOLSTENIUS ["HOSLT." as printed].

(printed under page 63)

(32) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 21

Benedicti diacones. Εὐφημισμὸς affectum aut venerationem erga personam, cujus fit mentio, exprimens: notior hodie linguae italicae vulgari quam communi latinae: derivatum in Africanam latinitatem forte e Syriaco aut Hebraeo sermone, quo prisci Tyrii ac Poeni Carthaginis coloni, aut non multum diverso utebantur. Syrorum enim ac Hebraeorum est Benedicti adjunctum ad Dei praesertim mentionem apponere, ut habes Marci XIII, 61, et saepius in aliis scripturis. Sed et ad compellationem bonorum hominum: Benedicti nos a Domino, Psalm. CXXIII; 15. Et alibi non raro. Tertullianus ipso principio libri Ad martyres designatos: Benedicti martyres Mox: In primis ergo benedicti nolite contristare Spiritum sanctum. Et cap. 2: Quos vos benedicti de carcere in custodiam si forte translatos existimatis. Ibid.: Sic nunc benedicti, carcer etiam christianis molestus; et mox capite 3 et De cultu feminarum, libro II, feminas christianas Benedictas appellat. Et libro Praescript.: Sub episcopatu Eleutherii benedicti. Et libro De exhort. cast. Benedicti Patriarchae Ita Lucianus Confessor apud Cyprianum, epist. XII, Cum benedictus martyr Paulus adhuc in corpore esset. Et clerus Romanus apud eumdem epist. II: Didicimus benedictum papam Cyprianum secessisse. HOLST.

"Blessed deacons." A euphemism expressing affection or veneration towards the person mentioned; better known today in vulgar Italian than in common Latin; perhaps drawn into African Latin from Syriac or Hebrew speech, which the ancient Tyrians and Punic settlers of Carthage used, or something not much different. For it is the way of Syrians and Hebrews to add "blessed" especially when mentioning God, as you have in Mark 13:61 [as printed; Mark 14:61] and often in other scriptures. But also in addressing good men: "Blessed are we by the Lord," Psalm 123 [as printed]:15. And not seldom elsewhere. Tertullian at the very beginning of the book To the Martyrs designate: "Blessed martyrs." Soon after: "First of all then, blessed ones, do not grieve the Holy Spirit." And chapter 2: "Whom you, blessed ones, think perhaps transferred from prison into custody." Ibid.: "So now, blessed ones, the prison is troublesome even to Christians"; and soon after in chapter 3, and in On the Dress of Women, book II, he calls Christian women "blessed". And in the book of Prescription: "Under the episcopate of the blessed Eleutherius." And in On the Exhortation to Chastity: "The blessed Patriarchs." So Lucian the confessor in Cyprian, letter XII: "When the blessed martyr Paul was still in the body." And the Roman clergy in the same, letter II: "We have learned that the blessed pope Cyprian has withdrawn." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 63)

(33) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 21

Qui nobis ministrabant. Magnam curam semper gessit Ecclesia eorum, qui vincti tenebantur; praesertim ob Christi confessionem, quorum ministerio et obsequiis olim dicati fuere diaconi. illi alimenta ipsis ministrabant, et unde militum saevitiam (continues)

"Who ministered to us." The Church always took great care of those held in chains, especially for the confession of Christ; to whose service and attendance the deacons were of old dedicated. They supplied them with food, and the means whereby the soldiers' cruelty (continues)

(printed under page 63)

Page

running head: 21 PERPETUÆ ET FEL (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹dies recipimur in carcerem›; B ‹Lect. l. III, cap. 12. Holst.› (in the notes); C ‹ribus maceratur, teterrimo lucis› (in the notes); D ‹quae ea de re latae sunt› (in the notes)
old-edition numerals: 21 after ‹quia›
note calls in the text: (25) carcerem, (26) expavi, (27) tenebras, (28) aestus, variant 9 validos, (29) beneficio, (38) [misprint for 30] militum
headings over the foot apparatus: "Variae lectiones." and "Variorum notae." run across both columns of page 63

PL 3:22

macerabar sollicitudine infantis. Ibi tunc Tertius et Pomponius, benedicti diacones, qui nobis ministrabant constituerunt praemio ut, paucis horis emissi, in meliorem locum carceris

I was being consumed with anxiety for the infant. Then and there Tertius and Pomponius, the blessed deacons who ministered to us, arranged by a payment that, let out for a few hours into a better place of the prison,

Editors' notes and page, col. 22

Footnotes

(34) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 22

Constituerunt praemio. Hunc enim in usum, (continues)

"They arranged, for a fee." For to this use (continues)

(printed under page 63)

Page

running head: TUÆ ET FELICITATIS. 22 (cut off at the left edge of the image)
marginal letters: A ‹macerabar sollicitudine infantis›; B ‹vocat, et beneficio efferari› (beside the Variorum notae); C ‹aut venerationem erga personam› (beside the Variorum notae); D ‹chae Ita Lucianus Confessor› (beside the Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 22 after ‹meliorem›
other: the word carceris was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 23

PL 3:23

refrigeraremus. Tunc exeuntes de carcere universi vacabant. Ego infantem lactabam jam inedia defectum. Sollicita pro eo adloquebar matrem, et confortabam fratrem, commendabam filium. Tabescebam ideo quod illos tabescere videram mei beneficio. tales sollicitudines multis

we might be refreshed. Then, going out from the prison, all were at their own leisure. I nursed my infant, already faint from hunger. Anxious for him, I spoke to my mother, and comforted my brother, and commended my son [to them]. I was wasting away because I had seen them wasting away on my account. Such anxieties for many

Editors' notes and page, col. 23

Footnotes

[The foot images start below the top of the notes. The opening lines of the continuation of (33) were set by the Q5b re-read from the column image c23_1, which shows them. The first lines of col 24 (the middle of the Greek that ends (34)) are above the crop and NOT set here. (37), printed at the end of the right-hand foot column, has its call outside col 23 and is not set here.] — Variae lectiones —

— Variant readings —

(printed under page 64) 10 · call in col 23 Et confortabam fratri commendabam filium cod. Salisb.

"And I comforted, I commended my son to my brother": Salzburg manuscript.

(printed under page 64) — Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 64)

(33) (continued from p. 63) · col 23

saevitiam lenirent, ut paulo superius ex Constit. Apost. retulimus. Hi consilio aderant, exhortabantur, consolabantur. Cypr. ep. XI: Semper sub antecessoribus nostris factum est, ut diaconi ad carcerem commeantes, martyrum desideria consiliis suis et scripturarum praeceptis gubernarent. Denique ut boni angeli commendatis sibi hominibus, sic illi confessoribus, opera, officio, sedulitate praesto erant. Unde illud Ignatii epist. ad Trallianos: Quid diaconi? quam imitatores angelicarum Virtutum? Vide Concil. Carthaginiense IV, cap. 43. Concilium quoque Aurelianense V, canone 20, archidiacono vel praeposito Ecclesiae carceris visitandi officium injungit: episcopo autem, ut vinctorum necessitatem misericorditer sublevet, competentem eis victum de domo ecclesiae attribuendo. HOLST.

might soften, as we related a little above from the Apostolic Constitutions. They were at hand with counsel, exhorted and consoled. Cyprian, letter XI: "It was always done under our predecessors that the deacons, going to and fro to the prison, should guide the martyrs' desires with their counsel and the precepts of the scriptures." In short, as good angels to the men entrusted to them, so they were at hand to the confessors with work, service and diligence. Hence that saying in Ignatius's letter to the Trallians: "What are deacons but imitators of the angelic Powers?" See the Fourth Council of Carthage, chapter 43. The Fifth Council of Orléans too, canon 20, enjoins on the archdeacon or the provost of the church the duty of visiting the prison; and on the bishop, that he mercifully relieve the need of the prisoners by assigning them sufficient food from the church's house. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 64)

(34) (continued from p. 63) · col 23

et Ecclesiae publice, et singuli fideles de opibus suis erogabant, ut confessoribus et martyribus in carcere alimenta caeteraque vitae subsidia ac necessaria refrigeria suppeditarentur: aut ubi opus esset, a custodum iniquitate largitionibus exprimerentur, ne miseriis victi ante ipsum certamen deficerent: prout ex Tertulliano lib. Ad martyres, et ex S. Cypriani epist. IV et V aliisque videre est. Romanae autem Ecclesiae peculiarem hac in re solicitudinem ac πατροπαράδοτον pietatem a Dionysio Corinthio vetustissimo scriptore jam olim laudatam, ad sua usque tempora constanter perdurasse testatur Eusebius, ut omnium per orbem terrarum martyrum et pro Christi nomine afflictorum curam gereret, iisque vitae subsidia subministraret. Neque frustra sanctissima martyr praemio hoc constitutum, hoc est pretio emptum scribit ut paucis horis ex arcto ergastulo emitterentur, quod carceribus praefecti, utpote quibus supplicium vectigal erat juxta Manilium libro V, non nisi pretio corrupti custodias laxius habere soleant. Quos coercet Lex VIII. ff. De custodia reorum. Ludit eleganter in describenda horum custodum immanitate Manilius modo laudatus, ab illo versu: Quisquis in Andromedae surgentis tempore ponto / Nascitur, etc. Quem locum ex Ciceronis Verrina V videtur expressisse, ubi sic legitur: Patres hi, quos videtis, jacebant in limine, matresque miserae pernoctabant ad ostium carceris, ab extremo complexu liberorum exclusae, quae nihil aliud orabant, nisi ut filiorum extremum spiritum excipere sibi liceret. Aderat janitor carceris, carnifex praetoris, mors terrorque sociorum et civium lictor Sestius, cui ex omni gemitu doloreque certa merces comparabatur: ut adeas, tantum dabis: ut cibum tibi intro ferre liceat, tantum; nemo recusabat, etc. Poro mulieres praesertim christianae huic operi misericordiae sese impendebant; quales non dubito quin Libanius innuerit, orat, jam citata, ubi janitorum et custodum carceris avarissimam crudelitatem detestans, refert; vix exiguum lumen ut habere miseris liceret, magno pretio ab ipsis emi solitum: tum si quis reorum sumptum sibi deesse excusaret, huic male mulctato regerebant: Διὰ τί οὐ καλεῖς […the rest of the Greek is above the crop in col 24…] σοι. Cur per eos qui hinc egrediuntur non vocas huc mulierem aliquam ex iis quae humanitatis officiis dant operam; ad cujus genua provolutus, impetres ut stipem aliquam corrogatam tibi afferat? HOLST.

both the churches publicly and individual faithful paid out of their means, so that food and the other supports of life and necessary refreshments might be supplied to confessors and martyrs in prison; or, where needed, that these might be wrung by gifts from the injustice of the guards, lest, overcome by miseries, they should fail before the contest itself: as may be seen in Tertullian's To the Martyrs, in St Cyprian's letters IV and V, and others. Eusebius testifies that the particular solicitude of the Roman Church in this matter, and its piety handed down from the fathers, praised long ago by Dionysius of Corinth, a very ancient writer, lasted constantly down to his own times: that it took care of all the martyrs throughout the world and of those afflicted for Christ's name, and supplied them with the supports of life. Nor is it for nothing that the most holy martyr writes that it was "arranged for a fee", that is, bought for a price, that they should be let out of the narrow lock-up for a few hours: for the keepers of prisons, to whom, as Manilius says in book V, "punishment was revenue", usually kept custody more loosely only when corrupted by a price. Law VIII of the Digest title On the custody of the accused restrains them. Manilius, just cited, plays elegantly in describing the brutality of these keepers, from that verse: "Whoever is born when Andromeda rises from the sea," etc. He seems to have drawn the passage from Cicero's fifth Verrine, where we read: "These fathers whom you see lay on the threshold, and wretched mothers spent the night at the prison door, shut out from the last embrace of their children, begging nothing else than that they might receive their sons' last breath. There stood the prison doorkeeper, the praetor's executioner, the death and terror of allies and citizens, the lictor Sestius, for whom a sure fee was got out of every groan and pain: to go in, you will pay so much; to be allowed to bring food in, so much; no one refused," etc. Moreover ["Poro" as printed] Christian women especially devoted themselves to this work of mercy; such women, I do not doubt, Libanius alluded to in the oration already cited, where, detesting the most avaricious cruelty of the doorkeepers and guards of the prison, he relates that the wretches could hardly have even a little light, which usually had to be bought from them at a great price; and if any of the accused pleaded that he lacked the means, they would retort to him, roughly handled: "Why do you not call [… Greek partly above the crop …] for yourself?" That is: "Why do you not, through those who go out from here, call hither some woman of those who devote themselves to works of humanity, at whose knees you may fall and obtain that she bring you some alms collected for you?" HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 64)

(35) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 23

Ut paucis horis emissi in meliorem locum carceris refrigeraremus. Fuerant ergo conjecti in carcerem interiorem, ut vocatur Actor, cap. XVI. Porro quod hic beneficii loco a praefecto custodiae, praemio delinito, impetratum est, id postea a Constantio Aug. constitutum Leg. I Cod. De custodia reorum, ubi sic legitur: Nec vero sedis intimae tenebras patri debebit inclusus, sed usurpata luce vegetari ac sublevari; et ubi nox geminaverit custodiam, in vestibulis carcerum et salubribus locis recipi: ac revertente iterum die, ad primum solis ortum illico ad publicum lumen reduci, ne poenis carceris perimatur: quod innocentibus miserum, noxiis non satis severum esse dignoscitur. Qua constitutione mitigatum videtur Antonini Pii rescriptum, qui gravioris sceleris reos, ipsam carceris poenam, ante supplicium sustinere voluit. Libro III, ff. De custod. reorum. Quod addit refrigeraremus, praeter id quod superius dictum est, videtur exprimere Graecum verbum ἀναψυχεῖν, etsi Lexicon vetus refrigerare reddat ἀγαλλιᾶσθαι. HOLST.

"That, let out for a few hours into a better part of the prison, we might refresh ourselves." They had therefore been thrown into the inner prison, as it is called in Acts chapter 16 ["Actor" as printed]. Moreover what was here obtained as a favour from the keeper of the prison, softened by a fee, was afterwards enacted by Constantius Augustus, Law I of the Code title On the custody of the accused, where we read: "Nor shall one shut in be bound to suffer [patri, as printed] the darkness of the innermost place, but he is to be revived and relieved by enjoying the light; and when night has doubled the custody, he is to be received in the forecourts of the prisons and healthy places; and when day returns, at the first rising of the sun he is at once to be brought back to the public light, lest he perish by the punishments of the prison: which is recognized to be wretched for the innocent and not severe enough for the guilty." By this enactment the rescript of Antoninus Pius seems to have been mitigated, who willed that those accused of graver crime should endure the very punishment of prison before execution: book III [as printed] of the Digest title On the custody of the accused. What she adds, "refrigeraremus", besides what was said above, seems to render the Greek verb anapsychein, though the old Lexicon renders refrigerare by agalliasthai. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 64)

(36) · call in col 23

Jam inedia defectum. Id est ferme ad mortem redactum. Tertullianus libro II, ad nationes: Cur non magis dea quae magis pia, illa filia patris in carcere fame defecti uberibus suis educatrix? Ita etiam Seneca et Phaedrus loquuntur, cujus locum viro docto susceptum esse miror, cum innumeris aliis passim occursuris auctorum classicorum testimoniis comprobari possit. Unde apparet quam eleganter vulgatus interpres Ecclesiastici capite XLI, 4, Graecam vocem ἐσχατογήρῳ latine interpretatus sit defecto aetate. Addo ad cumulum, locum ex gestis Purgationis Caeciliani: Cum audirem, mente defectus sum. Et Suetonii Tranq. libro De illustribus grammaticis, de Offio Care: Cum jam non gressu modo deficeretur, sed et visu. HOSLT.

"Already faint from hunger." That is, brought almost to death. Tertullian, To the Nations, book II: "Why not rather a goddess who is more dutiful, that daughter who nursed at her own breasts her father failing from hunger in prison?" So too Seneca and Phaedrus speak; I am surprised that a learned man held the latter's passage suspect [susceptum as printed, for suspectum], since it could be proved by countless other testimonies of classical authors met with everywhere. Hence it appears how elegantly the Vulgate translator rendered into Latin the Greek word eschatogēros (in extreme old age) in Ecclesiasticus 41:4 as "defecto aetate" (failing with age). I add to the heap a passage from the Acts of the Purgation of Caecilian: "When I heard, I failed in mind." And Suetonius Tranquillus in the book On Illustrious Grammarians, about Offius Cares [as printed]: "When he was failing now not only in his gait but also in his sight." HOLSTENIUS ["HOSLT." as printed].

(printed under page 64)

Page

running head: 23 PASSIO SS. MARTY[...] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ris refrigeraremus (35). Tunc; B Trallianos : Quid diaconi (in Variorum notae); C nysio Corinthio vetustissimo (in Variorum notae); D ad ostium carceris, ab extremo (in Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 22 after Tunc
note calls in the text: (35) refrigeraremus, (36) defectum, variant 10 filium
misprints kept as printed in the notes: Poro (for Porro) and "orat," (comma for the abbreviation point) in (34); Actor (for Actorum) and patri (for pati) in (35); susceptum (for suspectum) and HOSLT. in (36)
other: column begins with "ris", the end of carceris, set whole at the end of col 22; ends mid-sentence at "multis". The headings "Variae lectiones" and "Variorum notae" run across both columns of page 64.
UNSURE: in (34) the scan may print "ae" for "ac" before πατροπαράδοτον; set as ac.

PL 3:24

diebus passa sum, et usurpavi ut mecum infans in carcere maneret : et statim convalui, et relevata sum a labore et sollicitudine infantis ; et factus est mihi carcer subito quasi praetorium, ut ibi mallem esse quam alibi.

days I suffered, and I obtained that the infant should remain with me in the prison; and at once I regained my strength, and was relieved of the labour and anxiety over the infant; and the prison suddenly became to me as it were a palace, so that I would rather be there than anywhere else.

« III. Tunc dixit mihi frater meus : Domina soror,

III. Then my brother said to me: Lady sister,

Editors' notes and page, col. 24

Footnotes

— Variae lectiones (above the foot image; read from the column image) —

— Variant readings —

11 · call in col 24 (after alibi) Alicubi Holsten.

Holstenius: alicubi.

(printed under page 64) — Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(36) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 24

"Already failing from hunger." That is, brought almost to death. Tertullian, book II To the Nations: "Why is not she rather a goddess, who is more devoted, that daughter who nursed at her own breasts her father failing from hunger in prison?" So too Seneca and Phaedrus speak; and I am surprised that a learned man has questioned [susceptum, as printed, for suspectum] Phaedrus's passage, since it could be proved by countless other testimonies of classical authors that one meets everywhere. Hence it appears how elegantly the Vulgate translator of Ecclesiasticus 41:4 rendered the Greek word "in extreme old age" into Latin as "defecto aetate". I add for good measure a passage from the Acts of the Purgation of Caecilian: "When I heard, I failed in mind." And Suetonius Tranquillus, On Illustrious Grammarians, of Orbilius [Offio Care, as printed]: "When he was failing now not only in gait but in sight." HOLSTENIUS ["HOSLT." as printed].

(printed under page 64)

(37) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 24

Factus est mihi carcer praetorium. Hoc est, non modo carceris incommoda non me amplius conturbabant, sed et iis gaudebam, tanquam in splendidis et commodis aedibus degerem. Praetorium proprie erat palatium publicum, in quo proconsul jus dicebat, ut ex Pontio quoque diacono intelligitur: neque aliter accipitur in historia Dominicae Passionis. Ideo quoniam fere caeteras privatorum aedes structurae elegantia et ornatus splendore superabat, quaevis palatia aedesque magnifice instructae, utcumque privatorum et ruri aedificatae, praetoria dicebantur. Martialis: Ad lapidem Torquatus habet praetoria quartum. Caeterum ad sententiam hujus loci facere videtur quod scribit Tertullianus his verbis: Christianus extra carcerem saeculo renuntiavit, in carcere autem etiam carceri. Dum scilicet animus divina gratia roboratus, incommoda ejus et molestias aut non sentit, aut negligit, et constantia vincit. HOLST.

"The prison became a palace to me." That is, not only did the hardships of the prison no longer trouble me, but I even rejoiced in them, as if I were living in a splendid and comfortable house. A praetorium was properly the public palace in which the proconsul gave judgement, as is understood also from Pontius the deacon; nor is it taken otherwise in the history of the Lord's Passion. Hence, because it generally surpassed other private houses in elegance of structure and splendour of ornament, any palaces and magnificently furnished houses, even those of private persons and built in the country, were called praetoria. Martial: "At the fourth milestone Torquatus has a palace." Moreover what Tertullian writes in these words seems to bear on the sense of this passage: "The Christian outside prison has renounced the world; in prison, even the prison." That is, while the soul, strengthened by divine grace, either does not feel its hardships and troubles, or disregards them, and conquers by constancy. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 64)

Page

running head: [cut off at left] O SS. MARTYRUM | 24
marginal letters: A ‹diebus passa sum›; B ‹carcerem interiorem, ut vocatur› (in the Variorum notae); C ‹(36) Jam inedia defectum› (in the Variorum notae); D ‹rium proprie erat palatium› (in the Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 24 after ‹statim›
other: the word soror, was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 25
other: variant 11 (Alicubi Holsten.) added by QA Q6a from the column image; the end of variant 10 on the same line belongs to col 23

PL 3:25

jam in magna dignitate es: et tanta ut postules visionem, et ostendatur tibi an passio sit, an commeatus. Et ego, quae me sciebam fabulari cum Domino, cujus beneficia tanta experta eram, fidenter repromisi ei dicens; «Crastina die tibi renuntiabo.» Et postulavi, et ostensum est mihi hoc: Video scalam auream mirae magnitudinis pertingentem usque ad coelum et angustam,

you are already in great dignity, and so great that you may ask for a vision, and it may be shown to you whether it is to be a passion or a release. And I, who knew that I conversed with the Lord, Whose benefits so great I had experienced, confidently promised him in return, saying: "Tomorrow I will report back to you." And I asked, and this was shown to me: I see a golden ladder of wondrous size reaching right up to heaven, and narrow,

Editors' notes and page, col. 25

Footnotes

— Variae lectiones (above the foot image; read from the column images of cols 25 and 26, the lines run across the page) —

— Variant readings —

12 · call in col 25 (after dignitate) Sic. codd. Compend. et Salisb.; at Holstenius habet in magna dignatione es, tanta ut postulem, etc.

Thus the Compiègne and Salzburg manuscripts; but Holstenius has "in magna dignatione es, tanta ut postulem," etc.

(printed under page 65) 13 · call in col 25 (after beneficia) Beneficio Salisb.

The Salzburg manuscript: beneficio.

(printed under page 65) 14 · call in col 25 (after dicens) Cod. Salisb. Repromissionibus ejus dixi. Porro ejusmodi visionibus martyres de proximo martyrio saepius commonitos fuisse affirmat Cyprianus passim; idque testantur omnia fere Acta genuina ex Africa.

The Salzburg manuscript: "repromissionibus ejus dixi". Moreover, Cyprian affirms in many places that the martyrs were often forewarned by visions of this kind of their coming martyrdom; and almost all the genuine Acts from Africa bear witness to it.

(printed under page 65) 15 · call in col 25 (after auream) Sic cod. Compend.; Salisb. vero cum Victorino et Corbeiensi aeream. In Casinensi quo usus est Holstenius, ejus scalae materies non exprimitur.

Thus the Compiègne manuscript; but the Salzburg, with Victorinus and the Corbie manuscript, has aeream [bronze]. In the Monte Cassino manuscript, which Holstenius used, the material of the ladder is not stated.

(printed under page 65) — Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(38) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 25

Jam in magna dignitate es. Holsten. legit dignatione, et addit: Quippe quam illustrarat jam gloriosis initiis divina dignatio, ut ait sanctus Cyprianus, epistola IV, De confessoribus in carcere constitutis. De dignationis voce superius dictum. Hic unum Tertulliani locum insignem ac plane opportunum addo. Is lib. I ad Uxor, cap. 4, adhibens exemplum sororum, quae nuptiis sanctitatem anteponunt, addit: Malunt enim Deo nubere; Deo speciosae, Deo sunt puellae: cum illo vivunt, cum illo sermocinantur: illum diebus et noctibus tractant: orationes suas, velut dotes, Domino assignant: ab eodem dignationem, velut munera dotalia, quotiescunque desiderant, consequuntur. In ejusmodi statum progressam, carceris patientia, sororem frater existimans, ab ea contendit ut a Deo sibi revelari postulet, quid futurum sit: certus eam exauditum iri. Haec sententia illorum verborum est, ut postulem visionem, etc. HOLST.

"You are already in great dignity." Holstenius reads "dignatione", and adds: "For divine favour had already made her illustrious by glorious beginnings," as St Cyprian says, letter IV, On the confessors placed in prison. Of the word dignatio we spoke above. Here I add one remarkable and quite apt passage of Tertullian. In book I To his Wife, chapter 4, using the example of the sisters who prefer holiness to marriage, he adds: "For they prefer to wed God; for God they are beautiful, for God they are maidens: with Him they live, with Him they converse; Him they handle day and night; they assign their prayers to the Lord as dowries; from Him they obtain favour, as wedding gifts, whenever they desire." Judging that his sister had advanced into such a state through the endurance of prison, the brother urges her to ask God to reveal to her what is to come, sure that she would be heard. This is the sense of those words, "that I should ask for a vision," etc. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 65)

(39) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 25

An passio sit, an commeatus. Ut multae aliae voces ex castrensi disciplina ad sacram Christi militiam traductae, ita et commeatus vocabulum. Est autem auctore Festo, Tempus quo iri redirique possit, ab imperatore militibus dari consuetum. Unde Apuleius, l. XI: Amatoriae militiae brevem commeatum indulsit. Et in Codice: Milites datis commeatibus, vel per commeatus dimitti dicuntur, et hoc modo dimissi Commeatales vocantur. Ita Hesychius Κομίατον esse ait ἐξαίτησιν λαμβάνειν τοῦ ἀφεθῆναι. Hoc est: petitam libere abeundi licentiam accipere. Et in glossis: Commeatus, ἐξουσία quasi discedendi atque eundi, quo velis, facultas. Ita L. 3, ff. de poenis: Nemo potest commeatum remeatumve dare exsuli, nisi imperator ex aliqua causa. Haesit haec vox in lingua Italica vulgari usque ad hodiernum usum, nisi quod, ultra rem militarem, extenditur ad omnem cujusvis a quovis abeundi facultatem. Porro a christianis illorum temporum haec vox eo translata reperitur, ut liberationem a vitae periculo designet; sive id periculum ex morbo immineat, sive ex judicis sententia. De morbo quidem habemus insignem locum apud Palladium in Lausiacis, cap. 86, ubi Melania Evagrio lethaliter aegrotanti impetrat a Deo καιρὸν κομιατοῦ, καὶ προθεσμίαν ζωῆς, hoc est vitae prorogationem. Quo eodem sensu apud Cyprianum legitur in Serm. De mortalitate: Commeatum sibi precari, hoc est liberationem a periculo pestis. Ita Paulinus in Vita S. Ambrosii Stiliconem nobiles viros ad Ambrosium aegrotantem misisse scribit, qui persuaderent illi, ut sibi vivendi peteret a Domino commeatum. Sed hoc nostro loco, Commeatus verbo significatur, evasio periculi a persecutore imminentis; ut patet ex eo quod opponitur passioni, hoc est morti pro Christo, quo modo Cyprianus, epist. VIII, martyrio, sive victoriae consummutioni commeatum opposuit. Et epist. LII, quando pax a persecutoribus datur, commeatum a Deo dari ait. HOLST.

"Whether it is to be a passion or a reprieve." Like many other words carried over from military discipline to the sacred warfare of Christ, so too the word commeatus. It is, on Festus's authority, "the time in which one may go and return," usually granted by the commander to soldiers. Hence Apuleius, book XI: "He granted a short furlough from the service of love." And in the Code soldiers are said to be dismissed "on furloughs granted" or "on furlough", and those so dismissed are called commeatales. So Hesychius says komiaton is "to receive a requested leave of release". That is, to receive a requested licence to depart freely. And in the glosses: "Commeatus, the authority, as it were, the faculty of departing and going where you will." So law 3 of the Digest title On penalties: "No one can grant furlough or return to an exile except the emperor, for some cause." The word has stuck in the vulgar Italian tongue down to present use, except that beyond military matters it is extended to anyone's leave to depart from anyone. Further, the Christians of those times are found to have transferred the word to mean deliverance from danger of life, whether that danger threatens from illness or from a judge's sentence. Of illness we have a remarkable passage in Palladius's Lausiac History, chapter 86, where Melania obtains from God for Evagrius, mortally ill, "a time of reprieve and an extension of life", that is, a prolonging of life. In the same sense we read in Cyprian, in the Sermon On Mortality, "to pray for a reprieve for oneself", that is, deliverance from the danger of the plague. So Paulinus, in the Life of St Ambrose, writes that Stilicho sent noblemen to Ambrose when he was ill, to persuade him to ask the Lord for a reprieve of life for himself. But in our passage the word commeatus means escape from a danger threatening from the persecutor; as is clear from its being set against passion, that is, death for Christ; in the way Cyprian, letter VIII, set reprieve against martyrdom, or the consummation of victory ["consummutioni" as printed]. And in letter LII, when peace is given by the persecutors, he says a reprieve is given by God. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 65)

Page

running head: 25 PERPETUÆ ET FELIC (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ror, jam in magna dignitate; B (38) Jam in magna dignitate es (Variorum notae); C militiam traductae (Variorum notae); D morbo immineat (Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 25 after cum
other: variants 12-15 added by QA Q6a from the column images (the variant lines run across the page; their right halves are in the col 26 image)

PL 3:26

per quam non nisi singuli ascendere possent: et in lateribus scalae omne genus ferramentorum infixum. Erant ibi gladii, lanceae, hami, machaerae; ut si quis negligenter, aut non sursum attendens ascenderet, laniaretur et carnes ejus inhaererent ferramentis. Et erat sub ipsa scala draco cubans mirae magnitudinis, qui ascendentibus insidias parabat, et exterrebat ne ascenderent.

by which only one at a time could ascend; and on the sides of the ladder every kind of iron implement was fixed. There were swords there, lances, hooks, sabres, so that if anyone climbed carelessly, or without looking upwards, he would be torn, and his flesh would stick to the iron implements. And under the ladder itself lay a dragon of wondrous size, which laid ambushes for those climbing and terrified them so that they should not climb.

Editors' notes and page, col. 26

Footnotes

— Variae lectiones (the last line of the series falls inside the foot image; variants 12-15, called in col 25, are set in n25) —

— Variant readings —

16 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 26 Praestabat Holsten.

Holstenius: praestabat.

— Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 65)

(40) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 26

Quae me sciebam fabulari cum Domino. Hoc est, locum gratiae peculiarem apud Deum habere, qualem qui principibus familiares sunt, et singulariter chari apud eos obtinent, ut eos alloqui, cum volunt, possint: quare qui, ut aliquando fit, falso glorientur, fabulas principis vendere dicuntur a Misitheo in Epist. ad Gordianum apud Capitolinum: Qui quasi conscii arcanorum consiliorum et familiarium sermonum principis arbitri, fucum aliis faciunt, fumumque vendunt. HOLST. Et ostensum est mihi hoc. Ita paulo ante: Et ostendatur tibi. Sic etiam Tertullianus et Cyprianus de visis divinitus oblatis loquuntur. Quod etiam non semel igitur in Apocalypsi. Utiliter porro vulgari oblatas singulis visiones, docet Tertullianus lib. De idololatria, cap. 15, his verbis: Nec tutum est subtrahere, quodcunque uni fuerit ostensum. HOLST.

"I who knew that I talked with the Lord." That is, to have a place of particular favour with God, such as those have who are intimates of princes and singularly dear to them, so that they can speak with them when they wish. Hence those who boast of this falsely, as sometimes happens, are said by Misitheus, in his Letter to Gordian in Capitolinus, "to sell the prince's chatter": "who, as though privy to his secret counsels and witnesses of the prince's familiar talk, deceive others and sell smoke." HOLSTENIUS.

"And this was shown to me." So a little before: "And let it be shown to you." So too Tertullian and Cyprian speak of things seen by divine gift. Which is also used [igitur, as printed, for agitur] more than once in the Apocalypse. Tertullian teaches, moreover, that it is profitable to make public the visions granted to individuals, On Idolatry, chapter 15, in these words: "Nor is it safe to withhold whatever has been shown to one." HOLSTENIUS. (printed under page 65)

(41) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 26

Omne genus ferramentorum. Glossae: Ferramenta ἐργαλεῖα σιδηρᾶ exponunt. Sed proprie ferramenta sunt arma ad nocendum apta, vel quaecunque aciem aut acumen habent. Ita Cethegus apud Ciceronem in Catilinariis, de gladiis et sicis apud se deprehensis, respondit: Se semper bonorum ferramentorum studiosum esse. Et Leg. 18, de instruct. Legat. Ferramenta laniandae carnis causa praeparata in lationis instrumento numerantur. HOLST.

"Every kind of iron implement." The glosses explain ferramenta as "iron tools". But properly ferramenta are weapons fit for harming, or whatever has an edge or point. So Cethegus, in Cicero's Catilinarians, when swords and daggers were found at his house, answered "that he had always been a collector of good ironware". And law 18 of the title On the furnishing of legacies: "Iron implements prepared for cutting meat are counted among the equipment of [lationis, as printed; probably laniationis] …" HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 65)

(42) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 26

Hami. In Glossario veteri inter aeramenta recensetur hamus, ἄγκιστρον; sed cum hic inter ferramenta et martyrii instrumenta ponatur, pro unco accipere malim, quo sanctorum corpora excarnificata, vel suspensa, in fluvium aut cloacas pertracta legimus. Unci enim isti hamis piscariis figura sunt similes, licet dispares magnitudine: unde et nomen commune utrisque manserit, nisi potius amae hic legendum, quarum post Plinium juniorem lib. X Epistolarum, et Juvenal. Satyra XIV, meminit Lex 3. ff. De officio praefecti vigilum, his verbis: Sciendum est praefectum vigilum per totam noctem vigilare debere, et coerrare calceatum cum amis et dolabris. Erant autem amae illae, ut vox ipsa indicat, falces, sed grandiores, seu ferramenta recurva longissimis contis suffixa: qualia incendii compescendi aut exstinguendi causa, etiam nunc Germaniae Galliaeque civitates passim in publicis locis parata habent, easque cum dolabris JC. hoc loco jungit, quibus milites ad vallum aut murum subruendum olim usos ex Livio constat. Lex autem 12, ff. de instruct. Leg., amas et harpagones conjungit: quemadmodum Vegetius lib. V: Falces et harpagones. Unde Nonius cap. 18: Falces et harpagae, armorum genera, murorum expugnationi apta. Et Cicero pro Milone: Cum falcibus ad Castoris, cum gladiis toto foro volitant. HOLST.

"Hooks." In an old Glossary hamus, "fish-hook", is listed among bronze wares; but since here it is set among iron implements and instruments of martyrdom, I would rather take it as the hook by which we read the bodies of the saints, tortured or hung up, were dragged into the river or the sewers. For those hooks are like fish-hooks in shape, though unlike in size; whence the common name remained to both. Unless rather amae should be read here, which, after the younger Pliny in book X of the Letters and Juvenal's Satire XIV, law 3 of the Digest title On the office of the prefect of the watch mentions in these words: "It is to be known that the prefect of the watch must keep watch all night and go the rounds shod, with hooks and axes." Those amae were, as the word itself indicates, sickles, but larger, or curved irons fixed to very long poles, such as the cities of Germany and Gaul even now keep ready everywhere in public places for checking or putting out fires; and the jurist in this place joins them with axes, which soldiers, as Livy shows, once used for undermining a rampart or wall. And law 12 of the Digest title On the furnishing of legacies joins amae and grappling-hooks, as Vegetius does, book V: "Sickles and grappling-hooks." Hence Nonius, chapter 18: "Sickles and grapples, kinds of arms fit for storming walls." And Cicero, For Milo: "With sickles they fly about at the temple of Castor, with swords over the whole forum." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 65)

(43) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 26

Insidias parabat: Holst. praestabat, hoc est, tendebat, struebat, aut moliebatur. Sic Cyprianus De habitu virginum dixit: Praestare vitiis illecebram.

"He was laying an ambush": Holstenius reads "praestabat", that is, he was stretching, setting up or contriving it. So Cyprian, On the Dress of Virgins, said: "to furnish an allurement to vices".

(printed under page 65)

Page

running head: UÆ ET FELICITATIS 26 (left part cut off at the image edge; the page's running head is incomplete in the image)
marginal letters: A gustam, per quam non nisi singuli; B (40) Quae me sciebam fabulari; C ramenta sunt arma ad nocendum; D Sciendum est praefectum vigilum
old-edition numerals: 26 after ascenderet

PL 3:27

Ascendit autem Saturus prior, qui postea se propter nos ultro tradiderat. et tunc cum adducti sumus, praesens non fuerat: et pervenit in caput scalae, et convertit se ad me, et dixit mihi: « Perpetua, sustineo te. Sed vide ne te mordeat draco ille. » Et dixi ego: « Non me nocebit in nomine Domini Jesu Christi. » Et de sub ipsa scala quasi timens me, lente elevavit caput: et cum primum gradum calcassem, calcavi

But Saturus went up first, who had afterwards handed himself over of his own accord for our sake, and at the time when we were brought in he had not been present; and he reached the top of the ladder, and turned towards me, and said to me: "Perpetua, I am waiting for you. But see that that dragon does not bite you." And I said: "It will not harm me, in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ." And from beneath the ladder itself, as though afraid of me, it slowly raised its head; and when I had trodden on the first step, I trod

Editors' notes and page, col. 27

Footnotes

[The foot image begins at the heading "Variorum notae"; the Variae lectiones above it are set below from the column images of cols 27 and 28 (the lines run across the page). Several words at the foot of col 27 and in (51) are blotted in the scan; readings there are marked.] — Variae lectiones —

— Variant readings —

17 · call in col 27 (after Saturus) Hunc codices aliqui Satyrum appellant, alii Saturnum. Sed perinde est.

Some manuscripts call him Satyrus, others Saturnus. But it comes to the same.

(printed under page 66) 18 · call in col 27 (after ad me) Ad me in Holst. deest.

"Ad me" is missing in Holstenius.

(printed under page 66) 19 · call in col 27 (after me, before lente) Lente ejecit caput et quasi primum, etc. Holst.

Holstenius: "lente ejecit caput et quasi primum," etc.

