Concilia Carthaginensia tempore Cornelii papae in causa lapsorum sub S. Cypriano celebrata: concilium sub Cypriano secundum, cum epistola synodica S. Cypriani et collegarum ad S. Cornelium papam de lapsis

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(24) ‹anchor: impietatum› · call in col 873

Sic ms. q. editionis Vulgatae, sic et Graeca. Alia In impietate. Excusa habent In impietatibus.

So the manuscript and [the text] of the Vulgate edition, and so also the Greek. Another [copy]: "In impietate" (in ungodliness). The printed editions have "In impietatibus" (in ungodlinesses).

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(25) ‹anchor: adversus› · call in col 873

3 q. 6, Omnia quae adversus.

[Causa] 3, q. 6, [canon] Omnia quae adversus.

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(19) ‹anchor: Nullus› · call in col 873

Nullus. Amb. Ep. 29 in decret. Ivo lib. IV.

No one. Ambrose, Letter 29; in the Decretum, Ivo, book IV.

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(20) ‹anchor: comprovinciales judices› · call in col 873

Judices. Hard. coll. 17. Item 5, 8, 30, 32, etc.

Judges. Hardouin, collection, 17. Likewise 5, 8, 30, 32, etc.

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(21) ‹anchor: ulla lex damnat› · call in col 873

Damnat. Conc. Chalced. initio actionis X.

Condemns. Council of Chalcedon, at the beginning of the tenth session.

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(22) ‹anchor: non tamen Deum› · call in col 873

Deum. Sixti Sent. 176, et paulo post 292 et 203.

God. Sentences of Sixtus 176, and a little after, 292 and 203.

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(23) ‹anchor: Sapiens ergo non› · call in col 873

Ergo non est. 6. q. 1. Sapiens non est. Allegatur tamen ibi sub nomine Lucii papae successoris Cornelii, ubi etiam habetur.

Therefore is not. [Causa] 6, q. 1, [canon] Sapiens non est. There, however, it is cited under the name of Pope Lucius, Cornelius's successor, among whose [letters] it is also found.

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- APPENDIX TERTIA. / MONITUM. / "Etsi suam habeant … connexionem. EDD." — editors' matter (Migne's editors, not the work's), printed across the foot of cols 873/874 below the end of the previous unit; set full width at the foot of col 873 as the opening of this unit.

(24) ‹anchor: Bene valere› · call in col 874

Benevalere. S. Bonif. ep. 8.

To fare well. Saint Boniface, letter 8.

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(25) ‹anchor: Maximo› · call in col 874

Maximo. Anno 250 aut. seq.

Maximus. In the year 250 or the following.

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(26) ‹anchor: Ex Gratiani› · call in col 874

Ex Gratiani. Gratian. 16, 22, q. 5. Verius e Capitular. l. I. c. 63. HARDUINUS.

From Gratian. Gratian, [canon] 16, [Causa] 22, q. 5. More truly from the Capitularies, book I, ch. 63. HARDOUIN.

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(1) ‹anchor: Anno Domini 251› · call in col 875 (call not in the foot image; lemma given)

Anno Domini 251. Anno potius 252, idibus maii, juxta exactiorem Pagi chronologiam, quem consule ad ann. 252, n. 8. COLETI.

In the year of the Lord 251. Rather in the year 252, on the Ides of May, according to Pagi's more exact chronology; consult him at the year 252, no. 8. COLETI.

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(2) ‹anchor: Carthaginiense concilium› · call in col 875 (call not in the foot image; lemma given)

Carthaginiense concilium, etc. Carthaginiense quidem, quod primum vocant, concilium sub initia hujus saeculi, dum episcopus Carthagine sedebat Agrippinus, ad Africae et Numidiae episcopis de rebaptizandis haereticis antea fuerat celebratum. De primo autem sub Cypriano Concilio nonnulla exstat mentio moxinfra ad initium sequentis epistolae, quae quidem epistola ad hoc Concilium, quod dicitur Secundum, pertinet. In qua Synodo secunda Cyprianica edenda, tum in quinque illis, quae sequuntur, editionem operum S. Cypriani Benedictinam, seu Baluzianam, nisi ubi de variata lectione lectorem monui, semper secutus sum, quippe cum eadem a Baluzio post visam ab eo, ut ex notis ejus constat, J. Harduini Conciliorum editionem, adornata fuerit. Mortuus est autem Baluzius, ut supra ostendi ad CORNELII Fragmenta pag. 18, ante editum anno 1727 a Benedictinis monachis Cyprianum octo annos, atque interea prodiit Coustantii opus, qui anno 1721 Epistolas Pontificum Romanorum edidit, in quibus duas ex epistolis his Synodicis primam et quinam reposuit. Quod ad aliud quoddam concilium attinet praeter septem ista Cyprianica, ad octavum istud duo epistolas Cyprianicas, scil. LXV et LXVI, sive III et I, pertinere censet post alios Emmanuel a Schelstrate, Eccles. African. Dissert. III, cap. 1, p. 121. Refragati autem fuerant huic sententiae tam Pearsonius in Annalibus Cypr. quam Fellus ad Cyprianum ipsum, dum moneant clarissimi praesules, verba, Collegae, qui praesentes aderant, sacram synodum apud Cyprianum semper signare non solere; ac porro solemne fere esse Cypriano in epistolis Synodicis nomina episcoporum apponere, quae quidem ibi non comparent. Itaque ea quidem de causa potiore jure inter Synodicas epistolas recensenda foret illa LXII, aliter, IV, ad Pomponium, de virginibus synisactis, cujus fronti nomina episcoporum, qui aderant, inscripta sunt. Sed in ea epistola contineri rite coactum concilium haud facile dicerem. ROUTH.

The council of Carthage, etc. The Carthaginian council which they call the first had indeed been held earlier, about the beginning of this century, while Agrippinus sat as bishop at Carthage, by [sic, "ad"] the bishops of Africa and Numidia, on the rebaptizing of heretics. Of the first council under Cyprian there is some mention just below, at the beginning of the following letter, which letter belongs to this council, the one called the Second. In editing this second Cyprianic synod, and in the five that follow, I have always followed the Benedictine, or Baluzian, edition of the works of St Cyprian, except where I have told the reader of a variant reading; for that edition was prepared by Baluze after he had seen J. Hardouin's edition of the Councils, as is clear from his notes. Baluze, moreover, died, as I showed above at the Fragments of CORNELIUS, p. 18, eight years before the Benedictine monks published Cyprian in 1727; and meanwhile appeared the work of Coustant, who in 1721 published the Letters of the Roman Pontiffs, in which he included two of these synodal letters, the first and the fifth. As for a certain other council besides these seven Cyprianic ones, Emmanuel Schelstrate, following others (Eccles. African. Dissert. III, ch. 1, p. 121), holds that two Cyprianic letters, namely LXV and LXVI, or III and I, belong to this eighth one. But both Pearson in the Annales Cypriani and Fell on Cyprian himself had opposed this view, the most distinguished prelates pointing out that the words Colleagues who were present do not always mark a sacred synod in Cyprian; and further, that it is almost Cyprian's custom in synodal letters to set down the names of the bishops, which do not appear there. For that reason, then, letter LXII, otherwise IV, to Pomponius, on the virgines subintroductae, at whose head the names of the bishops present are written, would with better right be counted among the synodal letters. But I should not readily say that a duly convened council is contained in that letter. ROUTH.

