Concilium Carthaginense sub Cypriano quartum, de Basilide et Martiali, Hispaniae episcopis libellaticis (Epistola synodica S. Cypriani ad clerum et plebem Hispaniarum)

Variae lectiones.

Variant readings.

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(13) ‹anchor: not visible on the page foot› · call in col 1055 or 1056

Accipiendum Oxon.

"To be received": Oxford.

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(14) ‹anchor: not visible on the page foot› · call in col 1055 or 1056

Recenter natos Bod. 2. Lam.

"Newly born": Bod. 2, Lam.

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(15) ‹anchor: not visible on the page foot› · call in col 1055 or 1056

Ortu flentes Lam. Bod. 2. Lin. NC. 1, 2.

"Weeping at their birth": Lam., Bod. 2, Lin., NC. 1, 2.

Variorum notae.

Notes of various editors.

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(30) ‹anchor: nativitatis suae ortu plorantes› · call in col 1055

Nativitatis suae ortu plorantes. Scriptores Ethnici infantium modo natorum fletum, miseriarum sequentis vitae omen putabant: Cyprianus pietati ascribit, et ceu precum inarticulatam formulam commendat. Fell. — Quidam ex patribus Antenicaenis, cujus tamen nomen mea excidit memoria, recens natorum vagitus ad deplorationem peccati poenaeque originis suae detorquet. Routh.

"Weeping at the rise of their birth." Heathen writers held the weeping of newborn infants to be an omen of the miseries of the life to follow; Cyprian ascribes it to piety and commends it as a kind of inarticulate form of prayer. Fell. — One of the ante-Nicene Fathers, whose name has nevertheless slipped my memory, turns the wailing of the newborn into a lament for the sin and punishment of their origin. Routh.

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(31) ‹anchor: De Basilide et Martiale› · call in col 1055

De Basilide et Martiale. Haec epistola tot et tantas tamque inter se dissimiles habet variantes lectiones in antiquis exemplaribus et editionibus, ut mihi in illis colligendis et disponendis recte magnus labor insumendus fuerit, multum taedii, devoratum. Annotandas enim arbitratus sum ut etiam multa et magna exempla darem audaciae librariorum veterum, qui omnia licita et illicita ausi sunt in describendis sancti martyris operibus. Atque ut inde initium sumam ubi sunt scripta nomina episcoporum, sunt aliqui codices antiqui, sunt etiam aliquot editiones, in quibus ea desunt. In tribus antiquis codicibus, in quibus illa praetermissa sunt legitur: Cyprianus et caeteri episcopi presbyteris et diaconibus et plebibus in Hispania consistentibus In uno regio haec tantum: Cyprianus Caecilio et aliis fratribus salutem. Vetustiores editiones habent nomina episcoporum. Pamelio et Rigaltio placuit ea omittere, quia existimabant haud dubie illa esse superfla. Reinhartus et Angli reposuerunt. Certum est hanc epistolam esse responsionem ad epistolam quam episcopi Hispani scripserant ad Afros in causa Basilidis et Martialis. Nulla illic mentio epistolae ab illis scriptae ad Romanos. Et tamen Baronius, verisimili et vehementi se duci conjectura ait ut existimet Felicem et Sabinum episcopos Hispanos, qui missi fuerant in Africam, ut sic Cypriani quoque suffragio sua ipsorum electione probata, inde tum ipsius, tum aliorum ipsius collegarum litteris pariter communiti Romam ad refellenda Basilidis mendacia adnavigarent, Sedisque apostolicae auctoritate compescerent contumaces qui Hispaniae episcopos contempsissent. At quia levis conjectura, ut Cicero ait, non penditur, ista inter leves numerabitur. Baluz.

"Of Basilides and Martial." This letter has so many and such great variant readings in the old copies and editions, and so unlike one another, that in collecting and arranging them I have had to spend great labour, I may rightly say, and swallow much tedium. For I judged they should be noted so that I might also give many great examples of the audacity of the old copyists, who dared everything, lawful and unlawful, in transcribing the works of the holy martyr. And to begin where the bishops' names are written: there are some old manuscripts, and some editions too, in which they are missing. In three old manuscripts in which they are omitted we read: "Cyprian and the other bishops to the presbyters and deacons and peoples dwelling in Spain." In one royal manuscript only this: "Cyprian to Caecilius and the other brethren, greeting." The older editions have the bishops' names. Pamelius and Rigault chose to omit them, because they thought them without doubt superfluous. Reinhart and the English editors restored them.

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Variae lectiones. 16 ‹fratres dilectissimi› · call in col 1057 Carissimi. Ver.

Dearest. Ver.

17 ‹Quae cum praedicta et manifesta› · call in col 1058 Praedicta et mandata Ver, Vel mandata Foss.

"Foretold and commanded" Ver; "or commanded" Foss.

Variorum notae. (printed under page 580)

(32) ‹Polycarpus, Nicomedes› · call in col 1057

Nicomedes, etc. In nonnullis libris scriptis et in editt. Pamelii et Rigaltii omissa sunt nomina episcoporum, quae post Polycarpum hic sequuntur. Aliis autem mss. nullum praeter Cypriani nomen adest, in plerisque tamen codicibus, cum scriptis, tum antiquius impressis, omnia haec nomina signantur. ROUTH.

Nicomedes, etc. In some manuscript books and in the editions of Pamelius and Rigault the names of the bishops that follow Polycarp here are omitted. Other manuscripts have no name but Cyprian's; yet in most codices, both manuscript and earlier printed, all these names are set down. ROUTH.

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(33) ‹Lucilianus› · call in col 1057

Lucilianus. Ita undecim libri nostri veteres et tres a Pamelio laudati. Alibi scriptum et editum est Lucius vel Lucianus. BALUZ.

Lucilianus. So eleven of our old books and three cited by Pamelius. Elsewhere it is written and printed Lucius or Lucianus. BALUZE.

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(34) ‹consistentibus ad Legionem› · call in col 1057

(34 Legionem. Urbs est Hispaniae Tarraconensis in finibus Asturum a Nerva imperatore condita, qui et Asturicam instauravit; unde ex vicinia non minus quam querela recte hic conjunguntur civitates istae ut et Emerita, urbs adjacens ab Augusto condita. Quibus additur Caesar-Augusta (vid. pag. 81), iisdem auspiciis structa, quibus pessimi exempli attentatu Martialis et Basilidis grave periculum induxerat. FELL. — Quae urbes hodie Leon, Astorga, Merida, Zaragosa, appellantu. ROUTH.