(printed under page 66) — Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 66)

(43) (continued from p. 65) · col 27

Et hujus generis locutiones Tertulliano sunt frequentissimae; ut lib. IV contra Marcionem, cap. 35: Veniam praestare fratri et non petenti. Lib. ad Scapulam, cap. 2. Salutem praestare imperatori. Apolog., cap. 46: Veritatem ex fide praestare. De poenit., cap. 3: Justitiam Deo praestare. Et cap. 44: Castigationem victus atque cultus offenso Domino praestare. Lib. De virgin. vel., cap. 13: Continentiam soli Deo praestare. Et ut alia hujus generis praeteream, lib. contra Judaeos, cap. 9, insignis est locus in explicatione oraculi prophetici Isaiae, cap. VII: Non pusillum vobis certamen cum hominibus, quoniam Deus praestet certamen. Ubi LXX habent, παρέχειν ἀγῶνα, quod Cyprianus ad Verbum vertit, praestare agonem, epist. VIII, et lib. II Contra Judaeos. Minutius quoque Felix in Octav.: Nos pudorem non facie, sed mente praestamus. Et Greg. PP. lib. II. Epistolar., epist. 4: Nihil tarditatis praestantes. His addo Rufinum lib. V. Hist. Eccles., cap. 2: Post aliquot dies, cum nullam sepeliendi gratiam praestitissent, incensa ossa martyrum. Et lib. VI, cap. 29: Interitum praestare. Et sic vulgatus noster Actor. 24 et 25 vertit, gratiam praestare, quod in Graeco legitur, χάριτας καταθέσθαι. HOLST.

And locutions of this kind are very frequent in Tertullian: as in book IV Against Marcion, chapter 35: "to grant pardon to a brother even when he does not ask." To Scapula, chapter 2: "to render safety to the emperor." Apology, chapter 46: "to render truth out of faith." On Penance, chapter 3: "to render justice to God." And chapter 44 [as printed]: "to render chastening of food and dress to the offended Lord." On the Veiling of Virgins, chapter 13: "to render continence to God alone." And to pass over others of the kind, in the book Against the Jews, chapter 9, there is a remarkable passage in the explanation of the prophetic oracle of Isaiah chapter 7: "It is no small contest for you with men, since God furnishes the contest." Where the Septuagint has "to furnish a contest", which Cyprian translated word for word, "praestare agonem", letter VIII and book II Against the Jews. Minucius Felix too, in the Octavius: "We show modesty not in the face but in the mind." And Pope Gregory, book II of the Letters, letter 4: "showing no tardiness". To these I add Rufinus, book V of the Ecclesiastical History, chapter 2: "After some days, when they had granted no favour of burial, the bones of the martyrs were burned." And book VI, chapter 29: "to bring about death." And so our Vulgate renders in Acts 24 and 25 "gratiam praestare", where the Greek reads "to lay up favours". HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 66)

(44) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 27

Cum adducti sumus. Tertullianus lib. De patient, cap. 3. Cum traditur, cum adducitur ut pecus ad victimam, etc. HOLST.

"When we were brought." Tertullian, On Patience, chapter 3: "When he is handed over, when he is led like a beast to sacrifice," etc. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 66)

(45) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 27

Perpetua, sustineo te. Quod Graece diceretur ἐπέχω, ὑπομένω σε, exspecto te. Ita vulgatus Scripturae interpres Tobiae V, 9, illa verba ὑπομεῖνόν με, καὶ ἐρῶ τῷ πατρί, vertit: Sustine me, obsecro, donec et ipsa nuntiem patri meo. Et Matth. XXVI, 38. μείνατε ὧδε, Sustinete hic. Actor. XX, 5, ἔμενον ἡμᾶς ἐν Τρωάδι. Sustinuerunt nos Troade. Et similiter alibi: nec aliter Tertullianus Apolog. cap. 35: Cui opus est percrutari super Caesaris salute, nisi a quo aliquid post illam speratur et sustinetur? Lib. De poenit.. cap. 6: Veniam delictorum sustinere. Et Adv. Judaeos, cap. 6: Novae legis lator, si jam venit, serviendum est illi: si necdum venit, sustinendus est. Et Ad martyres, cap. 2: Mundus judicia non proconsulis, sed Dei sustinet. Ita quoque in Cleri Romani ad Cyprianum, epist. XXXI: Quanquam nobis placeat Ecclesiae pacem sustinendam. Et sub finem ejusdem epist.: Interea dum episcopus dari a Deo nobis sustinetur. Acta etiam Passionis S. Cypriani: Cum se dalmatica exspoliasset, in linea stetit, et coepit spiculatorem sustinere, etc. Eodemque [blotted] modo noster infra: Num et Perpetua sustinebat [blotted]. Quibus verbis ad hunc locum alludit. Sustinere [blotted] poenam pro differre, dixit Ulpianus L. 6, ff. De poenis [blotted]. HOLST.

"Perpetua, I am waiting for you." What in Greek would be "I hold on, I wait for you", I await you. So the Vulgate translator of Scripture, Tobit 5:9, renders the words "wait for me, and I will tell my father" as: "Wait for me, I pray, until I too tell my father." And Matthew 26:38, "stay here", "Sustinete hic". Acts 20:5, "they waited for us at Troas", "Sustinuerunt nos Troade". And likewise elsewhere; nor otherwise Tertullian, Apology chapter 35: "Who needs to pry into Caesar's welfare, except one by whom something is hoped for and awaited after it?" On Penance, chapter 6: "to await pardon of sins." And Against the Jews, chapter 6: "If the giver of the new law has already come, He must be served; if He has not yet come, He must be awaited." And To the Martyrs, chapter 2: "The world awaits the judgements not of the proconsul but of God." So too in the Roman clergy's letter to Cyprian, letter XXXI: "Although we are agreed that the peace of the Church is to be awaited." And near the end of the same letter: "Meanwhile, while a bishop is awaited to be given us by God." The Acts of the Passion of St Cyprian too: "When he had stripped off his dalmatic, he stood in his linen and began to wait for the executioner," etc. And in the same way our author below: "Was Perpetua also waiting?" — words by which he alludes to this place. Ulpian used "to sustain a penalty" for "to defer", law 6 of the Digest title On penalties. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 66)

(46) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 27

Non me nocebit. Ita Tertullianus De exhort. cast.: Puto nobis non magis licere nascentem nocere, quam natum. Et Plautus in Milite: Jura te non nociturum esse hominem. HOLST.

"It will not harm me" [nocere with the accusative]. So Tertullian, On the Exhortation to Chastity: "I think it is no more lawful for us to harm one being born than one born." And Plautus in the Miles: "Swear that you will not harm the man." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 66)

(47) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 27

De sub ipsa scala. Sic in Actis S. Clementis PP. De sub cujus pede, etc. Et in fragmentis Gromaticis Latini Togati: Terminus sive [blotted] petra naturalis, in ungulam pecoris bifurcam habuerit, de sub saxo egredientem aquam significat, etc. Utitur simili locutione et Innocentius De notis litterarum, ut Rigaltius in Glossis agrimensoriis jampridem observavit. Sed et apud alios probos auctores haec geminatio praepositionum usitata reperitur: ut de insuper, et de versus, apud Sallustium et Festum, ut omittam De post faetantes in Psalmo LXXVII, 71, de secus, et de inter, in Gestis purgationis Caeciliani in collatione Carthaginiensi. Praeterea ab ante, in ante, de intus, de trans, de super, et similia leguntur. HOLST.

"From under the ladder itself." So in the Acts of St Clement, Pope: "From under whose foot," etc. And in the gromatic fragments of Latinus Togatus: "A boundary-mark, or natural rock, if it has [a mark] like a beast's cloven hoof, signifies water coming out from under the stone," etc. Innocentius uses a like locution in On the Signs of Letters, as Rigault long ago observed in his Glosses on the land-surveyors. But this doubling of prepositions is found in use in other sound authors too: as "de insuper" and "de versus" in Sallust and Festus, not to mention "De post faetantes" in Psalm 77:71, "de secus" and "de inter" in the Acts of the Purgation of Caecilian in the Conference of Carthage. Besides, "ab ante", "in ante", "de intus", "de trans", "de super" and the like are read. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 66)

Page

running head: 27 PASSIO SS. MART[...] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A Ascendit autem Saturus; B log., cap. 46 : Veritatem (in the Variorum notae); C quod in Graeco legitur (in the Variorum notae); D in Cleri Romani ad Cyprianum (in the Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 27 after me (Non me 27 nocebit)
other: the word calcavi was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 28
other: variants 17-19 added by QA Q6a from the column images

PL 3:28

illius caput. Et asceudi et vidi spatium horti immensum, et in medio horti sedentem hominem canum, in habitu pastoris, grandem, oves mulgentem: et circumstantes candidati millia multa. Et legavit caput et adspexit me, et dixit mihi: « Bene venisti, tecnon. » Et clamavit me, et de caseo quod mulgebat dedit mihi quasi buccellam, et ego accepi junctis manibus, et manducavi: et universi circumstantes

on its head. And I went up and saw an immense expanse of garden, and in the middle of the garden a grey-haired man sitting in the dress of a shepherd, tall, milking sheep; and standing around were many thousands clothed in white. And he raised his head and looked at me, and said to me: "You are welcome, child." And he called me, and from the cheese that he was milking he gave me as it were a little mouthful, and I received it with joined hands and ate; and all those standing

Editors' notes and page, col. 28

Footnotes

(48) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 28

In habitu pastoris oves mulgentem. Repraesentatus est Perpetuae Christus ea forma, qua pictus cernebatur in oratoriis et vasis sacris illorum temporum. Nam cum Evangelia titulum et personam pastoris, praecipue Christo attribuant, gaudebant primorum temporum christiani, hanc ejus amabilissimam speciem, fidelium, nomine ovium passim designatorum, frequentissime oculis objicere. Habes in Roma subterranea Bosii, pag. 59 et deinceps, multas imagines e coemeteriorum monumentis expressas, in quibus ferme omnibus, Christus pastoris specie cum ovibus pingitur; in prima etiam hac ipsa forma hic expressa, pastoris oves mulgentis. Non raro etiam pingebatur ferens in humeris repertam ovem quae periebat, juxta parabolam Evangelicam; idque praecipue in calicibus: quod indicat Tertullianus in lib. De pudicitia contra catholicos scripto, cap. 7, his verbis: A parabolis, licebit, incipias, ubi est ovis perdita a Domino requisita, et humeris ejus revecta. Procedant ipsae picturae calicum vestrorum, si vel in illis perlucebit interpretatio pecudis illius, etc., HOLST.

"Milking sheep in the dress of a shepherd." Christ was represented to Perpetua in the form in which He was seen painted in the oratories and sacred vessels of those times. For since the Gospels attribute the title and role of shepherd chiefly to Christ, the Christians of the first times delighted to set before their eyes very often this most lovable aspect of His, with the faithful everywhere designated by the name of sheep. You have in Bosio's Roma sotterranea, page 59 and following, many pictures taken from the monuments of the cemeteries, in almost all of which Christ is painted in the guise of a shepherd with sheep; in the first, indeed, in this very form expressed here, of a shepherd milking sheep. Not seldom too He was painted carrying on His shoulders the found sheep that was perishing, after the Gospel parable; and this especially on chalices, as Tertullian indicates in the book On Modesty, written against the Catholics, chapter 7, in these words: "You may begin, if you like, with the parables, where the lost sheep is sought by the Lord and carried back on His shoulders. Let the very paintings of your chalices come forward, if even in them the interpretation of that beast shines through," etc. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 66)

(49) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 28

Et circumstantes candidati millia multa. Quod millia multa jungatur sine copula cum voce candidati, non solum exemplum habet ex vulgato interprete Apocalypsis, cap. VII: Quadraginta millia signati; sed et a Trebellio Pollione in Vita Claudii imp., ubi sic legitur: Huic salarium de nostro privato aerario dabis annuo frumenti modios tria millia, hordei sex millia, laridi libras duo millia, vini veteris sextarios tria millia quingentos, etc. Similia et apud alios occurrunt. HOLST.

"And standing round, many thousands clothed in white." That "many thousands" is joined to the word candidati without a conjunction has an example not only in the Vulgate translator of the Apocalypse, chapter 7: "forty thousand sealed", but also in Trebellius Pollio, Life of the Emperor Claudius, where we read: "You will give him as salary from our private treasury yearly three thousand measures of wheat, six thousand of barley, two thousand pounds of bacon, three thousand five hundred pints of old wine," etc. Like things occur in others too. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 66)

(50) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 28

Bene venisti, tecnon. Salutatio quasi parentis ad filiam. Nam τέκνον Graecum ad utrumque sexum accommodatur, ut cuivis notum. HOLST.

"Welcome, child." A greeting as of a parent to a daughter. For the Greek teknon is applied to either sex, as anyone knows. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 66)

(51) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 28

[Et — blotted in the scan] clamavit me. Jam tum corrumpi incipiente latina lingua in vulgari usu, haec verbi clamare constructio in vulgi usum emanaverat: quae deinde in Italicam vulgarem est recepta, mi chiamo. HOLST.

"He called me." Already then, as the Latin tongue was beginning to be corrupted in common use, this construction of the verb clamare had spread into popular use; it was afterwards received into vulgar Italian, "mi chiamo". HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 66)

(52) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 28

Et de caseo quod mulgebat, dedit mihi quasi buccellam. Augustinus sup. relatus vocat buccellam lactis. Multa dici possent de usu lactis et mellis symbolice catechumenis dari solito, et Hesychio in Exodum p. 257, et Tertulliano De corona p. 121 ed. Rig., ubi dixit: Lactis et mellis concordiam praegustamus. Vide Albaspinaeum lib. II Observ. ulti- (continues)

"And of the cheese he was milking he gave me as it were a morsel." Augustine, cited above, calls it "a morsel of milk". Much could be said of the custom of giving milk and honey symbolically to catechumens, both from Hesychius on Exodus, page 257, and from Tertullian, On the Crown, page 121 of Rigault's edition, where he said: "We have a foretaste of the harmony of milk and honey." See Aubespine, book II of the Observations, [last] (continues)

(printed under page 66)

Page

running head: [PASS]IO SS. MARTYRUM 28 (left edge of the head cut off in the image)
marginal letters: A cavi illius caput; B observavit. Sed et apud alios (in the page-foot notes); C stus pastoris specie cum ovibus (in the page-foot notes); D ris sextarios tria millia (in the page-foot notes)
old-edition numerals: 28 after canum,; 29 after accepi
misprints kept as printed in the source: asceudi (for ascendi); legavit (for levavit)
other: the word circumstantes was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 29
other: the Variae lectiones printed under this column (the right halves of variants 17-19, called in col 27) are set in n27

PL 3:29

dixerunt, Amen. Et ad sonum vocis experrecta sum, commanducans adhuc dulcis nescio quid. Et retuli statim fratri meo, et intelleximus passionem esse futuram: et coepimus nullam jam spem in saeculo habere.

around said, Amen. And at the sound of the voice I awoke, still chewing something sweet, I know not what. And at once I reported it to my brother, and we understood that there would be a passion; and we began to have no longer any hope in this world.

CAPUT II.

Chapter II.

ARGUMENTUM. — Perpetua a patre op⟨pugnata⟩, confortat eum; cum aliis ad tribuna⟨l⟩ ⟨d⟩ucta, con⟨fitetur⟩

Argument. — Perpetua, assailed by her father, comforts him; led with others to the tribunal, she confesses

Editors' notes and page, col. 29

Footnotes

[The foot image starts below the top of the notes; the opening lines of the notes in col 29 (continuing (52) from p. 66) and the first four lines of the notes in col 30 were read from the column images (QA Q6b) and are set here.] — Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 67)

(52) (continued from p. 66) · cols 29–30

[the word ending ‹ma.› is split from p. 66 and belongs there] HOLST. — Et de caseo quod mulgebat dedit mihi quasi buccellam: et ego accepi junctis manibus, et manducavi, et universi circumstantes dixerunt. Amen. Ad haec verba, quod notatum in Holstenii schedis reperi de lacte catechumensis dari solito, non sufficit ad sententiam loci declarandam: et alio his adjuncturum fuisse auctorem, si ultimam huic operi manum potuisset imponere, declarat spatium purae chartae ab eo in Adversariis, post haec quae descripsimus S. Perpetuae verba, relictum, ultimis videlicet curis explendum. Explicandum scilicet restabat, quomodo ex hac porrectione buccellae per visum ministratae experrecta intellexerit S. Perpetua, itemque frater ejus, postquam ei rem narravit, significatum divinitus, eos qui carcere attinebantur, nequaquam inde dimittendos, sed consummandos martyrio. Haec enim post superius descripta verba, ibi subduntur. Et retuli statim fratri (qui nempe illam rogaverat, ut ostendi sibi divinitus curaret, moriturine essent, an salvi emittendi), et intelleximus passionem esse futuram: et coepimus nullam jam spem in saeculo habere. Unde autem id intellexerint, merito quaeritur. Ego existimo, inde quod in visione adumbratus erga Perpetuam ritus fuerat Eucharistiae ministrandae: quae cum notissimo tunc usu dari soleret iis quos certum erat brevi morituros, recte in Perpetua et ipsius fratre ita interpretati sunt, ut significatam eo viso confessorum mox secuturam necem arbitrarentur. Ritus perceptionis Eucharistiae eo adumbratus cernitur: quod quasi buccella Perpetuae porrigitur, quod eam ipsa accipit junctis manibus, quod deinde comedit, circumstantibus, Amen, acclamantibus. Quae omnia in Eucharistiae olim ministratione solita servari, notius est e plurium antiquorum testimoniis et sancti praesertim Ambrosii, quam ut demonstrari pluribus opus sit. Certe de usu Africanarum Ecclesiarum peculiariter constat solitas eas Eucharistiam ministrare confessoribus in martyrii procinctu constitutis: idque ita necessarium arbitratas esse ut inde argumentum sumpserint scribendi ad Cornelium Rom. Pontificem, manu quidem et calamo Cypriani, nomine autem aliorum quoque septem et triginta episcoporum Africanorum, ut aequi consuleret gratiam fieri legis prius sancitae de non admittendis unquam ad Ecclesiae et Eucharistiae communionem iis qui semel in persecutione lapsi fuissent: quoniam tunc ex iis multi in poenitentiam numero scripti a novis persecutoribus periclitarentur, et ut res se habebant, brevi pro Christi confessione interficiendi viderentur; quibus in procinctu agonis positis, denegari consuetum viaticum Corporis Christi, nimis erat inhumanum. Ex hac Epistola, quae secunda lib. I apud Cyprianum est (in nostra ed. LVII, vid. infr.) quaedam adscribam, ad fidem rei quam tractamus faciendam, opportuna. Sed cum, inquiunt, videamus diem rursus alterius infestationis appropinquare coepisse, et crebris atque assiduis ostensionibus admoneamur, ut ad certamen quod nobis hostis indicit, armati et parati simus, plebem etiam nobis de divina dignatione commissam exhortationibus nostris paremus, et omnes omnino milites Christi, qui arma desiderant, et praelium flagitant intra castra dominica colligamus; necessitate cogente censuimus, eis qui de Ecclesia Domini non recesrunt, sed poenitentiam agere et lamentari, ac Dominum deprecari a primo lapsus sui die non destiterunt, pacem dandam esse, et eos ad praelium quod imminet, armari et instrui oportere. Et paulo post: At vero nunc non infirmis, sed fortibus pax necessaria est, nec morientibus, sed viventibus communicatio a nobis danda est, ut quos excitamus et exhortamur ad praelium, non inermes et nudos relinquamus; sed protectione sanguinis et corporis Christi muniamus; et cum ad hoc fiat Eucharistia, ut possit accipientibus esse tutela, quo tutos esse contra Adversarum volumus munimento dominicae saturitatis armemus. Nam quomodo docemus aut provocamus eos in confessione nominis sanguinem suum fundere, si eis militaturis Christi sanguinem denegamus? aut quomodo ad martyrii poculum idoneos facinus, si non eos ad bibendum in Ecclesia poculum Domini jure communicationis admittimus? Siquidem, ut aliquando post additur: Idoneus esse non potest ad martyrium, qui ab Ecclesia non armatur ad praelium: et mens deficit, quam non recepta Eucharistia erigit et accendit. POSSINUS. Ex his verbis: Et de caseo, quod mulgebat, dedit mihi buccellam, perperam colligit Noesseltus Perpetuam a Montanistarum familia fuisse; quippe quos, aliquos certe, Epiphanius, aliique dicunt in sacra coena adhibuisse caseum, unde nomen Artotyritarum traxerunt. Vid ipsamet ejus verba supra. t. novissim. Biblioth PP. col. 174. Verum res est prorsus incerta an Hartotyrtae fuerint e secta Montanistarum. Cf. ea quae de iis praefati sumus in hoc volumine. EDD.

[…] HOLSTENIUS. — "And of the cheese which he was milking he gave me as it were a morsel; and I received it with joined hands, and ate, and all those standing around said, Amen." On these words, what I found noted in Holstenius's papers, about the milk customarily given to catechumens ["catechumensis" as printed], is not enough to explain the sense of the passage; and that the author would have added something else to these, had he been able to put the last hand to this work, is shown by the space of blank paper he left in his Adversaria after the words of St Perpetua that we have copied, to be filled, of course, by his last labours. What remained to be explained, namely, was how St Perpetua, on waking, understood from this offering of a morsel ministered in the vision, and likewise her brother after she told him the matter, that it was divinely signified that those held in prison would by no means be released, but would be consummated by martyrdom. For these words follow there, after those copied above: "And I told my brother at once" (who, that is, had asked her to see that it be divinely shown to him whether they were to die or be released safe), "and we understood that it would be a passion; and we began to have no more hope in this world." Whence they understood it is rightly asked. I think it was because in the vision the rite of ministering the Eucharist had been sketched out towards Perpetua: since by a very well known custom of the time it was usually given to those who were certain to die shortly, Perpetua and her brother rightly interpreted it to mean that the death of the confessors, soon to follow, was signified by that vision. The rite of receiving the Eucharist is seen sketched in it: that a morsel, as it were, is held out to Perpetua; that she receives it with joined hands; that she then eats it, while those standing round cry Amen. That all this was customarily observed in the ministering of the Eucharist of old is too well known from the testimonies of many ancients, and especially of St Ambrose, to need further demonstration. Certainly it is established of the practice of the African churches in particular that they were accustomed to minister the Eucharist to confessors placed in readiness for martyrdom; and that they judged this so necessary that they took from it the ground for writing to Cornelius, the Roman pontiff (by the hand and pen of Cyprian, but in the name also of thirty-seven other African bishops), that he should agree to a relaxation of the law earlier enacted, never to admit to the communion of the Church and the Eucharist those who had once lapsed in persecution: since many of them, then enrolled in penance, were endangered by new persecutors and, as things stood, seemed likely shortly to be killed for confessing Christ; and to deny the customary viaticum of the Body of Christ to men set in readiness for the contest was too inhuman. From this letter, which is the second of book I in Cyprian (in our edition LVII; see below), I will add some things apt to establish the matter we treat: "But since," they say, "we see that the day of another attack has again begun to approach, and we are warned by frequent and constant showings to be armed and ready for the contest the enemy declares against us, and to prepare by our exhortations the people entrusted to us by the divine favour, and to gather within the Lord's camp all the soldiers of Christ without exception who desire arms and demand battle, necessity compelling, we have decided that peace is to be given to those who have not withdrawn ["recesrunt" as printed] from the Church of the Lord, but have not ceased, from the first day of their fall, to do penance and lament and beseech the Lord, and that they must be armed and equipped for the battle that threatens." And a little after: "But now peace is needed not by the weak but by the strong, and communion is to be given by us not to the dying but to the living, so that those whom we rouse and exhort to battle we may not leave unarmed and naked, but may fortify with the protection of the blood and body of Christ; and since the Eucharist is made for this, that it may be a safeguard to those who receive it, let us arm those whom we wish to be safe against the Adversary with the defence of the Lord's fullness. For how do we teach or urge them to shed their blood in confessing the Name, if we deny the blood of Christ to those about to fight? Or how do we make them fit for the cup of martyrdom, if we do not admit them, by right of communion, to drink the cup of the Lord in the Church?" Indeed, as is added somewhat later: "He cannot be fit for martyrdom who is not armed for battle by the Church; and the mind fails which the received Eucharist does not raise up and kindle." POSSINUS.

From these words, "And of the cheese which he was milking he gave me a morsel," Nösselt wrongly concludes that Perpetua was of the Montanist family; since some of them, at least, Epiphanius and others say, used cheese in the sacred supper, whence they took the name Artotyritae. See his very words above, in the latest volume of the Bibliotheca Patrum, col. 174. But it is wholly uncertain whether the Artotyritae ["Hartotyrtae" as printed] belonged to the Montanist sect. Compare what we said of them in the preface to this volume. THE EDITORS. (printed under page 67)

Page

running head: 29 PERPETUÆ ET FELIC[...] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹stantes dixerunt, Amen. Et ad sonum›; B ‹ctum, ultimis videlicet curis› (in the Variorum notae); C ‹bratus cernitur : quod quasi bucella› (in the Variorum notae); D ‹persecutoribus periclitarentur› (in the Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 3:30

se christianam, damnatur cum reliquis ad bestias; orat pro fratre Dinocrate mortuo, quem in visione intelligit a purgatorii poenis affligi et liberari.

herself a Christian, is condemned with the rest to the beasts; she prays for her dead brother Dinocrates, whom in a vision she understands to be afflicted by the pains of purgatory and to be set free.

« I. Post paucos dies rumor cucurrit ut audiremur. Supervenit autem et de civitate pater meus, consumptus taedio, ascendit ad me ut me dejiceret, dicens: « Miserere, filia. canis meis; miserere patri, si dignus sum a te pater vocari. Si his te manibus

« I. After a few days a rumour ran that we were to be heard. And my father too arrived from the city, worn out with weariness, and came up to me to cast me down, saying: « Have pity, daughter, on my grey hairs; have pity on your father, if I am worthy to be called father by you. If with these hands

Editors' notes and page, col. 30

Footnotes

(53) ‹spem in saeculo habere› · call in col 29

Et coepimus nullam spem in saeculo habere. Sic Pontius de Cypriano jam certo de futura passione: Ille vero jam mundum suspensa ad coelum menti neglexerat. Et ipse Cyprianus, epist. VI: Saeculo renuntiaveramus cum baptizati sumus; sed nunc vere renuntiavimus saeculo, quando tentati et probati a Deo, nostra omnia relinquentes, etc. Idem De habitu virginum: Apud martyres non est carnis et saeculi cogitatio; nimirum, ut idem ait epist. I, ad Donatum: Nihil appetere jam, nihil desiderare de saeculo potest, qui saeculo major est. Unde epist. XV, his verbis adhortatur Moysem caeterosque confessores morti addictos: Sperantes jam sola coelestia, et tantum divina meditantes, ad fastigia celsiora, mora ipsa passionis ascenditis. Nam ut Celerinus confessor apud eumdem, epist, XXI, ait: Hoc solet contingere servis Dei; maxime eis qui in confessione Christi sunt constituti; scio enim quoniam unusquisque jam quae sunt saeculi non attendit, quoniam coronam coelestem sperat. Lucifer Calaritanus lib. Quod moriendum pro Filio Dei: Novimus hanc esse nobis traditam divinitus disciplinam, ut sine ullo terrore malitiae, vim tueamur tanti nominis: quippe quos jam pridem aeternae memoriae cupiditas abstraxerit a desiderio istius lucis, quosque ad calcanda omnia terrena, Christi societas segregavit. Porro contemptus iste saeculi, proprius martyrum θνηξομένων, statim moriturorum, imitatione affectabatur ab iis qui serio conversi vitam perfectam capessebant. Possidius de S. Augustino Ecclesiae sacramentis ab Ambrosio initiato: Mox ex intimis cordis medullis ad Deum conversus, spem omnem quam habebat in saeculo dereliquit. Quia vero qui vitam monasticam (continues)

"And we began to have no more hope in this world." So Pontius of Cyprian, now certain of his coming passion: "He, with his mind hung upon heaven, had already disregarded the world." And Cyprian himself, letter VI: "We had renounced the world when we were baptized; but now we have truly renounced the world, when, tried and proved by God, we leave all that is ours," etc. The same, On the Dress of Virgins: "Among martyrs there is no thought of the flesh and the world"; that is, as he says in letter I, to Donatus: "He can no longer seek anything, desire anything from the world, who is greater than the world." Hence in letter XV he exhorts Moses and the other confessors condemned to death in these words: "Hoping now for heavenly things alone and meditating only on divine things, you climb to loftier heights by the very delay of your passion." For as Celerinus the confessor says in the same author, letter XXI: "This usually befalls the servants of God, above all those set in the confession of Christ; for I know that each of them no longer attends to the things of the world, since he hopes for the heavenly crown." Lucifer of Cagliari, book That one must die for the Son of God: "We know that this discipline has been divinely handed down to us, that without any terror of malice we should defend the power of so great a Name; since the desire of eternal memory has long since drawn us away from longing for this light, and fellowship with Christ has set us apart to trample on all earthly things." Moreover this contempt of the world, proper to martyrs "about to die", soon to die, was aimed at in imitation by those who, seriously converted, undertook the perfect life. Possidius on St Augustine, initiated into the sacraments of the Church by Ambrose: "Soon, turned to God from the inmost marrow of his heart, he abandoned all the hope he had in the world." But since those who [embraced] the monastic life (continues)

(printed under page 67)

Page

running head: [...]UÆ ET FELICITATIS. 30 (cut off at the left edge)
marginal letters: A ‹se christianam, damnatur›; B ‹muniamus ; et cum ad hoc fiat› (Variorum notae); C ‹Biblioth PP. col. 174› (Variorum notae); D ‹Christi sunt constituti› (Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 30 after ‹patri,›
other: editors' matter: the column opens with the end of the italic chapter summary begun in col. 29 (‹se christianam, damnatur›), set as its own paragraph; damaged type in ‹Supervenit autem›, ‹consumptus taedio› and ‹si dignus sum a te›, but the words are legible and set in full; ‹mani-› is split at the column break (manibus); the Variorum notae in this column (beginning ‹censuimus, eis qui de Ecclesia›) continue note (52), which is set whole in n29 (its first four lines in this column added by QA Q6b); the left-hand column fragments belong to col. 29
other: the word manibus was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 31

PL 3:31

ad hunc florem aetatis provexi; si te praeposui omnibus fratribus tuis, ne me dederis in dedecus hominum. Aspice ad fratres tuos, aspice ad matrem tuam et materteram, aspice ad filium tuum qui post te vivere non poterit. Depone animos, ne universos nos extermines. Nemo enim nostrum libere loquetur, si tu aliquid fueris passa. » Haec dicebat pater pro sua pietate basians mihi manus; et se ad pedes meos jactans, et lacrymis non filiam, sed dominam me vocabat. Et ego dolebam canos patris mei, quod solus de passione mea gavisurus non esset de toto genere meo; et confortavi eum, dicens: « Hoc fiet in illa catasta quod

I have brought you up to this flower of your age; if I have preferred you to all your brothers, do not give me over to the disgrace of men. Look at your brothers, look at your mother and your mother's sister, look at your son, who will not be able to live after you. Lay aside your high spirit, lest you destroy us all. For none of us will speak freely if you suffer anything." These things my father said out of his affection, kissing my hands and throwing himself at my feet, and with tears he called me not daughter but lady. And I grieved for my father's grey hairs, because he alone of all my family would not rejoice at my suffering; and I comforted him, saying: "That will happen on that platform which

Editors' notes and page, col. 31

Footnotes

[One line of the author's text at the crop edge; anchors for (57) "in illa catasta (57)" are visible there.] — Variae lectiones —

— Variant readings —

20 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 31 (numeral blurred; sequence gives 20) Cod. Compend. et Salisb. Et noli nos universos exterminare.

The Compiègne and Salzburg manuscripts: "And do not destroy us all."

21 ‹canos› · call in col 31 Causam. Holsten.

"Causam": Holstenius.

22 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 31–32 Cod. Salisb. Ascendimus catastam. Compend. in catastam.

Salzburg manuscript: "We went up the platform [catastam]." Compiègne: "onto the platform [in catastam]."

23 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 31–32 Uterque cod. ms. pro infanti habat, canos meos.

Both manuscripts, for "infanti", have "my grey hairs" ["habat" as printed].

24 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 32 Cod. Salisb. semper habet Elerianus. Compend. Helarianus.

The Salzburg manuscript always has "Elerianus"; Compiègne, "Helarianus".

— Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 68)

(53) (continued from p. 67) · col 31

suscipiebant, mori saeculo dicebantur, eorum quoque proprius hic sensus atque affectus erat; quod ipse de se Augustinus profitetur Serm. 49, De diversis: Quaerebam ubi constituerem monasterium; spem quippe omnem saeculi reliqueram HOLST.

took up were said to die to the world, this sense and feeling was their own too; as Augustine professes of himself, Sermon 49, On various subjects: "I was looking for where to establish a monastery; for I had left behind all hope of the world." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 68)

(54) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 31

Depone animos. Animi videntur hic poni pro spiritus, sive cogitationes aut affectus vehementiores. Sic Tertulianus lib. de Spectaculis: Itur in furias, et animos, et discordias Et lib. de Patient., cap. 7: Prohibita ira, restricti animi compressa petulantia manus; nisi forte animos vocarit hoc loco Perpetuae pater, sublimitatem animi, et conscientiae victricis vigorem, hoc est, generosam martyris constantiam, quomodo loquitur Cyprianus, epist. LXXVII. HOLST.

"Put away your proud spirit." Animi seems used here for spirits, that is, more vehement thoughts or feelings. So Tertullian, On the Shows: "They go into frenzies and passions and quarrels." And On Patience, chapter 7: "Anger forbidden, passions restrained, the wantonness of the hand checked"; unless perhaps Perpetua's father in this place called animi the loftiness of mind and vigour of a victorious conscience, that is, the martyr's noble constancy, as Cyprian speaks, letter LXXVII. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 68)

(55) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 31

Non filiam, sed dominam vocabat. Sic vulgatus interpres Joan. XII, 13: Vos vocatis me Magister et Domine. In Graeco etiam nominativus est pro accusandi casu, ὁ διδάσκαλος καὶ ὁ κύριος. HOLST.

"He called me not daughter but lady." So the Vulgate translator, John 12:13 [as printed; the verse is John 13:13]: "You call me Master and Lord." In the Greek too the nominative stands for the accusative: "the Teacher and the Lord." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 68)

(56) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 31

Quod solus de passione mea gavisurus non esset de toto genere meo. Ex his verbis videtur constare, et virum et matrem, et fratres omnes, ac cognatos Perpetuae fuisse christianos quod inferius proderit ad intelligendum, Dinocratem Perpetuae fratrem, cum septenuis moreretur, in familia ferme tota christiana, fuisse baptizatum. HOLST.

"That he alone of all my family would not rejoice in my passion." From these words it seems established that Perpetua's husband and mother and all her brothers and kin were Christians; which will help below towards understanding that Dinocrates, Perpetua's brother, when he died at seven years old, in a family almost wholly Christian, had been baptized. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 68)

(57) ‹in illa catasta› · call in col 31

Hoc fiet in illa catasta, etc. Catasta proprie locus erat editior; in quo servi venales exponebantur ἀπὸ τοῦ καταστῆναι, περὶ στεφάνων, id est ab exponendo dictus. Sic annotat Pamelius ad epist. XXXIII Cypriani, addens martyres in loco similiter edito ostendi populo cum judicarentur aut torquerentur, solitos. Unde est illud Cypriani jam citata epistola de Lectore, qui confessus Christum in catasta, deinde ad Ecclesiae pulpitum promotus fuerat: ad pulpitum post catastam venire; ut enim pulpitum in Ecclesia locus erat eminentior, ita et catasta in foro. Romanus martyr apud Prudentium, Audite cuncti, clamo longe ac praedico. / Emitto vocem de catasta celsior. Quasi diceret catasta pro pulpito utor. Est et alia vocis hujus acceptio pro equuleo. Glossarium vetus: Catasta, Equileum, genus poenae. Et Prudentius hymno I, Περι στέφανον, Verberum / Post vim crepantum, post catastas igneas. Sed haec posterior notio huc non facit. HOLST.

"This will happen on that platform," etc. Catasta was properly a raised place on which slaves for sale were displayed, [named] from kathistanai ["peri stephanon" is printed here, apparently out of place], that is, so called from displaying. So Pamelius notes on Cyprian's letter XXXIII, adding that martyrs were usually shown to the people in a similarly raised place when they were tried or tortured. Hence that phrase of Cyprian in the letter already cited, about the Reader who had confessed Christ on the catasta and was then promoted to the pulpit of the church: "to come to the pulpit after the catasta"; for as the pulpit was the more prominent place in the church, so was the catasta in the forum. The martyr Romanus in Prudentius: "Hear, all of you, I cry aloud and proclaim; I send forth my voice from the higher platform." As if to say, I use the catasta as a pulpit. There is also another sense of this word, for the rack. An old Glossary: "Catasta, the rack, a kind of punishment." And Prudentius, hymn I of the Peristephanon: "after the force of cracking scourges, after the fiery racks." But this latter sense does not apply here. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 68)

(58) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 31

Factus est populus immensus. Hoc est, immensa populi turba congregata est. Nam vox populus hoc loco densam et confertam hominum multitudinem significat: quo sensu etiam usurpatur ab Apuleio, lib. III Metamorphoseon, ubi dicitur: Statim civitas omnis in populum effusa, mira densitate nos insequitur. Quo loco non ferendum criticorum acumen, qui voci populum, publicum, vel propatulum substituunt HOLST.

"An immense people gathered." That is, an immense crowd of people assembled. For the word populus in this place signifies a dense and packed multitude of men; in which sense it is used also by Apuleius, book III of the Metamorphoses, where it is said: "At once the whole city, poured out into a throng, follows us in wonderful density." In that place the cleverness of the critics who substitute "publicum" or "propatulum" for "populum" is not to be borne. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 68)

Page

running head: 31 PASSIO SS. MART[...] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A bus ad hunc florem; B suscipiebant, mori saeculo; C stare, et virum et matrem; D Quasi diceret catasta pro pulpito
old-edition numerals: (none)
note calls in the text: (54) animos, variant 20 nos, (55) vocabat, variant 21 canos, (56) meo, (57) catasta

PL 3:32

Deus voluerit. Scito enim nos non in nostra potestate esse constitutos, sed in Dei. » Et recessit a me contristatus.

God has willed. For know that we are not placed in our own power, but in God's." And he went away from me grieved.