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(3) ‹anchor: anno Domini 254› · call in col 875 (call "(3)" after "254" in the column)

Doctissimus Pagi qui Cornelium summum Pontificatum adeptum statuit an. 251, quarto die Junii, hoc primum Carthaginiense sub Cypriano concilium incoeptum autumat mense Maio ejusdem ann. 251, ante Cornelii P. ordinationem et ad mensem Augustum usque prorogatum. COLETI.

The most learned Pagi, who holds that Cornelius attained the supreme pontificate in the year 251, on the fourth day of June, reckons that this first Council of Carthage under Cyprian was begun in the month of May of the same year 251, before the ordination of Pope Cornelius, and was prolonged until the month of August. COLETI.

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(3) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 876 (call not in the foot image)

Doctissimus Pagi qui Cornelium summum Pontificatum adeptum statuit an. 251, quarto die Junii, hoc primum Carthaginiense sub Cypriano concilium inceptum autumat mense Maio ejusdem ann. 251, ante Cornelii P. ordinationem et ad mensem Augustum usque prorogatum. COLETI.

The most learned Pagi, who holds that Cornelius attained the supreme pontificate in the year 251, on the fourth day of June, judges that this first Carthaginian council under Cyprian began in the month of May of the same year 251, before the ordination of Pope Cornelius, and was prolonged until the month of August. COLETI.

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(1) ‹anchor: Caecilius, Junius› · call in col 877

Junius. Haec et quae sequuntur addita ex Pem. Voss. Corb. Lam. Ebor. Lin.

Junius. This name and those that follow are added from the Pembroke, Vossian, Corbie, Lambeth, York and Lincoln manuscripts.

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(2) ‹anchor: Junius, Murrutius› · call in col 877

Marruscius Corb.

Marruscius, Corbie manuscript.

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(4) ‹anchor: EPISTOLA SYNODICA S. CYPRIANI› · call in col 877 (title set across the page)

E concilio scripta est, quod Carthagine anno 252, idibus maii, ut ex epistola sequenti comperimus, habitum fuit. In mss. inscribitur de lapsis, quia in illa de decreto, quod in eorum gratiam mox dictum concilium sanxit, disseritur. Cum enim superiore anno in altero Carthaginiensi concilio severius quid de lapsis constitutum esset, atque idem decretum Cornelius Romana in synodo firmasset: cur nunc cum iisdem mitius agendum duxerint Afri, Cornelio exponunt. COUSTANT.

It was written from the council that was held at Carthage in the year 252, on the Ides of May, as we learn from the following letter. In the manuscripts it is headed On the lapsed, because it treats of the decree which the said council presently enacted in their favour. For since in the previous year, in the other Carthaginian council, something more severe had been laid down concerning the lapsed, and Cornelius had confirmed the same decree in a Roman synod, the Africans explain to Cornelius why they have now judged that the same persons should be dealt with more mildly. COUSTANT.

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(5) ‹anchor: Cyprianus, Liberalis› · call in col 877

Cyprianus, Liberalis. etc. Omnes fere libri veteres et omnes veteres editiones praeferunt nomi- (continues)

Cyprian, Liberalis, etc. Almost all the old books and all the old editions put forward the na- (continues)

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(5, continued) ‹anchor: continuation of note (5), whose start is printed at the foot of page 490 (cols 877/878)› · the first word is the tail of a word broken from page 490 […]na omnium episcoporum. Quare valde miror Pamelium illa omisisse in sua et Rigaltium maluisse ea referre in suis observationibus tanquam rem novam, professus se ea addere ex codice Corbeiensi. Melius Angli, qui ea posuerunt in contextu. Porro inter se in illis scribendis variant vetera exemplaria et veteres editiones. Inutile esset referre varias lectiones. Itaque nos credidimus ea sufficere quae in codice Thuano, quo Rigaltius quoque usus est, inveniuntur. Caeterum illud quoque admonemus, in uno codice Regio desiderari nomina episcoporum et in titulo istius epistolae scriptum esse simpliciter: Cyprianus Cornelio fratri salutem. At in codice Sancti Arnulphi legitur: Cyprianus cum fratribus numero XLI, Cornelio fratri salutem. STEPH. BALUZIUS. Cum in hoc concilio scriptas fuisse sexaginta sex episcoporum ad Fidum litteras, quas, tanquam si concilii Cyprianici tertii fuerint, proxime post subjunxi, idcirco opinatus sit eruditus Ceillier, Hist. générate des auteurs sacrés, quod eaedem litterae anno 252, non 253, collocari ex sententia sua deberent, hoc est, ante factum decretum de indulgentia lapsis supplicibus concedenda, ideo erratum esse in hoc numero XLI idem vir statuit, nisi pauciores pluresve praesules diversis adfuisse temporibus in concilio consendi sint. Vid. eum in vol. III, p. 588, et Marani Vit. Cypriani, pag. 94. Certe in loco ab eodem Ceilliero ad pag. 108 excitato, numerum episcoporum, qui in litteris illis ad Fidum comparet, S. Aubustinus his verbis confirmavit: In Epistola autem quam scripsit (Cyprianus) ad episcopum Fidum cum sexaginta sex co-episcopis suis a quo fuerat consultus propter circumcisionis legem, etc. lib. IV, ad Bonifac., cap. 8. tom. X, p. 481. ROUTH.

[…] of all the bishops. So I greatly wonder that Pamelius omitted them in his edition and that Rigault preferred to report them in his observations as something new, declaring that he added them from the Corbie manuscript. The English editors did better, who put them in the text. Further, the old copies and the old editions differ among themselves in writing them. It would be useless to report the various readings. So we have judged it enough to give those found in the Thou manuscript, which Rigault also used. We also note this: in one Royal manuscript the names of the bishops are lacking, and in the title of this letter is written simply: Cyprian to Cornelius his brother, greeting. But in the manuscript of St Arnulf one reads: Cyprian with his brethren, XLI in number, to Cornelius his brother, greeting. STEPH. BALUZE. Since the learned Ceillier, Histoire générale des auteurs sacrés, supposed that the letter of sixty-six bishops to Fidus, which I have subjoined immediately after as though it belonged to Cyprian's third council, was written at this council, for the reason that in his view that letter ought to be placed in the year 252, not 253, that is, before the decree on granting indulgence to the lapsed who made supplication, the same man therefore decided that there is an error in this number XLI, unless fewer or more prelates are to be thought to have attended the council at different times. See him in vol. III, p. 588, and Maran's Life of Cyprian, p. 94. Certainly, in the passage cited by the same Ceillier at p. 108, St Augustine confirmed in these words the number of bishops that appears in that letter to Fidus: But in the Letter which he (Cyprian) wrote to Bishop Fidus with sixty-six of his fellow bishops, by whom he had been consulted about the law of circumcision, etc., book IV, To Boniface, ch. 8, tom. X, p. 481. ROUTH.