Legio. A city of Hispania Tarraconensis on the borders of the Astures, founded by the emperor Nerva, who also restored Asturica; hence, from their nearness no less than from the complaint, these cities are rightly joined here, as is Emerita, a neighbouring city founded by Augustus. To these is added Caesaraugusta (see p. 81), built under the same auspices, on which Martialis and Basilides, by an attempt of the worst example, had brought grave danger. FELL. — These cities are called today León, Astorga, Mérida, Zaragoza. ROUTH.

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(35) ‹Sabinum coepiscopos› · call in col 1057

Coepiscopos. Ita libri veteres et editiones. In Rigaltiana tamen et in ea quam Reinhartus procuravit scriptum est episcopos. Angli emendaverunt. Sic etiam apud Victorem Vitensem lib. I, cap. 13, scribendum est coepiscopis pro eo quod ibi scriptum est universis episcopis tuis. Nam et in capite sequenti et alibi scriptum est coepiscopis. BALUZ.

Fellow bishops. So the old books and the editions. In Rigault's, however, and in the one Reinhart saw through the press, bishops is written. The English editors corrected it. So too in Victor of Vita, book I, ch. 13, fellow bishops should be written in place of what stands there, all your bishops; for in the following chapter and elsewhere fellow bishops is written. BALUZE.

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(36) ‹libellis idololatriae commaculatos› · call in col 1057

Libellis idololatriae commaculatos. De libellaticis, sive illis qui libellum seu judicis testimonium sibi comparabant, in quo scriptum erat, ipsos legibus satisfecisse, id est, Diis sacrificasse, tametsi nihil ejusmodi fecissent, vide cl. Moshemium more suo, hoc est et docte et fuse, in Opere De Rebus Christianorum ante Constant. M. disputantem. Saec. III, § 9, pag. 482—489. ROUTH.

Defiled by certificates of idolatry. On the libellatici, that is, those who procured a certificate or a magistrate's attestation stating that they had satisfied the laws, that is, had sacrificed to the gods, although they had done nothing of the kind, see the celebrated Mosheim, discussing it in his usual manner, learnedly and at length, in his work De Rebus Christianorum ante Constantinum Magnum, third century, § 9, pp. 482–489. ROUTH.

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(37) ‹nefandorum facinorum› · call in col 1057

Nefandorum facinorum. Codex Eligianus, ob nefandorum facinorum conscientiam vinctos. BALUZ.

Of unspeakable crimes. The Codex Eligianus: bound because of the consciousness of unspeakable crimes. BALUZE.

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(38) ‹praedicta et manifesta› · call in col 1058

Praedicta et manifestata. Ita duodecim libri nostri veteres et quinque laudati a Pamelio. Alii duo nostri habent cum praedicta et mandata. Quatuor alii et veteres editiones, praedicta vel mandata et manifesta, nisi quod et manifesta deest in uno eorum. Addit Pamelius superflue additum fuisse in excusis vel mandata, cum non extent in libris manuscriptis. Ego cum Pamelio sentio istud superflue additum fuisse. Est enim unum ex synonymis quibus abundant vetera exemplaria operum sancti martyris. BALUZ. — Praedicta et manifesta edd. Pamelii Rigal. Fellique. Illud vel mandata edd. ante Pamelium. ROUTH.

Foretold and made manifest. So twelve of our old books and five cited by Pamelius. Two others of ours have since … foretold and commanded. Four others and the old editions have foretold or commanded and manifest, except that and manifest is lacking in one of them. Pamelius adds that or commanded was superfluously added in the printed copies, since it is not found in the manuscripts. I agree with Pamelius that it was superfluously added; for it is one of the synonyms with which the old copies of the holy martyr's works abound. BALUZE. — Foretold and manifest in the editions of Pamelius, Rigault and Fell; the or commanded in the editions before Pamelius. ROUTH.

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Variae lectiones. 18 ‹honorificat› · call in col 1059 Sanctificant Ver.

They sanctify. Ver.

19 ‹a me› · call in col 1059 Longe est a me Lam. Ebor. Bod. 2. NC. 1.

Is far from me. Lam. Ebor. Bod. 2. NC. 1.

20 ‹peccatorem› · call in col 1060 Peccatores Lam. Ebor. NC. 1.

Sinners. Lam. Ebor. NC. 1.

21 ‹exploratione› · call in col 1060 Plena diligentia Dei, et exploratione Bod. 1, 2. Lin. Lam. Ebor. NC. 1.

With full diligence of God, and examination. Bod. 1, 2. Lin. Lam. Ebor. NC. 1.

22 ‹contagio› · call in col 1060 Contagione Lam. Lin.

By contagion. Lam. Lin.

23 ‹omnes … qui fuerint› · call in col 1060 Quique fuerint Lam. Ebor. Lin. NC. 1, 2.

And whoever have been. Lam. Ebor. Lin. NC. 1, 2.

Variorum notae. (printed under page 581)

(39) ‹Sine causa› · call in col 1059

Sine causa. Sic reddidit Cyprianus quae Septaginta dixere, μάτην σέβονταί με. Sine causa, vane, perperam. RIGALT.

Without cause. So Cyprian rendered what the Seventy said, μάτην σέβονταί με ("in vain they worship me"). Without cause: vainly, wrongly. RIGAULT.

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(40) ‹sancte et digne› · call in col 1059

Sancte et digne. Multum variant in hoc loco libri veteres et editiones. Quidam enim habent sancte et digne, alii digne et sancte. Duo veteres, sancta et digna sacrificia. BALUZ.

Holily and worthily. The old books and editions vary greatly at this place. Some have holily and worthily, others worthily and holily. Two old ones, holy and worthy sacrifices. BALUZE.

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(41) ‹audiri in precibus› · call in col 1059