Alio die cum prandere⟨m⟩us, subito rapti sumus ut audiremur: et pervenimus ad forum. Rumor statim per vicinas fori partes cucurrit, et factus est populus immensus. Ascendimus in catastam. Interrogati caeteri confessi sunt. Ventum est et ad me, et apparuit pater illico cum filio meo, et extraxit me de gradu, et dixit supplicans: « Miserere infanti. « Et Hilarianus procurator, qui tunc, loco proconsulis Minucii Timiniani defuncti jus gladii acceperat: « Parce, inquit,

On another day, while we were dining, we were suddenly snatched away to be heard, and we came to the forum. At once a rumour ran through the neighbouring parts of the forum, and an immense crowd gathered. We went up onto the platform. The others, when questioned, confessed. It came to me as well, and my father appeared at once with my son, and drew me down from the step, and said, beseeching: "Have pity on the infant." And Hilarianus the procurator, who at that time, in place of the deceased proconsul Minucius Timinianus, had received the right of the sword: "Spare," he said,

Editors' notes and page, col. 32

Footnotes

(59) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 32

Interrogati caeteri confessi sunt. Non homicidia vel incestas nuptias, aut laesam Numinis Caesarisque majestatem, et quidquid veri ignara Gentilitas, Christum professis ojicere solebat; sed hoc tantum christianos se esse. Justinus martyr Apologia prima: Ἐξεταζόμενοι οὐκ ἀρνούμεθα, διὰ τὸ συνεπίστασθαι ἑαυτοῖς μηδὲν φαῦλον, etc. Interrogati non negamus; quippe nullius mali nobis conscii. Haec confessio sufficiebat elogio, quale illud fuit Polycarpi ter a praecone proclamatum. apud Eusebium lib. XIV, cap. 15; Πολύκαρπος ὡμολόγησεν ἑαυτὸν χριστιανὸν εἶναι. Polycarpus confessus est se christianum esse. Et illud Attali tabellae inscriptum apud eumdem lib. V. cap. 1: Οὗτός ἐστιν Ἄτταλος ὁ χριστιανός. Hic est Attalus christianus. HOLST.

"The others, when questioned, confessed." Not murders or incestuous marriages, or treason against the godhead and the Caesar, and whatever paganism, ignorant of the truth, used to charge against those who professed Christ; but only this, that they were Christians. Justin Martyr, First Apology: "When examined we do not deny it, being conscious of nothing evil in ourselves," etc. That is: when questioned we do not deny, conscious of no evil. This confession sufficed for the charge-sheet, such as that of Polycarp proclaimed three times by the herald, in Eusebius book XIV [as printed; IV], chapter 15: "Polycarp has confessed himself to be a Christian." And that inscribed on Attalus's placard, in the same author, book V, chapter 1: "This is Attalus the Christian." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 68)

(60) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 32

Et extraxit me de gradu Catastam intelligit editiorem, in quam rei capitis causam dicturi et judicis sententiam excepturi, ascendebant: ni potius in ipsa catasta gradum paulo sublimiorem fuisse dicamus, quem singuli rei ordine conscenderent, ut judici populoque eo magis essent conspicui: quod nos in Britannia observari vidimus. Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. VIII, cap. 9. τὸ πρὸ τοῦ δικαστοῦ βῆμα, gradum aut castatam coram judice erectam vocat: quod interpretes minime isthic observarunt, qui judicis tribunal vertunt. Eusebii verba sunt: Ἅμα γοῦν τῇ κατὰ τῶν προτέρων ἀποφάσει, ἐπεπήδων ἄλλοθεν ἄλλοι τῷ πρὸ τοῦ δικαστοῦ βήματι, χριστιανοὺς σφᾶς ὁμολογοῦντες. Simul ac priores damnati fuerant, assiliebant aliunde alii in editiorem locum ante judicem erectum, Christianos sese confitentes. Atque ita lib. V, cap. 1, Praeses Viennensis: Ἀνῆγεν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα θεατρίζων τοὺς μακαριους μάρτυρας, ἐμπομπεύων τοῖς ὄχλοις. Beatos martyres in editum gradum extulit, ut multitudini, velut in theatro et solemni pompa, spectandos proponeret. Dionysius Alexandrinus apud eumdem Eusebium τὸ βαθρὸν appellat, ubi de Ammone, Zenone, caeterisque militibus, qui stantes pro tribunali, Christianos vacillantes confirmabant, cumque vulgi clamoribus exposcerentur ad supplicium, φθάσαντες ἐπὶ τὸ βάθρον ἀνέδραμον. ipsi ultro in gradum prosilierunt, sese Christianos proclamantes. Si quis tamen de tribunali ejusque gradibus accipere malit non obnixe repugno HOLST.

"And he dragged me down from the step." He means the raised catasta, onto which those on capital charges went up to plead their cause and receive the judge's sentence; unless we should rather say that on the catasta itself there was a somewhat higher step which the accused mounted one by one in order, so as to be the more visible to the judge and the people: as we have seen observed in Britain. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History book VIII, chapter 9, calls "the platform before the judge" the step or catasta ["castatam" as printed] erected before the judge: which the translators did not at all observe there, rendering it the judge's tribunal. Eusebius's words are: "At the very moment of sentence on the former, others from elsewhere leapt up to the platform before the judge, confessing themselves Christians." That is: as soon as the first had been condemned, others sprang from elsewhere onto the raised place set up before the judge, confessing themselves Christians. And so in book V, chapter 1, the governor of Vienne: "He brought the blessed martyrs up onto the platform, making a theatre of them and parading them before the crowds." He raised the blessed martyrs onto the high step, to set them out for the multitude to watch, as in a theatre and a solemn procession. Dionysius of Alexandria, in the same Eusebius, calls it "the bench", where he tells of Ammon, Zeno and the other soldiers who, standing before the tribunal, strengthened wavering Christians, and when the mob's shouts demanded them for punishment, "running ahead, they sprang up onto the bench", leapt of their own accord onto the step, proclaiming themselves Christians. If anyone, however, would rather take it of the tribunal and its steps, I do not stubbornly oppose it. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 68)

Page

running head: SIO SS. MARTYRUM 32 (left part of the running head cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A Deus voluerit; B tudinem significat (beside the Variorum notae); C apud eumdem lib. v. (beside the Variorum notae); D "Ανηγεν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα (beside the Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 31 after contristatus.; 32 after inquit,
misprints kept as printed: « (for ») after "Miserere infanti." in the text; in note (60) μακαριους (no accent) and the first βαθρὸν (accent on the last syllable), as printed

PL 3:33

canis patris tui : parce infantiae pueri. Fac sacrum pro salute imperatorum. » Et ego respondi : « Non facio. » Hilarianus. « Christiana es ? inquit. Et ego respondi : « Christiana sum. » Et cum staret pater ad me dejiciendam, jussus est ab Hilariano dejici, et virga percussus est. Et doluit mihi casus patris mei, quasi ego fuissem percussa : sic dolui pro senecta ejus misera. Tunc nos universos pronuntiat, et damnat ad bestias : et hilares descendimus ad carcerem. Tunc, quia consueverat a me infans mammas accipere et mecum in carcere manere, statim mitto ad patrem Pomponium diaconum, postulans infantem : sed pater dare noluit :

grey hairs of your father: spare the infancy of the boy. Perform the sacrifice for the welfare of the emperors.' And I answered: 'I will not.' Hilarianus: 'Are you a Christian?' he said. And I answered: 'I am a Christian.' And when my father stood there to bring me down, he was ordered by Hilarianus to be thrown down, and he was struck with a rod. And my father's misfortune grieved me as if I had been struck myself: so did I grieve for his wretched old age. Then he passes sentence on us all, and condemns us to the beasts; and cheerfully we go down to the prison. Then, because the infant had been used to taking the breast from me and staying with me in the prison, I send the deacon Pomponius at once to my father, asking for the infant; but my father refused to give him:

Editors' notes and page, col. 33

Footnotes

[Note: on this page the two series headings appear transposed in print — "Variorum notae" stands over the variant readings and "Variae lectiones" over the commentary. Set as printed. Several words in col 33 and at the foot of col 34 are blotted in the scan; readings there are marked.] — Variorum notae [heading as printed; the entries are variant readings] —

— Notes of various editors [heading as printed; these are the variant readings] —

25 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 33 In cod. Compend. Pompinianum.

In the Compiègne manuscript: "Pompinianum".

26 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 34 (no call 26 stands in col 33) Pati Cod. Salis.

"Pati": Salzburg manuscript.

27 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 34 Haec desunt in edit. Holst. Rescribendum videtur in oramate, id est in visione, ut mox cap. 3, num. 2.

These words are lacking in Holstenius's edition. It seems one should rewrite "in oramate", that is, in a vision, as just below, chapter 3, number 2.

28 ‹ubi et complures erant (70)› · call in col 34 Complura erant loca tenebrosa. Holst.

"There were many dark places": Holstenius.

— Variae lectiones [heading as printed; the entries are the commentary] —

— Variant readings [heading as printed; these are the editors' notes] —

(printed under page 69)

(61) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 33

Parce canis patris tui. Sic Origenem adolescentem, martyrii desiderio flagrantem, rogabat mater, τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν μητρικῆς διαθέσεως φειδῶ λαβεῖν, hoc est, interprete Rufino: Uti sibi consuleret et parceret matri. HOLST.

"Spare your father's grey hairs." So Origen's mother begged him as a youth, burning with desire for martyrdom, "to have regard for her motherly feeling towards him"; that is, in Rufinus's rendering: "to take thought for her and spare his mother." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 69)

(62) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 33

Fac sacrum pro salute imperatorum. Hanc praecipuam christianos explorandi rationem a gentilibus usurpatam, omnium fere martyrum Acta docent, ut repudiata sacrificandi superstitione, in deos simul et principem commisisse convincerentur; ideoque quanto illi urgebant obnixius, eo constantius hi reatum idololatriae devitabant, ut hoc loco Perpetua constanter respondens: Non facio. Haec, inquit Tertullianus, est lex nostra propria christianorum per quam ab ethnicis agnoscimur et examinamur (De idololatria, cap. ult.) Unde Apologet. c. 9 foculum et acerram examinatorem christianorum appellat. [several words in this stretch blotted in the scan: "a gentilibus", "constantius", "hoc loco", "Haec", "nostra propria christianorum per quam", "agnoscimur", "De idololatria", "c. 9", "foculum et", "examinatorem"; read from what survives] Idem Apol. c. 10: Deos inquitis, non colitis et pro imperatoribus sacrificia non impenditis. Itaque sacrilegii et majestatis rei convenimur; summa haec causa, imo tota est. Inde utrumque hujus accusationis caput, longa et erudita dissertatione diluit, cujus summam paucis his verbis complexus est in libro ad Scapulam: Sacrificamus pro salute imperatoris, sed Deo nostro et ipsius: sed quomodo praecipit Deus, pura prece, ita nos magis oramus pro salute imperatoris, ab eo eam postulantes, qui praestare potest. HOLST.

"Offer sacrifice for the welfare of the emperors." The Acts of almost all the martyrs show that this was the chief means the pagans used to test Christians, so that, having rejected the superstition of sacrifice, they might be convicted of having offended at once against the gods and the prince; and so the more stubbornly the pagans pressed, the more steadfastly these avoided the guilt of idolatry, as Perpetua in this place steadfastly answers: "I will not." "This," says Tertullian, "is our own law, proper to Christians, by which we are recognized and examined by the heathen" (On Idolatry, last chapter). Hence in the Apology, chapter 9 [?], he calls the brazier and the incense-box the examiner of Christians. The same, Apology chapter 10: "You do not worship the gods, you say, and you do not offer sacrifices for the emperors. So we are charged with sacrilege and treason; this is the main charge, indeed the whole of it." Both heads of this accusation he then dissolves in a long and learned discussion, the sum of which he gathered in these few words in the book To Scapula: "We sacrifice for the emperor's welfare, but to our God and his; and, as God commands, with pure prayer. So we rather pray for the emperor's welfare, asking it of him who is able to grant it." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 69)

(63) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 33

Non facio. Sic Polycarpus suadentibus ut Caesarem appellaret Dominum, et sacrificaret, respondit: Οὐ μέλλω πράττειν ὃ συμβουλεύετέ μοι. Nunquam faciam quod suadetis. Euseb. Hist. Eccles., lib. IV cap 15. HOLST.

"I will not." So Polycarp, when they urged him to call Caesar Lord and to sacrifice, answered: "I am not going to do what you advise me." I will never do what you urge. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, book IV, chapter 15. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 69)

(64) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 33

Christianam sum. Propria haec confessionis formula. Ita ille gloriosus Dei miles lauream detrectans apud Tertullianum: Causa expostulatus, Christianus sum, respondit. Ita S. Blandina inter saevissima tormenta ingeminabat: Christiana sum. Ea vox doloris levamentum, et animi refocillatio erat. Et sanctus Diaconus Blandinae socius, nihil aliud ad rogata omnia tortorum respondebat, nisi, Christianus sum. Τοῦτο καὶ ἀντὶ ὀνόματος, καὶ ἀντὶ πόλεως, καὶ ἀντὶ γένους, καὶ ἀντὶ παντὸς ἐπαλλήλως ὡμολόγει. Hoc illi nomen, haec patria, hoc genus et instar omnium. Nam Christiani πάντιμον καὶ ἔνδοξον καὶ ζωοποιὸν προσηγορίαν; Honoratum, gloriosum et salutare nomen hoc ducebant, ut est apud Eusebium. HOLST.

"I am a Christian" ["Christianam" as printed]. This is the proper formula of confession. So that glorious soldier of God in Tertullian, refusing the laurel crown: "Asked the reason, he answered, I am a Christian." So St Blandina, amid the most savage torments, kept repeating: "I am a Christian." That word was a relief of her pain and a refreshment of her spirit. And the holy deacon, Blandina's companion, answered nothing else to all the torturers' questions but "I am a Christian." "This he confessed, over and over, in place of name and city and race and everything." This was his name, this his country, this his race and the equivalent of everything. For Christians held this "an all-honoured, glorious and life-giving title"; an honoured, glorious and saving name, as it is in Eusebius. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 69)

(65) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 33

Damnat ad bestias. Etsi Romae, et alibi fraquenter ad bestias damnabantur; tamen in Africa praecipue hoc supplici genere saevitum in eos fuisse, hac maxima persecutione, ex multis Tertulliani locis constat. HOLST.

"He condemns us to the beasts." Although at Rome and elsewhere they were often condemned to the beasts, yet that in Africa especially this kind of punishment raged against them in this greatest persecution is clear from many passages of Tertullian. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 69)

(67) ‹sed pater dare noluit› · call in col 33

Sed pater dare noluit. Credibile est motum fuisse idololatrum patrem ad negandum filiae infantem, quo tempore lac sumere debebat, nec ex damnata jam sacrilegii matre, contagio quaedam in prolem propagari videretur; vel quod ob servitutem poenalem, post latam jam sententiam, mutata conditione, et capitis diminuta mater, civitatem cum libertate amiserat, ut habet L. in Ser. ff. de Poen. et Instit. de cap. dim., adeoque omnia necessitudinis vincula ac jura cessabant. Ita Calpurnius Flaccus declamat, IV: Non potes adversus damnatum jure patris uti; jam non larem habeo, non sacrum, non patrem. Ut nuper vir eruditissimus hunc locum emendavit. HOLST.

"But my father would not give him." It is credible that her idolatrous father was moved to refuse his daughter the infant, at the time it should take milk, lest from a mother already condemned for sacrilege some contagion should seem to pass to the child; or because, by penal servitude after sentence was passed, her condition changed and her civil standing reduced, the mother had lost citizenship with freedom (as law "in Ser." of the Digest title On penalties has it, and the Institutes title On loss of status), and so all bonds and rights of kinship ceased. So Calpurnius Flaccus declaims, IV: "You cannot use a father's right against one condemned; I have now no hearth, no rites, no father." As a most learned man recently emended this passage. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 69)

Page

running head: 33 PERPETUAE ET FELIC[ITATIS] (cut off at right edge)
marginal letters: A canis patris tui; B (61) Parce canis patris tui (commentary); C Itaque sacrilegii et majestatis (commentary); D Ea vox doloris levamentum (commentary)
old-edition numerals: 33 after quia
misprints kept as printed: in note (61) φειδῶ (circumflex); in note (65) fraquenter
note (66), whose call stands in col 33 after "descendimus", is filed in n34
UNSURE (Q10a): in (65) the two renders disagree ("fra-" in the column image, "fre-" in the foot image); kept fraquenter. In (64) the second καὶ (before ἀντὶ πόλεως) is blotted and may print a misformed letter; in (63) συμβουλεύετέ is blotted at the β.

PL 3:34

et quomodo Deus voluit, neque ille amplius mammas desideravit; neque mihi fervorem fecerunt, ne sollicitudine infantis et dolore mammarum macerarer.

and as God willed, he no longer desired the breasts, nor did they bring on a fever for me, so that I was not tormented by anxiety for the infant and by pain in the breasts.

« III. Post dies paucos, dum universi oramus, subito media oratione profecta est mihi vox, et nominavi Dinocratem : et obstupui quod nunquam mihi in mentem venisset nisi tunc, et dolui commemorata casus ejus. Et cognovi me statim dignam esse, et pro eo petere debere. Et coepi pro ipso orationem facere multum, et ingemiscere ad Dominum. Continuo ipsa nocte ostensum est mihi hoc in oromate : Video Dinocratem exeuntem de loco tenebroso, ubi et complures erant,

“III. After a few days, while we were all praying, suddenly in the middle of the prayer a voice went forth from me, and I named Dinocrates; and I was astonished that he had never come into my mind until then, and I grieved, being reminded of his misfortune. And I knew at once that I was worthy, and that I ought to make petition for him. And I began to pray much for him, and to groan to the Lord. Straightway, that very night, this was shown to me in a vision: I see Dinocrates coming out of a dark place, where there were also many others,

Editors' notes and page, col. 34

Footnotes

(66) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 33 (after descendimus; filed here)

Hilares descendimus. Nempe, ut ait Tertullianus; Christiani damnati gratias agere solebant: et magis damnati, quam absoluti gaudebant. HOLST.

"We went down cheerful." That is, as Tertullian says, Christians when condemned used to give thanks, and rejoiced more at being condemned than acquitted. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 69)

(68) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 34

Profecta est mihi vox, et nominavi Dinocratem. Videtur dicere sibi oranti indeliberatam vocem subito excidisse Dinocratem nominanti, de quo dudum non cogitaverat. HOLST.

"A word came out of me, and I named Dinocrates." She seems to say that as she prayed an undeliberate word suddenly escaped her, naming Dinocrates, of whom she had not thought for a long time. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 69)

(69) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 34

Et cognovi me statim dignam esse, et pro eo petere debere. Hoc est, sensu fiduciae interioris intellexi me omnino exaudiendam, si pro Dinocrate orarem. Sic superiori cap. § III, audivit a fratre suo Perpetua: Domina soror, jam in magna dignatione es, etc., significans, ut ex sequentibns patet, tantam ejus gratiam apud Deum videri, ut impetrare quidvis posset. HOLST.

"And I knew at once that I was worthy, and ought to ask for him." That is, by a sense of inner confidence I understood that I would certainly be heard if I prayed for Dinocrates. So in the preceding chapter, § III, Perpetua heard from her brother: "Lady sister, you are already in great favour," etc., meaning, as appears from what follows, that her grace with God seemed so great that she could obtain anything. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 69)

(78) [so numbered in print; the call in the text is (70)] ‹ubi et complures erant (70)› · call in col 34

Video Dinocratem exeuntem de loco tenebroso, ubi et complura erant loca tenebrosa, etc. Valde notandus videtur hic locus, quia fidem facit antiquae traditionis, ex qua theologi scholastici magno consensu, ut observat Bellarminus lib. II, de Purgat. cap. 6 § Octava est, docent esse sub terra quatuor locos distinctos, in quibus animae mortuorum detinentur; nempe omnium infimum, ubi daemones et animae damnatae; supra hunc, Purgatorium, ubi animae purgantur ad tempus; deinde Limbum puerorum, quo detinentur animae mortuorum in solo peccato originali; postremo Limbum patrum nunc vacuum a tempore mortis et resurrectionis Christi, quo animae patriarcharum et sanctorum mortuorum ante Christum, omni licet labe purgatae detinebantur, qui vocatur in Evangelio, Sinus Abrahae, quo portatum ab angelis Lazarum, dives epulo vidit ex inferno. Haec fuisse videntur illa complura loca tenebrosa, quae se vidisse sancta Perpetua testatur his verbis. [blotted] quorum uno, nempe Purgatorio, exeuntem (continues)

"I see Dinocrates coming out of a dark place, where there were also many dark places," etc. This passage seems especially noteworthy, because it gives evidence of the ancient tradition from which the scholastic theologians, with great agreement (as Bellarmine observes, book II On Purgatory, chapter 6, § "Octava est"), teach that there are under the earth four distinct places in which the souls of the dead are held: the lowest of all, where the demons and the damned souls are; above this, Purgatory, where souls are cleansed for a time; then the Limbo of children, where the souls of those who died in original sin alone are held; and last the Limbo of the fathers, empty now since the time of Christ's death and resurrection, where the souls of the patriarchs and of the holy dead before Christ, though cleansed of every stain, were held; which is called in the Gospel Abraham's bosom, to which the rich feaster saw Lazarus carried by the angels, from hell. These seem to have been those many dark places which St Perpetua testifies she saw, in these words. From one of them, namely Purgatory, [she saw him] coming out (continues)

(printed under page 69)

Page

running head: [cut off at left]Æ ET FELICITATIS. 34
marginal letters: A ‹et quomodo Deus voluit›; B ‹hac maxima persecutione› (in the page-foot notes); C ‹(68) Profecta est mihi vox› (in the page-foot notes); D ‹nentur; nempe omnium infimum› (in the page-foot notes)
old-edition numerals: 34 after ‹statim›
misprints kept as printed: in note (69) sequentibns

PL 3:35

aestuantem et sitientem valde, sordido vultu et colore pallido, et vulnus in facie ejus quod cum moreretur habuit. Hic dinocrates fuerat frater meus carnalis, annorum septem, qui per infirmitatem,

burning and very thirsty, with a filthy face and a pale colour, and on his face the wound that he had when he died. This Dinocrates had been my brother according to the flesh, seven years old, who through sickness,

Editors' notes and page, col. 35

Footnotes

[The foot image starts below the top of the notes: the first lines of col 35 (continuing (70) from p. 69) and the first lines of col 36 (the middle of (73)) lie above the crop; they were set in the Q7a re-read from the column images. Many words at the right edge of col 35 and in col 36 are blotted in the scan; readings there are marked.] — Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 70)

(70) (continued from p. 69) · col 35

se Dinocratem spectasse affirmat: non quod tunc liberaretur poenis, nam hoc paulo post contigit; sed quod permissu Dei, inde cum suis poenis exiret, ut imploraret subsidium precum sororis: cujus generis tam multae, tamque testatae apud S. Gregorium et alios referuntur apparitiones animarum, poenas purgatorias tolerantium. HOLST.

she declares she saw Dinocrates; not that he was then freed from his penalties, for this happened a little later, but that by God's permission he came out from there with his penalties, to implore the help of his sister's prayers: of which kind so many and such well-attested apparitions of souls enduring purgatorial penalties are reported in St Gregory and others. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 70)

(71) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 35

Aestuantem et sitientem valde. Apprime haec congruunt cum doctrina Ecclesiae de Purgatorio, ubi aestu et igne animae torquentur. Nam hunc Dinocratem fuisse baptizatum Augustinus observat, quem pronum est credere postea in aliquam impatientiam incidisse; vel, quod suspicatur S. Augustinus, ab impio patre tentatum, in fide leviter titubasse. HOLST.

"Burning hot and very thirsty." This agrees exactly with the Church's teaching on Purgatory, where souls are tormented by heat and fire. For Augustine observes that this Dinocrates had been baptized; and it is easy to believe that he afterwards fell into some impatience; or, as St Augustine suspects, that, tempted by his impious father, he wavered slightly in faith. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 70)

(72) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 35

Frater meus carnalis. Sic Afri vulgo loquebantur. S. August., epist. CCXXV. Neque hoc inviderunt Ecclesiae Tagastensi, quae carnalis patria mea est. Haesit haec vox in lingua italica vulgari, quae [blotted] fere corruptiones antiqui latini sermonis amplectitur, HOLST.

"My brother in the flesh." So the Africans commonly spoke. St Augustine, letter CCXXV: "Nor did they begrudge this to the church of Thagaste, which is my homeland in the flesh." The expression stuck in the vulgar Italian tongue, which embraces almost all the corruptions of the old Latin speech. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 70)

(73) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 35

Facie cancerata male obiit, ita ut mors ejus odio fuerit. etc. Significat eum tali morte defunctum, quae horrorem incuteret spectantibus, propter deformitatem foedi et foetidi ulceris in facie exstantis. Quid porro cancer sit, ut sciremus, praeter caeteram diligentiam, medicos quoque consulendos putavimus, ex quorum responsis, additis quibusdam, haec congessimus. Cancer priscis Latinis idem sonat quod gangraena; ita Nonius Marcellus: Gangraena est cancer; quem Glossarium vetus etiam sequitur, eoque trahi potest Cornelius Celsus lib. VIII, cap. 10, ubi dum promptiores cancros ait, cum ossis fracturae carnis quoque vulnus accessit, videtur significare, id quod usu cernitur, in tali casu majus periculum esse gangraenae. Non facile tamen accesserim ad sententiam eruditi medici, qui postquam haec observavit, negat sequioris nostrique aevi medicis in hujus vocis notione cum antiquis convenire: propterea quod id cancri nomine intelligunt, quod Graecis Καρκίνωμα dicitur: quasi vero non antiqui quoque Carcinomatis Graeco nomine, Latinum cancri aut canceris vocabulum expresserint. Sane Celsus lib, V, cap. 28, de cancro in facie exstante his verbis loquitur: Non idem periculum καρκίνωμα affert, nisi imprudentia curantis agitatum est. Id vitium fit maxime in superioribus partibus circa faciem, nares, aures, labra, mammas feminarum. Hactenus Celsus qui etiam lib. VI, cap. 15, cum de oris cancro agit, de hoc ulcere, quod alio illo loco carcinoma vocat, videtur loqui. Quare crediderim καρκίνωμα nomen esse commune difficiliorum ulcerum; unde apud Hippocratem καρκινωθῆναι τὰ ἕλκεα dicuntur, quando exasperantur et incurabilia evadunt. Et in lexico Hippocratio καρκινοῦσθαι explicatur per σκληρύνεσθαι, quod est exacerbari. Gangraena igitur proprie dicta, si a cancro differt, videtur cum eo participare commune nomen carcinomatis, differens ab eo fortasse, quod celerrime mortem afferat; cum cancer ita serpat, ut multis annis hominem adhuc viventem depascatur. Nihil autem vetat quin cancer, quo Dinocrates obiit, gangraena fuerit; nam id ex repraesentata tam tenera aetate morte, suspicari licet. Est autem utriusque, tam canceris, inquam, quam gangraenae proprium, serpere, unde est illud ad Timoth. II, cap. II, ỷ 17 [the book numeral blotted], de Doctrina haereticorum: Et sermo [blotted] ut cancer serpit. Et videtur translatum ex cancro animali polypode, antrorsum et retrorsum reptare solito. Huc facit Luciferi Calaritani locus in libro De non conveniendo cum haereticis ad Constantium imp. arianum: Sic est de corpore Ecclesiae excisus Sabellicus, ut est et condetestabilis tuus excisus Arius iste, cujus sermo ut cancer in te fortissime adeo serpserit, ut totus jam cancer esse cernaris, nec poteris dicere te non Arii cancerasse sermonem, cum faetor cancerationis tuae ad omnem perveneritregni tui locum; et cuncti te vitare statuerimus, ne et ipsi peste tua Ariana canceraremur. Haec ille. Ex cujus verbis obiter colligimus canceratam faciem, quae vox hoc loco legitur, non esse barbariem sequiori saeculo natam, ut nonnemo ex medicis a me consultis contendebat, negans a quoquam antiquorum dictam canceratam faciem; cancrosam enim dici debuisse, quae cancerosa et cancerata nonnisi a recentiorious barbare loquentibus dicatur. HOLST.

"He died miserably of a cancerous face, so that his death was loathsome to all," etc. It means he died such a death as struck horror into those who saw it, because of the deformity of a foul and fetid ulcer standing out on his face. To know what a cancer is, besides other diligence we thought physicians too should be consulted; from their answers, with some additions, we have gathered the following. Cancer meant the same to the ancient Latins as gangrene; so Nonius Marcellus: "Gangrene is cancer"; which an old Glossary also follows; and to it may be drawn Cornelius Celsus, book VIII, chapter 10, where, saying that cancers are readier "when a wound of the flesh is added to a fracture of the bone", he seems to mean, as experience shows, that in such a case the danger of gangrene is greater. Yet I would not readily accept the opinion of a learned physician who, after observing this, denies that the physicians of the later age and of ours agree with the ancients in the sense of this word, because by the name of cancer they understand what the Greeks call karkinoma: as if the ancients too did not render the Greek name carcinoma by the Latin word cancer or canceris. Indeed Celsus, book V, chapter 28, speaks thus of a cancer standing out on the face: "A carcinoma brings no like danger unless it has been irritated by the imprudence of the one treating it. This affliction occurs chiefly in the upper parts, about the face, nose, ears, lips, and women's breasts." So far Celsus, who also in book VI, chapter 15, treating of cancer of the mouth, seems to speak of this ulcer which in that other place he calls carcinoma. So I should think carcinoma is the name common to the more difficult ulcers; hence in Hippocrates ulcers are said "to become cancerous" when they are inflamed and turn incurable. And in the Hippocratic lexicon "to become cancerous" is explained by "to harden", that is, to be exacerbated. Gangrene properly so called, then, if it differs from cancer, seems to share with it the common name of carcinoma, differing from it perhaps in that it brings death very quickly, whereas cancer creeps so as to consume a man still living over many years. Nothing prevents the cancer of which Dinocrates died from having been gangrene; for one may suspect so from a death shown at so tender an age. But it is proper to both, to cancer, I say, as to gangrene, to creep; whence that saying to Timothy, II, chapter 2, verse 17, of the teaching of heretics: "And [their] speech creeps like a cancer." And the figure seems to be taken from the cancer, the many-footed animal [the crab], which is wont to crawl forwards and backwards. To this point is the passage of Lucifer of Cagliari in the book On Not Associating with Heretics, to the Arian emperor Constantius: "So the Sabellian was cut off from the body of the Church, as that equally detestable Arius of yours was cut off, whose speech has crept into you like a cancer so powerfully that you are seen to be wholly a cancer now; nor will you be able to say that you have not cancered the speech of Arius, since the stench of your cancering has reached every place in your kingdom; and we have all resolved to avoid you, lest we too be cancered by your Arian plague." So he. From his words we gather in passing that "cancerata facies", the expression read in this place, is no barbarism born in a later age, as one of the physicians I consulted maintained, denying that "cancerata facies" was said by any of the ancients, since "cancrosa" ought to have been said, and that "cancerosa" and "cancerata" are said only by more recent people speaking barbarously ["recentiorious" as printed]. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 70)

Footnotes

— Variae lectiones —

— Variant readings —

(printed under page 70) 29 ‹facie cancerata› · call in col 36 Macerata cod. Salisb.

"Macerata": Salzburg manuscript.

30 ‹grande erat diadema (75)› · call in col 36 Locus mendosus; Cod. Salisb. habet diantem. Suspicatur Holstenius scribendum diastema, quae vox Graeca intervallum significat.

A corrupt passage; the Salzburg manuscript has "diantem". Holstenius suspects one should write "diastema", a Greek word meaning "interval".

— Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 70)

(74) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 36

Pro hoc ego orationem feceram. Africana et haec locutio est. Nam et apud Tertullianum legitur facere precationem. Sed quod ad rem attinet, hic notandus est antiquus Ecclesiae usus et sensus orandi pro mortuis, poenas peccatorum post hanc vitam luentibus; cujus cum multa sint alia fide dignissima testimonia, tum hoc magni faciendum videtur; quippe scriptum a sancta martyre divinis revelationibus dignata, et suae consummationi proxima. Nec restat haereticis exceptio de veritate ac fide horum Actorum post tot ac tam luculenta testimonia omnis generis scriptorum ipsa laudantium, quae huic volumini adjunximus. Sunt autem ejusmodi, quibus ne contumacia quidem ipsa atque impudentia objicere quidquam posse videatur. HOLST. [several words in this note blotted in the scan: "haec locutio", "facere precationem", "pro", "vitam", "dignissima", "videtur", "revelationibus dignata", "restat haereticis", "de veritate", "fide horum Actorum", "luculenta", "testimonia omnis generis scriptorum", "laudantium", "ejus-", "contumacia", "quidquam"; read from what survives]

"For him I had made prayer." This too is an African locution; for in Tertullian too we read "to make supplication". But as to the substance, one should note here the ancient practice and sense of the Church in praying for the dead who are paying the penalties of sins after this life. Though there are many other most trustworthy testimonies to it, this one seems of great weight, being written by a holy martyr favoured with divine revelations and close to her consummation. Nor is any objection left to the heretics about the truth and credibility of these Acts, after so many and such clear testimonies of writers of every kind praising them, which we have added to this volume. They are such that not even obstinacy and impudence itself could seem able to object anything. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 70)

(75) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 36

Et inter me et illum grande erat diadema. Non dissimulo, si suspicioni esset indulgendum, videri non sine fundamento reponi posse diastema pro diadema. Nam diastematis vocem Latinis eo saeculo frequentatam intelligere licet ex I Frontini libro. De agror, qualit., ubi sic scribit: Si tres circuli pares fuerint, inter se aequali diastemate connexi. Et Hyginus De limit. constit.: Quid quod nec illa ipsa regione, solis conspectus recte potest deprehendi, nisi aequalibus ab ortu et occasu diastematibus, ferramentum ponatur. Item: Terram punctum esse coeli, et infra solem amplo diastemate spiritus sustinere. HOLST. — Et inter me et illum grande erat diadema, ita ut uterque ad invicem accedere non possemus. Quae notat hic Holstenius de conjectura, qua rescribendum suspicatur diastema pro diadema, videntur hanc exceptionem pati quod loca illa quae citat Frontini et Hygini agrimensorum, parum certe persuadeant S. Perpetuam usam hoc loco ista voce, quae erat propria artis agrimensoriae, ac consequenter aliena ab usu vulgari, praesertim mulierum in Africa. Itaque cum, ut ipse Holstenius agnoscit in ipsis illis schedis unde istam ejus notam expressimus, constans et diserta ms. codicis lectio diadema praeferat, non est causa cur facile mutetur, praesertim cum valde commodum sensum ea vox habeat; siquidem ista loca tenebrosa quae complura se vidisse superius ait, erat instar zonarum quarumdam, quales a cosmographis utiliter finguntur, coelos et terram amplectentes, nempe spatia oblonga, globos ambientia idonea latitudine, quae, quod ad inferos attinet, antiquus lo- (continues) [many words in this note blotted in the scan: "Non", "videri", "pro diadema. Nam", "saeculo", "De", "fuerint", "ipsa regione", "nisi aequalibus", "ferramentum ponatur", "coeli", "infra", "uterque", "possemus", "notat hic", "rescribendum suspicatur", "videntur", "exceptionem", "agnoscit", "notam expressimus", "lectio diadema", "mutetur, praesertim", "ea vox habeat", "complura se vidisse", "quarumdam", "coelos", "oblonga", "quod"; read from what survives]

"And between me and him there was a great diadem." I do not hide that, if suspicion were to be indulged, it seems "diastema" [interval] might be restored for "diadema" not without ground. For that the word diastema was frequent among the Latins in that age may be understood from book I of Frontinus, On the Qualities of Lands, where he writes: "If there are three equal circles, joined to one another at an equal interval." And Hyginus, On the Establishing of Boundaries: "What of the fact that not even in that very region can the sun's aspect be rightly ascertained unless the instrument is placed at equal intervals from the rising and the setting?" Again: "That the earth is a point of the heaven, and below the sun supports the air at a wide interval." HOLSTENIUS. — "And between me and him there was a great diadem, so that neither of us could approach the other." What Holstenius notes here, of a conjecture by which he suspects "diastema" should be written for "diadema", seems open to this objection: that those passages of the land-surveyors Frontinus and Hyginus which he cites hardly persuade that St Perpetua used in this place a word proper to the surveyor's art and so foreign to common use, especially that of women in Africa. And so, since, as Holstenius himself acknowledges in the very papers from which we have printed this note of his, the constant and explicit reading of the manuscript gives "diadema", there is no reason to change it lightly, especially since the word gives a very fitting sense: for those dark places, many of which she says above she saw, were like certain zones, such as cosmographers usefully imagine embracing the heavens and the earth, that is, oblong spaces surrounding the spheres at a suitable breadth; which, as far as the underworld is concerned, ancient [usage] (continues)

(printed under page 70)

Page

running head: [PA]SSIO SS. MARTYRUM (cut off at left edge); column number 36
marginal letters: A ‹tatem, facie cancerata›; B ‹te non Arii cancerasse sermonem› (in the Variorum notae); C ‹revelationibus dignata› (in the Variorum notae, between this line and ‹xima. Nec restat›); D ‹diadema, ita ut uterque› (in the Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 35 after ‹hominibus.› (bold, mid-line; it may be a section number rather than an old-edition numeral)

PL 3:37

accedere non possemus. Erat deinde in ipso loco ubi Dinocrates erat piscina plena aqua, altiorem marginem habens quam erat statura pueri, et extendebat se Dinocrates quasi bibiturus. Ego dolebam quod et piscina illa aquam habebat, et tamen propter altitudinem marginis bibiturus non esset. Et experrecta sum, et cognovi fatrem meum laborare. Sed

we could not approach each other. Then in that very place where Dinocrates was there was a pool full of water, having a rim higher than the boy's stature, and Dinocrates was stretching himself out as if about to drink. I was grieved that this pool both held water and yet, because of the height of the rim, he was not going to drink. And I awoke, and I knew that my brother was suffering. But

Editors' notes and page, col. 37

Footnotes

[The foot image starts below the top of the notes; the first lines of col 37's notes (continuing (75) from p. 70) and of col 38's notes (the middle of (77)) are set here from the column images (Q7b).] — Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 71)

(75) (continued from p. 70) · col 37

[…] usus a scholasticis praesertim scriptoribus, ex veteri ecclesiarum consuetudine retentus. Limbos appellat. Est autem Limbus ejusdem notionis vocabulum cum diademate; diadema siquidem, ut notum est, significat fasciam longiorem quam latiorem, caput ambientem, aut capiti circumligatam, ut praefert etymologia graeca ejus nominis, a verbo διαδέω, circumligo. Idem igitur est quod dicit Perpetua: fuisse inter Dinocratem et se grande diadema: ac si diceret fuisse grandem Limbum, videlicet spatium oblongum alicujus latitudinis. Id vocatur in Evangelio, Chaos, Lucae XVI, 26. Et nunc inter nos et vos magnum Chaos firmatum est. In Graeco est. Χάσμα, quod sonat hiatum, et convenit quod addit: Ut hi, qui volunt hinc transire ad vos, non possint, neque inde huc transmeare: cum his quae dicit hic S. Perpetua; Ita ut uterque ad invicem accedere non possemus; erant enim haec spatia, velut fossae circumductae munitionibus, ipsa sui vacuitate commeatum excludentia: quod in corporibus facilius intellectu est; ad animas vero arcendas interveniebat ordinatio divina, expressa verbo firmandi: Chaos magnum firmatum est. Nec obstat modo dictis, quod juxta haec diadema non ipse locus fuerit in quo erat Dinocrates, sed spatium inter eum et S. Perpetuam medium, unde non videtur confici diadedematis sive Limbi nomen Purgatorio competere. Cum enim ejusdem formae ac figurae essent tam loca subterranea quam hiatus aut χάσματα quibus separabantur, potest utrisque ex aequo convenire diadematis sive Limbi nomen. De hactenus dictis, et si nihil notatum in Holstenii Adversariis reperi, audivi tamen a viro fide digno eum ab hac sententia minime abhorruisse. Retulit nempe mihi P. Joannes Bessonus e nostra societate, sese, cum ei aliquando Lucas Holstenius haec ipsa S. Perpetuae Acta quae ad editionem parabat, communicasset, et de ista diadematis mentiones, quid sentiret, rogasset, illo respondente Limbi vocabulum ista paris notionis voce videri suppletum, Holstenium multum id sibi probari significasse. POSSIN. [The page opens with the tail "quendi" of a word begun on p. 70.]