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(6) ‹anchor: Quidem› · call in col 880 (call not in the foot image; lemma given)

Quidem. In vulgatis, jam pridem, quod abest a mss. Corb. In Colbertino autem tantum exstat pridem. Hic memoratur quod anno superiore, statim atque persecutione sopita pax Ecclesiae reddita est, ut in epistola XI, n. 6, exponitur, statutum fuerat. COUSTANT. — Statueramus quidem jampridem. etc. Primi istius Concilii sub Cypriano, quod anno superiore, hoc est, anno 251, adversus Felicissimum schismaticum, et in causa lapsorum fuerat habitum, notitiam colligendam ait Harduinus in indice tomi I Conciliorum ex Epistola Cypriani II ad plebem, XLII ad Cornelium, LII ad Antonianum, et LIV et CV ad Cornelium. Numeri epistolarum sunt Pameliani. Porro memorat eamdem synodum his verbis auctor Synodici: Σύνοδος θεία καὶ ἱερὰ τοπική, ἐν Καρθαγένῃ, τῇ Νεαπόλει τῆς Ἀφρικῆς καλουμένῃ, συναθροισθεῖσα ὑπὸ τοῦ Κυπριανοῦ γενομένου αὐτῆς ἐπισκόπου, καὶ ἑτέρων ὀγδοήκοντα τεσσάρων ἐπισκόπων, ἀποκηρύξασα Ναύατον, ὡς τὴν μετάνοιαν τοῖς πταίουσι κλείοντα· pag. 10 ed. Argentorat. ROUTH. — Menes maio, cum jam episcopi post Paschae solemnia, quibus apud se cum fratribus demorati sunt, Carthaginem se contulissent, habitum est concilium Carthaginense II et quidem idibus maiis, ut clare patet ex Epist. Cypriani quinquagesima nona, in qua et hujus meminit, et alterius etiam quod anno priore celebratum est. In hac autem synodo relaxatio quaedam facta est decreti quod in superiori constitutum est; quod lapsi scilicet agerent diu poenitentiam plenam, et si periculum infirmitatis urgeret, pacem sub ictu mortis acciperent. Loco igitur illius decreti aliud in hunc modum condiderunt: Eis qui de ecclesia Domini non recesserunt, sed poenitentiam agere et lamentari. ac Dominum deprecari a primo lapsus sui die non destiterunt, pacem dandam esse. Quod synodus tunc censuit, non tantum ut Ἐπιείκειαν lapsis. vere poenitentibus praestarent, sed necessitate cogente; quia crebris atque assiduis ostensionibus admonebantur, diem alterius persecutionis jam appropinquare coepisse: unde lapsos verre poenitentes ad praelium, quod tum imminebat, armari et instrui oportere putabant. Facto hoc decreto, synodica epistola missa est ad S. Cornelium Romae episcopum, quae est LVII, in qua et decretum ipsum ponitur, et rationibus multis asseritur atque defenditur. Scripsit etiam Cyprianus de omnium collegarum consilio, misitque Cornelio nomina episcoporum qui integri et sani in Ecclesia catholica tunc fratribus praefuerunt, ut ipse et collegae scirent quibus scribere, et litteras mutuo a quibus eos accipere oporteret. In Annal. Cyprian. ad an. 252, sect. VII. PEARSON.

Indeed. In the printed editions, long ago, which is absent from the Corbie manuscripts; in the Colbertine only ago stands. Here is recalled what had been decided in the previous year, as soon as peace was restored to the Church when the persecution was laid to rest, as is set out in letter XI, no. 6. COUSTANT. — We had indeed long ago decided, etc. Hardouin, in the index to tome I of the Councils, says that knowledge of that first Council under Cyprian, held in the previous year, that is, in 251, against the schismatic Felicissimus and on the case of the lapsed, is to be gathered from Cyprian's Letter II to the people, XLII to Cornelius, LII to Antonianus, and LIV and CV to Cornelius. The numbers of the letters are Pamelius's. Further, the author of the Synodicon records the same synod in these words: "A divine and holy provincial synod at Carthage, called the New City of Africa, gathered by Cyprian, who was its bishop, and eighty-four other bishops, which condemned Novatus as shutting off repentance from those who fall"; p. 10 of the Strasbourg edition. ROUTH. — In the month of May, when the bishops, after the solemnities of Easter, which they had spent at home with the brethren, had now betaken themselves to Carthage, the second council of Carthage was held, and that on the Ides of May, as is clear from Cyprian's fifty-ninth letter, in which he mentions both this one and the other that was held the year before. In this synod, then, a certain relaxation was made of the decree that had been laid down in the earlier one, namely that the lapsed should do full penance for a long time and, if the danger of illness pressed upon them, should receive peace under the stroke of death. In place of that decree, then, they framed another in this manner: That peace is to be given to those who have not withdrawn from the Church of the Lord, but have not ceased, from the first day of their lapse, to do penance and to lament and to entreat the Lord. This the synod then decreed not only so that they might show forbearance to the lapsed who were truly penitent, but under the compulsion of necessity, because they were warned by frequent and constant showings that the day of another persecution had now begun to approach; hence they thought that the truly penitent lapsed ought to be armed and equipped for the battle which was then imminent. When this decree was made, a synodal letter was sent to St Cornelius, bishop of Rome, which is LVII, in which the decree itself is set out and is asserted and defended with many reasons. Cyprian also, on the advice of all his colleagues, wrote and sent Cornelius the names of the bishops who were then presiding over the brethren, sound and whole, in the Catholic Church, so that he and his colleagues might know to whom to write and from whom they ought to receive letters in turn. In the Annales Cypriani, at the year 252, sect. VII. PEARSON.

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(7) ‹anchor: Agerent diu poenitentiam plenam› · call in col 880 (call not in the foot image; lemma given)

Agerent diu poenitentiam plenam. Non recipiendi ante tempus quod praecribebatur expletum, nisi sub ictu mortis. Sic Ellus quidem, Anglicus vero, S. Cypriani interpres, cl. Marshallus, de transitu per omnes poenitentiae stationes poenitentiam plenam exponit. Sed dubium videtur, an istae stationes tum temporis ubique in ecclesia bene notae ac distinctae fuerint. Porro quid sit Cypriano aliisque auctoribus plena poenitentia disputans Albaspinaeus de Vet. Eccles. Ritibus, lib. II, c. 30, ex hoc ipso loco recte fortasse colligit, non eam esse quae tempore definito, sed quae indiciis, id est, lacrymis, fletibus, jejuniis, animi dolorem patefaciat. Et in Epist. XXVIII, al, XXXIII, Cyprianum video ita scribentem. ut vera poenitentia et gemitu et dolore pleno Dominum deprecentur. Aliquod tamen tempus poenitentiae olim praefinitum fuisse, verba epistolae, quam proxime post attuli, satis ostendunt, ut ante legitimum et plenum tempus satisfactionis... pax ei concederetur, p. 74. De alia autem re quadam haud pariter consentientem me habet doctus ille Albaspinaeus. Statuit enim lib., II, cap. 12, et alibi, poenitentiam istam ad vitae etiam exitum fuisse productam, et non nisi ipso mortis obeundae tempore absolutos fuisse lapsos, cum ante Cypriani atque Cornelii decretum in perpetuum excommunicationis vinculo lapsi constricti fuissent; ita ut ne ipsa quidem in morte expedirentur, aut absolutione fruerentur, At vero, an adeo severa fuerit ante istaec tempora universae Ecclesiae praxis seu consuetudo, quidquid durius nonnulli tum statuerint, merito dubites; nec porro poenitentiam lapsorum, ad vitae extremum usque diem etiam a Cypriano fuisse productam, argumenta Albaspinaei ad probandum idonea mihi videbantur, contra vero id satis confutari hac ipsa epistola atque praeclara illa ad Antonianum, existimabam, (continues)