Audiri in precibus. Annotat Erasmus videri Cyprianum sensisse sacrificio sacerdotis impii nihil effici, immo magis inquinari populum. Joannes Gerson in sermone de Coena Domini: Dic consequenter cur Cyprianus et alii doctores plurimi, quorum dicta recitantur in decretis, posuerunt nihil fieri in sacramentis nihilque conferri a schismaticis. Vide 1, q. 1, in decreto Gratiani. Apud Etherium et Beatum in libro primo adversus Elipandum Toletanum scriptum est sacrificium altaris offerri non posse per quemlibet sacerdotem, sed per sacerdotem sanctum et justum. Albertus Stadensis describens historiam quorumdam haereticorum qui anno 1248 coeperunt pullulare in Ecclesia Dei, ait illos dixisse sacerdotes in peccatis mortalibus constitutos non posse conficere eucharistiam. In articulis Wicleffi damnatis in consilio Constantiensi legitur; Si episcopus vel sacerdos est in peccato mortali, non ordinat, non conficit, non consecrat, non baptizat. Joanni de Varennis pastori sancti Laeti in dioecesi Remensi objectum est eadem tempestate quod publice praedicavit quod presbyteri concubinarii non conficiebant corpus Christi, ut videre est in tomo primo Operum Gersonii, p. 915 postremae editionis. Apud Odoricum Raynaldum, anno 1420, § 17, exstat bulla Martini Papae V, adversus Nicolaum Serurarium paedicantem quod orationes et preces missales presbyterorum publice concubinariorum erant nullius valoris et presbyteros publice concubinarios esse pejores Juda. Vide Gregorium VII, lib. IV, Epit. 10, 11, 20, et notas nostras ad Agobardum, pag. 66. Contra apud Gratianum 1. q. 1, cap. Intra Catholicam retertur locus ex Augustino, in quo scriptum est intra catholicam Ecclesiam in mysterio corporis et sanguinis Domini nihil a bono magis, nihil a malo minus perfici sacerdote. Vide Hugonem archiepiscopum Rothomagensem, lib. V Dialogorum, cap II. et Epistolam ejus Apologeticam ad Matthaeum Albanensem. Vide etiam M. Antonium Marsilium in tractatu de Aqua benedicta p. 206, BALUZ. — De solis sacerdotibus Cyprianus atque collegae loqui videntur, qui peccatis illis contaminantur, propter quae ex lege Ecclesiae sacerdotii fungi officiis desinerent. Adde quod jam depositus de munere jure fuerat Basilides. ROUTH.

To be heard in prayers. Erasmus remarks that Cyprian seems to have held that the sacrifice of an impious priest effects nothing, indeed rather defiles the people. Jean Gerson, in his sermon on the Lord's Supper: Say next why Cyprian and very many other doctors, whose sayings are recited in the decrees, laid down that nothing is effected in the sacraments and nothing conferred by schismatics. See [causa] 1, q. 1, in Gratian's Decree. In Etherius and Beatus, in the first book against Elipandus of Toledo, it is written that the sacrifice of the altar cannot be offered by just any priest, but by a holy and righteous priest. Albert of Stade, describing the history of certain heretics who began to spring up in the Church of God in the year 1248, says they held that priests in mortal sin cannot confect the Eucharist. Among Wyclif's articles condemned at the Council of Constance one reads: If a bishop or priest is in mortal sin, he does not ordain, does not confect, does not consecrate, does not baptize. At the same period it was charged against Jean de Varennes, pastor of Saint-Lié in the diocese of Reims, that he publicly preached that concubinary priests did not confect the body of Christ, as may be seen in the first volume of Gerson's Works, p. 915 of the latest edition. In Odorico Rinaldi, year 1420, § 17, there is a bull of Pope Martin V against Nicolaus Serurarius, who preached that the prayers and Mass orations of publicly concubinary priests were of no value and that publicly concubinary priests were worse than Judas. See Gregory VII, book IV, letters 10, 11, 20, and our notes on Agobard, p. 66. On the other side, in Gratian 1, q. 1, chapter Intra Catholicam, a passage from Augustine is cited in which it is written that within the Catholic Church, in the mystery of the Lord's body and blood, nothing more is accomplished by a good priest and nothing less by a bad one. See Hugh, archbishop of Rouen, book V of the Dialogues, ch. II, and his Apologetic Letter to Matthew of Albano. See also M. Antonius Marsilius in his treatise on holy water, p. 206. BALUZE. — Cyprian and his colleagues seem to be speaking only of priests who are defiled by those sins on account of which, by the Church's law, they were to cease performing the functions of the priesthood. Add that Basilides had already been lawfully deposed from his office. ROUTH.

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(42) ‹peccatorem› · call in col 1060

Peccatorem. Codices aliquot recensuit Fellus, in quibus scriptum est peccatores, quemadmodum legitur in Evangelio, sed et istic ἁμαρτωλὸν codices nonnulli. ROUTH.

A sinner. Fell collated some codices in which sinners is written, as one reads in the Gospel; but there too some codices have ἁμαρτωλόν ("a sinner"). ROUTH.

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(43) ‹exploratione› · call in col 1060

Diligentia et exploratione. Ita reponendum esse arbitratus sum quamvis conjunctio desit in octo libris veteribus ei in editione Manutii. Lectionem enim illam praeferunt veteres editiones et duodecim libri veteres. In Sorbonico legitur: Propter quod et plena indulgentia, exploratione sincera. Ubi nemo non videt transpositam esse conjunctionem et legendum esse plena iudulgentia et exploratione, eo modo quo posita est conjunctio in libris qui illam habent. Codex Fuxensis: Propter quod plena indulgentia et exemplo et ratione. Hinc formata est vox exploratione, ut in simili loco notavimus supra ad Epistolam LII, pag. 442. BALUZ.

With diligence and examination. I judged that this should be restored, although the conjunction is lacking in eight old books and in Manutius's edition; for the old editions and twelve old books display that reading. The Sorbonne manuscript reads: Wherefore also with full indulgence, with sincere examination, where anyone can see that the conjunction has been transposed and that one should read with full indulgence and examination, in the way the conjunction is placed in the books that have it. The Foix codex: Wherefore with full indulgence and by example and by reason. From this the word examination was formed, as we noted at a similar place above, on Letter LII, p. 442. BALUZE.

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(44) ‹blandiatur› · call in col 1060

Nec sibi plebs blandiatur. Hunc locum alicubi mutatum et interpolatum retulit Algerus scholasticus Leodiensis in libro de Misericordia et Justitia, cap. 81, et post sacrificio contaminati nonnulla addidit quae neque in vulgatis editionibus exstant neque in codicibus manuscriptis, Ea sic habent: Nonne enim quia Jonas cum inobedientia esset in navi, navis periclitabatur conteri, quia Achaz cum anathemate laminae aureae erat in Israel, exercitus percussus et fugatus est ab urbe Hai. Si ergo ita punitum ett in culpae ignaros, quid fiet in conscios et consentientes? BALUZ.

Nor let the people flatter themselves. Alger, schoolmaster of Liège, in his book On Mercy and Justice, ch. 81, cited this passage altered and interpolated in places, and after defiled by the sacrifice added some words that exist neither in the common editions nor in the manuscript codices. They run thus: For was it not because Jonah was in the ship in his disobedience that the ship was in danger of being broken up; because Achaz [i.e. Achan], with the accursed thing, the golden plate, was in Israel, that the army was struck and put to flight from the city of Ai? If, then, punishment fell thus on those unaware of the fault, what will become of those who know and consent? BALUZE.

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(45) ‹contagio› · call in col 1060

Contagio. Haec lectio bona est. Admonendus est tamen lector aliam, quae habet contagione, esse etiam optimam, ut agnovit etiam Pamelius. Itaque cum alterutra earum lectionum retinenda esset, alia rejicienda, eam retinuimus quae recepta est. BALUZ.