[…] usage, retained especially by the scholastic writers from the ancient custom of the churches. It calls them Limbi. Now Limbus is a word of the same meaning as diadema; for diadema, as is known, means a band longer than it is broad, going round the head or bound about the head, as the Greek etymology of the name shows, from the verb diadeo, "I bind round". It is the same, then, as what Perpetua says: that there was between Dinocrates and herself a great diadem; as if she said there was a great Limbo [border], that is, an oblong space of some breadth. This is called in the Gospel a Chaos, Luke 16:26: "And now between us and you a great chasm is fixed." In the Greek it is chasma, which means a gaping; and what he adds, "so that those who would pass from here to you cannot, nor cross from there to here," agrees with what St Perpetua says here: "so that neither of us could approach the other"; for these spaces were like ditches drawn round fortifications, shutting out passage by their very emptiness: which is easier to understand of bodies; but to keep souls apart the divine ordinance intervened, expressed in the word "fixed": "a great chasm is fixed." Nor does it stand against what has just been said that, on this account, the diadem was not the place itself where Dinocrates was but the space between him and St Perpetua, so that it does not seem to follow that the name of diadem or Limbo applies to Purgatory. For since both the underground places and the gaps or chasms separating them were of the same form and figure, the name of diadem or Limbo can fit both equally. Of what has been said so far, though I found nothing noted in Holstenius's Adversaria, I have heard from a trustworthy man that he was not at all averse to this view. Father Jean Besson of our Society told me that once, when Lucas Holstenius showed him these very Acts of St Perpetua that he was preparing for publication and asked what he thought of that mention of the diadem, and he answered that the word Limbo seemed to be supplied by this word of like meaning, Holstenius indicated that he much approved it. POSSINUS. ["diadedematis" as printed.]

(printed under page 71)

(76) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 37

Transivimus in carcerem castrensem. Hoc est, carcerem in ipso castrorum loco positum. HOLST.

"We passed into the military prison." That is, the prison situated in the camp itself. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 71)

(77) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 37

Munere enim castrensi eramus pugnaturi. Cum castra Romana extra urbes, longa et quasi perpetua statio militum essent, in ea transferebantur praecipua civitatum commoda, ne iis milites fraudarentur. In his etiam spectacula, quibus mire dediti Romani erant. Ergo ludorum castrensium, hoc est, in castris, ad delectandos milites celebratorum, Suetonius meminit in Tiberio, cap. 72. Sed quod vox muneris hic ponitur, ea significabatur pugna, vel gladiatorum inter se, vel bestiarum cum hominibus morti addictis, quae proprie θηριομαχία dicitur. Ita quod apud Eusebium, lib. V, cap. 1, legitur, θηριομαχιῶν ἡμέρας, eleganter a Rufino vertitur munerum dies. Nota hic in voce pugnandi catachresim esse quamdam, dum de iis dicitur, qui bestiis expositi mere passive se habebant, quales martyres erant. Unde Juvenalis cum rixam vocasset nocturnam grassationem ebriorum in obvios inermes nec reluctantes, sic adjungit: Si rixa est ubi tu pulsas, ego vapulo tantum. Praevaluit tamen, ut qui obnoxii et vincti tradebantur bestiis, graece θηριομαχεῖν, latine pugnare ad bestias dicantur; cum tamen hae locutiones proprie convenirent iis, qui revera pugnare jubebantur cum bestiis, venationibus in amphitheatro datis, ut cum summo vitae periculo, ita non sine aliqua victoriae spe: nam et leones, et si qua est alia ferocior bestia, ab istis interdum occisos legimus. Quare duo haec genera poenarum erant: quorum prius summum erat supplicium, et capitis poena vocatur lib. 8, ff. De poen.; posterius in mediocrum poenarum numerum refertur a Paulo Sent. lib. V, tit, 17, et Ulpiano lib. 8, ff. ad leg. com. de fals. Nam qui ad ludum venatorium damnabantur, liberari poterant: qui bestiis deputati, sine remissione consumendi. Unde vel ad stipitem religati, vel retibus inclusi, feris objiciebantur, ut resistendi facultas non esset; tum vero, ut ex fine horum Actorum discimus, quidquid vitae ac spiritus bestiarum crudelitas reliqui fecerat, gladio tandem eripiebatur. HOLST. — Munera seu ludi pugnae cum bestiis appellabatur, quod in populorum vel militum delectationem darentur. Dicebantur autem ludi castrenses, si in castris fierent. Sermonem in die munerum habuit Augustinus in nova edit. 19. T. V. Vide notas ibi appositas. RUINART. [The opening lines of col 38's notes, "Praevaluit … proprie", read from the column image; the accent of θηριομαχεῖν is not clear at this resolution.]

"For we were to fight at the military games." Since Roman camps outside the cities were a long and almost permanent station of soldiers, the chief amenities of cities were carried into them, so that the soldiers should not be cheated of them; among these were the shows, to which the Romans were wonderfully given. So Suetonius, in the Tiberius, chapter 72, mentions military games, that is, held in the camp to entertain the soldiers. But the word munus, used here, signified a fight, either of gladiators with one another or of beasts with men condemned to death, which is properly called a "beast-fight". So what is read in Eusebius, book V, chapter 1, "days of beast-fights", is elegantly rendered by Rufinus "days of the games". Note here a certain catachresis in the word "fight", since it is said of those who, exposed to the beasts, were merely passive, as the martyrs were. Hence Juvenal, having called a nocturnal assault of drunkards on unarmed and unresisting passers-by a brawl, adds: "If it is a brawl where you strike and I only get beaten." Yet usage has prevailed, so that those who were handed over to the beasts as guilty and bound are said in Greek thēriomachein, in Latin "to fight with the beasts"; although these expressions would properly suit those who were really ordered to fight with beasts, in the hunts given in the amphitheatre, with the greatest danger of life, yet not without some hope of victory: for we read that lions too, and any fiercer beast there is, were sometimes killed by them. So these were two kinds of punishment: the former was the supreme penalty, and is called capital punishment in law 8 of the Digest title On penalties; the latter is counted among the middling penalties by Paul, Sentences book V, title 17, and by Ulpian, law 8 of the Digest on the Cornelian law concerning forgery. For those condemned to the hunting school could be set free; those assigned to the beasts were to be consumed without remission. Hence they were thrown to the wild beasts either tied to a stake or shut in nets, so that they had no means of resisting; and then, as we learn from the end of these Acts, whatever life and breath the beasts' cruelty had left was finally taken by the sword. HOLSTENIUS. — The fight with beasts was called munera or ludi, because they were given for the entertainment of the people or the soldiers; and they were called military games if they took place in the camp. Augustine preached a sermon "on the day of the games", in the new edition 19, volume V. See the notes placed there. RUINART.

(printed under page 71)

Page

running head: 37 PERPETUÆ ET FELIC[...] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹accedere non possemus›; B ‹fuisse inter Dinocratem› (in the Variorum notae); C ‹Cum enim ejusdem formae› (in the Variorum notae); D ‹tur. In his etiam spectacula› (in the Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 36 after ‹illa›
misprints kept as printed: ‹fatrem› (for fratrem)
other: "Variae lectiones" heading and its line (31 Cod. Salisb. Considerabam...) are full-width apparatus at the page foot, set in n38 (the call is in col 38); "Variorum notae" heading (full width) and the notes below it (end of the note on Limbus/diadema signed Possin., notes (76) Transivimus in carcerem castrensem, (77) Munere enim castrensi eramus pugnaturi) are set above; no paragraph break in the text block

PL 3:38

confidebam profuturam orationem meam labori ejus, et orabam pro eo omnibus diebus quousque transivimus in carcerem castrensem; munere enim castrensi eramus pugnaturi. Natale tunc Getae Caesaris: et feci pro illo orationem die et nocte gemens et lacrymans ut mihi donaretur.

I trusted that my prayer would be of profit to his suffering, and I prayed for him every day until we passed over into the camp prison; for we were to fight at the camp games. It was then the birthday of Geta Caesar: and I made prayer for him day and night, groaning and weeping, that he might be granted to me.

« IV. Die autem quo in nervo mansimus,

« IV. But on the day on which we remained in the stocks,

Editors' notes and page, col. 38

Footnotes

— Variae lectiones —

— Variant readings —

(printed under page 71, across both columns) 31 ‹confidebam› · call in col 38 Cod. Salisb. Considerabam. Apud Holsten., Fidebam me profuturam labori, etc.

Salzburg manuscript: "Considerabam" [I considered]. In Holstenius: "Fidebam me profuturam labori" [I trusted that I would be of profit to his suffering], etc.

(78) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 38

Natale tunc Getae. Antonius Geta Severi filius, qui post patris obitum a suo fratre Caracalla, cum quo aliquandiu imperarat, occisus est. At hic per Natale interpretari debemus diem quo Caesar factus fuerat; qui dies vulgo natalis imperatoris dicebatur, sicut natalis episcopi, dies quo consecratus erat: nam alias Geta, teste Spartiano, die 6 kalendas junii natus est. RUINART.

"It was then Geta's birthday." Antonius Geta, son of Severus, who after his father's death was killed by his brother Caracalla, with whom he had reigned for a time. But here by "natale" we must understand the day on which he was made Caesar; that day was commonly called the emperor's birthday, as the bishop's birthday was the day on which he was consecrated: for otherwise Geta, on Spartian's testimony, was born on the sixth day before the Kalends of June. RUINART.

(printed under page 71)

(79) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 38

Die quo in nervo mansimus. Noxiis in carcere vinciendis duo vinculorum genera olim usitata commemorant leges duodecim Tabularum, nervum et compedes apud A. Gellium lib. XX, cap. 1. Utrumque genus alii etiam saepius conjunguunt. Cato apud eumdem Gellium lib. XI, cap. 18: Fures privatorum furtorum in nervo atque in compedibus aetatem agunt. Et Livius lib. VIII: Ne quis nisi qui noxam meruisset, donec poenam luisset, in compedibus aut in nervo teneretur. Compedes sunt pedicae ferreae, quae pedes vinctorum breviori aut longiori catena, arctius breviusve ita cohibent, ut non solum pedibus insistere, sed et gradum promovere atque insistere utcunque possent. Nervus autem proprie lignum foraminibus pluribus distinctum, quod pedes vinctorum inclusos aut vicinis aut distantioribus intervallis ita concludit, ut humi desidentes loco se movere nullo modo valeant: divaricatio per plura foramina, ob molestiam, tormenti ac poenae loco, ante ipsum supplicium fuit. Scio de nervo viros doctos hoc tempore non consentire: sed apud veteres cum res pariter ac nomen in usu esset, lis nulla est. Non omittamus hic observare occasione mentionis compedum, raro eas videri saltem per Africam adhibitas in custodia christianorum religionis causa vinctorum. S. Aug. Conc. II. in Psal. CI, circa principium tom. 10, pag. 439: Unde martyres compediti? nonne catenati potius quam compediti? ductos enim SS. martyres post judices per provincias circumeuntes in catenas novimus (continues) [the last line partly blotted in the scan: "quam compediti", "judices per provincias"]

"The day on which we stayed in the stocks." The laws of the Twelve Tables, in Aulus Gellius book XX, chapter 1, mention two kinds of bonds formerly used for binding the guilty in prison: the stocks and fetters. Others too often join the two kinds. Cato, in the same Gellius, book XI, chapter 18: "Thieves of private thefts spend their lives in the stocks and in fetters." And Livy, book VIII: "That no one, except one who had deserved punishment, until he had paid the penalty, should be held in fetters or in the stocks." Fetters are iron shackles that restrain the prisoners' feet with a shorter or longer chain, more or less tightly, so that they could not only stand on their feet but also take a step and stand somehow. The nervus, however, is properly a wooden beam pierced with several holes, which so encloses the prisoners' feet, set in nearer or more distant holes, that sitting on the ground they can in no way move from the spot: the stretching apart through several holes, because of the pain, served as torment and punishment before the execution itself. I know that learned men in our time do not agree about the nervus; but among the ancients, when both the thing and the name were in use, there was no dispute. Let us not omit to observe here, on the occasion of the mention of fetters, that they seem rarely to have been used, at least in Africa, in the custody of Christians bound for religion's sake. St Augustine, Discourse II on Psalm 101, near the beginning, volume 10, page 439: "Why fettered martyrs? Were they not chained rather than fettered? For the holy martyrs, led about after the judges as they went round the provinces, we know to have been [sent] into chains (continues)

(printed under page 71)

Page

running head: …Æ ET FELICITATIS. 38 (cut off at the left edge; only the end of the head is visible)
marginal letters: A ‹confidebam profuturam orationem›; B ‹genera poenarum erant› (in the notes); C ‹filius, qui post patris› (in the notes); D ‹possent. Nervus autem› (in the notes)
old-edition numerals: 37 after ‹Caesaris:›
other: the notes at the head of col 38's foot ("Praevaluit tamen … convenirent iis …", the end of (77)) are set in n37 with their note

PL 3:39

ostensum est mihi hoc: Video locum illum quem retro videram tenebrosum, esse lucidum; et Dinocratem mundo corpore, bene vestitum, refrigerantem. Et uti erat vulnus, video cicatricem; et piscinam illam quam retro videram, summisso margine usque ad umbilicum pueri; et aquam de ea trahebat sine cessatione, et super margine phiala erat, plena aqua; et accessit Dinocrates, et de ea hibere coepit, quae phiala non deficiebat. Et satiatus abscessit de aqua ludere more infantium gaudens: et experrecta sum. Tunc intellexi translatum eum esse de poena.

this was shown to me: I see that place which I had seen before as dark, to be bright; and Dinocrates clean in body, well clothed, refreshing himself. And where the wound had been, I see a scar; and that pool which I had seen before, with its rim lowered to the boy's navel; and he was drawing water from it without ceasing, and on the rim there was a bowl, full of water; and Dinocrates came up and began to drink from it, and the bowl did not run dry. And having drunk his fill he went away from the water to play, rejoicing in the manner of children: and I awoke. Then I understood that he had been transferred out of punishment.

CAPUT III.

Chapter III.

Argumentum. — Perpetua a patre iterum tentatur; visio ejus tertia, in qua abducitur ad luctam contra Aegyptium, proposito praemio; pugnat, vincit et praemium accipit.

Argument. — Perpetua is tempted again by her father; her third vision, in which she is led away to a wrestling bout against an Egyptian, with a prize set before her; she fights, conquers and receives the prize.

« I. Deinde post dies paucos Pudens, miles optio praepositus carceris, qui nos magni facere

« I. Then after a few days Pudens, a soldier, an optio set over the prison, who began to hold us in great

Editors' notes and page, col. 39

Footnotes

[Calls 33 and (81) are visible in the author's text at the crop edge. A few words at the foot of col 39 are blotted in the scan; marked.] — Variae lectiones —

— Variant readings —

32 ‹phiala erat› · call in col 39 Aurea add. Holsten.

Holstenius adds "golden".

33 ‹Pudens› · call in col 39 Prudens. Cod. Salisb.

"Prudens": Salzburg manuscript.

34 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 40 Qui nos magnifaciebat, coepit intelligere magnam virtutem esse in nobis, qui multos ad nos, etc. Holsten.

"Who thought much of us, began to understand that there was great power in us, who [admitted] many to us," etc.: Holstenius.

35 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 40 Galliculas cod. Salisb.

"Galliculas": Salzburg manuscript.

— Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 72)

(79) (continued from p. 71) · col 39

missos; in compedes autem non novimus. HOLST.

[sent into chains]; but into fetters we do not know [them to have been sent]." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 72)

(80) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 39

Tunc intellexit translatum eum esse de poena. En animam a purgatoriis flammis liberatam divina revelatione S. Perpetua intelligit. — Translatum eum esse de poena. Egregius locus ad probandum mortuos posse a poenis, quas patiuntur, per vivorum preces liberari. Aliqui ex hoc loco deducebant, posse etiam eos, qui ante baptismum decesserant, orationibus adjuvari, quos egregie refellit Augustinus lib. I de Origine Animae, c. 10, et lib. III, c. 9, ubi ait, Dinocratem propter peccata quaedam post baptismum commissa tales poenas pertulisse. Nam septennis puer mentiri potuerat, vel aliud quidpiam ad patris gentilis suasionem contra Deum facere. Haec Augustini sententia confirmatur ex eo, quod Perpetua superius dixit, totam suam ipsius familiam, excepto patre, Christi religionem coluisse. RUINART.

"Then she understood that he had been moved out of punishment." See: by divine revelation St Perpetua understands a soul freed from the purgatorial flames. — "That he had been moved out of punishment." An excellent passage to prove that the dead can be freed by the prayers of the living from the punishments they suffer. Some deduced from this passage that even those who had died before baptism can be helped by prayers; Augustine refutes them excellently, book I On the Origin of the Soul, chapter 10, and book III, chapter 9, where he says that Dinocrates suffered such penalties for certain sins committed after baptism. For a boy of seven could have lied, or done something else against God at the urging of his pagan father. This view of Augustine is confirmed by Perpetua's saying above that her whole family, except her father, practised the religion of Christ. RUINART.

(printed under page 72)

(81) ‹optio praepositus carceris› · call in col 39

Pudens, miles optio, praepositus carceris. Vox optio, ministerii aut praefecturae nomen est. In Inscriptionibus Gruteri, optio karceris: ut quod heic additur, Praepositus carceris, explicandi gratia positum videatur. Graeci vocant δεσμοφύλακα, quam vocem Actor. XVI, 27, S. Ambrosius in Epistolam ad Ephesios cap. IV, optionem carceris interpretatur sic scribens? Neque Paulus et Silas tempus distulerunt quo optionem carceris baptizarent. Hic jam quaeri potest, cur militi hoc officium commissum: ea forte de causa, quod in castris ubi carcer tunc erat, ut superius est dictum, non licebat uti urbanis ministris ad ejusmodi munia; sed ea curari per milites debebant, prout a pari licet intelligere ex Leg. 4, ff. De off. procons., ubi sic legitur: Nemo proconsulum stratores suos habere potest: sed vice eorum milites ministerio in provinciis fungantur. Huc facit vetus inscriptio, in qua militis optionis mentio est. AURELIO CANDIDO FILIO / DVLCISSIMO Q. V. ANN. IIII. / AURELIVS CANLANDINVS MIL. / COH. VIII. PR. OPT. G. SECUNDI. / B. M. F. — Optio praefecturae seu ministerii alicujus nomen est; inspectorem putant Bollandiani a graeco verbo ὄπτομαι, video. RUINART.

"Pudens, a soldier, an optio, in charge of the prison." The word optio is the name of a post or command. In Gruter's Inscriptions, "optio karceris": so that what is added here, "in charge of the prison", seems put by way of explanation. The Greeks say "jailer" (desmophylax), a word of Acts 16:27 which St Ambrose, on the Epistle to the Ephesians, chapter 4, renders "optio of the prison", writing thus: "Nor did Paul and Silas put off the time to baptize the optio of the prison." Here one may ask why this office was entrusted to a soldier: perhaps for this reason, that in the camp where the prison then was, as said above, it was not permitted to use city servants for such duties, but they had to be performed by soldiers; as may be understood by analogy from law 4 of the Digest title On the office of proconsul, where we read: "No proconsul may have his own grooms; but in their place soldiers shall perform the service in the provinces." An old inscription that mentions a soldier optio bears on this:

"To Aurelius Candidus, his sweetest son, who lived 4 years. Aurelius Canlandinus [as printed], soldier of the 8th praetorian cohort, optio of the century of Secundus, made this for the well-deserving." — Optio is the name of some command or post; the Bollandists think it means inspector, from the Greek verb optomai, "I see". RUINART. (printed under page 72)

(82) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 39

Qui multos ad nos admittebat. Hoc erat custodia delicata, ut vocat Pontius Diaconus in Vita S. Cypriani, cui e contrario opponitur custodia diligens, de qua vide Cujacium Observ. lib. XIV, cap. 34, et Heraldum ad Tertulliani Apolog. pag. 97. Non tamen sine causa Pudentis humanitati S. Perpetua eam visitandi licentiam tribuit, quod caute et timide plerumque accederent ad carceres, et ferme singuli, ne semetipsos proderent, aut individiam concitarent apud persecutores, si catervatim eo influerent. Temporum istorum conditionem luculenter nobis ob oculos ponit S. Cyprianus, epist. IV: Peto quoque, inquit, ad procurandam quietem solertia et sollicitudo vestra non desit. Et si fratres pro dilectione sua cupidi sunt ad conveniendum et visitandum confessores bonos, quos illustravit jam gloriosis initiis divina dignatio; tamen caute hoc, et non glomeratim, nec per multitudinem simul junctam puto esse faciendum: ne ex hoc ipso invidia concitetur, et introeundi aditus denegetur, et dum insatiabiles multum volumus, totum perdamus. HOLST. [The words "Hoc erat" are blotted in the scan but legible; nothing is lost.]

"Who admitted many to us." This was "lenient custody", as Pontius the deacon calls it in the Life of St Cyprian, to which, on the contrary, "strict custody" is opposed; on which see Cujas, Observations book XIV, chapter 34, and Hérault on Tertullian's Apology, page 97. Yet not without reason does St Perpetua credit that licence of visiting to Pudens's humanity, since people generally approached prisons cautiously and timidly, and almost one by one, lest they betray themselves or stir up ill-will ["individiam" as printed] among the persecutors if they flocked there in crowds. St Cyprian sets the condition of those times clearly before our eyes, letter IV: "I ask also," he says, "that your skill and care be not lacking in securing quiet. And if the brethren, out of their love, are eager to meet and visit the good confessors, whom the divine favour has already made illustrious by glorious beginnings, yet I think this should be done cautiously, and not in throngs, nor by a crowd gathered at once: lest from this very thing ill-will be stirred up and the way of entry be denied, and, insatiably wanting much, we lose everything." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 72)

Page

running head: 39 PASSIO SS. MART (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ostensum est mihi hoc; B praemium accipit. (between the columns); C dam post baptismum commissa (in the notes); D stris ad ejusmodi munia (in the notes)
old-edition numerals: 38 after de
misprints kept as printed: ‹hibere› (for bibere)
other: "hibere" as it appears in the image, possibly a damaged b; the column ends with face- (facere) split across the column break; editors' matter set: Argumentum (Perpetua a patre iterum tentatur); the headings Variae lectiones and Variorum notae with their apparatus belong to the page foot and are set above in this notes file
other: the word facere was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 40

PL 3:40

coepit intelligens magnam virtutem Dei esse in nobis, multos fratres ad nos admittebat, ut et nos et illi invicem refrigeraremus. Ut autem proximavit dies muneris, intravit ad me pater meus consumptus taedio, et coepit barbam suam evellere, et se in terram mittere et prosternere se in faciem, et improperare annis suis, et dicere tanta verba quae moverent universam creaturam. Ego dolebam pro infelici senecta ejus.

esteem, perceiving that there was great power of God in us, he used to admit many brothers to us, so that both we and they might refresh one another. But when the day of the show drew near, my father came in to me, worn out with weariness, and began to pluck out his beard, and to throw himself on the ground and prostrate himself on his face, and to reproach his years, and to say such words as would move the whole creation. I grieved for his unhappy old age.

« II. Pridie quam pugnaremus, video in oramate huc venisse Pomponium diaconum ad ostium carceris, et pulsare vehementer. Exivi ad eum, et aperui ei: qui erat vestitus distinctam candidam, habens multiplices calliculas. Et dixit mihi: Perpetua, te exspectamus, veni. Et tenuit mihi manum, et coepimus ire per aspera loca et flexuosa. Vix tandem pervenimus anhelantes ad amphitheatrum, et induxit me in media arena, et dixit mihi: Noli pavere, hic sum tecum, et collaboro tecum, et abiit. Et

« II. On the day before we were to fight, I see in a vision that Pomponius the deacon had come here to the door of the prison and was knocking loudly. I went out to him and opened to him; he was clothed in an ornamented white [robe], having manifold calliculae. And he said to me: Perpetua, we are waiting for you; come. And he took hold of my hand, and we began to go through rough and winding places. At last, with difficulty, we arrived panting at the amphitheatre, and he led me into the middle of the arena and said to me: Do not be afraid; I am here with you, and I labour together with you; and he went away. And

Editors' notes and page, col. 40

Footnotes

(83) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 40

Video in horomate. Res exigit ut rescribatur oromate, nisi haec vox ita deformata in usu populari Afrorum erat. Est autem ὅραμα vox Graeca, sonans visum, sive visionem. Usurpatur Actor. cap. XII, 9. Latini scriptores ea rarius usi sunt: tamen Aldhelmus lib. de Virginit. cap. 3, ubi de S. Joanne Evangelista loquitur, ait eum in Pathnio raptum in oromate, ubi Meursius recte oramate substituit in Mantissa Critica (sicque in Bibliotheca SS. Patrum editum reperio), trustra reprehendente Swartio Analectorum lib. III, cap. 9, qui chroma ibi rescribendum persuadere nequidquam conatur. Reperio etiam apud Alcuinum lib. I de Vita sancti Willebrordi, cap. 2. haec verba: Mater intempesta noctis quiete, coeleste in somnis vidit horama. HOLST.

"I see in a vision [horomate]." The matter requires it to be written "oromate", unless the word was so deformed in the popular usage of the Africans. Horama is a Greek word meaning a sight or vision. It is used in Acts 12:9. Latin writers have used it rather rarely; yet Aldhelm, On Virginity, chapter 3, speaking of St John the Evangelist, says he was "rapt in a vision [in oromate]" on Patmos ["Pathnio" as printed], where Meursius rightly substituted "oramate" in his Mantissa Critica (and so I find it printed in the Bibliotheca of the Holy Fathers), Swartius, Analecta book III, chapter 9, criticizing in vain ["trustra" as printed] and trying to no purpose to persuade that "chroma" should be written there. I also find in Alcuin, book I of the Life of St Willibrord, chapter 2, these words: "The mother, in the quiet of the dead of night, saw in sleep a heavenly vision [horama]." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 72)

(84) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 40

Habens multiplices calliculas. Glossarium vetus: Galliculae, Τροχάδες. Et in Glossis Graecolatinis, Τροχάς, Callicula. Non videtur dubium quin gallicula idem sit quod Callicula hoc loco; et cum explicetur voce Τροχάς, apparet fuisse quid rotundum et volubile. Videntur fuisse calliculae, appendices rotundae, ornatus causa additae capitibus militarium thoracum, in acumen desinentibus. Hae poterant ex bysso, purpura aut simili materia esse; interdum e metallo, ut habetur paulo inferius, v. 31. Habens calliculas multiformes ex auro et argen- (continues)

"Having many calliculae." An old Glossary: "Galliculae, trochades." And in the Greek-Latin Glosses: "Trochas, callicula." There seems no doubt that gallicula is the same as callicula in this place; and since it is explained by the word trochas, it appears to have been something round and turning. Calliculae seem to have been round appendages, added for ornament to the ends of military cuirasses, which tapered to a point. These could be of linen, purple or similar material; sometimes of metal, as is found a little below, verse 31: "Having calliculae of many shapes, of gold and sil[ver]" (continues)

(printed under page 72)

Page

running head: …IO SS. MARTYRUM (cut off at left edge; presumably PASSIO SS. MARTYRUM), with column number 40
marginal letters: A ‹re cœpit intelligens magnam›; B ‹dem pervenimus anhelantes›; C ‹ob oculos ponit S. Cyprianus› (in the Variorum notae); D ‹dente Swartio Analectorum› (in the Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 39 after ‹autem›

PL 3:41

aspicio populum ingentem attonitum. Et, quia sciebam me ad bestias datam esse, mirabar quod non mitterentur mihi bestiae. Et exivit quidam contra me Aegyptius, foedus specie, cum adjutoribus suis pugnaturus mecum. Veniunt et ad me adolescentes decori adjutores et favitores mei, et exspoliata sum, et facta sum masculus. Et coeperunt me favitores mei oleo defrigere, quomodo solent in agonem, et illum contra Aegyptium video in afa volutantem. Et exivit vir quidam mirae magnitudinis, ut etiam excederet fastigium amphitheatri, discinctam habens tunicam, et purpuram inter duos clavos per medium pectus, habens et calliculas multiformes ex auro et argento factas, et ferens virgam quasi lanista, et ramum viridem

I see a huge, astonished crowd. And, since I knew that I had been given over to the beasts, I was wondering why beasts were not being sent against me. And there came out against me a certain Egyptian, foul in appearance, with his assistants, to fight with me. There come to me also handsome young men, my assistants and supporters, and I was stripped, and I was made male. And my supporters began to rub me down with oil, as they are accustomed to do for a contest, and I see that Egyptian opposite rolling in the dust. And there came out a certain man of wondrous size, so that he even exceeded the top of the amphitheatre, wearing an unbelted tunic, and purple between two stripes across the middle of his chest, and having also small shoes of many forms made of gold and silver, and carrying a rod like a trainer of gladiators, and a green branch

Editors' notes and page, col. 41

Footnotes

[Calls 39, 40, (87), (88) and (93) are visible in the author's text at the crop edge. The first variant entries are cut at the left edge of the image; their numerals are read from the sequence.] — Variae lectiones —

— Variant readings —

36 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 41 Defricare Salisb.

"Defricare": Salzburg.

37 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 41 Aqua cod. Compend. et Salisb., sed melius afa seu apha aut hapha, id est pulvis, quo pugiles post unctionem inspergebantur.

"Aqua" [water]: Compiègne and Salzburg manuscripts; but better "afa", or "apha" or "hapha", that is, the dust which boxers were sprinkled with after anointing.

38 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 41 Discinctatus purpuram Holsten.

"Discinctatus purpuram": Holstenius.

39 ‹calliculas› · call in col 41 Galliculas Salisb.

"Galliculas": Salzburg.

40 ‹ferens› · call in col 41 Efferens Holsten.

"Efferens": Holstenius.

41 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 42 Volebat Holsten.

"Volebat": Holstenius.

— Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 73)

(84) (continued from p. 72) · col 41

to factas. Hujus generis erant tintinnabula malogranata in extrema ora vestis summi sacerdotis posita, ut habetur in Exodo et Levitico. POSSIN. — An galliculae sint parvae caligae, vid. Liturg. Gallican. Mabillon, p. 473. RUINART.

[sil]ver." Of this kind were the bells and pomegranates set on the lowest hem of the high priest's robe, as in Exodus and Leviticus. POSSINUS. — Whether galliculae are small boots, see Mabillon's Gallican Liturgy, page 473. RUINART.

(84*) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 41 Aegyptius foedus specie. Plautus Poenulo: Itaque replebo atritate, atrior multo ut siet quam Aegyptii. Auson: Tinctus colore noctis, / Manus per loquaci / Aegyptius choraules, etc.

"An Egyptian, foul to look at." Plautus in the Poenulus: "And so I will fill him with blackness, so that he will be much blacker than the Egyptians." Ausonius: "Tinged with the colour of night, … the Egyptian flute-player with his talkative hands," etc. [Ausonius's line printed "Manus per loquaci" as printed.]

(printed under page 73)

(85) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 41

Aegyptium video in afa volutantem. Afa pulvis est Graeca significatione; est enim Graecum nomen, ἁφή, Latine scriptum. Solebant autem pugiles certaturi inspergere uncta corpora pulvere, vel in eo humi jacente se volutare. Ovid. Metamorph. IX de duobus Palaestritis invicem sibi pulverem ad istum usum ministrantibus: Ille cavis hausto spargit me pulvere palmis, / Inque vicem fulvae jactu flavescit arenae. Quam arenam, unde flavescebant hoc modo pugilum corpora, Martielis lib. VI, Epigr. 66, vocat Hophen hoc versu: Et flavescit Haphe. Agit de muliere Philaeni, viros imitante in pugilatu, quod, cum acerrime arguat, imo detestetur Martialis in femina, apparet quam ex decoro S. Perpetua, etiam per visum commissa cum pugile Aegyptio diabolum designante, in masculum mutata sit, ut ipsa dicit hoc ipso loco, his verbis: Et facta sum masculus. POSSIN.

"I see the Egyptian rolling in the afa." Afa is dust, in the Greek sense; for it is a Greek noun, haphe, written in Latin letters. Boxers about to fight used to sprinkle their oiled bodies with dust, or roll in it on the ground. Ovid, Metamorphoses IX, of two wrestlers supplying each other with dust for this use: "He scatters on me dust scooped up in hollow palms, and in turn grows yellow with a toss of tawny sand." That sand, by which the boxers' bodies grew yellow in this way, Martial ["Martielis" as printed], book VI, epigram 66, calls Hophe [as printed] in this verse: "And she grows yellow with haphe." He is treating of the woman Philaenis, who imitated men in boxing; and since Martial sharply censures, indeed detests, this in a woman, it is plain how fittingly St Perpetua, set even in a vision against an Egyptian boxer who stands for the devil, was changed into a man, as she herself says in this very place, in these words: "And I was made a man." POSSINUS.

(printed under page 73)

(86) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 41

Vir quidam mirae magnitudinis. Ita in prima visione hominem canum in habitu pastoris grandem viderat, unum scilicet eumdemque Christum, qui isthic, ut pastor, oves suas refovet; hic, ut imperator et agnothetes, militibus et agonistis praemia decernit. Nam in Christianorum agone, ut ait Clemens Alexandrinus, ἀγωνοθέτης ὁ Θεὸς, βραβευτὴς ὁ Υἱὸς Θεοῦ, θεαταὶ δὲ οἱ ἄγγελοι. Agonotheta Deus, praemiator Dei Filius, spectatores angeli. HOLST.

"A man of wonderful size." So in the first vision she had seen a grey-haired man, tall, in the dress of a shepherd: one and the same Christ, that is, who there as shepherd cherishes His sheep, here as commander and president of the games awards prizes to soldiers and contestants. For in the Christians' contest, as Clement of Alexandria says, "God is the president of the games, the Son of God the awarder of the prize, the angels the spectators." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 73)

(87) ‹duos clavos› · call in col 41

Purpuram inter duos clavos. Hoc est, purpuream vestem gerens, clavis duobus sive lasciis discinctam sine zona. Gymnasiarcharum erat purpurea vestis; unde apud Lucianum dialogo de Gymnasiis, Anacharsis ex purpura gymnasiarcham agnoscit. HOLST.

"Purple between two stripes." That is, wearing a purple garment with two stripes or bands ["lasciis" as printed, for fasciis], ungirt, without a belt. The purple garment belonged to the gymnasiarchs; hence in Lucian's dialogue on the Gymnasia, Anacharsis recognizes the gymnasiarch by his purple. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 73)

(88) ‹quasi lanista› · call in col 41

Virgam quasi lanista. Virgam lanistae quoque tribuit Xiphilinus in Commodo: Ἀντηγωνίζετο δὲ αὐτῷ γυμναστής τις ἢ καὶ μονόμαχος, νάρθηκα ἔχων. Certabat cum eo lanista aliquis, aut gladiator virgam habens, sive ferulam. Recte additum hic, quasi. Non enim qui apparebat, personam lanistae praeferebat, sed gymnasiarchae, hoc est palaestritarum moderatoris; quem etiam virgam gestare solitum docet Sidonius Apollin. lib. XI, ep. 2, quam etiam magistralem appellat: et ejus usum plane honestum et censorium his verbis exprimit: Juvenum luctas, si involvantur obscenius, casta confestim gymnasiarcharum virga dissolvit. HOLST.

"A rod, like a trainer." Xiphilinus, in the Commodus, also gives a rod to the trainer: "A trainer or a gladiator contended against him, holding a rod." Someone contended with him, a trainer or gladiator, holding a rod or wand. "Like" is rightly added here. For he who appeared bore the role not of a lanista but of a gymnasiarch, that is, the director of the wrestlers; whom Sidonius Apollinaris, book XI [as printed], letter 2, shows to have usually carried a rod, which he even calls "magisterial", and expresses its quite honourable and censorial use in these words: "If the young men's wrestling becomes entangled too indecently, the chaste rod of the gymnasiarchs at once separates them." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 73)

Page

running head: PERPETUÆ ET FELIC (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹aspicio populum ingentem attonitum›; B ‹ferens virgam quasi lanista›; C ‹(86) Vir quidam mirae magnitudinis›; D ‹est Graeca significatione›
old-edition numerals: (none)
note calls in the text: (84*) specie, variant 36 defrigere, variant 37 afa, (85) volutantem, (86) magnitudinis, variant 38 tunicam, (87) clavos, variant 39 calliculas, variant 40 ferens, (88) lanista
misprints kept as printed (foot notes): ‹Martielis› (for Martialis, note 85); ‹Hophen› (for Haphen, note 85); ‹Manus per loquaci› (Ausonius garbled, note 84*); ‹lasciis› (for fasciis, note 87)

PL 3:42

in quo erant mala aurea. Et petiit silentium et dixit: Hic Aegyptius si hanc vicerit, occidet illam gladio; et si hunc vicerit, accipiet ramum istum. Et recessit. Et accessimus ad invicem, et coepimus mittere pugnos. Ille mihi pedes apprehendere quaerebat: ego autem illi calcibus faciem caedebam, et sublata sum in aere, et coepi eum sic caedere quasi terram conculcans. At ubi vidi moram fieri, junxi manus, ita ut digitos in digitos mitterem. Et apprehendi illi caput, et cecidit in faciem; et calcavi illi caput. Et coepit populus clamare, et favitores mei psallere. Et accessi ad lanistam, et accepi ramum. Et osculatus est me, et dixit mihi: Filia, pax tecum. Et coepi ire cum gloria ad portam Sanavivaria. Et experrecta sum: et intellexi

on which were golden apples. And he called for silence and said: This Egyptian, if he defeats her, will kill her with the sword; and if she defeats him, she will receive this branch. And he withdrew. And we approached one another, and began to throw punches. He kept trying to seize my feet, but I kept striking his face with my heels; and I was lifted up into the air, and began to strike him thus, as though treading on the ground. But when I saw that there was delay, I joined my hands so that I put fingers into fingers. And I seized his head, and he fell on his face; and I trod upon his head. And the people began to shout, and my supporters to sing psalms. And I went up to the trainer, and received the branch. And he kissed me, and said to me: Daughter, peace be with you. And I began to go with glory towards the Gate of Life. And I awoke: and I understood

Editors' notes and page, col. 42

Footnotes

(89) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 42

Et petiit silentium. Id per praeconem aut tubicinem fieri solebat. Ejus rei formulam in Graecia solemnem fuisse ἄκους πᾶς, audi, quisquis es, ex Luciano et aliis discimus. Usu hoc in primis veniebat, quando distribuenda palam praemia erant. Quare tali occasione proconsuli praeconem Apuleius adjungit in Floridis. De tubicine testimonium est Senecae epist. 74. Nos quoque evincamus omnia, quorum praemia non corona, nec pallium est; nec tubicen praedicationi nominis nostri silentium faciens; sed virtus et firmitas animi. HOLST.