That they should do full penance for a long time. They were not to be received before the prescribed time was completed, except at the stroke of death. So Fell, at least; but the English translator of St Cyprian, the celebrated Marshall, explains full penance as passing through all the stations of penance. Yet it seems doubtful whether those stations were at that time well known and distinguished everywhere in the church. Further, Aubespine, discussing in On the Ancient Rites of the Church, book II, ch. 30, what full penance means for Cyprian and other authors, perhaps rightly gathers from this very passage that it is not penance of a fixed time but penance that shows sorrow of soul by signs, that is, by tears, weeping and fasts. And in Letter XXVIII, otherwise XXXIII, I see Cyprian writing thus: that they may entreat the Lord with true penance and with groaning and full sorrow. Yet that some time of penance was once fixed beforehand, the words of the letter I adduced immediately after show well enough: "that before the lawful and full time of satisfaction... peace should be granted him," p. 74. On another matter, however, the learned Aubespine does not have me equally in agreement. For he holds, in book II, ch. 12, and elsewhere, that this penance was prolonged even to the end of life, and that the lapsed were absolved only at the very time of meeting death, since before the decree of Cyprian and Cornelius the lapsed had been bound in the chain of excommunication for ever, so that not even in death were they set free or allowed the benefit of absolution. But whether the practice or custom of the whole Church was so severe before those times, whatever harsher rule some laid down then, you may rightly doubt; nor further did Aubespine's arguments seem to me fit to prove that the penance of the lapsed was prolonged even by Cyprian to the last day of life; on the contrary, I thought this was sufficiently refuted by this very letter and by that excellent one to Antonianus, (continues)

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(7, continued) ‹anchor: continuation of note (7), which begins under col 880 (n880)› · printed at the head of the left foot column of page 492 Etenim diu ante Cyprianum, ut supra ex verbis Lugdunensium et Viennensium vol. I, p. 330. ostendi, dissidia super communicatione lapsorum orta sunt, aliis severius, aliis lenius, in hac re agentibus. Imo, monente Pearsonio, Vindic. Ignat. part. II, cap. 8, quem vidi, postquam haec et reliqua omnia huc pertinentia scripseram, contra Albaspinaeum de hac ipsa re disputantem, constat, Dionysium Corinthiorum episcopum omnes per poenitentiam vel gravissimo crimine oneratos suscipiendos esse docuisse. Nam in Epistola ad Amastrianos, teste Euseb. lib. IV, cap 23, vel ad pag. vol. mei I, p. 171, Πολλὰ περὶ γάμου καὶ ἁγνείας τῖος αὐτοῖς παραινεῖ, καὶ τοὺς ἐξ οἵας δ' οὖν ἀποπτώσεως, εἴτε πλημμελείας, εἴτε μὴν αἱρετικῆς πλάνης ἐπιστρέφοντας, δεξιοῦσθαι προστάττει. Porro, quis fuerit Ecclesiae usus et consuetudo in lapsis tranctandis, expositum est in Cypriani Epistola XI, al. XV, quam quidem, antequam ipse et collegae ejus quidquam de hac re statuissent, scriptam esse novimus. Audio, inquit, quosdam de presbyteris nec Evangelii memores, nec quid ad nos martyres scripserint, cogitantes, nec episcopo honorem sacerdotii sui et cathedrae reservantes, jam cum lapsis communicare coepisse, et offerre pro illis, et Eucharistiam dare, quando oporteat ad haec per ordinem perveniri. Nam cum in minoribus delictis quae non in Deum committuntur, poenitentia agatur justo tempore et exomologesis fiat, inspecta vita ejus qui agit poenitentiam, nec ad communicationem venire quis possit, nisi prius illi ab episcopo et clero manus fuerit imposita, quanto magis in his gravissimis et extremis delictis caute omnia et moderate secundum disciplinam Domini observari oportet? Confer et Epist. X, al. XVI, ubi haec sunt:... illi contra Evangelii legem... ante actam poenitentiam, ante exomologesin gravissimi atque extremi delicti (solemnem et publicam, exponente Fello) factam, ante manum ab episcopo et clero in poenitentiam impositam, offerre pro illis et eucharistiam dare, id est, sanctum Domini corpus profanare audent. Haec profecto non solum demonstrant, in morte subvenire solitum esse lapsis ante Cypriani tempora, quod negat Albaspinaeus, verum etiam probare videntur, moris fuisse eos absolvere poenitentia completa. Palam autem est, ipso eodem judicante viro docto, nihil durius a Cypriano postea cum lapsis actum fuisse, quam mos antea tulisset. ROUTH.

For long before Cyprian, as I showed above from the words of the churches of Lyons and Vienne, vol. I, p. 330, disputes arose over communion with the lapsed, some acting more severely in this matter, others more leniently. Indeed, as Pearson points out, Vindiciae Ignatianae, part II, ch. 8 (whom I saw, arguing against Aubespine on this very matter, after I had written this and everything else bearing on it), it is established that Dionysius, bishop of the Corinthians, taught that all, even those burdened with the gravest crime, were to be received through penance. For in the Letter to the Amastrians, on the testimony of Eusebius, book IV, ch. 23, or at the page of my vol. I, p. 171, "he gives them much advice about marriage and chastity, and orders them to welcome those who turn back from any fall whatever, whether of sin or indeed of heretical error." Further, what the usage and custom of the Church was in dealing with the lapsed is set out in Cyprian's Letter XI, otherwise XV, which we know was written before he and his colleagues had decided anything on this matter. I hear, he says, that some of the presbyters, neither mindful of the Gospel nor considering what the martyrs have written to us, nor reserving to the bishop the honour of his priesthood and chair, have already begun to communicate with the lapsed, and to offer for them, and to give the Eucharist, when one ought to come to these things in due order. For since in lesser sins, which are not committed against God, penance is done for a just time and confession is made, the life of him who does penance being examined, and no one can come to communion unless the hand of the bishop and clergy has first been laid on him, how much more in these gravest and extreme sins ought all things to be observed cautiously and with moderation according to the discipline of the Lord? Compare also Letter X, otherwise XVI, where we find: ... they, against the law of the Gospel... before penance has been done, before confession of the gravest and extreme sin (solemn and public, as Fell explains) has been made, before the hand has been laid on them by the bishop and clergy for penance, dare to offer for them and to give the Eucharist, that is, to profane the holy body of the Lord. These things certainly show not only that it was customary to succour the lapsed at death before Cyprian's times, which Aubespine denies, but also seem to prove that it was the custom to absolve them when their penance was complete. It is plain, moreover, by the judgement of that same learned man himself, that nothing harsher was done afterwards by Cyprian with the lapsed than custom had allowed before. ROUTH.

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(8) ‹anchor: Permiserit ipse qui legem dedit› · call in col 881 (call not in the foot image; lemma given)

Permiserit ipse qui legem dedit. Promiserit ipse et legem dederit, plurimi mss. a Fello et Coustantio memorati, quod etiam in textum recepit Coustantius. Caeterum notat cl. Marshallus, Anglicus interpres, exponendum esse ex Cypriani saltem sententia de censuris ecclesiasticis ipsarumque relaxatione S. Matthaei locum. ROUTH.