Contagion. This reading is good. The reader should be told, however, that the other, which has by contagion, is also excellent, as Pamelius too acknowledged. So, since one of the two readings had to be kept and the other rejected, we kept the one that is received. BALUZE.

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Variae lectiones. 24 ‹call not visible› · call in col 1061 Quae sunt eis Lam. Ebor. Bod. 1, 2. Lin. NC. 2. Thu. Foss. Corb. Mch. Vict.

Which are theirs. Lam. Ebor. Bod. 1, 2. Lin. NC. 2. Thu. Foss. Corb. Mch. Vict.

25 ‹call not visible› · call in col 1062 Episcopus plebe praesente Benev.

The bishop, the people being present. Benev.

Variorum notae. (printed under page 582)

(46) ‹call not visible› · call in col 1061

Licentiam. Id est jus, auctoritatem, potestatem. Unde in uno codice regio scriptum est: sacrificandi sibi jus illicite vindicaverunt. Istic itaque licentia usurpatur optime pro audacia, ut apud Ciceronem in Oratione pro Q. Ligario: Vide quid licentiae Caesar nobis det, vel potius quid audaciae. Nazarius in panegyrico quem dixit Constantino Augusto: quod qui tueri nequeunt, faciunt licentiam de potestate. BALUZ.

Licence. That is, right, authority, power. Hence in one royal codex it is written: they unlawfully claimed for themselves the right of sacrificing. Here, then, licence is used excellently for boldness, as in Cicero's speech for Q. Ligarius: See what licence Caesar grants us, or rather what boldness. Nazarius, in the panegyric he delivered to Constantine Augustus: because those who cannot defend it make licence out of power. BALUZE.

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(47) ‹call not visible› · call in col 1061

Vindicaverunt. In codice Fuxensi legitur usurpaverunt vel vindicaverunt. Haud dubie utraque lectio extabat in libro vetustiore ex quo descriptus est Fuxensis, una in contextu, alia supra lineam, ut olim saepe fieri solebat. BALUZ.

They claimed. In the Foix codex one reads they usurped or claimed. No doubt both readings stood in the older book from which the Foix codex was copied, one in the text and the other above the line, as was often done in former times. BALUZE.

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(48) ‹call not visible› · call in col 1061

Horum hominum durissimorum. Horum hominum injustorum durissimorum. Ita coegit me auctoritas sedecim veterum exemplarium et vetustissimarum editionum ut mutarem editionem jam inde ab Erasmo receptam. Omnia enim vetera exemplaria habent horum hominum injustorum, durissimorum. Sane in Fuxensi legitur tantum hominum durissimorum, per incuriam videlicet librarii, qui aliquid omisit. In capite XVI Numerorum, ex quo locus iste descriptus est, legitur: Recedite a tabernaculis hominum impiorum. In Epistola tamen 76 (al. 77) pag. 155, ubi idem locus refertur, legitur hominum istorum durissimorum. BALUSIUS. — Exhibent in hoc quoque loco de quo agimus, eamdem prorsus lectionem, hominum istorum durissimorum editiones penes me Manutiana et Pamelii, et Regaltii, Fellinaque; ed. vero Romana anni 1471 voculam istorum haud agnoscit. Sed et Hieronymus adv. Luciferianos, pag. 128 ed. Froben. affert ex S. Scriptura, istorum hominum durissimorum. Itaque lectionem consimilem, horum hominum durissimorum, quam Harduiuns in Conciliorum editione aliique praestant, reposui; nam vocem injustorum eo negligendam putavi, quod lectio duplex tantum sit, cum σκληρῶν vocabulum τῶν Ο', alii alio modo vertunt. Multae porro apud Cyprianum hujusmodi sunt lectiones. Quod autem censent cum in notis suis Rigaltius tum Anglicus interpres, per vocem durissimorum significari a Cypriano Novatianos, qui lapsis poenitentiam negabant, id mihi minus certum atque evidens videtur. ROUTH.

Of these most hardened men. Of these unjust, most hardened men. The authority of sixteen old copies and of the oldest editions compelled me to change the text received ever since Erasmus; for all the old copies have of these unjust, most hardened men. The Foix codex, indeed, reads only of most hardened men, through the carelessness, evidently, of the copyist, who left something out. In chapter XVI of Numbers, from which this passage is taken, one reads: Depart from the tents of the wicked men. In Letter 76 (otherwise 77), however, p. 155, where the same passage is cited, one reads of those most hardened men. BALUZE. — At this place too, the one under discussion, the editions in my possession, Manutius's and Pamelius's and Rigault's and Fell's, give exactly the same reading, of those most hardened men; but the Roman edition of 1471 does not have the little word those. And Jerome too, Against the Luciferians, p. 128 of Froben's edition, quotes from Holy Scripture of those most hardened men. I have therefore restored the very similar reading of these most hardened men, which Hardouin in his edition of the Councils and others give; for I thought the word unjust should be disregarded, because it is only a double reading, since the word σκληρῶν ("hard") of the Seventy is rendered differently by different translators. There are, moreover, many readings of this kind in Cyprian. As for the view held both by Rigault in his notes and by the English translator, that by the word most hardened Cyprian means the Novatianists, who denied penance to the lapsed, that seems to me less certain and evident. ROUTH.

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(49) ‹call not visible› · call in col 1061

Tangere ea quae ad eos pertinent. Veteres editiones et undecim libri veteres habent, Nolite tangere ab omnibus quae sunt eis. Quod mutatum videtur a posterioribus librariis studio revocandae lectionis quae exstat in editione vulgata sacrae Scripturae. BALUZ. — A Fello adducti fuerunt undecim illi libri veteres quos memorat Baluzius; ii vero τοὺς Ο' ad litteram exprimunt, ita enim Graeca horum se habent, Καὶ μὴ ἅπτεσθε ἀπὸ πάντων ὅσα ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς ROUTH.

To touch the things that belong to them. The old editions and eleven old books have Do not touch from all that are theirs. This seems to have been changed by later copyists out of a wish to bring back the reading found in the Vulgate edition of Holy Scripture. BALUZE. — Fell cited those eleven old books that Baluze mentions; and they render the Seventy to the letter, for the Greek of these words runs thus: Καὶ μὴ ἅπτεσθε ἀπὸ πάντων ὅσα ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς ("and touch nothing of all that is theirs"). ROUTH.

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(50) ‹call not visible› · call in col 1061

Plebs obsequens. Sermo de vexatione Donatistarum editus in appendice Optati a viro dectissimo Ludovico Ellies du Pin pag. 299, § 3: Ante plebem nimis sibi semper obsecutam. BALUZ.

An obedient people. The sermon on the persecution of the Donatists, published in the appendix to Optatus by the most learned Louis Ellies du Pin, p. 299, § 3: Before a people always too obedient to him. BALUZE.