"And he called for silence." This used to be done by a herald or a trumpeter. That the solemn formula for it in Greece was "Hear, all" ["ἄκους" as printed, for ἄκουε], "hear, whoever you are", we learn from Lucian and others. This came into use above all when prizes were to be distributed publicly. So on such an occasion Apuleius, in the Florida, sets a herald beside the proconsul. For the trumpeter there is the testimony of Seneca, letter 74: "Let us too overcome all things, whose prize is not a crown nor a cloak, nor a trumpeter making silence for the proclaiming of our name, but virtue and firmness of mind." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 73)

(90) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 42

Si hunc vicerit, accipiet ramum istum. Nempe hic non solum gymnasiarchae, ut dictum est, sed et βραβευτοῦ praemiatoris personam gerebat. Βραβευταὶ, inquit Etymologicus, κυρίως λέγονται οἱ τὴν ῥάβδον ἀπὸ φοίνικος ἤ τινος ἄλλου διδόντες σύμβολα τῆς νίκης, ῥαβδευσταί τινες ὄντες. Brabeutae, sive praemiatores dicuntur, quasi rhabdeustae, hoc est, virgarum aut surculorum largitores: hi enim palmae vel similis arboris ramos dabant, insignia victoriae. Porro ejusdem erat indicere certamen, quod hic noster paulo prius fecit, et praemium victori porrigere, quod nunc promittit. Tertull. de Fuga in persecutione: A quo certamen edicitur, nisi a quo corona et praemium proponuntur? Et paulo post: Ita agnosces ad eumdem agonothetam pertinere certaminis arbitrium, qui invitat ad praemium. HOLST.

"If she conquers him, she will receive this branch." That is, he here bore the role not only of gymnasiarch, as was said, but also of brabeutes, the prize-giver. "Brabeutai," says the Etymologicum, "are properly those who give the rod of palm or of some other tree as tokens of victory, being in a manner rod-givers." Brabeutae or prize-givers are so called as if rhabdeustae, that is, givers of rods or shoots: for they gave branches of palm or a similar tree as tokens of victory. Further, it was his part to proclaim the contest, which our man did a little before, and to hold out the prize to the victor, which he now promises. Tertullian, On Flight in Persecution: "By whom is the contest proclaimed, if not by him by whom the crown and prize are set forth?" And a little after: "So you will recognize that the judging of the contest belongs to the same president of the games who invites to the prize." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 73)

(91) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 42

Junxi manus, ut digitos in digitos mitterem. Significat Perpetua se in altum sublatam, ut certantem secum pugilem in terram dejiceret, compectinatis utriusque manus digitis, ejus verticem ambabus palmis in unum junctis magno impetu depressisse: unde contigit Aegyptium in faciem cadere. POSSIN.

"I joined my hands so as to put my fingers between my fingers." Perpetua means that, lifted on high in order to throw to the ground the boxer fighting her, she interlaced the fingers of both hands and, with both palms joined together, pressed down on his head with great force: whence it happened that the Egyptian fell on his face. POSSINUS.

(printed under page 73)

(92) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 42

Et accessi ad lanistam. Quem gymnasiarcham potius et brabeutem superius diximus, lanistam vocat, non sine catachresi forte quadam. HOLST.

"And I went up to the trainer." He whom above we called rather the gymnasiarch and prize-giver she calls the lanista, perhaps not without a certain catachresis. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 73)

(93) ‹Sanavivaria› · call in col 42

Ad portam Sanavivaria. Res exigit, ut rescribatur: Ad portam Sanavivariam, ut infra § 20, (continues)

"To the Gate of Life [Sanavivaria]." The matter requires that it be written "Ad portam Sanavivariam", as below, § 20, (continues)

(printed under page 73)

Page

running head: [cut off at left] UÆ ET FELICITATIS 42
marginal letters: A in quo erant mala aurea; B Sanavivaria. Et experrecta sum; C victori porrigere (in the foot notes); D cia solemnem fuisse (in the foot notes)
old-edition numerals: 41 after quo
misprints kept as printed (foot notes): ‹ἄκους› (for ἄκουε, note 89)

PL 3:43

me non ad bestias, sed contra diabolum esse pugnaturam; sed sciebam mihi victoriam imminere. Hoc usque in pridie muneris egi: ipsius autem muneris actum, si quis voluerit, scribat.»

that I was to fight not with beasts but against the devil; but I knew that victory was at hand for me. This I did up to the day before the games; but of the conduct of the games themselves, let whoever wishes write.

CAPUT IV.

Chapter IV.

Argumentum. — S. Saturus, in visione sibi facta, et S. Perpetua ab angelis in lucem magnam portati, vident martyres; ducti ad thronum Dei, osculo excipiuntur, Optatum episcopum et Aspasium presbyterum conciliant.

Argument. St Saturus, in a vision granted to him, and St Perpetua, carried by angels into a great light, see the martyrs; led to the throne of God, they are received with a kiss, and they reconcile Optatus the bishop and Aspasius the presbyter.

I. Sed et Saturus benedictus hanc visionem suam edidit, quam ipse conscripsit. « Passi, inquit, eramus, et exivimus de carne, et coepimus ferri a quatuor angelis in orientem, quorum manus nos non tangebant. Ibamus autem non supini sursum versi, sed quasi mollem clivum ascendentes. Et liberati primam jam vidimus lucem

I. But the blessed Saturus too made known this vision of his, which he himself wrote down. 'We had suffered,' he says, 'and we went forth from the flesh, and we began to be carried by four angels towards the east, whose hands did not touch us. And we went not on our backs, turned upwards, but as though climbing a gentle slope. And having been set free, we now saw first the light

Editors' notes and page, col. 43

Footnotes

[Calls 43, 44, (96), (97), 49, (1), 50, (2) and (3) are visible in the author's text at the crop edge. The commentary numbering restarts at (1) on this page, as printed. The variant lines run across both columns; the two images overlap by a word at the gutter.] — Variae lectiones —

— Variant readings —

42 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 43 Esse Holsten.

"Esse": Holstenius.

43 ‹mollem clivum› · call in col 43 Glebam C. Comp.

"Glebam": Compiègne manuscript.

44 ‹jam vidimus› · call in col 43 Sic cod. Salisb. Holsten. Et liberati primo mundo vidimus. Compend. et liberati primum jam mundo vidimus. Olim Liberato primo mundo.

So the Salzburg manuscript. Holstenius: "And set free from the first world, we saw." Compiègne: "and set free from the world, we now first saw." Formerly: "Liberato primo mundo" [the first world having been set free].

45 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 44 Rosam Salisb.

"Rosam": Salzburg.

46 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 44 Ardebant. Salisb.

"Ardebant": Salzburg.

47 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 44 Qui ibi viderunt nos et honorem. Cod. Salisb.

"Who saw us there, and honour": Salzburg manuscript.

48 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 44 Ecce sunt. Expavescentes cum admiratione quatuor illi angeli qui stabant, deposuerunt nos. Cod. Salisb. et Compend.

"Here they are." Those four angels who were standing, trembling with wonder, set us down: Salzburg and Compiègne manuscripts.

49 ‹via lata (1)› · call in col 44 Violata Holsten.

"Violata": Holstenius.

50 ‹et Saturninum› · call in col 44 In codd. Compend. et Salisb. deest Saturninus; at non modo in Casinensi cod., sed etiam in Excerptis Mabillon. habetur.

In the Compiègne and Salzburg manuscripts "Saturninus" is lacking; but it is found not only in the Monte Cassino manuscript but also in Mabillon's Excerpts.

— Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 74)

(93) (continued from p. 73) · col 43

v. 24. Revocatae sunt in portam Sanavivariam. Ubi forte ex priori loco reponendum sit Sanavivaria. Ex his constat fuisse portam in amphitheatro, quae, saltem in Africa, vulgari verbo vocaretur Sanavivaria. Quaenam autem haec fuerit, inquirendum est. Docet Lipsius lib. de Amphitheatro, cap. 21, praeter portulas varias, sive postica, quae infimum amphitheatri locum circumdabant ad varios usus, praesertim emittendarum ferarum, fuisse duas majores e regione invicem oppositas, quarum alteram Libitinensem fuisse dictam suspicatur, et ipse paulo post Mortualem vocat, per quam scilicet mortua corpora gladiatorum aut bestiariorum reliquiae extrahebantur ex arena. Alterius portae, quae, ut ait, ducebat ad forum, nomen nullum prodit. Non dubito quin, si hunc locum vidisset, Sanavivariam eam dictam affirmasset. Nec etymon obscurum est; cum enim per eam qui sani et vivi arenae periculis superfuerant, foro et urbi redderentur, jure Sanavivaria nuncupata sit. Et favet huic conjecturae duplex hic locus; quorum in priori, Perpetua victrix pugilatu, superato in arena Aegyptio adversario, coepit ire, ut ipsa ait, cum gloria ad portam Sanavivariam, more videlicet vincentium in hisce certaminibus, qui post victoriam per portam quae ducebat ad forum, cum plausu exibant. Alter § 20 habet, populum misericordia motum erga sanctas Perpetuam et Felicitatem jam a feris male vexatas, revocasse illas ad portam Sanavivariam, quo videlicet gladiatores aut bestiarii, quibus parcebat populus, ejus faventi acclamatione admoniti recedebant, ut periculo se subducerent. POSSIN.

verse 24: "They were called back to the Gate of Life [Sanavivariam]." Where perhaps "Sanavivaria" should be restored from the former place. From these it is established that there was a gate in the amphitheatre which, at least in Africa, was called in the vulgar tongue Sanavivaria. Which gate this was must be inquired. Lipsius teaches, in the book On the Amphitheatre, chapter 21, that besides various small doors or posterns which surrounded the lowest part of the amphitheatre for various uses, especially for letting out the beasts, there were two larger ones set opposite each other, one of which he suspects was called the Libitinensis, and a little later he himself calls it the Mortualis, through which the dead bodies of gladiators or the remains of beast-fighters were dragged out of the arena. Of the other gate, which, as he says, led to the forum, he gives no name. I do not doubt that, had he seen this passage, he would have affirmed it was called Sanavivaria. Nor is the etymology obscure: since through it those who had survived the dangers of the arena safe and alive were restored to the forum and the city, it was rightly named Sanavivaria. And this twofold passage favours the conjecture: in the first, Perpetua, victor in the boxing match, having overcome her Egyptian adversary in the arena, began to go, as she says, "with glory to the Gate of Life", that is, after the manner of victors in these contests, who after the victory went out with applause through the gate that led to the forum. The other, § 20, has that the people, moved to pity towards the holy Perpetua and Felicity, already badly mauled by the beasts, called them back to the Gate of Life; to which, that is, gladiators or beast-fighters whom the people spared withdrew, warned by its favouring acclamation, to escape the danger. POSSINUS.

(printed under page 74)

(94) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 43

Usque in pridie muneris. Ita Tertullianus ad Scapulam cap. 7: Qui per genios eorum in pridie usque juraverant. Cicero usque ad pridie Kal. dixit. HOLST.

"Right up to the day before the games." So Tertullian, To Scapula, chapter 7: "who had sworn by their genii right up to the day before." Cicero said "up to the day before the Kalends." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 74)

(95) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 43

Ipsius muneris actum. Intra, ordinem muneris, et commissionem spectaculi, vocat. Caeterum ad haec verba S. Perpetuae respexit quisquis sit horum Actorum auctor, cum se fidei commissum ejus exsequi dixit. HOLST.

"The proceedings of the games themselves." Below ["Intra" as printed, for Infra] he calls it "the order of the games" and "the staging of the show". Moreover, whoever is the author of these Acts looked to these words of St Perpetua when he said he was carrying out her trust. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 74)

(96) ‹manus nos non tangebant› · call in col 43

Coepimus ferri a quatuor angelis, quorum manus nos non tangebant. Videtur exprimere, quod dicitur Daniel. XIV, 35. In impetu spiritus sui. Et de Ezechiele, ejus prophetiae cap. VIII, v. 3, Apprehendit me in cincinno capitis mei. POSSIN.

"We began to be carried by four angels, whose hands did not touch us." She seems to express what is said in Daniel 14:35: "in the force of his spirit"; and of Ezekiel, in his prophecy chapter 8, verse 3: "He took me by a lock of my head." POSSINUS.

(printed under page 74)

(97) ‹Et liberati› · call in col 43

Sensus est, eos postquam e caligine et crassiori aere sphaerae sublunaris emersissent, vidisse lucem immensam, etc. POSSIN.

The sense is that, after they had emerged from the murk and thicker air of the sublunary sphere, they saw an immense light, etc. POSSINUS.

(printed under page 74)

Page

running head: 43 PASSIO SS. MARTY (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹me non ad bestias›; B ‹sum versi, sed quasi mollem clivum›; C ‹sertim emittendarum ferarum› (in the Variorum notae, not set); D ‹revocasse illas ad portam› (in the Variorum notae, not set)
old-edition numerals: 42 before ‹CAPUT IV.›
other: editors' matter set in the text block: the Argumentum of Caput IV (S. Saturus, in visione sibi facta), editors' matter, not the work's
misprints kept as printed (foot notes): ‹Intra› (for Infra, note 95)

PL 3:44

immensam; et dixi: Perpetua (erat enim haec in latere meo), hoc est quod nobis Dominus promittebat: percepimus promissionem. Et dum gestamur ab ipsis quatuor angelis, factum est nobis spatium grande, quod tale fuit quasi viridarium arbores habens rosae, et omne genus floris. Altitudo autem arborum erat in modum cupressi, quorum folia cadebant sine cessatione. Ibi autem in viridario, alii quatuor angeli fuerunt clariores caeteris, qui ubi viderunt nos, honorem nobis dederunt, et dixerunt caeteris angelis: Ecce sunt, ecce sunt, cum admiratione. Et expavescentes quatuor illi angeli qui gestabant nos, deposuerunt nos: et pedibus nostris transivimus stadium via lata. Ibi invenimus Jocundum et Saturninum et Artaxium, qui, eamdem persecutionem passi, vivi arserunt; et Quintum,

immense; and I said: Perpetua (for she was at my side), this is what the Lord was promising us: we have received the promise. And while we were being carried by those same four angels, there opened before us a great space, which was like a garden, having rose trees and every kind of flower. And the height of the trees was after the manner of a cypress, and their leaves were falling without ceasing. And there in the garden were four other angels, brighter than the rest, who, when they saw us, did us honour and said to the other angels, with wonder: Here they are, here they are. And those four angels who were carrying us, struck with awe, set us down; and on our own feet we crossed a stadium by a broad way. There we found Jocundus and Saturninus and Artaxius, who, having suffered the same persecution, were burned alive; and Quintus,

Editors' notes and page, col. 44

Footnotes

(98) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 44

Tale fuit quasi viridarium. De hoc viridario fusius agit auctor sermonis, quem Holstenius sub nomine sancti Augustini in bibliotheca Vaticana reperit, qui nunc ultimus est dubiorum novae editionis. GALLAND.

"It was like a pleasure-garden." This garden is treated more fully by the author of a sermon which Holstenius found in the Vatican Library under the name of St Augustine, now the last of the doubtful sermons in the new edition. GALLANDI.

(printed under page 74)

(99) [printed "(.9)"] ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 44

Ecce sunt, ecce sunt. Voces honorifice demonstrantium, quales illae, Hic est, et similes; de iis qui, fama noti, digito occurrentium monstrabantur. POSSIN.

"Here they are, here they are." Words of people pointing someone out with honour, such as "This is he" and the like; said of those who, known by fame, were pointed out with the finger by those they met. POSSINUS.

(printed under page 74)

(1) ‹via lata› · call in col 44

Transivimus stadium via lata. Sic omnino legendum. Nam id in visione ad usum tunc vulgo notum aptabatur. Solebant in hortis et porticibus ambulacra stadiis dimetiri. Glossae Galeni: Σταδιεὺς, ὁ σταδίοις ἀναμετρῶν τὸν περίπατον. Inde Porticus stadiatae dictae Vitruvio, lib. V, cap. 9, ubi in palaestris peristylia quadrata sive oblonga ita facienda monet, uti duorum stadiorum habeant ambulationis circuitionem. HOLST.

"We crossed the stadium by a broad way." So it must certainly be read. For this was suited in the vision to a usage then commonly known. They used to measure out walks in gardens and porticoes in stadia. The Glosses of Galen: "Stadieus, one who measures the walk in stadia." Hence "stadium-porticoes" were so called by Vitruvius, book V, chapter 9, where he advises that peristyles in palaestrae, square or oblong, be so made as to have a circuit of walk of two stadia. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 74)

(2) ‹et Artaxium› · call in col 44

Invenimus Jocondum et Saturninum et Artaxium, paulo post, et Quintum. Horum martyrium nomen, memoria nunc demum restituta, hisce Actis debetur. Nam absque illis perpetuo mortales latuissent, uni Deo βραβευτῇ καὶ ἀγωνοθέτῃ, et apud eum regnantibus superis cogniti. Caeterum ex hoc loco apparet magnam et universalem tum fuisse christiani nominis persecutionem. HOLST. — In nostro martyrologio Remigiano Saturi, Jocondi et Saturnini festum celebratur die VI Martii. RUINART.

"We found Jocundus and Saturninus and Artaxius," and a little after, "and Quintus." The name and memory of these martyrs, now at last restored, are owed to these Acts. For without them they would have stayed hidden from mortals for ever, known only to God, the prize-giver and president of the games, and to the heavenly ones who reign with Him. Moreover from this passage it appears that the persecution of the Christian name was then great and universal. HOLSTENIUS. — In our martyrology of St-Remi the feast of Saturus, Jocundus and Saturninus is kept on 6 March. RUINART.

(printed under page 74)

(3) ‹vivi arserunt› · call in col 44

Vivi arserunt. Lex 28, ff. de Poenis, vivi cremationem summum supplicium appellat. Ibidem additur § 9: Igni cremantur plerumque servi; nonnunquam etiam liberi plebeii, et humiles personae. Tales passim Christiani habebantur. Unde populus Smyrnensis, cum S. Polycarpo leonem postulasset, petiit deinde ζῶντα κατακαῦσαι, ut vivus arderet. Sic eleganter Ruffinus Eusebii verba transtulit. In persecutione quoque Alexandrina sub Decio frequens hoc vivicomburium fuit, ut ex Dio- (continues)

"They were burned alive." Law 28 of the Digest title On penalties calls burning alive the supreme penalty. In the same place, § 9, it is added: "Slaves are mostly burned with fire; sometimes also free commoners and persons of low rank." Christians were commonly held to be such. Hence the people of Smyrna, having demanded a lion for St Polycarp, then asked "to burn him alive", that he should burn alive. So Rufinus elegantly translated Eusebius's words. In the Alexandrian persecution under Decius too this burning alive was frequent, as from Dio[nysius] (continues)

(printed under page 74)

Page

running head: ‹cut off›) SS. MARTYRUM 44
marginal letters: A ‹immensam; et dixi›; B ‹et Saturninum et Artaxium›; C ‹reperit, qui nunc ultimus› (in Variorum notae); D ‹apud eum regnantibus› (in Variorum notae)
old-edition numerals: 43 after ‹floris.›
other: running head cut off at left edge, only ") SS. MARTYRUM" visible; Variae lectiones and Variorum notae at page foot not set (later pass); column ends mid-word "Quin-" (Quintum, cf. note 2); no editors' matter in text block; bold old numeral after floris read as 43 (flat-topped bold 3), slightly UNSURE
other: the word Quintum, was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 45

PL 3:45

qui et ipse martyr in carcere exierat; et quaerebamus ab illis ubi essent caeteri. Dixerunt autem nobis angeli: Venite prius, introite, et salutate Dominum.

who had himself also gone out [of the world] as a martyr in prison; and we were asking them where the others were. But the angels said to us: Come first, go in, and greet the Lord.

II. « Et venimus prope locum, cujus loci parietes tales erant quasi de luce aedificati; et ante ostium loci illius quatuor angeli stabant, qui introeuntes vestierunt stolas candidas. Et nos vestiti introivimus, et vidimus lucem immensam, et audivimus vocem unitam dicentium: Agios, agios, agios, sine cessatione. Et vidimus in medio loci illius sedentem quasi hominem canum, niveos habentem capillos et vultu juvenili, cujus pedes non vidimus. Et in dextra et in sinistra seniores viginti quatuor, et post illius caeteri complures stabant. Introivimus cum magna admiratione, et stetimus ante thronum; et quatuor angeli sublevaverunt nos, et osculati sumus illum, et de manu sua tragecit nobis in facie. Et caeteri seniores dixerunt nobis: Stemus. Et stetimus, et pacem fecimus. Et dixerunt nobis seniores: Ite, et ludite. Et dixi: Perpetua, habes quod vis. Et dixit mihi: Deo gratias,

II. "And we came near a place whose walls were such as if built of light; and before the door of that place stood four angels, who clothed those going in with white robes. And we, clothed, went in, and we saw an immense light, and we heard the united voice of those saying: Agios, agios, agios, without ceasing. And we saw seated in the middle of that place as it were a grey-haired man, having hair white as snow and a youthful face, whose feet we did not see. And on the right and on the left were twenty-four elders, and behind Him many others were standing. We went in with great wonder, and we stood before the throne; and four angels lifted us up, and we kissed Him, and with His hand He passed over our face. And the other elders said to us: Let us stand. And we stood, and exchanged the peace. And the elders said to us: Go, and play. And I said: Perpetua, you have what you wish. And she said to me: Thanks be to

Editors' notes and page, col. 45

Footnotes

[Calls 53, 54, (6), 60, (8), (9), 61, (10) and 62 are visible in the author's text at the crop edge. The variant lines run across both columns; the two images overlap by a word or two at the gutter. Some words in col 45 are heavily inked in the scan but legible.] — Variae lectiones —

— Variant readings —

51 ‹ab illis› · call in col 45 Sic cod. Salisb.; Holstenius autem et cod. Compend. Et quaerebamus de illis ubi essent caeteri. Angeli dixerunt nobis.

So the Salzburg manuscript; but Holstenius and the Compiègne manuscript: "And we asked them where the others were. The angels said to us."

52 ‹audivimus› · call in col 45 Et introivimus et audivimus vocem Holsten.

"And we went in and heard a voice": Holstenius.

53 ‹complures› · call in col 45 Seniores, quatuor et post illos, caeteri seniores complures stabant, et introeuntes cum admiratione stetimus Holsten.

"Elders, four, and after them many other elders were standing, and going in we stood with wonder": Holstenius.

54 ‹in facie› · call in col 45 Faciem Holsten.

"Faciem": Holstenius.

55 ‹reliquistis› · call in col 46 Reliquistis — ut vos ad pedes. Ita rescripsimus, Holstenium et Bollandianos secuti Ruinart. Relinquitis — ut quid vos, etc. Galland.

"You have left — that you [cast yourselves] at the feet." So we have written it, following Holstenius and the Bollandists: Ruinart. "You leave — why do you," etc.: Gallandi.

56 ‹noster› · call in col 46 Nonne tu pater noster es Cod. Salisb.

"Are you not our father?": Salzburg manuscript.

57 ‹misimus nos› · call in col 46 Ut vos ad pedes nobis mittatis. Et moti sumus Holsten.

"That you throw yourselves at our feet. And we were moved": Holstenius.

58 ‹Perpetua› · call in col 46 Et coepit Perpetua Graece cum eum illis loqui codd. Salisb et Compend.

"And Perpetua began to speak with them in Greek": Salzburg and Compiègne manuscripts ["cum eum" as printed].

59 ‹in viridario› · call in col 46 Viridarium Holsten.

"Viridarium": Holstenius.

60 ‹refrigerent› · call in col 46 Quiescite et refrigerate codd. Salisb. et Comp.

"Rest and refresh yourselves": Salzburg and Compiègne manuscripts.

61 ‹et factionibus› · call in col 46 Defatigationibus Holsten.

"Defatigationibus": Holstenius.

62 ‹cognoscere› · call in col 46 Cod. Compend. Cognoscere martyres, ubi odore.

Compiègne manuscript: "to recognize martyrs, where by the fragrance".

— Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 75)

(3) (continued from p. 74) · col 45

nysii epistolis apud Eusebium lib. VI, cap. 34, videre est. HOLST.

[Dio]nysius's letters in Eusebius, book VI, chapter 34, may be seen. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 75)

(4) ‹exierat› · call in col 45

Qui et ipse martyr in carcere exierat. Hoc est, mortuus erat aerumnis carceris. Sic martyrii palmam citra ignem aut gladium adeptus. Sic infra § 3. Optatus episcopus et Aspasius praesbyter superstites, in visione Saturum et Perpetuam quasi jam defunctos repraesentante, dicunt: Quia existis, et sic nos reliquistis. Item infra § 1. Secundulum vero Deus maturiore exitu de saeculo adhuc in carcere evocavit. Sic et apud Eusebium, lib. V, cap. 1, διηρεῖτο τὰ μαρτύρια τῆς ἐξόδου αὐτῶν, hoc est, Diverso martyriorum genere exierunt. Sed et generatim exire pro mori apud Cyprianu, lib. de Mort., illis verbis: Pati timetis, exire non vultis; quid faciam vobis? HOLST.

"Who himself too had gone out as a martyr in prison." That is, he had died of the hardships of prison, and so won the palm of martyrdom without fire or sword. So below, § 3, Optatus the bishop and Aspasius the presbyter ["praesbyter" as printed], survivors, in the vision that shows Saturus and Perpetua as already departed, say: "Because you have gone out, and so left us." Likewise below, § 1: "But Secundulus God called out of the world by an earlier departure, while still in prison." So too in Eusebius, book V, chapter 1: "the testimonies of their departure were divided", that is, they went out by different kinds of martyrdom. And "to go out" is used generally for "to die" in Cyprian ["Cyprianu" as printed], On Mortality, in these words: "You fear to suffer, you will not go out; what shall I do with you?" HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 75)

(5) ‹essent› · call in col 45

Et quaerebamus ab illis ubi essent. Non tunc utique, cum illos invenerunt, quaerebant; sed antea quaesierant: et in ea cura tum erant, cum commodum apparuerunt: quae res jucundiorem occursum facit. POSSIN.

"And we were asking them where the others were." Not, of course, at the moment they found them; but they had asked before, and were in that concern just when the others appeared: which makes the meeting more joyful. POSSINUS.

(printed under page 75)

(6) ‹capillos› · call in col 45

Quasi hominem canum, niveos habentem capillos. Ex Apoc. I, ubi de Domino: Caput autem ejus et capilli erant albi velut lana aut nix. Unde Cyprianus, lib. De hab. virg.; Tu exsecraris canitiem, detestaris alborem, qui sit ad Domini caput similis. HOLST.

"As it were a grey-haired man, with hair white as snow." From Apocalypse 1, where of the Lord: "His head and his hair were white as wool or snow." Hence Cyprian, On the Dress of Virgins: "You curse grey hair, you detest whiteness, which is like the Lord's head." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 75)

(7) ‹doctorem› · call in col 46

Aspasium presbyterum doctorem. Hoc est, cui ex officio incumbebat docere plebem. Dionysius Alexandrinus apud Eusebium, His. eccles. lib, VII, cap. 24, συγκαλέσας τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους καὶ διδασκάλους τῶν ἐν ταῖς κώμαις ἀδελφῶν, Convocatis presbyteris et doctoribus fratrum qui in pagis erant. De presbyteris quoque doctoribus egregius Cypriani locus est Epist. XXIV, quem Panelius sua Παραδιορθώσει corrupit pag. 46. Inter quos et doctorem audientium sive catechumenorum peculiariter commemorat. Nam catechumeni Audientes et Discentes dicti, quibus suus seorsum locus erat tributus, ubi christianae religionis elementa perciperent; qui κατηχουμενεῖον, Catechumeneum vocabatur; Possidius in Vita S. Augustini notat usum ecclesiarum Africanarum, ubi presbytero non erat potestas coram episcopo in Ecclesia Evangelium praedicandi et tractandi: quod in Orientalibus ecclesiis ex more fiebat. Alexandriae quidem jam olim fuerat διδασκαλεῖον τῆς κατηχήσεως, schola doctrinae sacrae a S. Marco instituta, cui praefuerunt ecclesiastici doctores percelebres Pantaenus, Clemens et Origenes. S. Hier. Cat. Script. Eccl. cap. 36, 38 et 54. HOLST.

"Aspasius, presbyter and teacher." That is, one whose duty it was to teach the people. Dionysius of Alexandria in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History book VII, chapter 24: "having called together the presbyters and teachers of the brethren in the villages"; the presbyters and teachers of the brethren who were in the villages having been called together. There is also a notable passage of Cyprian on presbyter-teachers, Letter XXIV, which Pamelius ["Panelius" as printed] corrupted by his "correction", page 46. Among them he particularly mentions the teacher of hearers or catechumens. For catechumens were called Hearers and Learners, and were assigned their own separate place, where they received the elements of the Christian religion, which was called the catechumeneum. Possidius, in the Life of St Augustine, notes the usage of the African churches, where a presbyter had no power to preach and expound the Gospel in church in the presence of the bishop, which was done by custom in the Eastern churches. At Alexandria, indeed, there had long been "the school of catechesis", a school of sacred doctrine founded by St Mark, over which presided the most celebrated church teachers Pantaenus, Clement and Origen. St Jerome, Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers, chapters 36, 38 and 54. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 75)

Page

running head: 45 PERPETUAE ET FELICIT (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹tum, qui et ipse martyr›; B ‹Introivimus cum magna admiratione›; C ‹nysii epistolis apud Eusebium› (in the notes); D ‹modum apparuerunt› (in the notes)
old-edition numerals: 44 after ‹niveos›
other: the word gratias, was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 46

PL 3:46

ut, quomodo in carne hilaris fui, hilarior sum et hic modo.

God, that, just as I was cheerful in the flesh, I am more cheerful here and now.

III. « Et exivimus, et vidimus ante fores Optatum episcopum ad dexteram, et Aspasium presbyterum doctorem ad sinistram, separatos et tristes, et miserunt se ad pedes nobis, et dixerunt nobis: Componite inter nos quia existis, et sic nos reliquistis. Et diximus illis: Non tu es papa noster, et tu presbyter, ut vos ad pedes nostros mittatis? Et misimus nos, et complexi illos sumus. Et coepit Perpetua cum illis loqui, et segregavimus eos in viridario sub arbore rosae. Et dum loquimur cum eis, dixerunt illis angeli: Sinite illos, refrigerent, et si quas habetis inter vos dissensiones, dimittite vobis invicem; et conturbaverunt eos. Et dixerunt Optato: Corrige plebem tuam; quia sic ad te conveniunt quasi de circo redeuntes, et de factionibus certantes. Et sic nobis visum est, quasi vellent claudere portas. Et coepimus illic multos fratres cognoscere, sed et martyres. Universi odore inenarrabili alebamur, qui nos satiabat. Tunc gaudens experrectus sum. »

III. "And we went out, and we saw before the doors Optatus the bishop on the right, and Aspasius the presbyter and teacher on the left, separated and sad, and they threw themselves at our feet, and said to us: Make peace between us, because you went out and left us thus. And we said to them: Are you not our father, and you a presbyter, that you should throw yourselves at our feet? And we threw ourselves down, and embraced them. And Perpetua began to speak with them, and we drew them aside in the garden under a rose tree. And while we were speaking with them, the angels said to them: Let them be, let them refresh themselves, and if you have any dissensions among you, forgive one another; and they threw them into confusion. And they said to Optatus: Correct your people; for they gather to you as if returning from the circus, and contending over factions. And so it seemed to us as though they wished to close the gates. And there we began to recognize many brothers, and martyrs too. We were all nourished by an indescribable fragrance, which satisfied us. Then I awoke rejoicing."

Editors' notes and page, col. 46

Footnotes

(8) ‹eos› · call in col 46

Et conturbaverunt eos. Videtur dictum quasi proturbaverunt, hoc est, longe submoverunt, velut ultra fas progressos. Additur enim: Et nobis visum est quasi vellent claudere portas. POSSIN.

"And they threw them into confusion." It seems said as if "they thrust them away", that is, moved them far off, as having gone beyond what was lawful. For it is added: "And it seemed to us as though they wished to shut the gates." POSSINUS.

(printed under page 75)

(9) ‹plebem tuam› · call in col 46

Corrige plebem tuam, etc. Non est aliena a visione in usum Ecclesiae cujpiam oblata; reprehensio episcopi negligentis aut errantis. Sic enim in Apocalypsi episcopi quidam arguuntur. POSSIN.

"Correct your people," etc. A rebuke of a negligent or erring bishop is not foreign to a vision granted for the use of some church ["cujpiam" as printed]. For so in the Apocalypse certain bishops are reproved. POSSINUS.

(printed under page 75)

(10) ‹certantes› · call in col 46

Quasi de circo redeuntes et defatigationibus certantes. Sic ms. sed haud dubie legendum de factionibus certantes. Significat hic locus ecclesiam Tuburbitanam factionibus et dissidiis Optati episcopi et Aspasii presbyteri distractam fuisse in partes. Unde illis angeli paulo superius dixerant, § 13, v. 17: Si quas habetis inter vos dissensiones, dimittite vobis invicem. HOLST.

"As if coming back from the circus and contending with fatigues." So the manuscript; but without doubt we should read "contending over factions". This passage signifies that the church of Tuburbo was torn into parties by the factions and quarrels of Optatus the bishop and Aspasius the presbyter. Hence the angels had said to them a little above, § 13, verse 17: "If you have any dissensions among you, forgive one another." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 75)

Page

running head: E ET FELICITATIS. (cut off at the left edge; column number 46)
marginal letters: A ‹tias, ut, quomodo›; B ‹plebem tuam›; C ‹locus est Epist.› (in the notes, not set); D ‹ultra fas progressos› (in the notes, not set)
old-edition numerals: 45 after ‹dixerunt›

PL 3:47

CAPUT V.

Chapter V.

Argumentum. — S. Secundulus in carcere moritur, S. Felicitas gravida, fusis precibus, octavo mense, parit sine dolore. Invictus animus S. Perpetuae et S. Saturi.

Argument. — St Secundulus dies in prison; St Felicity, pregnant, having poured out prayers, gives birth in the eighth month without pain. The unconquered spirit of St Perpetua and St Saturus.

I. Hae visi⟨o⟩nes insigniores ipsorum martyrum beatissimorum Saturi et Perpetuae, quas ipsi conscripserunt. Secundulum vero Deus maturiore exitu de saeculo, adhuc in carcere evocavit, non sine gratia, ut bestias lucraretur. Gaudium tamen etsi non anima, certe caro ejus agnovit.

I. These are the more notable visions of the most blessed martyrs Saturus and Perpetua themselves, which they wrote down themselves. Secundulus, however, God called out of the world by an earlier departure, while he was still in prison, not without grace, so that he might be spared the beasts. Yet joy, even if his soul did not, his flesh certainly came to know.

II. Circa Felicitatem vero (nam et illi gratia Domini ejusmodi contigit), cum octo jam mensium suum ventrem haberet (nam praegnans fuerat apprehensa), instante spectaculi die, in magno erat luctu, ne propter ventrem differretur, quia non licet praegnanteo poenh representari: et

II. As for Felicity (for the grace of the Lord befell her too in this way), since her womb was already eight months gone (for she had been arrested pregnant), as the day of the spectacle drew near she was in great grief lest she be put off on account of her womb, because it is not lawful for pregnant women to be brought forth for punishment; and

Editors' notes and page, col. 47

Footnotes

[Calls 64, (13), (14) and (16) are visible in the author's text at the crop edge. Some lines at the foot of col 47 are heavily inked in the scan, and the Greek title of Philo's treatise is damaged in print.] — Variae lectiones —

— Variant readings —

63 ‹Gaudium› · call in col 47 Gladium Holsten.

"Gladium": Holstenius.

64 ‹in magno erat luctu› · call in col 47 Lucta Salibs.

"Lucta": Salzburg ["Salibs." as printed].

65 ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 47–48 Alios Holsten.

"Alios": Holstenius.

— Variorum notae —

— Notes of various editors —

(printed under page 76)

(11) ‹evocavit› · call in col 47

Secundulum vero Deus maturiore exitu de saeculo, adhuc in carcere evocavit. Cyprian. epist. 8, de similiter praemortuo: Divina dignatione subtractus inter ipsa cruciamenta, adeptus gloriam non termino supplicii, sed velocitate moriendi. Nam, ut ait Seneca Consol. ad Marciam, cap. 20. Mors captivorum catenas levat, et e carcere educit quos exire imperium impotens vetuerat. HOLST.

"But Secundulus God called out of the world by an earlier departure, while still in prison." Cyprian, letter 8, of one who likewise died beforehand: "Withdrawn by the divine favour amid the very tortures, he won glory not by the end of punishment but by the swiftness of dying." For, as Seneca says, Consolation to Marcia, chapter 20: "Death lightens the chains of captives and leads out of prison those whom an unbridled power had forbidden to go out." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 76)

(12) ‹agnovit› · call in col 47

Gladium tamen etsi non anima, certe caro ejus agnovit. Videtur potius legendum, Gladium tamen etsi non caro, certe anima, etc. Gladii videlicet nomine tormenta et aerumnas carceris appellat, juxta illud Psal. CIV, de Josepho: Humiliaverunt in compedibus pedes ejus; ferrum pertransiit animam ejus. Et de B. Deipara Luc. II: Tuam ipsius animam pertransibit gladius. Significat non minus martyrem Secundulum, quam caeteros. Nam, ut ait Cyprianus. lib. De mortalitate: in Dei servis apud quos confessio cogitatur, et martyrium mente concipitur, animus ad bonum deditus, Deo judice coronatur. Aliud est enim martyrio animum deesse, aliud animo defuisse martyrium. Qualem te invenit. Dominus cum vocat, talem pariter et judicat. Non enim Deus sanguinem nostrum, sed fidem quaerit. HOLST.