He who gave the law may himself have permitted it. He himself may have promised and given the law, read very many manuscripts cited by Fell and Coustant, which Coustant also took into his text. Moreover the celebrated Marshall, the English translator, notes that the passage of St Matthew is to be explained, at least in Cyprian's view, of ecclesiastical censures and their relaxation. ROUTH.

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(9) ‹anchor: Diem rursus alterius infestationis› · call in col 881 (call not in the foot image; lemma given); the note stands in the right foot column, under col 882

Diem rursus alterius infestationis. Lapsis in persecutione Deciana, reditum in ecclesiam importune urgentibus, Ep. XIX respondit Cyprianus, tempus ipsum plus quam peterent largiri, quodque, qui differri non potest, potest coronari: quae multum videntur distare ab iis quae hic dicuntur de pace lapsis necessaria: frustra doceri et provocari in confessione nominis sanguinem fundere, si eis militaturis Christi sanguinem denegemus. Sed optime cohaerent utrobique dicta. Primo aliter se habuit lapsorum status durante persecutione Deciana, et ipsa cessante. Nam qui in judicium vocatus mendacio se defendebat, erat fortasse obstrictus eo ipso in loco, coram iisdem judicibus, et circumstante populo crimen retractare, et publice verum profiteri: quod finita cognitione praestare minus tenebatur. Et ideo lapsus ad duras istas conditiones non erat etiamnum adigendus, ad quas dum praelium adhuc gerebatur cogi debebat. Secundo, in difficillimo lapsorum casu nihil erat ex privatis auspiciis innovandum; et ideo fas non fuit ex arbitrio singularis episcopi lapsos admittere; sed postquam ex concilii decreto pax iis erat concessa, nihil prohibebat temporis moram, interveniente utique concilii auctoritate, ob causam etiam idoneam, exspectatam scilicet persecutionem, aliquantum contrahi. Tertio, lapsi jam per idoneum temporis decursum in poenitentia positi, sui specimina fecerunt, quod prius non fecissent. Porro notandum, quod lapsorum commoda cedere debebant utilitati Ecclesiae; et utcumque optandum fuerit illis Dominica saturitate perfrui, et ita ad passionem armari; haec in considerationem non veniebant donec disciplinae ecclesiasticae, per poenas in delinquentes irrogatas, fuisset satisfactum. Imo lapsorum commodis tam crudo et importuno tempore non conduceret ut mortiferos idolorum cibos adhuc pene ructantes, exhalantibus etiam scelus suum faucibus, et funesta contagia redolentibus, Domini corpus invaderent. Verba sunt Cypriani lib. de Lapsis. Sed exspectandum, et ut I Cor. XI, 28, jubet Apostolus, homo se probet, et sic de pane edat et de calice bibat. FELLUS.

The day of another assault again. To the lapsed who during the Decian persecution were importunately pressing for their return to the church, Cyprian replied in Ep. XIX that time itself grants more than they asked, and that he who cannot be put off can be crowned: which seem to differ greatly from what is said here about peace being necessary for the lapsed: that it is in vain that they are taught and urged to shed their blood in confessing the name, if we deny the blood of Christ to those who are about to fight. But the statements in both places agree perfectly. First, the state of the lapsed was different while the Decian persecution lasted and when it ceased. For one who, called to judgement, defended himself by a lie was perhaps bound, in that very place, before the same judges and with the people standing round, to retract his crime and publicly profess the truth: which, once the hearing was over, he was less bound to perform. And so the lapsed man was not still to be driven to those hard conditions to which he had to be forced while the battle was still being fought. Second, in the most difficult case of the lapsed nothing was to be innovated on private authority; and so it was not lawful to admit the lapsed at the discretion of a single bishop; but after peace had been granted them by the decree of a council, nothing prevented the period of delay from being shortened somewhat, with the council's authority of course intervening, and for a suitable cause too, namely the persecution that was expected. Third, the lapsed, having now been set in penance for a suitable course of time, had given proofs of themselves, which they had not given before. Further it is to be noted that the interests of the lapsed had to yield to the good of the Church; and however desirable it might have been for them to enjoy the Lord's fullness and so be armed for suffering, these things did not come into consideration until ecclesiastical discipline had been satisfied through the penalties imposed on offenders. Indeed it would not serve the interests of the lapsed, at so raw and untimely a moment, that still almost belching the deadly food of idols, their throats still breathing out their crime and reeking of the fatal contagion, they should rush upon the body of the Lord. These are Cyprian's words in the book On the Lapsed. But one must wait, and, as the Apostle commands in 1 Cor. 11:28, let a man prove himself, and so eat of the bread and drink of the cup. FELL.

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(10) ‹anchor: Crebris atque assiduis ostensionibus› · call in col 881 (call not in the foot image; lemma given)

Crebris atque assiduis ostensionibus. Sub finem Epistolae: Hoc nobis divinitus frequenter ostenditur. Idem commemorat Epistola ad Thibaritanos, quos etiam de persecutione gravissima admonet. RIGALTIUS.

By frequent and constant showings. Towards the end of the Letter: This is frequently shown to us by God. The Letter to the Thibaritans recalls the same, whom he also warns of a most grievous persecution. RIGAULT.

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[Variae lectiones] (printed under page 493)

(16) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible in the foot image

In periculum Thu. Pastore oves in periculo Bod. 2, Lam.

"Into danger", Thuanus manuscript. "The sheep in danger with the shepherd", Bodleian 2, Lambeth.

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(17) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible in the foot image

Nominis Christi Lam. NC. 2.

"Of the name of Christ", Lambeth, New College 2.

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(18) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible in the foot image

Sic Lam. Pem. Bod. 1, 2. Voluimus Oxon.

So Lambeth, Pembroke, Bodleian 1, 2. "We have willed", Oxford edition.

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(19) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not visible in the foot image

Cacrificia Deo Corb.

"Sacrifices [sic, "Cacrificia"] to God", Corbie manuscript.

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(11) ‹anchor: Infirmis› · call in col 883 (call not in the foot image; lemma given)

Infirmis. Erasmus addidit, si qui essent. Quod in nullo eorum veterum exemplarium quibus utor reperi, neque in aliis editionibus. BALUZIUS.

To the weak. Erasmus added if there were any, which I have found in none of the old copies I use, nor in other editions. BALUZE.

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(12) ‹anchor: Protectione sanguinis et corporis Christi› · call in col 883 (call not in the foot image; lemma given)

Protectione sanguinis et corporis Christi. In sequentibus docet. Eucharistia recepta fideles erigi et accendi. Jure id quidem. Nam a convivio Dominico, memores Dominici sanguinis, sumpto sacramento, quemadmodum suprema illa nocte praeceperat Dominus, ut conjurati prodibant alacres, mortemque fortiter oppetebant quam Dominus pro ipsorum salute obierat. RIGALTIUS. Si verum sanguinem pro Christo a Martyribus fundi nemo neget; verum Christi sanguinem iisdem Martyribus propinatum hic a Cypriano praedicari cur negetur? COUSTANT.