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(51) ‹call not visible› · call in col 1061

A peccatore praeposito. Magna istic auctoritas datur plebi, ut de vita et moribus episcopi sui judicet, et si constiterit illum errare in fide, ab ejus communione abstineat. Nam cum ideo episcopus, ut ait sanctus Hieronymus in Dialogo adversus Luciferianos, in Ecclesia constituatur ut populum coerceat ab errore, quantus error erit in populo cum errat ille qui docet. Item in epistola ad Pammachium contra Joannem Hierosolymitanum. Sanctiores enim sunt aures populi quam sacerdotis animus. Vide notas nostras ad Agobardum pag. 61 et viri doctissimi nobisque amicissimi domni Bernardi de Montefaleone praefationem ad opuscula sancti Athanasii, § 6. Vide etiam itinerarium Adriani Papae VI, editum in libro tertio Miscellaneorum nostrorum, pag. 451. Exemplum plebis recedere volentis ab episcopo suo refert sanctus Augustinus in epistola ad Nancilionem, quamvis non ageretur de fide, sed de nova translatione unius vocabuli in capite quarto libri Jonae. Nos homines Romanae communionis putamus recedendum esse a Papa si sit haereticus. BALUZ. — At velim attendas nemini prorsus licere sua ipsius auctoritate privata a legitimo pastore episcopo, quanto magis summo Pontifice discedere, quamdiu nulla in eum lata sit canonica sententia. EDD.

From a sinful prelate. Great authority is given here to the people, to judge of their bishop's life and conduct and, if it is established that he errs in faith, to abstain from his communion. For since the bishop, as St Jerome says in the Dialogue against the Luciferians, is set in the Church to restrain the people from error, how great will the error be in the people when he who teaches errs. Likewise in the letter to Pammachius against John of Jerusalem: For the ears of the people are holier than the mind of the priest. See our notes on Agobard, p. 61, and the preface of the most learned Dom Bernard de Montfaucon, our very dear friend, to the shorter works of St Athanasius, § 6. See also the itinerary of Pope Adrian VI, published in the third book of our Miscellanea, p. 451. St Augustine, in his letter to Nancilio, records an instance of a people wishing to withdraw from their bishop, although the question was not one of faith but of a new translation of a single word in the fourth chapter of the book of Jonah. We men of the Roman communion hold that one must withdraw from the Pope if he is a heretic. BALUZE. — But we would have you note that no one at all may, on his own private authority, depart from a lawful pastor and bishop, much less from the supreme Pontiff, so long as no canonical sentence has been passed against him. THE EDITORS.

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(52) ‹potestatem› · call in col 1061

Ipsa maxime habeat potestatem, etc. Non proprio motu impulsa, sed admonita per justam ac necessariam sollicitudinem aliorum praepositorum, per aliarum ecclesiarum episcopos, quorum consilia divinis praeceptis respondent. RIGALT.

Itself especially has the power, etc. Not driven by its own impulse, but admonished through the just and necessary solicitude of other prelates, through the bishops of other churches, whose counsels answer to the divine precepts. RIGAULT.

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(53) ‹appositus› · call in col 1062

Et Aaron appositus. LXX προστιθεὶς ἀποθανέτω ἐκεῖ. Vulgata, Colligetur et morietur ibi, h. e. colligetur ad patres suos. Ita codex Fuxensis a Baluzio memoratus habet et Aaron appositus ad patres suos moriatur. Anglica Bibliorum versio, ad populum suum. ROUTH.

And Aaron, being gathered. The Septuagint: προστιθεὶς ἀποθανέτω ἐκεῖ ("being added, let him die there"). The Vulgate: He shall be gathered and shall die there, that is, shall be gathered to his fathers. So the Foix codex mentioned by Baluze has and let Aaron, gathered to his fathers, die. The English version of the Bible: unto his people. ROUTH.

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(54) ‹non› · call in col 1062

Ordinationes sacerdotales non nisi, etc. Hoc exemplo Christianorum Alexander Severus dispositiones suas publicabat, ubi aliquos volebat vel rectores provinciis dare, vel praepositos facere, vel procuratores, id est rationales, ordinare: nomina eorum proponebat, dicebatque grave esse cum id Christiani et Judaei facerent in ordinandis sacerdotibus, non fieri in provinciarum rectoribus, etc, quae apud Lampridium RIGALT.

Priestly ordinations only, etc. Following this example of the Christians, Alexander Severus published his appointments: when he wished to give governors to the provinces, or to make prefects, or to appoint procurators, that is, financial officers, he posted their names, and said it was a grave thing that what Christians and Jews did in ordaining priests should not be done for the governors of provinces, etc.; this is in Lampridius. RIGAULT.

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Variae lectiones. 26 ‹Judae› · call in col 1063 Sic Bod. 2. Lam. Ebor. NC. 1. Episcopi Rig.

So Bod. 2. Lam. Ebor. NC. 1. "Of the bishop" Rig.

27 ‹sed et in› · call in col 1063 Sed in Oxon.

"But in" Oxon.

28 ‹diaconorum› · call in col 1063 Etiam diaconorum Lam. Ebor. Bod. 2. NC. 1.

"Also of the deacons" Lam. Ebor. Bod. 2. NC. 1.

29 ‹call not visible› · call in col 1063 Sic Lam, Bod. 1, 2. Observandum Imp.

So Lam., Bod. 1, 2. "To be observed" Imp.

30 ‹propria confessione› · call in col 1064 Et conscientiae etiam propriae confessione nudata Bod. 1, 2. Lam. Ebor. NC. 1, 2. Lin. Corb.

"And of conscience laid bare also by his own confession" Bod. 1, 2. Lam. Ebor. NC. 1, 2. Lin. Corb.

31 ‹fuerat jure› · call in col 1064 Sic Lam. Bod. 1, 2. Ebor. Lin. NC. 1, 2. Neap. Juste Oxon.

So Lam. Bod. 1, 2. Ebor. Lin. NC. 1, 2. Neap. "Justly" Oxon.

Variorum notae. (printed under page 583)

(55) ‹apostolo› · call in col 1063

Apostolo. Antea legebatur episcopo. Veram lectionem nobis subministrarunt tria vetera exemplaria. BALUZ. — Sed prius restituta a Fello fuerat vox apostolo ex quatuor codicibus. ROUTH.

To the apostle. Formerly one read to the bishop. Three old copies supplied us with the true reading. BALUZE. — But the word apostle had been restored earlier by Fell from four codices. ROUTH.