"Yet the sword, if not his soul, at least his flesh knew." It seems rather to be read: "Yet the sword, if not his flesh, at least his soul," etc. By the name of sword, that is, he calls the torments and hardships of prison, after that verse of Psalm 104 on Joseph: "They humbled his feet in fetters; the iron pierced his soul." And of the blessed Mother of God, Luke 2: "A sword shall pierce your own soul." He means that Secundulus was no less a martyr than the others. For, as Cyprian says, On Mortality: "In the servants of God, in whom confession is planned and martyrdom conceived in the mind, the soul devoted to good is crowned with God as judge. For it is one thing for the soul to fail martyrdom, another for martyrdom to fail the soul. As the Lord finds you when He calls, so He also judges you. For God seeks not our blood but our faith." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 76)

(13) ‹ne propter ventrem differretur› · call in col 47

Ne propter ventrem differretur. Ita Pontius diaconus de S. Cypriano: Vir tam necessarius a martyrii consummatione dilatus est. HOLST.

"Lest she be put off because of her pregnancy." So Pontius the deacon of St Cyprian: "A man so necessary was put off from the consummation of martyrdom." HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 76)

(14) ‹poenae repraesentari› · call in col 47

Non licet praegnantes poenae repraesentari. Antiquissima haec Aegyptiorum lex fuit, τὴν ἔγκυον, ἂν ἁλῷ θανάτου, μέχρι τέκῃ, φυλάττειν. Praegnantem, si mortis fuerit damnata, asservari donec pariat. Refert Plutarchus, lib. De sera Numinis vindicta, ubi et ab Aegyptiis legem eamdem ascivisse Graecos memorat: confirmante Aeliano, dum lib. Var. Hist. V, cap. 18, eam a senatu Areopagitico observatam narrat. Unde in Atticarum legum censu, huic quoque locum datum oportuit. Porro a Graecis cum aliis bonis legibus haec quoque ad Romanos migravit. Ulpianus L. 3, ff. de Poenis: Praegnantis mulieris consumendae damnatae poena differtur quoad pariat. Ego quidem (addit) et ne quaestio de ea habeatur, scio observari quandiu praegnans est. Et L. 18 ff. de Statu Hom.: Imperator Hadrianus rescripsit: Liberam quae praegnans ultimo supplicio damnata est, liberum parere, et solitum esse servari eam, dum partum ederet. Moysem quoque aequissimam hanc legem a sua republica adeo non exclusisse testatur Philo lib. Περὶ φιλανθρωπίας [title damaged in print], ut eam ad bruta etiam animalia extenderit. Ἀλλ' ὅγε νόμος (inquiens) ἔξω περιρραντηρίων ἐλαύνει καὶ ὅσα τῶν ζώων κυοφορεῖ· μὴ ἐπιτρέπων, ἄχρις ἂν ἀποτέκῃ, σφαγιάζεσθαι, τὰ κατὰ γαστρὸς ἐν ἴσῳ τοῖς ἀποκυηθεῖσι λογιζόμενος. Lex feta animantia templo arcet, neque mactari permittit priusquam pepererint; fetum utero conclusum eodem loco habens, quo editum. Addit deinde, συνιεῖν δέ μοι δοκοῦσιν ὁρμηθέντες ἔνιοι τῶν νομοθετῶν καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ κατακρίτοις γυναιξὶν εἰσηγῆσθαι λόγον, ὃς κελεύει τὰς ἐγκυούσας ἂν ἄξια θανάτου δρῶσι, μὴ θανεῖν, μέχρις ἂν ἀποτέκωσιν· ἵνα μὴ ἀναιρουμένων συναπόληται τὸ κατὰ γαστρός. Unde etiam quidam legumlatores de mulieribus capite damnatis legem constituisse videntur, quae vetat praegnantes, si capitale crimen admiserint, morte affici priusquam partum ediderint, ne cum iis fetus qui in utero est, moriatur. HOLST. — Vid. et Baronium in not. ad martyrologium die VII Martii. RUINART.

"It is not lawful for pregnant women to be brought to punishment." This was a most ancient law of the Egyptians, "to keep a pregnant woman, if convicted of a capital crime, until she gives birth." A pregnant woman, if condemned to death, is to be kept until she gives birth. Plutarch relates it, in the book On the Delays of Divine Vengeance, where he also records that the Greeks adopted the same law from the Egyptians; which Aelian confirms, telling in Varia Historia book V, chapter 18, that it was observed by the senate of the Areopagus. Hence it must have had a place in the register of Attic laws too. Further, with other good laws this one too passed from the Greeks to the Romans. Ulpian, law 3 of the Digest title On penalties: "The penalty of a pregnant woman condemned to be put to death is deferred until she gives birth." "I for my part know," he adds, "that it is observed too that she is not put to the question as long as she is pregnant." And law 18 of the Digest title On the status of persons: "The Emperor Hadrian ruled by rescript that a free woman who was condemned to the supreme penalty while pregnant gives birth to a free child, and that it was customary for her to be kept until she bore the child." Philo too, in the book On Humanity, testifies that Moses was so far from excluding this most equitable law from his commonwealth that he extended it even to brute animals: "But the law," he says, "drives away from the lustral vessels even those animals that are with young, not permitting them to be sacrificed until they have given birth, reckoning what is in the womb equal to what has been born." The law keeps pregnant animals away from the temple and does not allow them to be slaughtered before they have given birth, holding the offspring enclosed in the womb in the same place as one born. He adds then: "Starting from this, some lawgivers seem to me to have understood and introduced the rule concerning condemned women, which orders that pregnant women, if they do deeds worthy of death, should not die until they have given birth, so that what is in the womb may not perish with them when they are put to death." Hence certain legislators too seem to have made a law about women condemned on a capital charge, forbidding that pregnant women who have committed a capital crime be put to death before they have given birth, lest the offspring in the womb die with them. HOLSTENIUS. — See also Baronius in his notes on the martyrology, 7 March. RUINART.

(printed under page 76)

Page

running head: 47 PASSIO SS. MART[...] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹CAPUT V.›; B (not seen); C ‹Secundulum, quam caeteros› (in the foot notes); D ‹Hist. v, cap. 18, eam a senatu› (in the foot notes)
old-edition numerals: 46 after ‹mense›
misprints kept as printed: praegnanteo (for praegnantes), poenh (for poenae), representari (for repraesentari), all in § II
other: editors' matter set: Argumentum ‹S. Secundulus in carcere moritur›; "visi⟨o⟩nes" has a damaged o, read as visiones; stray mark between "propter" and "ventrem" ignored; "gratia,ut" printed without a space; the full-width line "Variae Lectiones" (63 Gladium Holsten. 64 Lucta Salibs. 65 Alios Holsten.) is not set; the Variorum notae (11)-(14) at the page foot are left for the later pass

PL 3:48

ne inter aliquos postea sceleratos, sanctum et innocentem sanguinem funderet. Sed et commartyres ejus graviter contristabantur, tam bonam sociam, quasi comitem. solam in via ejusdem spei relinquerent. Conjuncto itaque unito gemitu, ad Dominum orationem fuderunt ante tertium diem muneris. Statim post orationem dolores eam invaserunt. Et cum, pro naturali difficultate octavi mensis, in partu laborans doleret, ait illi quidam ex ministris Cataractariorum: « Quae sic modo doles, quid facies objecta bestiis, quas contempsisti cum sacrificare noluisti? » Et illa respondit: « Modo ego patior quod patior, illic autem alius erit in me, qui patietur pro me, quia et ego pro illo passura sum. » Ita enixa est puellam, quam sibi quaedam soror in filiam educavit.

lest she should afterwards shed her holy and innocent blood among some criminals. But her fellow martyrs too were grievously saddened that they would leave so good a partner, as it were a companion, alone on the road of the same hope. So, with their groaning joined and united, they poured out prayer to the Lord three days before the show. Immediately after the prayer pains came upon her. And when, owing to the natural difficulty of the eighth month, she was suffering as she laboured in childbirth, one of the servants of the warders said to her: 'You who suffer so now, what will you do when thrown to the beasts, which you despised when you refused to sacrifice?' And she answered: 'Now I suffer what I suffer; but there another will be in me, Who will suffer for me, because I too am going to suffer for Him.' So she gave birth to a girl, whom a certain sister brought up as her own daughter.

III. Quoniam ergo permisit, et permittendo voluit

III. Since therefore He permitted, and by permitting willed

Editors' notes and page, col. 48

Footnotes

(15) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 48

Ex ministris Cataractariorum. Cataractae portae sunt robustae, funibus aut catenis ita suspensae, ut demitti et subduci possint, prout res postulat; quales in urbium aut arcium aditu hostium irruptioni propulsandae passim in usu remanserunt, et Sarracenicae vulgo appellantur. Hae vel olim vinctis custodiendis adhibebantur; unde et καταράκτης pro carcere positum legitur apud LXX, Jeremiae XX, v. 2. In quem locum vide Origenem, hom. 18, p. 257. Vel certe clathra, aut fores clathratae: quia ad cataractae formam ex lignis cancellatim compactis constabant, cataractae vocabantur; et janitores carcerum, cataractarii; quorum ministri custodes erant excubantes ad portam. Hos Libanius, Orat. De custod. reorum, τῆς θύρας κυρίους vocat portae dominos, et ingressus ad vinctos arbitros. Act. XIII, 6, φύλακες πρὸ τῆς θύρας, custodes ostio appositi dicuntur. HOLST.

"One of the attendants of the gate-keepers [cataractarii]." Cataractae are strong gates hung by ropes or chains so that they can be let down and drawn up as the matter requires; such have remained in common use at the entrances of cities or citadels to repel the irruption of enemies, and are commonly called Saracen gates. These were also used of old for guarding prisoners; hence we read kataraktes put for prison in the Septuagint, Jeremiah 20:2; on which place see Origen, homily 18, page 257. Or at any rate lattices, or latticed doors: because they were made in the form of a portcullis of timbers fitted crosswise, they were called cataractae; and the doorkeepers of prisons cataractarii; whose attendants were the guards keeping watch at the gate. These Libanius, in the oration On the Custody of the Accused, calls "masters of the door", lords of the gate and judges of entry to the prisoners. In Acts 13 [as printed; 12]:6 they are called "guards before the door", guards set at the door. HOLSTENIUS.

(printed under page 76)

(16) ‹qui patietur pro me› · call in col 48

Alius erit in me, qui patietur pro me. Nempe Christus in martyribus patiens. Sic Saulo Christianos persequenti Christus dicit: Quid me persequeris? Act. IX. 4. Sic Petro mox Romae crucifigendo idem apparens dicit: Vado iterum crucifigi. Sic denique Eusebius, lib. V, cap. 1 de sancto diacono cujus corpus ὅλον τραῦμα καὶ μώλωψ, continuum vulnus et livor humanam figuram amiserat, ait: ἐν ᾧ πάσχων Χριστὸς μεγάλας ἐπετέλει δόξας, in quo Christus patiens magna et gloriosa gesserat. Similia apud Cyprianum et alios occurrentia omitto. HOLST. De praematuro Felicitatis partu praeclara habet Augustinus sermone 281 novae editionis jam laudato. RUINART.

"Another will be in me who will suffer for me." That is, Christ suffering in the martyrs. So to Saul persecuting the Christians Christ says: "Why do you persecute me?" Acts 9:4. So, appearing to Peter as he was about to be crucified at Rome, He says: "I am going to be crucified again." So finally Eusebius, book V, chapter 1, of the holy deacon whose body, "all wound and bruise", one continuous wound and bruise, had lost human shape, says: "in whom Christ suffering accomplished great glories", in whom Christ, suffering, had done great and glorious things. I pass over like passages found in Cyprian and others. HOLSTENIUS.

On Felicity's premature delivery Augustine has excellent things in sermon 281 of the new edition, already cited. RUINART. (printed under page 76)

Page

running head: …IO SS. MARTYRUM 48 (left part cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ne inter aliquos; B (none); C Baronium in not. (in the page-foot notes); D (16) Alius erit in me (in the page-foot notes)
old-edition numerals: 47 after sanguinem

PL 3:49

Spiritus sanctus ordinem ipsius muneris conscribi, etsi indigni ad supplementum tantae gloriae describendum; tamen, quasi mandatum sanctissimae Perpetuae, imo fidei commissum ejus exsequimur, unum adjicientes documentum de ipsius constantia et animi sublimitate. Cum a tribuno castigatius eo tractarentur, quia ex admonitionibus hominum vanissimorum verebatur ne subtraherentur de carcere incantationibus aliquibus magicis, in faciem respondit Perpetua, et dixit: « Quid utique non permittis refrigerare noxiis Nobilissimi Caesaris scilicet, et natali ejusdem pugnaturis? Aut non tua gloria est, si pinguiores illo producamur? » Horruit et erubuit

the Holy Spirit that the order of that show be written down, although unworthy to describe it as a supplement to so great a glory, yet we carry out as it were the mandate of the most holy Perpetua, nay rather her trust, adding one proof of her constancy and loftiness of spirit. When they were being treated more harshly by the tribune, because from the warnings of most foolish men he feared that they would be withdrawn from the prison by some magical incantations, Perpetua answered him to his face and said: "Why indeed do you not permit us to refresh ourselves, the condemned of the Most Noble Caesar, namely those who are to fight on his birthday? Or is it not to your glory if we are brought out fatter on that day?" He shuddered and blushed

Editors' notes and page, col. 49

Footnotes

(17) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Fidei commissum ejus exsequimur. Alludit, ut superius indicatum est, ad ultima illa verba S. Perpetuae : Ipsius autem muneris actum, si quis voluerit, scribat : Quibus reliquae passionis pertexendae provinciam alteri delegat. Holst.

"We carry out her trust." He alludes, as was pointed out above, to those last words of St Perpetua: "But let whoever will write the account of the show itself", by which she hands to another the task of completing the rest of the passion. Holstenius.

(printed under page 77)

(18) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Cum a tribuno castigatius eo tractarentur, etc. Hoc est, tribuno aegre permittente cibus inferri, diariis solito tenuioribus pascerentur : utique praeter morem. Nam, ut ait Seneca epist. xviii, Liberiora sunt alimenta carceris. Et : Sepositos ad capitale supplicium non tam anguste, qui occisurus est, pascit. Sic Tertulliano, Castigatio victus, jejunium, aut cibus parcior dicitur. Holst.

"When they were being treated more harshly by the tribune," etc. That is, since the tribune grudgingly allowed food to be brought in, they were fed on daily rations thinner than usual, and certainly contrary to custom. For, as Seneca says in Letter 18, "The fare of a prison is more generous." And: "He who is going to kill them does not feed so meagrely those set aside for capital punishment." So in Tertullian "castigatio victus" means fasting, or sparer food. Holstenius.

(printed under page 77)

(19) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Ex admonitionibus vanissimorum hominum, verebatur ne subtraherentur de carcere incantationibus, etc. Haec est illa, quam Christo temere ac blaspheme impactam S. Ignatius, Epist. ad Philipp. queritur, συκοφαντία μαγείας, calumniosa accusatio magiae. Quam et in Christianos, quoties mirum aliquid supra vim humanam patrarent, frequentatam a persecutoribus, cuncta fere martyrum Acta testantur. Holst.

"From the warnings of most foolish men he feared that they would be spirited out of the prison by spells," etc. This is the thing St Ignatius, in the Letter to the Philippians, complains was rashly and blasphemously thrust upon Christ, συκοφαντία μαγείας, a slanderous charge of magic. Nearly all the Acts of the martyrs testify that the persecutors pressed it against Christians too, whenever they did anything wonderful beyond human power. Holstenius.

(printed under page 77)

(20) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Quid utique non permittis refrigerare. Hoc est, paulo lautius et copiosius pasci. Holst.

"Why at least do you not allow us to refresh ourselves?" That is, to be fed a little more handsomely and plentifully. Holstenius.

(printed under page 77)

(21) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Noxiis Nobilissimi Caesaris. Getae filii Severi imp. cujus natali, ut superius dictum, pugnaturi erant. Nobilissimi appellatio, filiorum imperatoris natu minorum propria. Vide Phot. Bib. p. 187; Leunclav. Pand. Turc. pag. 99; Panvinius in Fastis, p. 244 et 245, duas inscriptiones refert, quae hoc astruunt. Idem visitur in nummo hujus ipsius Getae apud Hulsium cum adversa figura Nobilitatis. Item apud Biaeum. Noxiis porro dicit gentilium sensu verboque, qui innocentissimum hominum genus, noxiorum more extremis suppliciis afficiebant. Quanquam in universum quacunque ex causa, etiam citra crimen morti addictos venationibus, aut gladiatoriis ludis noxios vocatos reperimus ; adeo ut Tertullianus in Apologet., cap. 16, mercenarios, noxios vocet, qui se ultro gladio ad lanistam auctorabant, aut sponte libera ad bestias ibant, et, ut S. Cyprianus loquitur, Non crimine, sed furore ad bestias pugnabant. Notat tamen Tertullianus aliquando in ipsis persecutorum Actis Christianos a noxiis distinctos, veritate scilicet mendacibus interdum excidente. Sed ut ad usum communiorem revertamur, Latina vox noxii, non semper Graecae voci κακοῦργοι, sed aliquando voci ἐπιθανάτιοι, respondebat, morti destinatos indicans, sive gladiatoriis telis, sive belluarum dentibus conficiendos, quos bestiarios, ludo deputatos, servos poenae vocabant. Unde Tertullianus, lib. De pudicitia, locum sancti Pauli I Cor. cap. iv, 9 ἀπέδειξεν ὡς ἐπιθανατίους eruditu vertit : Elegit nos velut bestiarios. Hoc Quintilianus declamat. 9, vocat : Debita noxae mancipia, quae ad ludum certamque mortem alebantur Holst.

"The condemned of the most noble Caesar." Of Geta, son of the Emperor Severus, on whose birthday, as was said above, they were to fight. The title "most noble" belonged to the emperor's younger sons. See Photius, Bibliotheca, p. 187; Leunclavius, Pandects of Turkish History, p. 99; Panvinius, in the Fasti, pp. 244 and 245, cites two inscriptions that confirm this. The same is seen on a coin of this very Geta in Hulsius, with the figure of Nobilitas on the reverse; likewise in Biaeus. He says "noxii" (the condemned) in the sense and word of the pagans, who inflicted the ultimate punishments on the most innocent race of men as though they were criminals. Yet in general we find that those consigned to death in the beast-hunts or gladiatorial games for any cause, even without crime, were called "noxii"; so much so that Tertullian, Apology ch. 16, calls "noxii" the hirelings who freely bound themselves to the trainer for the sword, or went of their own free will to the beasts, and, as St Cyprian says, "fought the beasts not by crime but by madness." Tertullian notes, however, that sometimes in the very Acts of the persecutors Christians were distinguished from the condemned, truth slipping out, that is, now and then from liars. But to return to the commoner usage: the Latin word "noxii" answered not always to the Greek κακοῦργοι (evildoers), but sometimes to ἐπιθανάτιοι, meaning those destined to death, to be dispatched either by gladiators' weapons or by the teeth of beasts, whom they called "bestiarii", "assigned to the games", "slaves of punishment". Hence Tertullian, in the book On Modesty, learnedly renders St Paul's passage, 1 Cor. 4:9, ἀπέδειξεν ὡς ἐπιθανατίους, as "He chose us as beast-fighters." Quintilian, Declamation 9, calls this "slaves owed to punishment", who were fed for the games and certain death. Holstenius.

(printed under page 77)

(22) ‹anchor: illo producamur› · call in col 49

Si pinguiores illo producamur. Haec Perpetua sancta securitate dixit, quae profani interdum homines perdita securitate, ut Apuleius loquitur, faciebant : ejus verba sunt lib. iv : Alibi noxii perdita securitate suis epulis bestiarum saginas instruentes, etc. Mos autem erat, eos qui vel poenae causa ad gladiatorium aut venatorium ludum dati essent, aut sponte se iisdem addicerent, saginari prius a magistris ludi, ut habiliores ac valentiores producerentur. S. Cyprianus epist. 2 : Impletur in succum cibis fortioribus corpus, et arvinae toris membrorum moles robusta pinguescit, ut saginatus in poenam carius pereat. Et Quintilianus declamat : 9 Alebat decotum corpus gravior omni fame sagina. Holst. — Praeter opportune notata ab Holstenio, videri potest alludere hic locus ad vota quorumdam, in plena sui habitudine mori optantium, quale expressit in Europa Horatius, Od. 27, lib. iii : Antequam turpis macies decentes / Occupet malas, teneraeque succus / Defluat praedae. speciosa quaero / Pascere tigres. Possin.

"If we are brought out fatter on that day." Perpetua said this with holy freedom from care, which profane men sometimes did with reckless unconcern, as Apuleius puts it; his words are in Book 4: "Elsewhere the condemned, with reckless unconcern, furnishing fattening for the beasts with their own feasts," etc. It was the custom that those given over to the gladiatorial or hunting school, whether as punishment or binding themselves to it of their own accord, were first fattened by the masters of the school, so as to be brought out fitter and stronger. St Cyprian, Letter 2: "The body is filled out with juice by stronger foods, and the sturdy bulk of the limbs grows fat with brawny lard, so that, fattened for punishment, it may perish at a dearer price." And Quintilian, Declamation 9: "Fattening heavier than any hunger fed the wasted body." Holstenius. — Besides what Holstenius aptly notes, this passage may seem to allude to the wishes of some who longed to die in the fullness of their condition, such as Horace expressed in his Europa, Ode 27 of Book 3: "Before foul leanness seizes my comely cheeks, and the sap ebbs from the tender prey, I seek, while still fair, to feed the tigers." Possinus.

(printed under page 77)

(23) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

A coena ultima quam liberam vocant. Qui erant ad bestias damnati, pridie pugnae coenabant lautissime idque palam.

"From the last supper, which they call free." Those condemned to the beasts dined most sumptuously on the day before the fight, and in public.

(printed under page 77)

(24) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Sed Agapen coenarent. Non describimus quae passim de agapis veterum Christianorum viri docti observant : inter alios Albaspinaeus, lib. i, Observatione 18. De iisdem agunt Chrysost. I Cor. XI, Homil. 27 ; Tertullianus Apologet. cap. 39; Cyprianus Epist. lib. iii ; concilium Gangr. can. 11. Erant triplices, natalitiae, nuptiales, funerales. Gregor Nazianz. de Vit. Distin. Porro modus hic loquendi etiam Tertulliano usitatus Apolog. cap. 39 : Inde disceditur non in catervas caesionum, sed ad eamdem curam modestiae, et pudicitiae, ut qui non tam coenam coenaverit, quam disciplinam. Holst.

"But that they should sup an agape." We do not set out what learned men observe here and there about the agapes of the early Christians: among others Aubespine, Book 1, Observation 18. On the same, Chrysostom on 1 Cor. 11, Homily 27; Tertullian, Apology ch. 39; Cyprian, Letters Book 3; the Council of Gangra, canon 11. They were of three kinds: for birthdays, weddings and funerals. Gregory Nazianzen, de Vit. Distin. This manner of speaking is also used by Tertullian, Apology ch. 39: "Thence we depart, not into troops of brawlers, but to the same care for modesty and chastity, as men who have supped not so much on a supper as on discipline." Holstenius.

(printed under page 77)

(25) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Hodie amici, cras inimici. Hoc dicit Saturus gentilibus curiose spectantibus martyres, dum pridie muneris coenae liberae operam darent ; significans (continues)

"Friends today, enemies tomorrow." Saturus says this to the pagans who were gazing curiously at the martyrs while, on the day before the show, they were busy at the free supper; meaning (continues)

(printed under page 77)

Page

running head: 49 PERPETUÆ ET FELI[...] (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹Spiritus sanctus ordinem›; B (none in text block); C (none in text block); D (none in text block)
old-edition numerals: 48 after ‹conscribi,›
misprints kept as printed (foot notes): note (22) decotum (for decoctum); in the Horace lines a full stop after praedae

PL 3:50

tribunus; et ita jussit illos humanius haberi, ut fratribus ejus et caeteris facultas fieret introeundi et refrigerandi cum eis; jam et ipso optione carceris credente.

tribune; and so he ordered them to be treated more humanely, so that his brothers and the others might have the opportunity of coming in and refreshing themselves with them, the adjutant of the prison himself also now believing.

IV. Pridie quoque, cum illa coena ultima quam liberam vocant, quantum in ipsis erat, non coenam liberam, sed agapen coenarent; eadem constantia ad populum verba ista jactabant, comminantes judicium Domini, contestantes passioni suae felicitatem, irridentes concurrentium curiositatem, dicente Saturo: « Crastinus dies satis vobis non est, quod libenter videtis, quod odistis. Hodie amici, eras inimici. Notate tamen nobis facies nostras diligenter, ut recognoscatis nos

IV. On the day before, too, when at that last supper which they call "free" they, as far as lay in them, were dining not on a free supper but on an agape, with the same constancy they kept hurling these words at the people, threatening the judgement of the Lord, bearing witness to the happiness of their passion, mocking the curiosity of those flocking together, while Saturus said: "Is tomorrow not enough for you, that you gladly look upon what you hate? Today friends, tomorrow enemies. Yet mark our faces carefully for us, so that you may recognize us

Editors' notes and page, col. 50

Variae lectiones

66 ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot Nempe supra num. x, S. Perpetua dixit : Ipsius autem muneris actum si quis voluerit scribat.

Namely, above at no. x, St Perpetua said: "But let whoever will write the account of the show itself."

67 ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot Codd. Salisb. et Compend. Quia tribuno castigante eos et male tractante, quoniam ex admonitionibus.

The Salzburg and Compiègne manuscripts: "Because, with the tribune chastising them and treating them ill, since from the warnings."

68 ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot Iidem codd. Quia natali ejus sumus pugnaturi.

The same manuscripts: "Because we are to fight on his birthday."

69 ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot Sic eorumdem codd. ope restituimus ; nam Holstenius habebat manibus hiberi.

So we have restored it with the help of the same manuscripts; for Holstenius had "manibus hiberi".

70 ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot Tamen Holsten.

"Tamen" (yet), Holstenius.

71 ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot Agapen coenare, familiaris est Tertulliano loquendi modus. Uterque tamen cod. ms. habet adipem pro agapen.

"To sup an agape" is a manner of speaking familiar to Tertullian. Both manuscripts, however, have "adipem" (fat) for "agapen".

72 ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot Passiones suas et felicitatem cod. Salisb.

"Their sufferings and happiness", the Salzburg manuscript.

73 ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot Irritantes Holsten.

"Irritantes" (provoking), Holstenius.

74 ‹anchor: …bis› · call in col 50 Vobis Cod. Salib.

"Vobis" (to you), the Salzburg manuscript.

Variorum notae

(printed under page 77)

Page

running head: …UÆ ET FELICITATIS. (cut off at the left edge; column number 50)
marginal letters: A tribunus; et ita jussit; B toriis telis, sive belluarum (in the page-foot Variorum notae, not set); C membrorum moles robusta (in the Variorum notae, not set); D 27; Tertullianus Apologet. (in the Variorum notae, not set)
old-edition numerals: 49 before IV. Pridie
other: column begins mid-sentence with "tribunus", continued from column 49; ends mid-sentence at "recognoscatis nos". Page-foot "Variae lectiones" (notes 68-72) and "Variorum notae" (notes 21 end to 25) not set; their full-width headings "Variae lectiones." and "Variorum notae.", cut off at the left edge, stand below the text block and are not set. The printed "eras" is taken as a misprint for "cras", as the editors' note 25 quotes it; it is translated as intended. "jactabant" has a stray mark over the a.

PL 3:51

in die illo judicii. » Ita omnes inde attoniti discedebant: ex quibus multi crediderunt.

on that day of judgement." So they all went away from there astonished, and of them many believed.

CAPUT VI.

Chapter VI.

ARGUMENTUM. — E carcere in amphitheatrum hilares educuntur, maxime Perpetua et Felicitas; omnes renuunt vestes profanas induere; flagellantur; anhelant ad bestias, objiciuntur; Saturus bis illaesus; dejiciuntur SS. Perpetua et Felicitas; revocantur in portam Sanevivariam. S. Saturus, a leoparda laesus, militem adhortatur; se invicem osculantur; gladio occiduntur.

Argument. — They are led out of the prison into the amphitheatre joyful, Perpetua and Felicity most of all; all refuse to put on profane garments; they are scourged; they long eagerly for the beasts, and are thrown to them; Saturus is twice unharmed; Saints Perpetua and Felicity are thrown down; they are called back to the Gate of Life. St Saturus, wounded by a leopardess, exhorts the soldier; they kiss one another; they are slain with the sword.

I. Illuxit dies victoriae illorum, et processerunt de carcere in amphitheatrum, quasi in

I. The day of their victory dawned, and they went forth from the prison into the amphitheatre, as if into

Editors' notes and page, col. 51

Variae lectiones

75 ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot Multi Cod. Salisb.

"Multi" (many), the Salzburg manuscript.

76 ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot Placido vultu. . . . ut matrona Holstenius cum Bolland. Lucido incessu, ut matrona. Et mox : Dejiciens omnium conspectum Galland.

"With calm face . . . as a matron", Holstenius with the Bollandists. "With shining step, as a matron. And presently: casting down the gaze of all", Galland.

77 ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot Lucido vultu ut matrona Christi, ut Dei delicata, vigore oculorum dejiciens omnium conspectum Holsten.

"With shining face, as a matron of Christ, as God's darling, casting down the gaze of all by the vigour of her eyes", Holstenius.

78 ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot Ducti Holsten.

"Ducti" (led), Holstenius.

Variorum notae

(continued) (25)

eos qui tunc tranquille et quasi amice spectarent, postridie insanis clamoribus eorum necem petituros. Nam ubi bestiarii in arenam producti sunt, populus de spectatore in adversarium vertitur, ut ait Seneca, lib. i De ira, cap. 2, quem etiam vide De tranquillitate, cap. 10. Holst.

(continued) that those who were then watching calmly and as if in friendship would the next day demand their death with frenzied shouts. For when the beast-fighters have been brought into the arena, "the people turn from spectator into adversary," as Seneca says, On Anger Book 1, ch. 2; see him also On Tranquillity, ch. 10. Holstenius.

(printed under page 78)

(26) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Illuxit dies victoriae, etc. Sic Pontius Diac. qui haec acta non semel exprimit : Illuxit denique dies alius, ille signatus, ille promissus, ille divinus. Holst.

"The day of victory dawned," etc. So Pontius the Deacon, who more than once echoes these Acts: "At length another day dawned, that sealed day, that promised day, that divine day." Holstenius.

(printed under page 78)

(27) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Processerunt de carcere. Ita Pontius de S. Cypriano : Processit ergo jam certus expungi, quod diu fuerat retardatum : processit animo sublimi et erecto, hilaritatem praeferens vultu, et corde virtutem Holst.

"They went forth from the prison." So Pontius of St Cyprian: "He went forth, then, sure now of being discharged of what had long been delayed; he went forth with lofty and upright spirit, showing cheerfulness in his face and courage in his heart." Holstenius.

(printed under page 78)

(28) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

In amphitheatrum quasi in coelum hilares. Scilicet, ut Cyprianus ait pag. 166 : Securi de praemio coelesti, de corona martyrii, et de regno Dei Holst.

"Joyful into the amphitheatre as if into heaven." That is, as Cyprian says, p. 166: "Secure of the heavenly reward, of the crown of martyrdom, and of the kingdom of God." Holstenius.

(printed under page 78)

(29) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Vultu decori. Euseb., lib. v, cap. i, de martyribus Viennensibus et Lugdunensibus : Οἱ μὲν ἱλαροὶ προσῄεσαν, δόξης καὶ χάριτος πολλῆς ταῖς ὄψεσιν αὐτῶν συγκεκραμένης. Hilares processerunt, in quorum vultu decor quidem gratia et venustate multa aspersus enituit. Vel ut Rufinus vertit : Producebantur de suppliciis laeti, et divinum nescio quid in ipsis vultibus praeferentes. E contra, qui Christum negarant, κατηφεῖς καὶ ταπεινοὶ καὶ δυσειδεῖς, καὶ πάσης ἀσχημοσύνης ἀνάπλεοι : Tristes, demissi, ipsis quoque conspectibus horridi, et omni turpitudinis deformitate foediores Holst.

"Comely of face." Eusebius, Book 5, ch. 1, on the martyrs of Vienne and Lyons: "They came forward joyful, glory and much grace mingled in their faces." They went forth joyful, and in their faces shone a comeliness sprinkled with much grace and beauty. Or as Rufinus renders it: "They were led out to their punishments glad, showing something divine in their very faces." By contrast, those who had denied Christ were "downcast, humbled, ill-favoured, and full of every disgrace": sad, dejected, hideous even to look at, and fouler with every deformity of shame. Holstenius.

(printed under page 78)

(30) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Lucido incessu. Ita Xenophon in Apologia de Socrate, cum jam morti addictus e judicum conspectu discederet, ἀπῄει καὶ ὄμμασι καὶ σχήματι καὶ βαδίσματι φαιδρός. Holst.

"With shining step." So Xenophon in the Apology of Socrates, when, already condemned to death, he left the judges' presence: "he went away bright in eye, in bearing and in gait." Holstenius.

(printed under page 78)

(31) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

A sanguine, ab obstetrice. Inde sanguinolentos infantes appellat l. ii, C. de patr. qui fil. suos distr. Eosdem Juvenal. Sat 7, adhuc a matre rubentes vocat. Et l. i Cod. Theod. de Exp. : Sanguine materni uteri adhuc perfusos, et recens natos. Holst.

"From the blood, from the midwife." Hence law 2 of the Code, on fathers who sold their sons, calls infants "blood-stained". Juvenal, Satire 7, calls them "still red from the mother". And law 1 of the Theodosian Code on exposed children: "still steeped in the blood of the mother's womb, and newly born." Holstenius.

(printed under page 78)

(32) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Lotura baptismo secundo. Sanguinis scilicet et martyrii. Celerinus conf. apud Cyprianum, epist. xxi. Si non ante cruore illo sancto laveris, pro nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Holst.

"To be washed by a second baptism." That is, of blood and martyrdom. Celerinus the confessor, in Cyprian, Letter 21: "If you have not first washed in that holy blood for the name of our Lord Jesus Christ." Holstenius.

(printed under page 78)

(33) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Cogerentur habitum induere ; viri quidem sacerdotum Saturni. Nam, ut Lactantius ait lib. vi, cap. 20, venationes quae appellantur munera, Saturno sunt attributae. Afrorum autem Saturnum, hominum victima placari solitum apud saeculum, testatur Tertull. Scorp., cap. 7, quod clarius explicat Apolog., cap. 9 ; sic scribens : Infantes penes Africam Saturno immolabantur palam usque ad proconsulatum Tiberii. Infantibus substituti videntur noxii, ne humani cruoris victima Saturnus fraudaretur. Unde et sacerdotes dei sanguinarii coccineo pallio usos idem Tertullianus docet lib. De testim. animae, cap. 2, ubi varios gentilium sacerdotum habitus designans : Et vitta Cereris, inquit, redimita, et pallio Saturni coccinata, et Isidis linteata, etc. Tum lib. De pallio, cap. 4 : Latioris purpurae ambitio, et galeatici ruboris superstitio, Saturnum commendat. Holst.

"They were being forced to put on the dress, the men indeed that of the priests of Saturn." For, as Lactantius says, Book 6, ch. 20, the beast-hunts called "munera" were assigned to Saturn. Tertullian, Scorpiace ch. 7, testifies that the Africans' Saturn was customarily appeased in the world by human victims, which he explains more clearly in the Apology, ch. 9, writing thus: "In Africa infants were sacrificed to Saturn openly down to the proconsulship of Tiberius." Condemned criminals seem to have been substituted for infants, so that Saturn should not be cheated of his victim of human blood. Hence the same Tertullian teaches that the priests of the bloodthirsty god wore a scarlet mantle, in the book On the Testimony of the Soul, ch. 2, where, describing the various dress of the pagan priests, he says: "Both bound with the fillet of Ceres, and scarlet-clad in the mantle of Saturn, and linen-clad for Isis," etc. Then in the book On the Mantle, ch. 4: "The display of broader purple and the superstition of helmet-red commend Saturn." Holstenius.

(printed under page 78)

(34) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Feminae vero sacratarum Cereri. Ut viros ad bestias damnatos pallio coccineo, quae vestis erat propria sacerdotum Saturni, ut dictum est, induebant ; ita feminas eidem poenae destinatas vitta redimibant. Nam vitta redimitas fuisse Cereris flaminicas, modo ex Tertulliano audivimus, idemque confirmat De pallio, cap. 4 : Cur istos non spectas habitus, qui novitati suae stare religionem mentiuntur ? cum ob cultum omnia candidatum, et ob notam vittae, et privilegium galeri Cereri initiantur. Quae autem sic initiatae erant, sacratae Cereri vocabantur. Talem Fabiam Aconiam Paullinam sacratam Cereri et Corae, antiqua inscriptio apud Gruterum, pag. cccix, 2 et 3, exhibet. Holst.

"But the women that of those consecrated to Ceres." As they clothed the men condemned to the beasts in a scarlet mantle, the dress proper to the priests of Saturn, as has been said, so they bound with a fillet the women destined to the same punishment. For we have just heard from Tertullian that the priestesses of Ceres were bound with a fillet, and he confirms it in On the Mantle, ch. 4: "Why do you not look at those dresses which falsely claim that religion stands by their novelty? when for the sake of worship they are initiated to Ceres all in white, with the mark of the fillet and the privilege of the cap." Those so initiated were called "consecrated to Ceres." Such a one, Fabia Aconia Paullina, consecrated to Ceres and Kore, is shown in an ancient inscription in Gruter, p. 309, 2 and 3. Holstenius.

(printed under page 78)

(35) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Generosa illa in finem usque constantia repugnavit. Tertullianus, lib. De idololatria, cap. 18, inter caetera idololatriae genera, habitus quoque inquinatos, fideli recusandos docet : quippe qui idololatriae ab initio dicati, habent profanationis suae maculam. Nemo, ait, in immundis mundus videri potest ; tunicam si induas inquinatam per se, poterit forsitan illa non inquinari per te, sed tu per illam mundus esse non poteris. Addit mox : Tu si diaboli pompam ejerasti, quidquid ex ea attigeris, id scias esse idololatriam. Item : Nullus habitus licitus est apud nos, illicito actui ascriptus. Cyprianus magistrum expressit Serm. De lapsis, similem constantiam gratulans confessoribus, qui vestes similes recusaverant : Ejus verba sunt : Ab impio sceleratoque velamine, quo illic velabantur sacrificantium capita captiva, caput vestrum liberum permansit ; frons cum Dei signo pura, diaboli coronam ferre non poterit. Haec Cyprianus. Caeterum his vestibus bestiarii ornabantur, ut specie ludos ornarent, in pompam producti, antequam bestiis objicerentur. Quintilianus declamat. 9 : Jam ostentata per arenam periturorum corpora mortis suae pompam duxerant. Holst.