By the protection of the blood and body of Christ. In what follows he teaches that the faithful are raised up and kindled by receiving the Eucharist. And rightly so. For from the Lord's banquet, mindful of the Lord's blood, having received the sacrament as the Lord had commanded on that last night, they went forth eagerly like men bound by oath, and bravely met the death which the Lord had undergone for their salvation. RIGAULT. If no one would deny that true blood was shed for Christ by the Martyrs, why should it be denied that Cyprian here proclaims that the true blood of Christ was given those same Martyrs to drink? COUSTANT.

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(13) ‹anchor: jugiter ac dolenter› · call in col 883

Ac dolenter. Haec desunt in quatuor antiquis exemplaribus. In meo legitur dolentes. Sic etiam codex Sancti Arnulphi. BALUZIUS.

And sorrowfully. These words are missing in four old copies. In mine one reads sorrowing. So too the codex of Saint-Arnoul. BALUZE.

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(14) ‹anchor: Et optamus et credimus› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Et optamus et credimus. Haec quidem habentur in septem codicibus antiquis. Sed desunt in aliis octo. Erasmus primus posuit. Nam desiderantur in antiquis editionibus. BALUZIUS. Primus Morellius, teste Pamelio, verba haec addidit. Neque enim Erasmus neque etiam Manutius ea exhibuerant. Editio Romana anni 1471, cujus exemplar penes me est, habet, nec male, audivimus pro audimus. ROUTH.

We both hope and believe. These words are indeed found in seven old codices, but are missing in eight others. Erasmus was the first to put them in, for they are lacking in the old editions. BALUZE. Morel, as Pamelius witnesses, was the first to add these words; for neither Erasmus nor even Manutius had given them. The Roman edition of 1471, a copy of which I have, reads, not badly, we have heard for we hear. ROUTH.

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(15) ‹anchor: Sacrificia Dei› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Sacrificia Dei. Sacrificium Deo ms. noster. HARDUIN. Sacrificia Dei; ita certe habet codex Corbeiensis. Et tamen Rigaltius annotat in illo scriptum esse Deo BALUZIUS. Designatur ab Harduino ms. Bibliothecae Jesuitarum Collegii Ludovici M. Parisiis. ROUTH. — Quotidie celebramus. In libro de Oratione Dominica, pag. 209: Eucharistiam quotidie ad cibum salutis accipimus. Tertullianus, lib. II ad Uxorem: Nesciet maritus quid secreto ante omnem cibum gustes; et si sciverit panem, non illum credit esse qui dicitur. Vide cap. Quotidie apud Gratianum dist. 2 de Consecratione. BALUZIUS.

The sacrifices of God. The sacrifice to God, our manuscript. HARDOUIN. The sacrifices of God: so certainly the Corbie codex reads. And yet Rigault notes that to God is written in it. BALUZE. The manuscript Hardouin means is that of the library of the Jesuits' College of Louis the Great at Paris. ROUTH. — We celebrate daily. In the book On the Lord's Prayer, p. 209: We receive the Eucharist daily as the food of salvation. Tertullian, book II To his Wife: Your husband will not know what you taste in secret before all food; and if he knows it is bread, he does not believe it is what it is called. See the chapter Quotidie in Gratian, dist. 2 On Consecration. BALUZE.

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(20) ‹anchor: pax danda› · call in col 884

Pax donata Bod. 3.

"Peace given", Bodleian 3.

[Variorum notae] (printed under page 493)

(16) ‹anchor: Qui martyrium tollit› · call in col 884

Qui martyrium tollit. Sic Luc. IX, 23: Ἀράτω τὸν σταυρὸν αὐτοῦ. Rigaltius ait, qui dignatione divina martyrium obtinet; martyrium tollit, ut infra, arma tollentes. FELLUS.

He who takes up martyrdom. So Luke 9:23: "Let him take up his cross." Rigault says: he who by God's favour obtains martyrdom; takes up martyrdom, as below, taking up arms. FELL.

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(17) ‹anchor: sanguine suo baptizatur› · call in col 884

Sanguine suo baptizatur. Cavendum ne istud inficiari Cyprianus putetur. Nam et postea epist. LXXIII, ad Jubaianum scripsit, catechumenos fidei causa mortem subeuntes nec privari baptismi sacramento, utpote qui baptizentur gloriosissimo et maximo sanguinis baptismo... sanguine autem suo baptizatos et passione sanctificatos consummari, et divinae pollicitationis gratiam consequi. Antea qui martyrium tollit, id est qui martyrii palmam reportat. Ut autem subnexa cum his cohaerere intelligatur, recolendum est Eucharistiae perceptione non carnem nudam, sed carnem vivam ac spiritu Christi animatam recipi, adeoque corpus Christi percipientes, simul spiritum ejus recipere. Ita etsi caro per se non prodest quidquam, multum tamen prodest, quia secum habet spiritum qui vivificat. COUSTANT. — Sanguine suo baptizatur, Rigaltius ait. Tota para- (continues)

Is baptized in his own blood. Care must be taken lest Cyprian be thought to deny this. For afterwards too, in letter LXXIII, to Jubaianus, he wrote that catechumens who undergo death for the faith are not deprived of the sacrament of baptism, since they are baptized with the most glorious and greatest baptism of blood ... and that those baptized in their own blood and sanctified by suffering are made perfect and obtain the grace of the divine promise. Before, he who takes up martyrdom, that is, he who carries off the palm of martyrdom. And so that what is attached may be understood to cohere with this, it must be recalled that in receiving the Eucharist one receives not bare flesh but living flesh animated by the Spirit of Christ, and so those who receive the body of Christ receive his Spirit at the same time. Thus, though the flesh of itself profits nothing, yet it profits much, because it has with it the Spirit who gives life. COUSTANT. — Is baptized in his own blood, Rigault says. The whole para- (continues)

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[Variae lectiones — the first lines are read from the column image (c885_2), whose right edge cuts them; the end of the first line is read from the right foot image; calls 23 and 25 and parts of the lines are not visible] (21–28) ‹anchor: calls in cols 885–886› · calls 21, 22, 24 in col 885; the rest partly cut ²¹ Quam non accepta Lam. ²² Erigit et accingit Lin. N[… cut …] Lam. Ebor. Bod. 2. ²⁴ Confessione sui nominis NC. 2. ²⁵ ([… cut …] Vict. ²⁶ Sic Ver. Quud contritum Ben. Bod. 2. Ebor. N[C.] 1. [call not legible] Consolidati Oxon. [call not legible] Comestionibus [… end of line runs into the next …] Lamb. In depraedatione Corb.

²¹ "Which, not received", Lambeth. ²² "Raises and girds", Lincoln, N[… cut …] Lambeth, York, Bodleian 2. ²⁴ "In the confession of his name", New College 2. ²⁵ ([… cut …] St Victor. ²⁶ So the Verona manuscript. "What is crushed", Benedictine edition, Bodleian 2, York, New College 1. [call not legible] "Made firm", Oxford edition. [call not legible] "Eatings", Lambeth. "In plundering", Corbie.