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(56) ‹discentium› · call in col 1063

In medio discentium. Ait, Act. I, ἐν μέσῳ τῶν μαθητῶν Vulg. discipulorum. RIGALT. a Fello allatus. — Tres libri veteres, discipulorum, eodem sensu. Paulo post quoque scriptum est discipulorum. Apud Tertullianum in libro de Poenitentia, Ad unius quidem discentis gladium. Vide notas Pamelii. BALUZ.

In the midst of the learners. Acts 1 says ἐν μέσῳ τῶν μαθητῶν ("in the midst of the disciples"); Vulgate discipulorum. RIGAULT, cited by Fell. — Three old books have of the disciples, with the same sense. A little later, too, of the disciples is written. In Tertullian's book On Penance: To the sword indeed of a single learner. See Pamelius's notes. BALUZE.

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(57) ‹turba in› · call in col 1063

Fuit autem turba in uno, ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό. Ipse Cyprianus principio hujus Epist. Cum in unum convenissemus. Psal. CXXI: Ἧς ἡ μετοχὴ αὐτῆς ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό. RIGALT. a Fello allatus. — (Vulgata habet, Erat autem hominum turba simul fere centum viginti. Atque audi Baluzium, qui reposuit. Fuit autem turba hominum fere centum viginti.) Antea ibi scriptum erat turba in uno vel in unum. Nos emendavimus et supplevimus ex fide quatuor veterum exemplarium. Recte sane. Nam in Actibus apostolorum, unde acceptus est hic locus, legitur fere centum viginti. BALUZ. — Sic vir cl.; cum vero haec lectio ex Vulgata interp. Cypriano post advecta esse mihi videretur, prout ipse quoque Baluzius de alio loco Cyprianico, a librariis mutato ad pag. 79, judicaverat, veterem lectionem revocandam esse censui. Confer et notam proxime sequentem. ROUTH.

And the crowd was together, ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό ("in the same place"). Cyprian himself at the beginning of this Letter: When we had come together. Psalm 121: Ἧς ἡ μετοχὴ αὐτῆς ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό ("whose sharing is together"). RIGAULT, cited by Fell. — (The Vulgate has Now the crowd of men together was about a hundred and twenty. And hear Baluze, who restored: Now the crowd of men was about a hundred and twenty.) Formerly there was written the crowd in one or into one. We have corrected and filled it out on the authority of four old copies. Rightly indeed; for in the Acts of the Apostles, from which this passage is taken, one reads about a hundred and twenty. BALUZE. — So that distinguished man; but since this reading seemed to me to have been brought into Cyprian later from the Vulgate translation, as Baluze himself too had judged of another Cyprianic passage altered by copyists, at p. 79, I thought the old reading should be restored. Compare also the note immediately following. ROUTH.

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(58) ‹plebem› · call in col 1063

Totam plebem. Act. VI, 2, Προσκαλεσάμενοι δὲ οἱ δώδεκα τὸ πλῆθος τῶν μαθητῶν, et 6, ἐνώπιον παντὸς τοῦ πλήθους. Pacianus Epistola III, cujus partes in unum. RIGALT. a Fello allatus. — Duo libri veteres, totam multitudinem. BALUZ. — Vulgata hoc loco habet, convocantes autem duodecim multitudinem discipulorum. ROUTH.

The whole people. Acts 6:2: Προσκαλεσάμενοι δὲ οἱ δώδεκα τὸ πλῆθος τῶν μαθητῶν ("the twelve, calling together the multitude of the disciples"), and 6: ἐνώπιον παντὸς τοῦ πλήθους ("before the whole multitude"). Pacian, Letter III: whose parts into one. RIGAULT, cited by Fell. — Two old books have the whole multitude. BALUZE. — The Vulgate has at this place and the twelve, calling together the multitude of the disciples. ROUTH.

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(59) ‹et non per me› · call in col 1063

Et non per me. Καὶ οὐ δι' ἐμοῦ ἦρξαν. Os. VIII. RIGALT, a Fello allatus. — Mox in verbis, et uniuscujusque actum de ejus conversatione perspexit, praepositione de ex significatur. ROUTH.

And not through me. Καὶ οὐ δι' ἐμοῦ ἦρξαν ("and they ruled not through me"). Hosea 8. RIGAULT, cited by Fell. — Shortly after, in the words and examined each one's conduct from his manner of life, the preposition de means ex ("from"). ROUTH.

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Variae lectiones. (printed under page 583) 29 ‹servandum› · call in col 1064 Sic Lam, Bod. 1, 2. Observandum Imp.

So Lam., Bod. 1, 2. "To be observed": Imp.

30 ‹propria confessione› · call in col 1064 Et conscientiae etiam propriae confessione nudata Bod. 1, 2. Lam. Ebor. NC. 1, 2. Lin. Corb.

"And laid bare by the confession of his own conscience also": Bod. 1, 2. Lam. Ebor. NC. 1, 2. Lin. Corb.

31 ‹jure› · call in col 1064 Sic Lam. Bod. 1, 2. Ebor. Lin. NC. 1, 2. Neap. Juste Oxon.

So Lam. Bod. 1, 2. Ebor. Lin. NC. 1, 2. Neap. "Justly": Oxon.

Variorum notae.

(60) ‹Romam pergens› · call in col 1064

Nec rescindere….., quod Basilides Romam pergens. Etiam hic locus pro Romani Pontificis auctoritate facit; utpote quo constet episcopos sede ejectos in Hispaniis, solere ad illum excurrere: quanquam hoc factum Basilidis ideo non probet, quod Stephanum papam fefellerit, et illi fraudulenter obrepserit. Idipsum fecere in Oriente D. Athanasius Alexandrinus, Paulus Constantinopolitanus, Marcellus Ancyrae et Asclepas Gazae Episcopi, ab Afriani expulsi, teste Sozomeno, apud Julium Pontificem, ab eodem sedibus suis restituti. Hoc ipsum Stephanus, Carthaginensis antistes, cum concilio Mauritaniae egit apud Damascum, dum conqueritur de sede ejectis episcopis; et antiquis regulis sancitum esse dicit, tale quid tum prius tractandum esse, priusquam ad notitiam Almae Sedis ductum esset, etc. Apud Innoc. primum D. Chrysot. Constan., apud Leonem Theodoretus Cyri. et Flavianus Constant. Ignatius denique Constantinop. Episcopus, apud Nicolaum primum. Eodem pertinet tragoedia Anthemii etiam Constantinop. Episcopi qui ab Agapito sede dejectus est, et in locum ejus substitutus Menas; ac preces et minae Theodorae Augustae apud Silverium et Virgilium Pontifices pro restitutione Anthemii. Postremo Canon ille Nicaeni concilii, de quo tanta inter Africanos et Romanos Episcopos fuit controversia; quem tamen genuinum esse constat ex epistolis Felicis, Julii et Zozimi Romanorum Pontificum; et quae pene ad unum omnes primi illi Romani Pontifices martyres habent, de appellatione episcoporum ad Sedem Romanam. BALUZ.