"That noble woman resisted with constancy to the end." Tertullian, in the book On Idolatry, ch. 18, among the other kinds of idolatry, teaches that defiled garments too must be refused by the faithful, since, having been dedicated to idolatry from the beginning, they bear the stain of their profanation. "No one," he says, "can appear clean among unclean things; if you put on a tunic defiled in itself, it may perhaps not be defiled by you, but you cannot be clean through it." He adds presently: "If you have renounced the devil's pomp, know that whatever of it you touch is idolatry." Likewise: "No dress is lawful among us that is assigned to an unlawful act." Cyprian followed his master in the sermon On the Lapsed, congratulating on a like constancy the confessors who had refused similar garments. His words are: "From the impious and wicked veil with which the captive heads of those sacrificing were veiled there, your head remained free; the brow pure with the sign of God could not bear the devil's crown." So Cyprian. The beast-fighters, moreover, were decked in these garments so as to adorn the games with their appearance, being led out in procession before they were thrown to the beasts. Quintilian, Declamation 9: "The bodies of those about to perish, already paraded through the arena, had led the procession of their own death." Holstenius.

(printed under page 78)

(36) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Ad hoc sponte pervenimus. Ita Tertull. Apol. cap. 49, gentiles frustra Christianis insultantes redarguit : Quasi non totum, inquit, quod in nos potestis, nostrum sit arbitrium. Certe si velim, Christianus sum. Tunc ergo me damnabis, si damnari ve- (continues)

"We came to this of our own will." So Tertullian, Apology ch. 49, refutes the pagans who vainly insult the Christians: "As if," he says, "all that you can do against us were not our own choice. Certainly, if I will, I am a Christian. You will condemn me, then, only if I wish to be condemned" (continues)

(printed under page 78)

Page

running head: 51 PASSIO SS. MARTY (cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹CAPUT VI.› (letter in the gutter, level with the chapter heading); B, C, D stand beside the Variorum notae at the page foot, not beside the text block
old-edition numerals: 50 after ‹anhelant›
note calls in the text: variant 75 omnes, (26) victoriae, (27) carcere
other: editors' matter set in the part: the Argumentum of Caput VI ‹E carcere in amphitheatrum hilares educuntur …› is Ruinart's chapter summary, not the work's

PL 3:52

coelum, hilares, vultu decori; si forte, gaudio paventes, non timore. Sequebatur Perpetua placido vultu et pedum incessu, ut matrona Christi Dei dilecta: vigorem oculorum suorum dejiciens ab omnium conspectu. Item Felicitas salvam se peperisse gaudens, ut ad bestias pugnaret, a sanguine, ab obstetrice ad retiarium, lotura post partum baptismo secundo. Et cum delati essent in portam, et cogerentur habitum induere, viri quidem sacerdotum Saturni, feminae vero sacratarum Cereri: generosa illa in finem usque constantia repugnavit. Dicebat enim: « Ideo ad hoc sponte pervenimus, ne libertas

heaven, joyful, comely of countenance; trembling, if at all, with joy, not with fear. Perpetua followed with placid countenance and gait, as a matron of Christ, beloved of God, casting down the vigour of her eyes from the gaze of all. Likewise Felicity, rejoicing that she had been delivered safely so that she might fight with the beasts, from blood, from the midwife to the net-fighter, about to be washed after childbirth by a second baptism. And when they had been brought to the gate, and were being compelled to put on the dress, the men that of the priests of Saturn, the women that of the women consecrated to Ceres, that noble woman resisted with constancy even to the end. For she said: "We have come to this of our own accord for this reason, that our liberty

Editors' notes and page, col. 52

Page

running head: …O SS. MARTYRUM 52 (left part cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹placido vultu›; B, C, D stand beside the Variorum notae at the page foot, not beside the text block
old-edition numerals: 51 before ‹Cereri›
note calls in the text: (28) hilares, (29) decori, variant 76 placido, (30) incessu, variant 77 dilecta, (31) obstetrice, (32) secundo, variant 78 delati, (33) Saturni, (34) Cereri, (35) repugnavit, (36) pervenimus; these notes are printed under page 78 and are set in n51

PL 3:53

nostra obduceretur. Ideo animas nostras addiximus, ne tale aliquid faceremus: hoc vobiscum pacti sumus.» Agnovit injustitia justitiam: concessit tribunus, ut quomodo erant, simpliciter inducerentur. Perpetua psallebat, caput jam Aegyptii calcans. Revocatus, et Saturninus, et Saturus populo spectanti comminabantur de hoc. Ut sub conspectu Hilariani pervenerunt, gestu et nutu coeperunt Hilariano dicere: « Tu nos, inquiunt, te autem Deus judicabit. » Ad hoc populus exasperatus, flagellis eos vexari pro ordine venatorum postulavit. Et utique illi gratulati sunt, quod aliquid et de Dominicis passionibus essent consecuti.

might not be overshadowed. For this reason we have pledged our lives, that we might do no such thing: this we agreed with you." Injustice acknowledged justice: the tribune granted that they should be brought in simply as they were. Perpetua was singing psalms, already treading on the head of the Egyptian. Revocatus and Saturninus and Saturus were threatening the watching people about this. When they came within sight of Hilarianus, by gesture and nod they began to say to Hilarianus: "You [judge] us," they said, "but God will judge you." At this the people, exasperated, demanded that they be harassed with scourges along the line of the huntsmen. And they indeed gave thanks that they had obtained some share also of the Lord's sufferings.

Editors' notes and page, col. 53

Variae lectiones

79 ‹anchor: animas nostras addiximus› · call in col 53 Sic ex cod. Salisb. restituimus, quod ex conjectura suspicabatur Holstenius. Olim Adduximus.

So we have restored it from the Salzburg manuscript, as Holstenius suspected by conjecture. Formerly "Adduximus" (we brought).

80 ‹anchor: pro ordine› · call in col 53 Stabant venatores cum flagris per ordinem dispositi : ante quos damnati transire coacti, a singulis transeuntes caedebantur.

The hunters stood ranged in a line with whips; the condemned were forced to pass before them and, as they passed, were beaten by each one.

81 ‹anchor: aliquid et de› · call in col 53 Dominus quippe flagellis quoque caesus fuit.

For the Lord too was beaten with scourges.

82 ‹anchor: ipse et› · call in col 54 Hunc locum egregie ex cod. Compend. restituimus, qui alias mendosissimus erat, ut conferenti patebit. Nil quippe de Saturnini passione habebatur, omissione harum vocum, ipse et, et caeteris in singulari numero dictis.

We have restored this passage excellently from the Compiègne manuscript; otherwise it was very faulty, as will be plain to anyone who compares. For nothing was said of Saturninus's passion, the words "ipse et" (he himself and) being omitted and the rest put in the singular.

83 ‹anchor: aprum subministraverat› · call in col 54 Apro subligaverat. Holst.

"Had tied him to a boar", Holstenius.

Variorum notae

(continued) (36)

lim. Cum vero quod in me potes, nisi velim, non potes, jam meae voluntatis est, quod potes, non tuae potestatis. Mox explicat qua ratione Christiani tormentis sponte se offerant. Ergo, inquitis, cur querimini, quod vos insequantur, si pati vultis ? Plane volumus pati ; verum eo more quo et bellum nemo quidem libens patitur ; cum et trepidare et periclitari sit necesse, etc. Holst.

(continued) But since what you can do against me you cannot do unless I will it, what you can do is already a matter of my will, not of your power." Presently he explains on what reasoning Christians offer themselves to torments of their own accord: "Then why, you say, do you complain that they pursue you, if you wish to suffer? Plainly we wish to suffer, but in the way that no one suffers war gladly, since one must both tremble and be in danger," etc. Holstenius.

(printed under page 79)

(37) ‹anchor: nostra obduceretur› · call in col 53

Libertas nostra obduceretur. Obducere, usitata Africanis locutione est offuscare, obscurare, imminuere, violare, laedere. Ita saepe Tertullianus, ut Apolog. cap. 50 : Sed obducimur : certe cum obtinuimus : ergo vivimus, cum occidimur ; denique evadimus, cum obducimur, etc. Vide Rigaltium in Glossario Tertulliani. Holst.

"Our freedom should be overcast." "Obducere", in a usage common among Africans, means to darken, obscure, diminish, violate, injure. So Tertullian often, as Apology ch. 50: "But we are overcome: yes, when we have won; therefore we live when we are slain; in short we escape when we are overcome," etc. See Rigault in his Glossary of Tertullian. Holstenius.

(printed under page 79)

(38) ‹anchor: animas nostras addiximus› · call in col 53

Animas nostras adduximus. Forte legendum addiximus, hoc est, capitali judicio subjecimus. Valer. Max. lib. vii, cap. 6 : Addictorum etiam et capitali crimine damnatorum, etc. Similia passim occurrunt. Dixi « forte », quia defendi satis verisimiliter potest lectio vulgata, sumendo adducendi verbum in sensu offerendi, quod Graeci προσάγειν dicunt. Holst.

"We have brought our lives." Perhaps read "addiximus", that is, we have subjected them to capital judgement. Valerius Maximus, Book 7, ch. 6: "Of those sentenced, and condemned on a capital charge," etc. Similar phrases occur everywhere. I said "perhaps", because the common reading can be defended plausibly enough by taking the verb "adducere" in the sense of offering, which the Greeks call προσάγειν. Holstenius.

(printed under page 79)

(39) ‹anchor: populus exasperatus› · call in col 53

Populus exasperatus. Seneca, lib. i De ira, cap. 2 : Quid gladiatoribus ? quare populus irascitur, et tam inique ut injuriam putet, quod non libenter pereunt ? contemni se judicat, vultu, gestu, ardore, de spectatore in adversarium vertitur. Holst.

"The people, enraged." Seneca, On Anger Book 1, ch. 2: "What of the gladiators? Why is the people angry, and so unjustly that it thinks it an injury that they do not perish willingly? It judges itself scorned, and in look, gesture and heat turns from spectator into adversary." Holstenius.

(printed under page 79)

(40) ‹anchor: eos vexari› · call in col 53

Flagellis eos vexari. A praeside scilicet, qui de plano fustium aut flagellorum castigationem irrogare poterat. Lib. ix, § 3, ff. De off. procons. Holst.

"That they be harried with scourges." By the governor, that is, who could impose punishment with cudgels or scourges summarily. Digest, On the Office of Proconsul, law 9, § 3. Holstenius.

(printed under page 79)

(41) ‹anchor: ordine venatorum› · call in col 53

Pro ordine venatorum. Hoc est a venatoribus, qui praesto erant flagellis instructi. Inde Tertull., lib. ad Mart. : Alii inter venatorum taureas scapulis patientissimis inambulaverunt. Idem, lib. i ad Nat. : Si flagris mulier insultavit, hoc quoque proxime inter venatorios ordine transcurso remensus est. Hunc locum Actorum nostrorum, et quos duos e Tertulliano adduximus, pariterque totam hanc arenae διαμαστίγωσιν, flagellotionem, hactenus non satis explicatam, egregie illustrat insignis plane locus Eusebii, lib. v, cap. 1 : Ὑπέφερον πάλιν τὰς διεξόδους τῶν μαστίγων τὰς ἐκεῖσε εἰθισμένας. Flagrorum ordinem ex more arenae iterum transierunt. Sive flagella pro ordine venatorum ex more iterum subierunt. Ubi vides, pro ordine, significare ante ordinem, sive praetereundo ordinem, etc. Stabant videlicet cum flagris longa serie dispositi, ante quos incedere nudos bestiarios cogebant, unoquoque illorum taureas quas gerebat manu, in nuda miserorum membra infligentibus. Hoc poenae genus puto respexit Damasus carmine 5, in S. Agatham, dum ait : Laetior inde magisque flagrans cuncta flagella cucurrit ovans. Porro quod diximus hanc flagellationem populum furentem a praeside postulasse, facile id potuit, cum is spectaculo praesideret : nam, ut docet Lipsius in Amphitheatro, pag. 15, praeses muneris ad podium spectabat, hoc est in primo, sive imo subselliorum ordine, ubi ejus tribunal sive suggestus erat, ut idem observat, pag. 27, haud longo ab arena intervallo. Holst.

"Before the line of hunters." That is, by the hunters who stood ready armed with scourges. Hence Tertullian, To the Martyrs: "Others have walked with most patient shoulders among the hunters' bull-hide whips." The same, To the Nations Book 1: "If a woman mocked the scourges, he too, running the line among the hunters just now, repaid it." This passage of our Acts, and the two we have brought from Tertullian, and likewise this whole scourging of the arena, διαμαστίγωσις, "flagellotio", not sufficiently explained hitherto, is splendidly illustrated by a truly remarkable passage of Eusebius, Book 5, ch. 1: "They endured again the running of the scourges customary there." They passed again through the line of whips according to the custom of the arena; or, they underwent again the scourges before the line of hunters according to custom. Here you see that "pro ordine" means before the line, or in passing along the line, etc. They stood, that is, with whips arranged in a long row, before whom they forced the beast-fighters to walk naked, each of them laying the bull-hide whip he carried in his hand on the bare limbs of the wretches. I think Damasus had this kind of punishment in view in Poem 5, on St Agatha, when he says: "Then, gladder and more ardent, she ran exulting through all the scourges." Further, as for our saying that the furious people demanded this scourging from the governor, this they could easily do, since he presided over the spectacle: for, as Lipsius teaches in the Amphitheatre, p. 15, the president of the show watched from the podium, that is, in the first or lowest row of seats, where his tribunal or platform was, as the same observes, p. 27, not far from the arena. Holstenius.

(printed under page 79)

(42) ‹anchor: essent consecuti› · call in col 53

Gratulati sunt, quod aliquid et de Dominicis passionibus, etc. Nempe quod flagellatum Christum meminissent, flagella gaudentes excipiebant. Sic Dionysius Alexandrinus apud Euseb., lib. vi, cap. 34, Nemesium martyrem cum latronibus exustum, similitudine passionis Christi honoratum ait. Similia multa apud Tertullianum et alios occurrunt. Holst.

"They rejoiced that they had obtained some share also in the Lord's sufferings," etc. Remembering that Christ was scourged, they received the scourges rejoicing. So Dionysius of Alexandria, in Eusebius Book 6, ch. 34, says that the martyr Nemesius, burned with robbers, was honoured with a likeness to Christ's passion. Many similar things occur in Tertullian and others. Holstenius.

(printed under page 79)

(43) ‹anchor: gestaret coronam› · call in col 54

Ut scilicet gloriosam gestaret coronam. Nam, ut Tertull. ait : Majora certamina, majora sequuntur praemia. Unde mox gentiles alloquens : Crudelitas vestra, inquit, gloria est nostra. Holst.

"That is, so that he might wear a glorious crown." For, as Tertullian says: "Greater rewards follow greater contests." Hence presently, addressing the pagans: "Your cruelty," he says, "is our glory." Holstenius.

(printed under page 79)

(44) ‹anchor: vexati sunt› · call in col 54

Ab urso vexati sunt. Ecce tibi ursos in Africa, quod Plinus jam olim, et nuper adeo Lipsius negavit : sed cum ipse Plinius ex Annalibus Coss. ursos Numidicos commemoret, et Virgilius Libystidis ursae meminerit, Martialis quoque et Juvenalis Libyos ursos appellaverint, jure merito Salmasius Plinianarum exercitat. pag. 311, utriusque opinionem explodit ; quam fateor ex hoc nostro loco, si solus sit, revinci non posse. Potuerant enim ursi aliunde adducti fuisse in Africam, ut leones et pantherae et elephanti Romam ad usum theatri. Videri potest huc facere Senecae locus, lib. iii De ira, cap. 43 ; Ridere solemus inter matutina arenae spectacula, tauri et ursi pugnam inter se colligatorum, quos cum alter alterum vexarit, suus confector exspectat. Item ille Arnobii lib. vii : Feris, ne cavearum discutiant claustra, objectari moris est escas, in quas rabide saeviant, et cupidinem vexationis inclinent. In utroque vides vexandi verbum, arenae commissionibus accommodatum. Holst.

"They were mauled by a bear." Here you have bears in Africa, which Pliny long ago, and Lipsius quite recently, denied. But since Pliny himself, from the consular annals, mentions Numidian bears, and Virgil speaks of the Libyan she-bear, and Martial and Juvenal too called bears Libyan, Salmasius, Plinian Exercises p. 311, rightly explodes the opinion of both; which, I admit, could not be refuted from this passage of ours if it stood alone. For bears might have been brought into Africa from elsewhere, as lions, panthers and elephants were brought to Rome for the use of the theatre. A passage of Seneca, On Anger Book 3, ch. 43, may seem relevant: "Among the morning shows of the arena we are wont to laugh at the fight of a bull and a bear tied together; when they have mauled each other, their slayer awaits them." Likewise that of Arnobius, Book 7: "It is the custom to throw food to wild beasts, lest they break the bars of their dens, on which they may vent their rage and turn their lust for mauling." In both you see the verb "vexare" applied to the matches of the arena. Holstenius.

Misprint as printed: Plinus (for Plinius). (printed under page 79)

PL 3:54

II. Sed qui dixerat: Petite et accipietis (Joan. XVI, 24), petentibus dedit eum exitum quem quisque desideraverat. Nam, si quando inter se de martyrii sui voto sermocinabantur, Saturninus quidem omnibus bestiis velle se objici profitebatur, ut scilicet gloriosiorem gestaret coronam. Itaque in commissione spectaculi, ipse et Revocatus leopardum experti, etiam super pulpitum ab urso vexati sunt. Saturus autem nihil magis quam ursum abominabatur: sed uno morsu leopardi confici se jam praesumebat. Itaque, cum aper subministraretur, venator potius qui illum aprum subministraverat, subfossus ab eadem bestia, post dies muneris obiit. Saturus solummodo tractus est. Et

II. But He Who had said, Ask, and you shall receive (John 16:24), granted to those who asked the outcome each one had desired. For whenever among themselves they spoke of their vow touching martyrdom, Saturninus indeed used to declare that he wished to be exposed to all the beasts, that he might, to be sure, wear a more glorious crown. And so at the opening of the show, he himself and Revocatus, having made trial of a leopard, were harassed also by a bear upon the platform. Saturus, however, abhorred nothing so much as a bear; but he was already assuming that he would be finished off by a single bite of a leopard. And so, when a boar was being furnished, it was rather the huntsman who had furnished that same boar who was gored by the same beast, and died some days after the games. Saturus was merely dragged about. And

PL 3:55

cum ad ursum substrictus esset in ponte, ursus de cavea prodire noluit. Itaque secundo Saturus illaesus revocatur.

when he had been bound fast to a bridge before a bear, the bear refused to come forth from its den. And so Saturus was recalled a second time unharmed.

III. Puellis autem ferocissimam vaccam, ideo quae praeter consuetudinem comparatam, diabolus praeparavit: sexui earum etiam de bestia aemulatus. Itaque despoliatae et reticulis indutae producebantur. Horruit populus, alteram respiciens puellam delicatam, alteram a partu recenti stillantibus mammis. Ita revocatae, discinguntur. Inducitur prior Perpetua; jactata est, et concidit in lumbos: et ut conspexit tunicam a latere discissam, ad velamentum femorum adduxit, pudoris potius memor, quam doloris. Dehinc

III. For the young women, however, the devil made ready a most savage cow, procured for that reason contrary to custom, rivalling their sex even in the beast. And so they were led forth stripped and clothed in nets. The people shuddered, seeing the one a delicate girl, the other fresh from childbirth with dripping breasts. So, called back, they are ungirded. Perpetua is brought in first; she was tossed, and fell on her loins: and when she saw her tunic torn from the side, she drew it over to cover her thighs, mindful rather of modesty than of pain. Then,

Editors' notes and page, col. 55

Footnotes

(45) ‹anchor: substrictus esset› · call in col 55

Cum ad ursum substrictus esset. Et paulo superius, Illum apro subligaverat, etc. Haec significant bestiarios alligari ne fugerent, solitos ; ante conspectum ferarum in ipsos immittendarum, sed et ipsae ferae interdum inter se alligabantur, ut, praeter Senecae testimonium jam recitatum, docet Claudianus in Panegyrico Manlii : Audaces legat ipsa viros qui colla ferarum / Arte ligent, certoque premant venabula nisu. Gladiatores quoque Commodi imper. jussu inter se colligatos Xiphilinus memorat ; indignante imperatore, quod non satis prompte et animose in mutuam caedem ruerent : et propterea colligari jubente, ut se mutuo conficerent. Non dissimili loquendi modo, S. Ignatius martyr, cum vinctus Romam duceretur a decem militibus ferina rabie saevis, sese ligatum cum decem leopardis scribit. Gregorius quoque Turon., lib. i Mirac., c. 48, refert S. Saturninum martyrem, Bovis petulci religatum vestigiis, per gradus Capitolii praecipitatum, etc. Holst.

"When he had been bound to the bear." And a little above, "had tied him to a boar," etc. These words mean that the beast-fighters used to be tied up so that they should not flee, within sight of the beasts that were to be let loose on them; but the beasts themselves too were sometimes tied together, as, besides the testimony of Seneca already cited, Claudian teaches in the Panegyric of Manlius: "Let her choose bold men who may bind the necks of beasts with skill and press home their hunting-spears with sure effort." Xiphilinus too records gladiators tied together by order of the Emperor Commodus, the emperor being indignant that they did not rush readily and boldly enough to kill one another, and therefore ordering them tied together so that they should dispatch each other. In a not dissimilar manner of speaking, St Ignatius the martyr, when he was being led bound to Rome by ten soldiers savage with a beast's rage, writes that he was bound with ten leopards. Gregory of Tours too, Miracles Book 1, ch. 48, relates that St Saturninus the martyr, "tied to the feet of a wanton bull, was hurled down the steps of the Capitol," etc. Holstenius.

(printed under page 80)

(46) ‹anchor: de cavea› · call in col 55

Ursus de cavea, etc. Caveae nimirum variae feris asservandis circa arenam erant, et inde immittebantur. Vide Lipsium De amphitheatro, pag. 20. Quod paulo ante pontis est mentio, videtur instituto Commodi factum, ut in Amphitheatro pontes essent. Refert enim Xiphilinus, in Commodo, pag. 382. hunc imperatorem per Amphitheatri arenam pontes struxisse, ut inde feras conficeret. Holst.

"The bear from its den," etc. There were, of course, various dens around the arena for keeping the beasts, and they were let loose from there. See Lipsius, On the Amphitheatre, p. 20. As for the mention of a bridge a little before, it seems to have come from an arrangement of Commodus that there should be bridges in the Amphitheatre. For Xiphilinus relates, in the Life of Commodus, p. 382, that this emperor built bridges across the arena of the Amphitheatre so as to dispatch the beasts from them. Holstenius.

(printed under page 80)

(47) ‹anchor: ferocissimam vaccam› · call in col 55

Ferocissimam vaccam. l. i, § bestias, ff. de post : Bestias accipere debemus ex feritate magis, quam ex animalis genere. Holst.

"A most savage cow." Digest, law 1, § "bestias", de post.: "We must understand 'beasts' by their savagery rather than by the kind of animal." Holstenius.

(printed under page 80)

(48) ‹anchor: de bestia aemulatus› · call in col 55

Diabolus sexui de bestia aemulatus. Non absimili genere loquendi Tertullianus, De patientia, cap. 10 : Ut in isto quoque, Domino diabolus aemularetur. Holst.

"The devil, matching the beast to their sex." In a not unlike manner of speaking Tertullian, On Patience ch. 10: "So that in this too the devil might rival the Lord." Holstenius.

(printed under page 80)

(49) ‹anchor: reticulis indutae› · call in col 55

Reticulis indutae. Ita sancta Blandina post varia tormentorum genera, εἰς γύργαθον βληθεῖσα ταύρῳ παρεβλήθη, In rete involuta tauro objicitur : Idem Rufinus in sua editione ut novum et inusitatum supplicium notavit : Inde, inquit, etiam aliud excogitatur crudelitatis genus, ut reti constricta objiceretur tauro ferociter instigato ; a quo cum fuisset innumeris ictibus lacessita, et toto arenae ambitu jactata, nihil laeditur. Holst.

"Clothed in nets." So St Blandina, after various kinds of torment, "thrown into a net, was cast before a bull": wrapped in a net she is thrown to a bull. Rufinus in his version noted the same as a new and unheard-of punishment: "Then," he says, "another kind of cruelty is devised too, that she should be thrown, bound in a net, to a bull fiercely goaded on; and though she was assailed by it with countless blows and tossed about the whole circuit of the arena, she was not harmed at all." Holstenius.

(printed under page 80)

(50) ‹anchor: pudoris … doloris› · call in col 55

Pudoris potius memor, quam doloris. Tertull., lib. De pudic., cap. 1, pudicitiam principalem Christiani nominis disciplinam, vocat, quam ipsum quoque saeculum neque adeo, inquit, testatur ; ut si quando eam in feminis nostris inquinamentis potius carnis quam tormentis punire contendat ; id volens eripere, quod vitae anteponant. Vide ejusdem Apologet., cap. 50 ; Victorem Uticensem De Dionysia ; S. Hilarium, pag. 289. Generatim loquendo sensus naturae est, quem exprimit Clemens Alexandr. Paedag. lib. ii, cap. 10. his verbis : Οὐδὲν μέρος ὁτιοῦν ἀπογυμνοῦσθαι γυναικὸς, εὐπρεπές ἐστι. Summam esse indecentiam quamcunque muliebris corporis partem nudari. Quod in gentilibus quoque feminis naturalis pudor semper abhorruit. Hinc illud Euripidis de Polyxena jam moriente in Hecuba, p. 51 : Ἡ δὲ καὶ θνήσκουσ' ὅμως / Πολλὴν πρόνοιαν εἶχεν εὐσχήμως πεσεῖν, / Κρύπτειν θ' ἃ κρύπτειν ὄμματ' ἀρσένων χρεών. / Illa vero etiam moriens, / Multam curam habuit honeste cadendi, / Et tegendi ea, quae tegi oculis virorum decet. Quod Ovidius, Fast. ii, ad Lucretiam transtulit : Tum quoque jam moriens, ne non procumbat honeste / Respicit : haec etiam cura cadentis erat. Ita Cornelia Maximilla Vestalis incesti damnata, teste Plinio, lib. iv, epist. 11 ; Cum in subterraneum cubiculum demitteretur, haesissetque descendenti stola, vertit se ac recollegit ; cumque ei carnifex manum daret, aversata est et resiluit, foedumque contagium, quasi plane a casto puroque corpore novissima sanctitate rejecit, omnibusque numeris pudoris : Πολλὴν πρόνοιαν εἶχεν εὐσχήμως πεσεῖν. Quod ad loquendi modum hujus loci attinet, geminus exstat apud Tertullianum, lib. De poenit., cap. 10, de iis qui poenitentiam de die in diem differunt : Puloris magis memores quam salutis. Holst.

"Mindful of modesty rather than of pain." Tertullian, On Modesty ch. 1, calls modesty the chief discipline of the Christian name, "which," he says, "even the world itself so far attests that, whenever it strives to punish it in our women, it does so by defilements of the flesh rather than by tortures, wishing to snatch away that which they set above life." See also his Apology ch. 50; Victor of Utica on Dionysia; St Hilary, p. 289. Speaking generally, it is a sense of nature, which Clement of Alexandria expresses in the Paedagogus, Book 2, ch. 10, in these words: "It is not seemly for any part whatever of a woman to be bared": it is the height of indecency for any part of a woman's body to be laid bare. Natural modesty always shrank from this in pagan women too. Hence that line of Euripides on Polyxena as she died, in the Hecuba, p. 51: "And she, though dying, yet took great care to fall becomingly, hiding what must be hidden from the eyes of men." She, even as she died, took great care to fall decently, and to cover what is fitting to be covered from the eyes of men. Ovid, Fasti 2, transferred this to Lucretia: "Then too, already dying, she takes care to fall down decently: this too was the falling woman's concern." So Cornelia Maximilla, the Vestal condemned for unchastity, as Pliny attests, Book 4, Letter 11: "When she was being let down into the underground chamber, and her robe caught as she descended, she turned and gathered it up; and when the executioner offered her his hand she turned away and drew back, and repelled the foul contact, as it were, from her chaste and pure body with a last act of holiness, and with every detail of modesty": she took great care to fall becomingly. As for the manner of speaking in this passage, its twin is found in Tertullian, On Penitence ch. 10, of those who put off penance from day to day: "more mindful of modesty than of salvation." Holstenius.

(printed under page 80)

(51) ‹anchor: requisita› · call in col 56

Dehinc requisita. Hoc est, post exceptum vaccae furentis impetum, et quasi post pugnam jam depugnatam, a venatoribus atque arenariis revocata, et ut Eusebius loquitur, ἐκ θηρίων αὖθις ἀναληφθεῖσα. Holst.

"Then sought out again." That is, after she had borne the charge of the raging cow, and as if after the fight was already fought out, called back by the hunters and arena attendants, and, as Eusebius puts it, "taken up again from the beasts." Holstenius.

(printed under page 80)

(52) ‹anchor: a somno expergita› · call in col 56

Quasi a somno expergita. Sic de Bibliade martyre Eusebius : Ἡ ' ὥσπερ ἐξανανήψασα. Holst.

"As if awakened from sleep." So Eusebius of the martyr Biblis: "she, as though coming to her senses again." Holstenius.

(printed under page 80)

(53) ‹anchor: in ecstasi fuerat› · call in col 56

Adeo in spiritu et in ecstasi fuerat. Quasi diceret : adeo extra sensuum usum elevata ac rapta, nam hoc vocatur esse in spiritu. S. Joannes, Apoc. cap. iv, Et statim fui in spiritu. Holst.

"So far had she been in the Spirit and in ecstasy." As if he said: so far raised and rapt beyond the use of the senses; for this is called being in the Spirit. St John, Apocalypse ch. 4: "And immediately I was in the Spirit." Holstenius.

(printed under page 80)

Page

misprint: note (50) prints "Puloris" for "Pudoris" in the Tertullian quotation; kept as printed

PL 3:56

requisita, et dispersos capillos infibulavit: non enim decebat martyrem dispersis capillis pati, ne in sua gloria plangere videretur. Ita surrexit; et elisam Felicitatem cum vidisset, accessit, et manum ei tradidit, et sublevavit illam. Et ambae pariter steterunt et, populi duritia devicta. revocatae sunt in portam Sanavivariam. Illic Perpetua a quodam tunc catechumino, Rustico nomine, qui ei adhaerebat, suscepta, et quasi a somno expergita, adeo in spiritu et in ecstasi fuerat, circumspicere coepit, et stupentibus omnibus ait: « Quando, inquit, producimur ad vaccam illam nescio. » Et cum audisset quod jam evenerat, non prius credidit, nisi quasdam notas

called for again, she also pinned up her scattered hair: for it did not befit a martyr to suffer with dishevelled hair, lest she should seem to be mourning in her glory. So she rose; and when she had seen Felicity crushed, she went to her, and gave her her hand, and raised her up. And both stood together, and, the hardness of the people being overcome, they were called back to the Gate of Life. There Perpetua, received by a certain man, then a catechumen, named Rusticus, who kept close to her, and as if awakened from sleep (so far had she been in the spirit and in ecstasy), began to look about her, and to the amazement of all said: "When," she said, "we are to be led out to that cow, I do not know." And when she had heard what had already happened, she did not believe it until she had recognized certain marks

Editors' notes and page, col. 56

Variae lectiones

84 ‹anchor: prodire noluit› · call in col 55 In utroque cod. Pudens miles de industria efferatorum affirmasset portas putris carnibus, magis ne mitteretur efficit, ita secundo, etc.

In both manuscripts: "Pudens the soldier, on purpose, had declared the gates of the maddened beasts with rotten flesh, brings it about rather that he not be sent; so a second time," etc.

85 ‹anchor: comparatam› · call in col 55 Paratam Holsten.

"Paratam" (ready), Holstenius.

86 ‹anchor: reticulis indutae› · call in col 55 In utroque cod. ms. Dispoliatae promovebantur.

In both manuscripts: "Stripped, they were brought forward."

87 ‹anchor: ita revocatae› · call in col 55 Revocatae, et discinctis indutae Holsten.

"Called back, and clothed in loose garments", Holstenius.

88 ‹anchor: ut conspexit› · call in col 55 Ubi sedit Holsten.

"Ubi sedit" (where she sat), Holstenius.

89 ‹anchor: …illam nescio› · call in col 56 Cod. mss. Nescio quam ? Ubi erat, inquit Aug. Serm. 80 laudato, quando ad asperrimam vaccam se pugnare non sensit ? etc.

The manuscripts: "I know not what?" "Where was she," says Augustine in the Sermon 80 cited, "when she did not feel that she was fighting a most savage cow?" etc.

Variorum notae

(printed under page 80)

Page

misprint: "catechumino" (for catechumeno) kept as printed
misprint: "devicta." full stop where the sense runs on; kept as printed

PL 3:57

vexationis in corpore et habitu suo recognovisset et illum catechuminum. Exinde accersitum fratrem suum et illum catechuminum, allocuta est eos, dicens: « In fide state, et invicem omnes diligite, et passionibus nostris ne scandalizemini. »

of the mauling on her body and her dress, and had recognized that catechumen. Then, having summoned her brother and that catechumen, she addressed them, saying: "Stand fast in the faith, and love one another, all of you, and do not be scandalized by our sufferings."

IV. Idem Saturus in alia porta militem Pudentem exhortabatur dicens: « Adsum certe, sicut promisi et praedixi; nullam usque adhuc bestiam sensi. Et nunc de toto corde credas. Ecce prodeo illo, et ab uno morsu leopardi consumar. » Et statim in fine spectaculi, leopardo objectus, de uno morsu ejus tanto perfusus est sanguine, ut populi revertenti illi secundi baptismatis testimonium reclamaverit: « Salvum lotum, salvum lotum. » Plane utique salvus erat, qui hoc spectaculo claruerat. Tunc Pudenti militi: « Vale, inquit, et memor esto fidei meae; et haec te non conturbent, sed confirment. » Simulque ansulam de digito ejus petiit et vulneri suo mersam reddidit

IV. The same Saturus at another gate was exhorting the soldier Pudens, saying: "Here I am, surely, just as I promised and foretold; up to now I have felt no beast at all. And now believe with your whole heart. See, I go out there, and I shall be finished by one bite of the leopard." And straightway at the end of the show, thrown to a leopard, he was drenched with so much blood from its one bite that the people, as he came back, shouted out in witness to a second baptism: "Well washed, well washed!" Plainly he was indeed saved who had been made glorious by this spectacle. Then to the soldier Pudens: "Farewell," he said, "and be mindful of my faith; and let these things not trouble you, but strengthen you." And at the same time he asked for the little ring from his finger, and, having dipped it in his wound, gave it back

Editors' notes and page, col. 57

Variae lectiones

90 ‹anchor: et illum catechuminum› · call in col 57 In cod mss. desunt haec verba : Et illum catechuminum.

In the manuscripts these words are missing: "And that catechumen".

91 ‹anchor: alia porta militem› · call in col 57 Apud Holsten, non exprimitur Prudentis nomen.

In Holstenius the name of Prudens [sic] is not expressed.

92 ‹anchor: Adsum› · call in col 57 Ad summum Holsten.

"Ad summum" (at the last), Holstenius.

93 ‹anchor: spectaculo claruerat› · call in col 57 Modo laverat Holsten.

"Modo laverat" (had just washed), Holstenius.

94 ‹anchor: simulque ansulam› · call in col 57 Annulum cod. Salisb.

"Annulum" (ring), the Salzburg manuscript.

95 ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot Cod. Salisb. habet : Reddidit ei beatam haereditatem, relinquens ei pignus et memoriam tanti sanguinis.

The Salzburg manuscript has: "He gave it back to him as a blessed inheritance, leaving him a pledge and memorial of such great blood."

96 ‹anchor: inter costas› · call in col 58 Ossa compuncta Holsten.

"Ossa compuncta" (bones pierced), Holstenius.

97 ‹anchor: jugulum suum posuit› · call in col 58 Transtulit Holsten.

"Transtulit" (moved across), Holstenius.

Variorum notae

(printed under page 81)

(54) ‹anchor: militem Pudentem› · call in col 57

Militem Pudentem. Apud Holstenium non exprimitur Pudentis nomen. Hunc autem esse arbitror, qui supra cum martyribus humane egit. Pudens martyr colitur iii Kal. Maii in vetusto Calendario Carthaginensi : an iste ? vel Pudens senator de quo Paulus, Ep. ii, ad Timotheum, c. iv, meminit, aut tandem martyr Alexandrinus de quo Bollandiani hac die agunt ? Ruinart.

"The soldier Pudens." In Holstenius the name of Pudens is not expressed. I think he is the one who above dealt humanely with the martyrs. A martyr Pudens is honoured on the third day before the Kalends of May in the ancient Calendar of Carthage: is it this one? Or the senator Pudens whom Paul mentions in the Second Letter to Timothy, ch. 4, or finally the Alexandrian martyr whom the Bollandists treat on this day? Ruinart.

(printed under page 81)

(55) ‹anchor: salvum lotum› · call in col 57

Salvum lotum. Acclamatio populi petulanter illudentis christianis sacris. Cum enim vulgo notum esset, Christianos existimare salvos fieri homines per baptismum : populus e theatro spectans Christianum sanguine perfusum, salvum eum proclamabat qui sic lotus esset. Possin.

"Well washed!" The acclamation of the people wantonly mocking the Christian sacraments. For since it was commonly known that Christians believed men were saved through baptism, the people, watching from the theatre a Christian drenched in blood, proclaimed him "saved" who had been so washed. Possinus.

(printed under page 81)

(56) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Haereditatem pignoris relinquens illi, et memoriam sanguinis. Quid igitur conqueruntur adversarii quod sanctorum reliquias religiose asservamus ? Nunquid annulus ille sanguine martyris tinctus projiciendus erat ? Ruinart.

"Leaving him the inheritance of a pledge, and a memorial of his blood." Why then do our opponents complain that we devoutly preserve the relics of the saints? Was that ring, dyed with the martyr's blood, to be thrown away? Ruinart.

(printed under page 81)

(57) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Ad jugulationem solito loco. Spoliarum intelligit, ubi conficiebantur quos arena semivivos dimiserat. Docet hoc Seneca, epist. 94 : Nonquid aliquem tam stul.e cupidum esse vitae putas, ut jugulari in spoliario, quam in arena malit ? Ita mortuo Commodo acclamatum scribit Lampridius : Hostis patriae, parricida, gladiator in spoliario lanietur. Holst. — Ibi tyrones athletae reos conficiebant, ut sic ad pugnam assuescerent : hinc juvenculus hic sanctam Perpetuam pupugisse dicitur. Ruinart.