[Variorum notae] (printed under page 494) (17, continued) ‹anchor: continuation of note (17), whose start is printed on page 493› · the first word is the tail of a word broken from page 493 […]disi clavis, sanguis tuus est*, inquit Tertull. Vid. Epist. LVIII (al. LVI). FELLUS. Epist. LXXIII, pag. 136. Utpote qui baptizentur gloriosissimo et maximo sanguinis baptismo. Et mox addit sanguine suo baptizatos et passione sanctificatos consummari et divinae pollicitationis gratiam consequi. Vide Tertullianum in libro de Baptismo et in libro de Pudicitia, Passio sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis, a sanguine ab obstrecice ad retiarium latura post partum baptismo secundo. Vide dissertationem 13 Henrici Dodwelli, quae est de secundo martyrii Baptismo. BALUZIUS.

[…] key of Paradise is your blood*, says Tertullian. See Letter LVIII (otherwise LVI). FELL. Letter LXXIII, p. 136: Inasmuch as they are baptized with the most glorious and greatest baptism of blood. And soon after he adds that those baptized in their own blood and sanctified by suffering are made perfect and obtain the grace of the divine promise. See Tertullian in the book On Baptism and in the book On Modesty, and the Passion of Saints Perpetua and Felicity: from blood to blood, from the midwife to the net-fighter, to be washed after childbirth in a second baptism. See the 13th dissertation of Henry Dodwell, which is on the second Baptism, that of martyrdom. BALUZE.

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(18) ‹anchor: Idoneus esse non potest› · call in col 885 (call not in the foot image; lemma given)

Idoneus esse non potest. Ista in speciem pugnare videntur cum his quae idem praesul, cum nonnullos praepropere et importune pacem et communionem postulare a presbyteris ac diaconis suis didicisset, Epist. XIV, rescripsit: Qui si nimium properant, habent in sua potestate quod postulant, tempore quod postulant largiente. Acies adhuc geritur, et agon quotidie celebratur: si commissi vere et firmiter poenitet, et fidei calor praevalet, qui differri non potest, potest coronari. Verum hic non omnem iis, quibus Eucharistiae perceptio non conceditur, martyrii subeundi potestatem, sed facilem tantum et expeditam qua paratiores fiant, negari inde conficitur. Neque etiam his in locis secum pugnare vigilantissimus pastor censendus est, sed diversa diversis temporibus remedia sapienter adhibere, Cum poenitentibus communionem differri volebat, in id unum intendebat, ne lapsis omnino necessarium probatae poenitentiae remedium cum multorum exitio sperneretur. Nunc vero ubi Eucharistiam concedit, eo spectat ut persecutione saevissima imminente, potentissimo ejus praesidio armati milites Christi fortiter certare et inimicis fidei invictis animis resistere tutius valeant. Denique ubi ait: Habent in sua potestate quod postulant, ibi adjuvante Domino supplendum esse manifestum est ex his libri ipsius de Mortalitate: Non est in tua potestate, sed in Dei dignatione martyrium. Imo etiam ubi de eo, qui communionem differri sibi aegre patitur, ait: Qui differri non potest, potest coronari, caute praemittit, si fidei calor praevalet. COUSTANT.

He cannot be fit. These words seem on the face of it to conflict with what the same prelate wrote back in Letter XIV, when he had learned that some were demanding peace and communion from his presbyters and deacons over-hastily and unseasonably: If they are in too great a hurry, they have in their own power what they ask, time itself granting what they ask. The battle is still being fought and the contest is held daily: if they truly and firmly repent of what they committed, and the warmth of faith prevails, he who cannot be put off can be crowned. But the conclusion here is not that every power of undergoing martyrdom is denied to those who are not granted the reception of the Eucharist, but only the easy and ready power by which they may become better prepared. Nor is the most watchful shepherd to be judged inconsistent with himself in these passages; rather he wisely applied different remedies at different times. When he wished communion to be deferred for penitents, he aimed at this one thing: that the remedy of proven penance, wholly necessary for the lapsed, should not be despised, to the ruin of many. But now, when he grants the Eucharist, his purpose is that, with a most savage persecution imminent, the soldiers of Christ, armed with its most powerful protection, may be able to fight bravely and to resist the enemies of the faith with unconquered spirit more safely. Finally, where he says They have in their own power what they ask, it is clear that with the Lord's help must be supplied, from these words of his book On Mortality: Martyrdom is not in your power, but in God's condescension. Indeed, even where he says of one who bears it ill that communion is deferred for him, He who cannot be put off can be crowned, he cautiously puts first if the warmth of faith prevails. COUSTANT.

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(19) ‹anchor: In confessione nominis› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

In confessione nominis. Uno ms. hic additur sui: quod alienum non est a mente Cypriani, sed ab ejus usu. Ipsi nempe familiare est Dei seu Christi confessionem simpliciter confessionem nominis appellare, ut in epistola XIII, nota penultima probaturi sumus. COUSTANT.

In the confession of the name. In one manuscript his is added here: which is not foreign to Cyprian's meaning, but is to his usage. For it is familiar to him to call the confession of God or of Christ simply the confession of the name, as we shall show in letter XIII, in the next-to-last note. COUSTANT.

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(20) ‹anchor: Decedit› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Decedit. Corb. ms. a secunda manu etiam uno Anglic. discedit. Existimandus non est Cyprianus de horum salute dubius et anceps exstitisse. Mentem suam ea de re Epist. LVI, seu 58, aperit his verbis: Etsi fugientem in solitudine ac montibus latro oppresserit, fera invaserit, fames aut sitis aut frigus afflixerit, vel per maria navigantem tempestas ac procella submerserit: spectat militem suum Christus ubicunque pugnantem et persecutionis causa pro nominis sui honore morienti praemium reddit, quod daturum se in persecutione promisit. Nec minor est martyrii gloria non publice et inter multos perisse, cum pereundi causa sit propter Christum perire. At quemadmodum culpandi essent fideles, si non omnem dedissent operam, ut hinc non sine viatico tam necessario migrarent, ita et pastores, si illi eorum negligentia tanto munere privati fuissent. COUSTANT.

Departs. The Corbie manuscript, in a second hand, and also one English manuscript read goes away. Cyprian is not to be thought to have been doubtful and uncertain about the salvation of these. He discloses his mind on the matter in Letter LVI, or 58, in these words: Even if, as he flees in the wilderness and the mountains, a robber overpowers him, a wild beast attacks him, hunger or thirst or cold afflicts him, or as he sails across the seas a tempest and storm drowns him: Christ watches his soldier fighting wherever he is, and to him who dies for the honour of his name because of persecution he renders the reward which he promised to give in persecution. Nor is the glory of martyrdom less for not having perished publicly and among many, since the cause of perishing is to perish for Christ. But just as the faithful would be to blame if they had not made every effort not to depart hence without so necessary a viaticum, so too would the pastors, if the faithful had been deprived of so great a gift through their negligence. COUSTANT.

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(21) ‹anchor: Consolati estis› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Consolati estis. Quod contribulatum est non consolidasti. Librarii vocem hanc in vulgari tribulationis sive aerumnae notatione intelligebant; et ideo consolationem melius respondere crediderunt; contra sacri textus mentem. LXX, legunt κατεδήσατε, colligastis. Tertul. FELLUS. Fellinam edit. secutus sum, in qua sic restitutum est ex scriptis, opinor, codicibus pro non consolati estis, quod habent impressi. Harduinus notavit ms. Societatis suae exhibere non consolati estis, sed memoravit Baluzius in codice Sorbonico scriptum esse non consolidati estis. Vulgata Interp. habet, quod confractum est, non reduxistis. ROUTH.