Nor can it rescind….., that Basilides, going to Rome. This passage too tells in favour of the Roman Pontiff's authority, since it establishes that bishops ejected from their sees in Spain were accustomed to have recourse to him; although it does not approve this act of Basilides, because he deceived Pope Stephen and crept in on him by fraud. In the East the same was done by St Athanasius of Alexandria, Paul of Constantinople, and Marcellus of Ancyra and Asclepas of Gaza, bishops expelled by the Arians, who, as Sozomen witnesses, went to Pope Julius and were restored to their sees by him. Stephen, bishop of Carthage, did this very thing with the council of Mauretania before Damasus, when he complained of bishops ejected from their sees; and he says it was laid down by the ancient rules that any such matter should first be dealt with only after it had been brought to the notice of the Holy See, etc. Before Innocent I, St Chrysostom of Constantinople; before Leo, Theodoret of Cyrrhus and Flavian of Constantinople; finally Ignatius, bishop of Constantinople, before Nicholas I. To the same purpose belongs the tragedy of Anthimus, also bishop of Constantinople, who was deposed by Agapetus with Menas put in his place; and the prayers and threats of the Empress Theodora to Popes Silverius and Vigilius for the restoration of Anthimus. Lastly, that canon of the Council of Nicaea over which there was such controversy between the African and Roman bishops, which is nevertheless established as genuine by the letters of Felix, Julius and Zosimus, Roman Pontiffs; and what almost every one of those early Roman Pontiffs and martyrs holds on the appeal of bishops to the Roman See. BALUZE.

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(61) ‹in episcopatum› · call in col 1064

Reponi in episcopatum. Recte ex hoc loco collegit Baronius, antiquissimum in Ecclesia usum esse, ut ex remotissimis orbis partibus episcopi, qui se injusta perpessos esse a collegis suis crederent, provocarent ad Romanum tanquam primarium Ecclesiae universalis antistitem. Vide Marcam lib. I de Concordia, cap. 10, et Pamelium in annotationibus ad hanc Cypriani Epistolam. Futilia sunt quae hic adversus Pamelium scripsit Goulartius. BALUZ.

To be restored to the episcopate. Baronius rightly gathered from this passage that it was a very ancient usage in the Church for bishops from the remotest parts of the world, who believed they had suffered injustice from their colleagues, to appeal to the Roman bishop as the chief prelate of the universal Church. See de Marca, book I De Concordia, ch. 10, and Pamelius in his annotations on this Letter of Cyprian. What Goulart wrote here against Pamelius is trifling. BALUZE.

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(62) ‹jure depositus› · call in col 1064

Jure depositus. Antea legebatur juste. Quae (continues)

Lawfully deposed. Formerly one read justly. Which (continues)

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Variae lectiones. 32 ‹call not visible› · call in col 1066 Caesarea Augusta Lam. Lin.

Caesarea Augusta. Lam. Lin.

33 ‹call not visible› · call in col 1066 Significant Bod. 2. Significavit Lam. Ebor. Bod. 1. NC. 1.

"They signify" Bod. 2. "He signified" Lam. Ebor. Bod. 1. NC. 1.

34 ‹call not visible› · call in col 1066 Temulenta convivia Lam. Ben. Ebor. Bod. 2. Lin. NC. 1.

"Drunken banquets" Lam. Ben. Ebor. Bod. 2. Lin. NC. 1.

Variorum notae. (printed under page 584)

(62) ‹continued from n1064› · call in col 1064

sane lectio optima est. Verum cum jure scriptum sit in codice Veronensi, in quiudecim vetustis exemplaribus nostris, et in septem Anglicanis, et Morellius ita quoque posuerit, non credidi rejicere me debere lectionem quae tot auctoritatibus nititur. Videtur autem differentia inter haec duo vocabula posuisse auctor panegyrici Flaviensium Constantino dicti. Ait enim: Fecisti ut quod poteramus jure petere juste obtinuisse videamur. BALUZ.

is indeed the best reading. But since jure is written in the Verona codex, in fifteen of our old copies and in seven English ones, and Morel also set it so, I did not think I ought to reject a reading supported by so many authorities. The author of the panegyric addressed to Constantine on behalf of the Flavians seems to have set down the difference between these two words. For he says: You have brought it about that what we could ask by right we seem to have obtained justly. BALUZE.

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(63) ‹gravibus involutus› · call in col 1065

Delictis gravibus involutus. Principio Epistolae dixit: Nefandorum facinorum conscientia vinctos. Mox dicet, Gravibus delictis implicatos. Et alibi, Conscientiam multis delictorum laqueis vinctam. RIGALT. a Fello allatus. — Ita quatuordecim libri veteres et editiones Erasmi et Morelli. At antiquiores editiones et sex libri veteres habent gravique involutus crimine. BALUZ.

Wrapped in grave offences. At the beginning of the Letter he said: Bound by the consciousness of unspeakable crimes. Presently he will say, Entangled in grave offences. And elsewhere, A conscience bound by many snares of offences. RIGAULT, cited by Fell. — So fourteen old books and the editions of Erasmus and Morel. But the older editions and six old books have and wrapped in grave crime. BALUZE.

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(64) ‹et ut Felix› · call in col 1065

Et ut Felix. Non sane improbanda est interpretis Anglici conjectura; existimat enim ille in locum Martialis successorem fuisse hunc Felicem qui missus cum Sabino Basilidis successore episcopus hic dicitur. ROUTH.

And as Felix. The English translator's conjecture is certainly not to be rejected; for he thinks that this Felix, who is here called a bishop, sent with Sabinus the successor of Basilides, was the successor in Martialis's place. ROUTH.