"To the usual place for the slaughter." He means the spoliarium, where those whom the arena had let go half-alive were dispatched. Seneca teaches this, Letter 94: "Do you think anyone so foolishly greedy of life that he would rather have his throat cut in the spoliarium than in the arena?" So Lampridius writes that, when Commodus was dead, the cry went up: "Enemy of the fatherland, parricide, gladiator, let him be mangled in the spoliarium!" Holstenius. — There novice athletes dispatched the condemned, so as to grow used to fighting; hence this young lad is said to have pricked St Perpetua. Ruinart.

(printed under page 81)

(58) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Cum populus illos in medio postularet. Sic Rufinus, lib. viii Hist. eccl., de Attalo et Alexandro : Sed cum ferarum nulla sanctorum corpora contigisset, omnibus eos verberum caeterarumque poenarum suppliciis cruciatos ad ultimum in conspectu populi, in medio arenae jugulari jubet. Postulandi porro vox amphitheatri propria : hinc depostulatores Christianorum, Tertull., Apol., cap. 25. Holst.

"When the people demanded them in the middle." So Rufinus, Church History Book 8, of Attalus and Alexander: "But when none of the beasts had touched the bodies of the saints, he orders them, after being tortured with every punishment of scourging and other penalties, at last to have their throats cut in the sight of the people, in the middle of the arena." The word "postulare" is moreover proper to the amphitheatre: hence "those who demand the Christians", Tertullian, Apology ch. 25. Holstenius.

(printed under page 81)

(59) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Oculos comites homicidii. S. Cyprianus, epist. ii : Paratur gladiatoribus ludus, ut libidinem crudelium luminum sanguis oblectet. Et mox : In tam impiis spectaculis tamque diris et funestis, esse se non putant oculis parricidas. Hanc crudelitatem non uno loco exagitat Seneca. epist. 7, Mane leonibus et ursis homines, meridie spectatoribus suis objiciuntur, etc. Idem, ep. 87. Et omnium elegantissime Lactantius, Div. Institut. lib. vi, cap. 2, Holst.

"Their eyes as companions of the killing." St Cyprian, Letter 2: "A gladiatorial show is prepared, so that blood may delight the lust of cruel eyes." And presently: "At such impious, dreadful and deadly spectacles they do not think themselves murderers with their eyes." Seneca attacks this cruelty in more than one place, Letter 7: "In the morning men are thrown to lions and bears, at noon to their spectators," etc. The same, Letter 87. And most elegantly of all Lactantius, Divine Institutes Book 6, ch. 2. Holstenius.

(printed under page 81)

(60) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Per solemnia pacis. etc. In Glossario veteri solemnia pacis εὐσέβεια Osculum. Id osculum sanctae pacis vocat Paulinus. Hoc symbolo pacis recte ad martyrium praeparabantur. Eusebius loco saepius citato : Εἰρήνην ἀγαπήσαντες αὐτοί, καὶ εἰρήνην ἡμῖν παρεγγυήσαντες, μετ' εἰρήνης ἐχώρησαν πρὸς Θεόν. Quae ita vertit Rufinus Super omnia pacem et ipsi diligebant et nobis servare mandabant : nec aliam sibi, nisi per pacem, viam ad martyrium construebant. Hinc forte Tertullianus De patient., cap. 12, dilectionem vocat summum fidei sacramentum, et Christiani nominis thesaurum. Holst.

"By the rites of peace," etc. In an old glossary "solemnia pacis" is εὐσέβεια, the kiss. Paulinus calls it the kiss of holy peace. With this sign of peace they were rightly prepared for martyrdom. Eusebius, in the passage cited so often: "Having loved peace themselves, and having commended peace to us, they departed with peace to God." Which Rufinus renders thus: "Above all they both loved peace themselves and charged us to keep it; nor did they build themselves any road to martyrdom except through peace." Hence perhaps Tertullian, On Patience ch. 12, calls love "the highest sacrament of faith, and the treasure of the Christian name." Holstenius.

(printed under page 81)

(61) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not on the foot

Consummarent. Vox propria perfecti martyrii. Sic Tertullianus De patient., cap. 15 : Patientia martyria consummat. Et Cyprianus, epist. 3, martyrium consummationem appellat. Et epist. 5, jubet confessores humiles et modestos et quietos esse, Ut in omnibus Dominum promerentes, ad coelestem coronam laudis sua consummatione perveniant. Respondet consummare Graeco τελειοῦσθαι, quo ejus linguae auctores in referendis martyriis passim utuntur. Holst.

"That they might complete it." The proper word for perfected martyrdom. So Tertullian, On Patience ch. 15: "Patience completes martyrdoms." And Cyprian, Letter 3, calls martyrdom a "consummation". And in Letter 5 he bids the confessors be humble, modest and quiet, "so that, deserving well of the Lord in all things, they may come by their consummation to the heavenly crown of praise." "Consummare" answers to the Greek τελειοῦσθαι, which the writers of that language use everywhere in recounting martyrdoms. Holstenius.

(printed under page 81)

PL 3:58

ei, haereditatem pignoris relinquens illi, et memoriam sanguinis. Exinde jam exanimis prosternitur cum caeteris ad jugulationem solito loco. Et cum populus illos in medium postularet, ut, gladio penetrante in eorum corpore, oculos suos comites homicidii adjungeret, ultro surrexerunt et se quo volebat populus transtulerunt, ante jam osculati invicem, ut martyrium per solemnia pacis consummarent Caeteri quidem immobiles et cum silentio ferrum receperunt: multo magis Saturus, qui et prior scalam ascenderet, prior reddidit spiritum; nam et Perpetuam sustinebat. Perpetua autem, ut aliquid doloris gustaret, inter costas puncta exululavit; et errantem dexteram tirunculi gladiatoris ipsa in jugulum suum posuit. Fortasse tanta femina aliter non potuisset occidi, quia ab immundo spiritu timebatur, nisi ipsa voluisset.

to him, leaving to him the inheritance of a pledge and the memorial of his blood. Then, already lifeless, he is laid down with the others for the cutting of throats in the usual place. And when the people demanded that they be brought into the middle, so that, as the sword pierced their bodies, they might join their own eyes as companions to the slaying, they rose of their own accord and moved themselves to where the people wished, having first kissed one another, that they might complete their martyrdom by the solemn rite of peace. The rest indeed, motionless and in silence, received the sword: much more Saturus, who, as he had been first to climb the ladder, first gave up his spirit; for he was also waiting for Perpetua. But Perpetua, that she might taste something of pain, pierced between the ribs, cried out; and she herself guided the wavering right hand of the novice gladiator to her throat. Perhaps so great a woman could not have been slain otherwise, since she was feared by the unclean spirit, unless she herself had willed it.

O fortissimi ac beatissimi martyres! o vere vocati

O most brave and most blessed martyrs! O truly called

Editors' notes and page, col. 58

Footnotes

(62) ‹anchor: tirunculi gladiatoris› · call in col 58

Tirunculi gladiatoris. Qui arenae victima destinabatur, ut caedibus assuesceret, tirocinii rudimenta in spoliario ponebat, ibique bestiaros quibus ferarum immanitas vitam non eripuerat, jugulabat, ut semimortuis et inermibus conficiendis exercitatus ad justa certamina produceretur. Quintilianus, declamat. 9, Cruentem confectorum vocat : hocque adeo proprium istius ministerii nomen erat, ut Smyrnenses apud Eusebium, lib. iv, cap. 14, in S. Polycarpi martyrio id retinuerint. Holst.

"Of a novice gladiator." One who was destined as a victim of the arena served the first lessons of his apprenticeship in the spoliarium, so as to grow used to slaughter, and there cut the throats of the beast-fighters whose lives the savagery of the beasts had not taken, so that, trained by dispatching the half-dead and unarmed, he might be brought out to regular contests. Quintilian, Declamation 9, calls him "the bloody one of the slayers"; and this was so much the proper name of that office that the Smyrnaeans, in Eusebius Book 4, ch. 14, kept it in the martyrdom of St Polycarp. Holstenius.

(printed under page 81)

(63) ‹anchor: jugulum› · call in col 58

Ipsa in jugulum. Id furore ac rabie faciebant gladiatores, quod sancta Perpetua pie ac generose instinctu divino fecit. Seneca, epist. 30 : Sic gladiator tota pugna timidissimus, jugulam adversario praestat, et errantem gladium sibi attemperat. Vide eumdem, lib. De tranquillitate, cap. 10. Porro de sanctis mulieribus, quae aut seipsas interfecerunt, aut ad necem propriam cooperatae sunt ex inspiratione divina, quarum memoriam celebrat Ecclesia, vide D. Thomam, 2-2, q. 59 (continues)

"She herself to her throat." What the gladiators did in fury and rage, St Perpetua did piously and nobly by divine prompting. Seneca, Letter 30: "So the gladiator, most timid through the whole fight, offers his throat to his adversary and guides the wavering sword to himself." See the same, On Tranquillity ch. 10. Further, on the holy women who by divine inspiration either killed themselves or cooperated in their own death, and whose memory the Church celebrates, see St Thomas, II-II, q. 59 (continues)

(printed under page 81)

Page

running head: 59 PASSIO SS. MART[YRUM] (continues over col. 60)
marginal letters: A ‹cati et electi› (first text line; B–D stand in the notes, recorded with col. 60)
old-edition numerals: (none in the text of this column)
other (Q3 2026-10-24): the column opens with "cati", the tail of a word broken from col. 58 (set whole there, not here). Misprint kept as printed: "aedifitionem" (for aedificationem; "ædifi-" here, "tionem" at the head of col. 60, set whole here). The foot of page 82 opens with the tail of note (63) (from col. 58's page: "a. 3, ad 2, et q. 64, … HOLST."), then note (64), called in col. 60 and recorded in n60.

PL 3:60

Ecclesiae legere debet, ut novae quoque virtutes unum et eumdem semper Spiritum sanctum usque adhuc operari testificentur,

of the Church, so that new mighty works also may testify that one and the same Holy Spirit is always working even until now,

Editors' notes and page, col. 60

Footnotes

(64) Amen. · call in col 60 (after "testificentur")

Amen. Hic ad extremum adjungere nos aliquid de tempore hujus celeberrimi martyrii, res ipsa et justa eruditi lectoris flagitat exspectatio. Ea de re multum apud se disquisivisse doctissimum Holstenium, e variis ejus schediasmatis intelligo; definivisse quid sequendum omnino judicaret, nusquam reperio. Mihi, cunctis attente circumspectis, videtur: affirmari verisimiliter posse epocham certaminis Tuburbitanarum harum martyrum in anno Christi tertio supra ducentesimum figendam. Nempe nos haec ipsa quae nunc primum apparent, earum Acta docent ipsas natali Getae Caesaris in arena depugnasse. Disertissime id expressum legitur nostrae hujus editionis cap. II, 3, 4; cap. V, 3. Geta secundogenitus filius fuit Severi imperatoris, quem simul cum fratre majore Antonino Caracalla, consortes imperii a patre adhuc vivente renuntiatos. Herodianus tradit, lib. III, consentientibus Spartiano, et ex Dione, Xiphilino. Id accuratissimus Petavius in annum confert septimum imperii Severi: opportune admonens, haud aeque istum honorem utrique habitum: sed praerogativam aetatis majori servatam, ipsi patri per omnia coaequato, titulo et dignatione Augusti; cum frater minor Geta, tum adhuc decennis (siquidem Silanis consulibus natus traditur) parte tantum, et gradu duntaxat secundo supremae dignitatis sit aspersus, appellatione Caesaris, prout distinctius Spartianus docet. Mansit autem hoc inter germanos discrimen usque ad annum imperii Severi duodecimum, qui fuit Christi quartus et ducentesimus, quo Petavius observat ex Zozimo et Censorino ludos saeculares Romae celebratos. Illo anno Augusti nomen Getae quoque communicatum (Severo patre inter alia multa, quae ab illo tentata memorat Herodianus, ad conciliandam inter fratres assidue discordes gratiam, hanc quoque exaequationem supremae potestatis experiundam putante) certo confirmatur a Scaligero Animadvers. Euseb., pag. 29, cum aliis illustribus testimoniis. tum hac inscriptione nummi antiqui:

"Amen." Here at the end both the matter itself and the just expectation of the learned reader demand that we add something about the date of this most celebrated martyrdom. I gather from various of his drafts that the most learned Holstenius inquired much into this matter by himself; I nowhere find that he settled what he judged should be followed. To me, having looked carefully at everything, it seems that it can be affirmed with likelihood that the date of the contest of these martyrs of Thuburbo is to be fixed in the two hundred and third year of Christ. For these very Acts of theirs, which now appear for the first time, teach us that they fought in the arena on the birthday of Geta Caesar. This is read most explicitly stated in this edition of ours, ch. II, 3, 4; ch. V, 3. Geta was the second-born son of the Emperor Severus, who, together with his elder brother Antoninus Caracalla, were declared partners in the empire by their father while he was still living. So Herodian relates, book III, with Spartianus agreeing, and Xiphilinus from Dio. The most exact Petavius assigns this to the seventh year of the reign of Severus, aptly reminding us that this honour was not held equally by both: rather the prerogative of age was kept for the elder, who was made equal in all things to his father himself, in the title and dignity of Augustus; whereas the younger brother Geta, then only ten years old (for he is said to have been born in the consulship of the Silani), was sprinkled with only a part, and only the second degree, of the supreme dignity, with the name of Caesar, as Spartianus teaches more distinctly. This distinction between the brothers lasted until the twelfth year of the reign of Severus, which was the two hundred and fourth of Christ, in which Petavius observes from Zosimus and Censorinus that the Secular Games were celebrated at Rome. That in that year the name of Augustus was shared with Geta too (his father Severus, among many other things which Herodian records him attempting in order to bring about goodwill between the brothers, who were constantly at odds, thinking that this equalling of the supreme power too should be tried) is confirmed with certainty by Scaliger, Animadversions on Eusebius, p. 29, with other illustrious testimonies, and by this inscription of an ancient coin:

IMP. CAES. P. SEPT. GETA. PIUS. AUC. SAECULARIA SACRA. S. C.

EMPEROR CAESAR PUBLIUS SEPTIMIUS GETA PIUS AUGUSTUS. SECULAR RITES. BY DECREE OF THE SENATE.

Cum ergo natali Getae, adhuc Nobilissimi, adhuc Caesaris, nondum Augusti, celebrando, sese arenae destinatam sancta martyr, ea fide scripserit, cap. V, 3, quae sacrosancta esse cuivis debet: habemus terminos, extra quos evagari conjectura nequit in inquisitione anni mortis ejus, illos ipsos quos certa nobis historia praefinit, spatii quo Geta in ordine secundo supremae auctoritatis stetit. Est id spatium annorum omnino quatuor, nempe a Christi 199 ad 203; nam 204 sequenti saeculari jam, ut vidimus, Augustus Geta erat. Ne autem libere possimus unumquemlibet e tribus prioribus istius summae annis sanctarum martyrio deligere, arctat nos ab accuratissimis chronologis anno Severi decimo, Christi ducentesimo secundo, alligata epocha persecutionis ab eo imperatore in Christianos motae, qua posteriorem SS. Perpetuae et Felicitatis fuisse passionem, Martyrol. Rom. et eadem haec ipsarum Acta demonstrant, dum cap. IV, 1, diserte meminerunt, indictae jam et exercitae Persecutionis; utique generalis et ab Augustis imperatae, qua Jocundus, Saturninus et Artaxius palmam jam antea vivicomburio meruerant. Video his opponi posse auctoritatem doctissimorum hominum, Pamelii notis ad lib. Tertulliani ad Scapulam, Petavii in lib. De doctrina temporum, et in Chronico ad ann. Christi 201, denique Philippi Labbe opere De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, in Tertulliano; qui censent librum Tertulliani ad Scapulam ante indictam a Severo persecutionem scriptum. Unde sequitur, Hilariani praefecturam sub quo SS. Perpetua et Felicitas sunt passae. in multo ulteriora retrehendam tempora, videlicet in annum Christi 195 aut etiam superius. Sed tunc illae SS. martyres dupugnare in arena Natali Getae Caesaris non potuissent, quod fecisse ipsas haec Acta testantur; utique cum Geta, ut dictum est, ex ipso etiam Petavio, Caesar declaratus sit anno Severi patris septimo. qui fuit Christi 199. Quare mihi credibile est, eruditissimos illos viros, si haec quae nunc primum proferuntur, Acta videre potuissent, nunquam futsse relaturos scriptionem libri Tertulliani ad Scapulam ad annum Christi 199 aut 201, ante datum a Severo in Christianos edictum; cum idem Tertullianus illo libro significet, Hilarianum sub quo se passam S. Perpetua scribit cap. II, 2, flagrante jam antea persecutione, Scapulae praefecturam aliquot saltem annorum intervallo praecessisse. Verba sunt haec sanctae martyris: Hilarianus procurator, qui tunc loco proconsulis Minucii Timiniani defuncti jus gladii acceperat. etc. Quem hic alium Hilarianum comminisci possumus ab eo, cujus Tertullianus Scapulam alloquens meminit his verbis: Sicut et sub Hilariano praeside, cum de areis sepulturarum nostrarum acclamassent: Areae non sint: areae ipsorum non fuerunt: messes enim suas non egerunt? Quod mox addit de imbre anni praeteriti, plane ostendit plusquam unius aut alterius anni spatio antiquiorem Hilariani praefecturam temporibus Scapulae fuisse. Imo verisimile est, quos paulo inferius eodem libro Tertullianus commemorat Africae praefectos, Cincinm Severum, Vespronium Candidum, Asperum et Pudentem, aut universos aut plerosque, successores Hilariani, decessores Scapulae fuisse. Quae qui attente perpenderit, nae is fateri cogetur, librum ad Scapulam nequaquam ante initium persecutionis a Severo indictae scriptum: quin argumenta non desunt, quae suadeant librum illum scriptum post Severi mortem. Id enim innuit modus loquendi de Severo, quoties ibi ejus incidit mentio, prorsus qualis esse non praesentinm, sed e superiori memoria repetitorum solet. Quo non contentus Josephus Scaliger, pag. 110 Animad. Euseb., etiam ultra mortem Antonini, filii Severi, Scapulae praefecturam, aut saltem Tertulliani opusculi de quo agimus, scriptionem submovet, conjectura, quantum arbitror, minime spernenda, ex verbis ducta libri ejusdem, ubi postquam nominovit qusmdam Christianum Severo imperatori charum, et in palatio usque ad ejus mortem, habitum addit: Qucm et Antoninus optime noverat, lacte Christiano educatus. Quae verba nemincm sanae mentis putat Scaliger de Antonino Caracalla vivente scribere Tertullianum potuisse. Sed quid exilibus e verbo captandis argutiis conflictamur, cum meridianum a sole, atque irrefragabile coelestis characteris testimonium suppetat? Eodem ecce illo libro Tertulliani ad Scapulam verba haec leguntur: Nam et sol ille in conventu Uticensi exstincto pene lumine adeo portentum fuit, ut non potuerit ex ordinario deliquio hoc pati positus in suo hypsomate et domicilio. Habetis astrologos. Indicant haec deliquium solare magnum, et cum horrore publico Uticae visum,

Since, then, the holy martyr wrote, ch. V, 3, with a good faith that ought to be sacrosanct to anyone, that she was destined for the arena at the celebration of the birthday of Geta, then still Most Noble, still Caesar, not yet Augustus, we have limits beyond which conjecture cannot stray in inquiring into the year of her death: the very limits which sure history fixes for us of the period during which Geta stood in the second rank of the supreme authority. That period is four years in all, namely from 199 to 203 of Christ; for in 204, the secular year that followed, Geta, as we have seen, was already Augustus. And lest we be free to choose for the martyrdom of the saints any one of the first three years of that sum, we are held in by the date which the most exact chronologers fix, the tenth year of Severus, the two hundred and second of Christ, for the persecution set in motion by that emperor against the Christians; that the passion of Sts Perpetua and Felicity was later than this the Roman Martyrology shows, and so do these same Acts of theirs, when in ch. IV, 1, they expressly mention a Persecution already proclaimed and in force; one certainly general and ordered by the Augusti, in which Jocundus, Saturninus and Artaxius had already earned the palm by burning alive. I see that against this can be set the authority of most learned men: Pamelius in his notes on Tertullian's book To Scapula, Petavius in his books On the Doctrine of Times and in the Chronicle at the year of Christ 201, and finally Philippe Labbe in his work On Ecclesiastical Writers, under Tertullian; who hold that Tertullian's book To Scapula was written before the persecution proclaimed by Severus. From this it follows that the prefecture of Hilarianus, under whom Sts Perpetua and Felicity suffered, must be drawn back to much earlier times, namely to the year of Christ 195 or even earlier. But then those holy martyrs could not have fought in the arena on the birthday of Geta Caesar, which these Acts testify that they did; since Geta, as has been said, even on the showing of Petavius himself, was declared Caesar in the seventh year of his father Severus, which was the 199th of Christ. I therefore find it credible that those most learned men, had they been able to see these Acts which are now brought out for the first time, would never have assigned the writing of Tertullian's book To Scapula to the year of Christ 199 or 201, before the edict issued by Severus against the Christians; since the same Tertullian indicates in that book that Hilarianus, under whom St Perpetua writes, ch. II, 2, that she suffered, when persecution was already raging, preceded the prefecture of Scapula by an interval of at least some years. These are the holy martyr's words: "Hilarianus the procurator, who had then received the right of the sword in place of the proconsul Minucius Timinianus, deceased," etc. What other Hilarianus can we invent here than the one whom Tertullian, addressing Scapula, mentions in these words: "As also under the governor Hilarianus, when they had shouted about the grounds of our burial-places, 'Let them have no grounds!' Their own threshing-floors were none: for they did not gather in their harvests"? What he adds soon after about the rain of the previous year plainly shows that the prefecture of Hilarianus was older than the time of Scapula by the space of more than one or two years. Indeed it is likely that those whom Tertullian mentions a little lower in the same book as prefects of Africa, Cincius Severus, Vespronius Candidus, Asper and Pudens, all or most of them, were the successors of Hilarianus and predecessors of Scapula. Whoever weighs this attentively will surely be compelled to admit that the book To Scapula was by no means written before the beginning of the persecution proclaimed by Severus: indeed arguments are not lacking which suggest that the book was written after the death of Severus. For the manner of speaking about Severus, whenever mention of him occurs there, points to this: exactly as one is wont to speak of things not present but recalled from earlier memory. Not content with this, Joseph Scaliger, p. 110 of the Animadversions on Eusebius, moves the prefecture of Scapula, or at least the writing of the little work of Tertullian with which we are dealing, even beyond the death of Antoninus, the son of Severus: a conjecture, in my judgement, by no means to be despised, drawn from the words of the same book, where, after naming a certain Christian dear to the Emperor Severus and kept in the palace until his death, he adds: "whom Antoninus too knew very well, brought up on Christian milk." Scaliger thinks that no one of sound mind could have written these words about Antoninus Caracalla while he was alive. But why do we struggle with slender quibbles to be caught from a word, when there is at hand a testimony clear as the midday sun, and irrefutable, of a heavenly sign? Behold, in that same book of Tertullian To Scapula these words are read: "For that sun too, at the assembly at Utica, its light almost put out, was such a portent that it could not have suffered this from an ordinary eclipse, standing as it was in its own hypsoma and dwelling. You have astrologers." These words point to a great solar eclipse, and one seen at Utica with public horror,

(printed under page 82; continues at the foot of page 83 from "liquanto", set in layer 1 at cols 61–62 as Possinus's notae)

Page

running head: [PASS]IO SS. MARTYRUM 60
marginal letters: A ‹tionem Ecclesiæ›; B ‹le est, eruditissimos› (notes); C ‹spatio antiquiorem› (notes); D ‹nime spernenda› (notes)
old-edition numerals: 58 after ‹Ecclesiæ›; 59 in note (64) before ‹Quo non contentus› (not set)
other (Q3 2026-10-24): the column opens with "tionem", the tail of "ædifi-tionem" set whole at the end of col. 59. Footnote call (64) after "testificentur" not set in the text. Note (64) (page 82 part) set above by Q3; misprints kept as printed in it: "renuntiatos." (stop), "testimoniis. tum", "passae." (stop), "retrehendam", "dupugnare", "septimo. qui", "futsse", "acceperat. etc.", "Cincinm", "praesentinm", "nominovit", "qusmdam", "Qucm", "nemincm"; "AUC." in the coin legend (for AUG.; possibly damaged type). Damaged type read: "natali" (a broken), "Tertulliani" and "potuisse" (blotted), "Pamelii" (broken across the column turn: "Pa-" / "melii").

PL 3:61

et omnipotentem Deum Patrem, et filium ejus Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum, cui est claritas

and God the Father almighty, and His Son Jesus Christ our Lord, to Whom is splendour

Variorum notae

Notes of various [editors]

liquanto antequam ea Tertullianus scriberet. Hujus eclipseos primus et unus, quod sciam, calculos posuit vir doctissimus Antonius Lalovera, Societatis nostrae, in quadam ad Joannem Bessonum item nostrum Epistola non edita, unde illos hic exscribam.

[some]while before Tertullian wrote these things. The first and only one, so far as I know, to set out the calculations of this eclipse was the most learned Antonius Lalovera, of our Society, in a certain unpublished Letter to Joannes Bessonus, likewise one of ours, from which I shall copy them out here.

Anno Christi CCX, undecimo Aprilis, Novilunium eclipticum Uticae in Africa hora 11 post mediam noctem, m. 57, s. 14. Hoc fuit medium eclipsis:

In the year of Christ 210, on the eleventh of April, an ecliptic new moon at Utica in Africa at hour 11 after midnight, m. 57, s. 14. This was the middle of the eclipse:

Initium, hora 10, m. 44, s. 44.

Beginning, hour 10, m. 44, s. 44.

Tempus incidentiae hora 1, m. 12, s. 30.

Time of immersion, hour 1, m. 12, s. 30.

Finis, hora 1 post meridiem, m. 12, s. 1.

End, hour 1 after midday, m. 12, s. 1.

Tempus emersionis, hora 1, m. 14, s. 47.

Time of emersion, hour 1, m. 14, s. 47.

Euratio totius eclips., hora 2, m. 27, s. 13.

Duration of the whole eclipse, hour 2, m. 27, s. 13.

Quantilas, digiti 8, m. 57, s. 30.

Magnitude, 8 digits, m. 57, s. 30.

Domicilium solis cujus Tertullianus meminit, non hic intelligendum de Leonis signo: sed accipiendum secundum rationem horoscopi, de portione aut cuspide signi Arietis, quem tum insidebat sol, eclipticam contingente: nam, ut observat Jovianus Pontanus libro De rebus coelestibus II, c. 4, p, 75, et c. 5 p. 79, talis in quolibet Dodecatomorio locus, Solis proprium domicilium est, et antiquis saepe dicitur, Locus solis, sive Dei. Fuit etiam tunc Sol in suo hypsomate, sive exaltatione: sic enim quidam astrologi signum Arietis appellant. Quanquam (et eo magis inclinat Lalovera) facile intelligit potest Tertullianum per Solis hypsoma nihil aliud indicare voluisse, nisi altitudinem verticalem Solis ipso meridie culminantis, quando id deliquium passus est. Quod si Tertullianus fieri potuisse naturaliter negasse videatur, in eo populariter erraverit; impune, ut in arte aliena a studiis et professione sua. Nam hoc et ipse videtur innuere, continuo ad astrologos allegans curiosos rerum talium. Re vera nihil in eo supra naturalem usum fuit. Hactenus epilogismus hujus eclipsis; ex qua manifeste demonstratur, quod dudum ostendere

The dwelling of the sun which Tertullian mentions is not to be understood here of the sign of Leo, but is to be taken, according to the principle of the horoscope, of the portion or cusp of the sign of Aries, which the sun then occupied, where it touches the ecliptic: for, as Jovianus Pontanus observes in On Celestial Things, Book II, ch. 4, p. 75, and ch. 5, p. 79, such a place in any Dodecatemorion is the Sun's own dwelling, and by the ancients it is often called the Place of the Sun, or of God. The Sun was also then in its hypsoma, or exaltation: for so certain astrologers call the sign of Aries. And yet (and Lalovera inclines the more to this) it can easily be understood that by the Sun's hypsoma Tertullian meant to indicate nothing else than the vertical altitude of the Sun culminating at midday itself, when it suffered that eclipse. But if Tertullian seems to have denied that it could have happened naturally, in that he will have erred with the common people, and with impunity, as in an art foreign to his studies and profession. For he himself seems to hint at this as well, at once referring those curious about such things to the astrologers. In truth there was nothing in it beyond the natural course. Thus far the reckoning of this eclipse; from which is plainly demonstrated what we were long since endeavouring to show,

INDEX CAPITUM PASSIONIS

Index of the Chapters of the Passion

SANCTARUM MARTYRUM PERPETUAE ET FELICITATIS

of the Holy Martyrs Perpetua and Felicity

Praefatio. Nova scribenda, posteris antiqua futura. col. 13-14

Preface. New things are to be written, which will be ancient to those who come after. col. 13-14

Cap. I. Sancti martyres capti; quos inter Perpetua, quae res gestas litteris consignavit. S. Perpetua patrem vincit: cum aliis baptizatur. In carcerem detruditur; sollicita de infante, ex visione sibi facta scalae in coelum erectae, et ascensus S. Saturi et sui, et buccellae oblatae, intelligit martyrium propediem futurum. col. 27.

Chap. I. The holy martyrs are arrested; among them Perpetua, who set down the events in writing. St Perpetua overcomes her father; she is baptized with others. She is thrust into prison; anxious about her infant, she understands from a vision granted to her, of a ladder set up to heaven, and of the ascent of St Saturus and of herself, and of a morsel offered, that her martyrdom will shortly come. col. 27.

Cap. II. Rursus a patre tentatur, ipsumque confortat; cum aliis ad tribunal ducta, se Christianam profitetur, Damnatur cum reliquis ad bestias. Orat pro fratre Dinocrate mortuo, quem in visione intelligit purgatorii poenis affligi et liberari. col. 29.

Chap. II. She is tempted again by her father, and comforts him; led with others to the tribunal, she professes herself a Christian. She is condemned with the rest to the beasts. She prays for her dead brother Dinocrates, whom in a vision she understands to be afflicted with the pains of purgatory and to be set free. col. 29.

Cap. III. Iterum tentatur Perpetua a patre. Visio ejus tertia: in qua ad luctam abducitur contra Aegyptium: proposito praemio, pugnat, vincit, et praemium refert. col. 39

Chap. III. Perpetua is tempted again by her father. Her third vision: in which she is led away to a wrestling-match against an Egyptian; a prize being set before her, she fights, conquers, and carries off the prize. col. 39

Editors' notes and page, col. 61

Page

running head: 61 PERPETUÆ ET FELI[cut off]
marginal letters: (none in this column; A–D stand in the gutter and are recorded with col. 62)
old-edition numerals: 60 ‹per Solis | hypsoma›
other: Q1b 2026-10-24: the column's editors' matter, which the part had left unset, is set in layer 1 to match col. 62: the heading "Variorum notae" (printed across the page after "cla-", left half in this column), Possinus's notae column from "liquanto" (tail of a word broken from the column before, set as printed) to "ostendere" (set whole here; tail "dere" stands at the head of col. 62's notae), and, after a full-width rule, the full-width title "INDEX CAPITUM PASSIONIS / SANCTARUM MARTYRUM PERPETUÆ ET FELICITATIS" with the left half of the index (Praefatio, Cap. I–III). Editors' matter, not the work's. Misprints kept as printed: "Euratio" (for Duratio), "Quantilas" (for Quantitas), "intelligit potest" (for intelligi), "p, 75" (comma). "Praefatio": the small-cap T looks like Y in the scan, taken as damaged type. "Hoc fuit": damaged type between the words, not set. "coelestibus" (italic ligature, æ/œ not certain at this resolution; read as œ, as elsewhere on the page). "in qua": the u is broken in the scan.

PL 3:62

et immensa potestas in saecula saeculorum, Amen.

and immense power unto the ages of ages, Amen.

satagebamus, longe post annum Christi 202, Severi 10, fuisse scriptum librum Tertulliani ad Scapulam, cum in eo referatur Solis deliquium commissum anno Christi 210, qui fuit 18 et ultimus Severi; et ita referatur, ut aliquot ante annis patratum appareat. Locus hic est proferendae, quam alicubi reperi notatam, conjecturae illustrissimi Holstenii de tempore scripti libri ad Scapulam. Cum enim retulisset Scaligerum sub Elagabalo scriptum autumare, ipse ait se putare, sub Macrino scriptum: nam a Macrino vexatos clericos testari Sulpicium Severum. Utut sese res haec habuit, de negotio quod in manibus habemus, jure nostro colligere videmur ex hactenus dictis; satis nos verisimiliter existimare, martyrium cujus Acta primigenia nunc damus, anno Christi 203, coss. Lucio Septimio Geta Caesare, et Lucio Septimio Plautiano, contigisse. Quod Geta Caesar eo anno consul esset, causa videtur fuisse cur ejus Natalis gladiatoris ludis et arenae spectaculis honestaretur: unde ex hac ipsa consulatus Getae nota confirmatur nostra chronologia: cui subscribit etiam Baronius, eisdem consulibus, et eodem Severi anno passas SS. martyres Perpetuam et Felicitatem fuse tradens, num. XXI et seq. anni 205. Ita ille numerat solita sibi additione duorum annorum, quam deinde cum communi calculo exaequat detracto biennio ex Probi Angusti principatu, prout jam pridem docti omnes chronologi observarunt, Scaliger, Dekerius, Petavius, Bucherius, Bollandus, Henschenius, Philippus Labbe et alii. Quare omni genere argumentorum, nempe auctoritatibus gravium scriptorum, rationibus ex re ipsa ductis, denique characteribus coelestibus, ad omnem certitudinem firmata remanet quam proposuimus sententia de tempore triumphi sanctarum Tuburbitanarum martyrum Perpetuae et Felicitatis, anno Christi 203, Nonis Martii, gloriae immortalis palmam adeptarum.

namely, that the book of Tertullian To Scapula was written long after the year of Christ 202, the 10th of Severus, since in it an eclipse of the Sun is reported which occurred in the year of Christ 210, which was the 18th and last of Severus; and it is reported in such a way that it appears to have taken place some years before. This is the place to bring forward the conjecture of the most illustrious Holstenius, which I found noted somewhere, about the time when the book To Scapula was written. For when he had reported that Scaliger reckoned it was written under Elagabalus, he says that he himself thinks it was written under Macrinus: for Sulpicius Severus testifies that the clergy were harassed by Macrinus. However that matter stood, concerning the business we have in hand we seem entitled to conclude from what has been said thus far that we judge with sufficient likelihood that the martyrdom whose original Acts we now publish took place in the year of Christ 203, in the consulship of Lucius Septimius Geta Caesar and Lucius Septimius Plautianus. That Geta Caesar was consul in that year seems to have been the reason why his birthday was honoured with gladiatorial games and spectacles of the arena: hence by this very mark of Geta's consulship our chronology is confirmed: to which Baronius also subscribes, relating at length, at no. 21 and following of the year 205, that the holy martyrs Perpetua and Felicity suffered under the same consuls and in the same year of Severus. So he counts with his customary addition of two years, which he afterwards brings level with the common reckoning by taking two years away from the principate of Probus Augustus, as all learned chronologers have long since observed, Scaliger, Dekerius, Petavius, Bucherius, Bollandus, Henschenius, Philippe Labbe and others. Wherefore by every kind of argument, namely by the authorities of weighty writers, by reasons drawn from the matter itself, and finally by celestial signs, the opinion we have proposed remains established to full certainty concerning the time of the triumph of the holy Tuburbitan martyrs Perpetua and Felicity, who won the palm of immortal glory in the year of Christ 203, on the Nones of March.

Petrus Possinus, e societate Jesu.

Pierre Poussines, of the Society of Jesus.

Cap. IV. S. Saturus in visione sibi facta, et S. Perpetua, ab angelis in lucem portati, vident martyres. Ducti ad thronum Dei, osculo excipiuntur. Optatum episcopum et Aspasium presbyterum dissentientes conciliant. col. 45

Chap. IV. St Saturus, in a vision granted to him, and St Perpetua, carried by angels into the light, see martyrs. Led to the throne of God, they are received with a kiss. They reconcile Optatus the bishop and Aspasius the presbyter, who were at variance. col. 45

Cap. V. S. Secundulus in carcere moritur. S. Felicitas gravida, fusis precibus, octavo mense parit sine dolore. Invictus animus S. Perpetuae et S. Saturi. col. 47

Chap. V. St Secundulus dies in prison. St Felicity, being pregnant, after prayers have been poured out, gives birth in the eighth month without pain. The unconquered spirit of St Perpetua and St Saturus. col. 47

Cap. VI. Et carcere in amphitheatrum hilares educuntur, maxime Perpetua et Felicitas. Omnes renuunt sacrilegas vestes induere; flagellantur; anhelant ad bestias; objiciuntur. S. Saturus bis illaesus. Dejiciuntur SS. Perpetua et Felicitas. Revocantur in portam Sanevivariam. S. Saturus a leopardo laesus: militem adhortatur. Sancti martyres se invicem osculantur. Gladio conficiuntur. col. 51

Chap. VI. They are led out joyful from the prison into the amphitheatre, Perpetua and Felicity above all. All refuse to put on sacrilegious garments; they are scourged; they pant for the beasts; they are thrown to them. St Saturus twice unharmed. Sts Perpetua and Felicity are thrown down. They are called back to the Gate of the Living. St Saturus, wounded by a leopard, exhorts the soldier. The holy martyrs kiss one another. They are dispatched with the sword. col. 51

Editors' notes and page, col. 62

Page

running head: [cut off] UÆ ET FELICITATIS. 62
marginal letters: A ‹et immensa potestas›; B ‹migenia nunc damus›; C ‹net quam proposuimus›; D ‹Cap. IV. S. Saturus›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column begins with fragment "ritas" (cla-ritas, broken from previous column; set whole at the end of col. 61, so not set here); a stray bracket-like mark after "ritas" is taken as damaged type, not set. The notes column begins with "dere", the tail of "osten-dere", set whole at the end of col. 61's notae, so not set here. Full-width line "Variorum notae" (after "Amen.") and full-width title "INDEX CAPITUM PASSIONIS / SANCTARUM MARTYRUM PERPETUÆ ET FELICITATIS" (after the signature, above the chapter list) are set once, at col. 61. Editors' matter set: Variorum notae continuation (satagebamus); signature Petrus Possinus; synopsis of chapters (Cap. IV. S. Saturus). Misprints kept as printed: "gladiatoris" (for gladiatoriis; restored as printed by Q1b), "Et carcere" (for E carcere). "Angusti" may be damaged type rather than a misprint; "coelestibus" read as œ.