You have comforted. What was crushed you did not make firm. The copyists understood this word in the common sense of tribulation or hardship, and so believed that "comforting" answered better; against the sense of the sacred text. The LXX read κατεδήσατε, "you bound up". Tertullian. FELL. I have followed Fell's edition, in which it is thus restored, from written codices, I think, in place of you have not comforted, which the printed editions have. Hardouin noted that the manuscript of his Society gives you have not comforted, but Baluze recorded that in the Sorbonne codex is written you have not made firm. The Vulgate translator has what was broken you did not bring back. ROUTH.

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(22) ‹anchor: Comesturam› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Comesturam. Codex Remigianus comestionem, Corbeiensis depraedatione, Turonensis de praedicatione. BALUZIUS. Vulgata habet, in devorationem. ROUTH.

For eating. The Saint-Remi codex has eating, the Corbie in plundering, the Tours on preaching. BALUZE. The Vulgate has for devouring. ROUTH.

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(23) ‹anchor: Et jam non pascent eas› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Et jam non pascent eas. Haec desunt in antiquis editionibus et in libris antiquis. Defuisse etiam in tribus a se visis testatur Pamelius. BALUZIUS. Sed verba agnoscunt LXX Vulgata habet post cod. Hebraeum, nec pascant amplius pastores semetipsos. ROUTH.

And they shall no longer feed them. These words are missing in the old editions and in the old books. Pamelius testifies that they were missing also in three he had seen. BALUZE. But the LXX recognize the words; the Vulgate, following the Hebrew text, has nor shall the shepherds feed themselves any more. ROUTH.

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(24) ‹anchor: Pascam eas cum judicio› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Pascam eas cum judicio. Βοσκήσω αὐτὰ μετὰ κρίματος. Haec desumpta sunt ex versu 16. Ipse Deus singulis ovibus pascua sua designabit. FELLUS.

I will feed them with judgement. "I will feed them with judgement." These words are taken from verse 16. God himself will assign to each sheep its own pasture. FELL.

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(25) ‹anchor: Duritiam magis humanae crudelitatis› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Duritiam magis humanae crudelitatis. Ipse Epist. LX: Magis philosophiae saecularis pravitate durus, quam philosophiae Dominicae lenitate pacificus. Pacianus Epist. II, dixit, Inobsecrabilem asperitatem, cui opponit gratuita Domini bona, et coelestis clementiae titulos. RIGALTIUS.

Rather the hardness of human cruelty. He himself, in Letter LX: Hard rather through the perversity of worldly philosophy than peaceable through the gentleness of the Lord's philosophy. Pacian, Letter II, spoke of a harshness not to be entreated, to which he opposes the free gifts of the Lord and the titles of heavenly clemency. RIGAULT.

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(26) ‹anchor: Paternae pietatis› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Paternae pietatis. Erasmus edidit, paternae pietatis dulcedinem opponimus. Verum vocem dulcedinem ego nuspiam reperi in libris antiquis. BALUZIUS. Cum vero constet ex Var. Lect. in edit. Oxon. positis habere Codicem Coll Nov. 2, quam dulcedini divinae, pro quam divinae, vocem dulcedinem ante divinae addendam esse censeo. ROUTH.

Of fatherly tenderness. Erasmus printed we set against it the sweetness of fatherly tenderness. But I have nowhere found the word sweetness in the old books. BALUZE. But since it is established from the Variant Readings given in the Oxford edition that New College codex 2 has than to the divine sweetness in place of than to the divine, I judge that the word sweetness should be added before divine. ROUTH.

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(27) ‹anchor: Nobis imminere› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Nobis imminere. Pronomen nobis ex edd. ante Baluzianam, seu Benedictinam, revocavi; similiterque particulam et ante examinatis. ROUTH.

To threaten us. I have restored the pronoun us from the editions before the Baluzian, or Benedictine; and likewise the particle and before examinatis. ROUTH.

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(28) ‹anchor: Vobis quoque› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Vobis quoque. Cornelio Romanisque suis. ROUTH.

To you also. To Cornelius and his Romans. ROUTH.

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(29) ‹anchor: Quod si de collegis aliquis› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Quod si de collegis aliquis. Quanquam in synodo convenerit lapsis ob ingruentem persecutionem pacem maturius dandam esse, tamen cum penes episcopum erat judicare de lapsi poenitentia, res haec in ejus arbitrio usque permansit. Aut fortassis respicit episcopos eos, ad quos provinciae Africae synodi decreta non pertinebant. FELLUS.

But if any of our colleagues. Although it was agreed in synod that peace should be given to the lapsed sooner because of the persecution bearing down, yet since it lay with the bishop to judge of a lapsed man's penance, this matter remained throughout at his discretion. Or perhaps he has in view those bishops to whom the decrees of the synod of the province of Africa did not apply. FELL.

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(30) ‹anchor: Graviorem multo› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Graviorem multo. Certe Cypriano erat gravior; qui post exsilii taedia, tandem hac persecutione capite plectebatur. Sed Prophetae, visorum suorum non semper fidi interpretes. Donum prophetias interpretandi, prorsus erat distinctum a prophetiae charismate. Vid. I Cor. I, 10. FELLUS. Cornelio quidem gravior fuit haec Galli vexatio. ut Fellum corrigens Anglicus ait interpres, non Cypriano, qui Valeriano Imp. nonnullis post annis martyrium passurus erat. ROUTH.

Far more grievous. Certainly it was more grievous for Cyprian, who after the wearinesses of exile was at last beheaded in this persecution. But the Prophets were not always faithful interpreters of their own visions. The gift of interpreting prophecies was quite distinct from the charism of prophecy. See 1 Cor. 1:10 [as printed]. FELL. This harassment under Gallus was indeed more grievous for Cornelius, as the English translator says in correcting Fell, not for Cyprian, who was to suffer martyrdom some years later under the Emperor Valerian. ROUTH.

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(31) ‹anchor: Ostendi... admoneri› · call not visible in the foot image (lemma given)

Ostendi... admoneri. In aliquot mss. post nobis additur scimus opera librarii, qui verbum sequens ostendi ad superius protulimus referendum esse non animadvertit. In vulgatis autem mox obtinet ostenditur, pro ostendi, et subinde admonent pro admoniti. Optimae notae codex Colb. cui et Corb. aliique favent, sincerum lectionem asservavit. COUSTANT. Quem quidem virum eruditum hoc loco secutus sum. Edit. Benedictina habet ostenditur et admonemus. Edit. Oxon. ostenditur et admonent. Sed diu ante Coustantium in Manutiana edit. duo isti infinitivi exstiterant ostendi et admoneri. ROUTH.

That it was shown... that we were warned. In some manuscripts we know is added after to us, by the work of a copyist who did not notice that the following verb to be shown is to be referred to the earlier we have brought forward. In the printed editions, moreover, is shown prevails just after, for to be shown, and then they warn for warned. The Colbertine codex, of the best quality, supported by the Corbie and others, has kept the genuine reading. COUSTANT. That learned man I have followed in this place. The Benedictine edition has is shown and we warn; the Oxford edition, is shown and they warn. But long before Coustant those two infinitives, to be shown and to be warned, had stood in the Manutian edition. ROUTH.

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