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(65) ‹call not visible› · call in col 1066

Felix de Caesaraugusta. Hinc Baronius collegit illum fuisse episcopum Caesaraugustanum, ejusque sententiam amplexi sunt scriptores rerum Arragonensium. Sed illam graviter exagitat Franciscus Bivarius in commentariis suis ad Chronicon Dextri, et contendit hunc Felicem non fuisse episcopum, sed presbyterum Vallatae Urbicuae in Vaccaeis, argumento sumpto ex eo Chronico. Sane certum est Felicem non vocari episcopum a Cypriano. Sed ex modo scribendi Cyprianico facile et proclive est existimare illum ea dignitate decoratum fuisse. Nam episcoporum qui concilium cum Cypriano celebrarunt apud Carthaginem dignitates non recenset notarius qui acta conscripsit, sed tantum nomina eorum et urbium quibus illi praesidebant, hoc modo (pag. 92): Caecilius a Bilta, Primus a Misgirpa, Polycarpus ad Adrumeto, et sic de caeteris. Itaque licet Cyprianus scripserit tantum Felix de Caesaraugusta, silentium ejus non probat Felicem non fuisse episcopum. Una res difficultatem mihi videtur habere, quomodo episcopus Caesaraugustanus potuerit scribere ad Cyprianum de causa Basilidis et Martialis, cum vicinus eorum non esset, quippe longo intervallo ab eis sejunctus, neque probabile sit Sabinum et Felicem, qui brevi compendio poterant trajicere in Africam, profectos esse ad ultimos Hispaniarum fines, ut per montes Pyrenaeos irent ad Cyprianum. Si verum esset quod in sermone de sancto Laurentio dixit sanctus Vincentius Ferrarii sanctum Xystum Papam vadentem ad celebrandum concilium Toletanum, transisse per Caesaraugustam, istud confirmare fortassis posset iter Sabini et Felicis per Caesaraugustam. Sed istud non aliunde constat quam ex sermone sancti Vincentii. Jam quod de Vallata Urbicua istic ex Dextro refert Bivarius, id vero vanum est, uti et illud quod ait apud Cyprianum pro Caesaraugusta legi debere Vallata Urbicua, quam locat non longe ab Asturica. Nimia miseria est audacem esse hominem nimis. BALUZ.

Felix of Caesaraugusta. From this Baronius concluded that he was bishop of Caesaraugusta, and the writers on Aragonese history embraced his view. But Francisco Bivar attacks it sharply in his commentary on the Chronicle of Dexter, and contends, arguing from that Chronicle, that this Felix was not a bishop but a presbyter of Vallata Urbicua among the Vaccaei. It is certainly true that Felix is not called a bishop by Cyprian. But from Cyprian's manner of writing it is easy and natural to suppose that he was graced with that dignity. For the notary who wrote up the acts of the bishops who held a council with Cyprian at Carthage does not list their dignities, but only their names and the cities over which they presided, in this way (p. 92): Caecilius of Bilta, Primus of Misgirpa, Polycarp of Hadrumetum, and so for the rest. So although Cyprian wrote only Felix of Caesaraugusta, his silence does not prove that Felix was not a bishop. One thing seems to me to carry a difficulty: how a bishop of Caesaraugusta could write to Cyprian about the case of Basilides and Martialis, since he was not their neighbour, being separated from them by a long distance; nor is it probable that Sabinus and Felix, who could cross to Africa by a short route, went off to the farthest borders of Spain in order to travel to Cyprian over the Pyrenees. If what St Vincent Ferrer said in his sermon on St Lawrence were true, that Pope St Sixtus, on his way to hold the Council of Toledo, passed through Caesaraugusta, that might perhaps confirm the journey of Sabinus and Felix through Caesaraugusta. But this is known from nowhere but St Vincent's sermon. As for what Bivar reports here from Dexter about Vallata Urbicua, that is quite empty, as is his claim that in Cyprian one should read Vallata Urbicua, which he places not far from Asturica, in place of Caesaraugusta. It is too wretched a thing for a man to be too bold. BALUZE.

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(66) ‹lutulenta convivia› · call in col 1066

Lutulenta convivia. Ubi de Idolothytis vesci oportebat, nec sine libatione ad profana numina bibere licuit. FELL. — Ex canone Ancyrani concilii septimo puniebantur etiam Christiani illi, qui ejusmodi convivia publica obierint, quamvis cibos suos, quibus ipsi vescerentur domi, attulissent. ROUTH.

Filthy banquets. Where one had to eat things offered to idols, and one might not drink without a libation to the profane deities. FELL. — Under the seventh canon of the Council of Ancyra even those Christians were punished who attended public banquets of this kind, although they had brought from home their own food to eat. ROUTH.

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(67) ‹in collegio› · call in col 1066

In collegio. Ita omnes libri veteres et editiones omnes Pameliana antiquiores. Pamelius ergo mutavit ex unico codice Anglicano et posuit et collegia. Quod miror retentum fuisse in posterioribus editionibus. BALUZ. — Praeter pontificum, Fratrum arvalium, Pontitiorum, Augurum collegia, et alia id genus, quae Ethnicam idololatriam proxime spectabant, plurima fuerunt quae ad reipub. administrationem, ad negotiationes et artificia pertinuere, quae quidem omnia sub tutela alicujus profani numinis collocabantur; et proinde, fieri non potuit, ut quis illis interesset quin cultus istius fieret particeps. FELL.

In a guild. So all the old books and all the editions older than Pamelius's. Pamelius, then, changed it on the strength of a single English codex and set and guilds, which I am surprised has been kept in later editions. BALUZE. — Besides the colleges of the pontiffs, the Arval Brethren, the Potitii, the augurs and others of that kind, which bore directly on heathen idolatry, there were very many that concerned the administration of the state, trade and the crafts, all of which were placed under the protection of some profane deity; and so it was impossible for anyone to take part in them without becoming a sharer in that worship. FELL.

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(68) ‹profana sepulcra› · call in col 1066

Apud profana sepulcra. Rigaltius ait: « In iis vero sepulcris erant plurima quae ad ritus ethnicos pertinebant, quibus communicare et contaminari videbantur, qui mortuos suos illic deponebant: et hoc solo participes idololatriae fuisse dicebantur. Sed et minime conveniebat christianae charitati unitatique ecclesiasticae. fratrum defunctorum corpora sepulchris inferre hostium nominis Christiani; quasi ipsi defuncti, tum maxime cum morerentur, extra Ecclesiam fuissent. Jure igitur christiana fraternitas Ethnicorum collegia despuebat, ut pestifera, eorumque sepulcra ut conditoria mortuorum. Etenim fideles habuere sua κοιμητήρια, dormientium videlicet, in spem resurrectionis ac beatitatis aeternae. Hujusce autem spes pignus illis fuit Christus, qui depositus in sepulcro revixit surrexitque. Ac mulieribus Dominum in sepulcro quaerentibus obviam factus angelus dixit, Οὐκ ἔστιν ὧδε, Non est hic. Qui sane titulus tanto magnificus et gloriosus, quanto dispar vulgatis illis tumulorum inscriptionibus, HIC SITUS EST, HIC JACET. » Haec Rigaltius. Porro, quemadmodum a pluribus observatum, quod omnia fere gentium (continues)

Among profane tombs. Rigault says: « In those tombs there were very many things belonging to heathen rites, by which those who laid their dead there seemed to share and be defiled; and on this ground alone they were said to have been partakers in idolatry. Moreover, it was quite unfitting to Christian charity and the Church's unity to bring the bodies of departed brethren into the tombs of the enemies of the Christian name, as though the departed themselves, and that at the very moment of their death, had been outside the Church. Rightly, then, the Christian brotherhood spurned the guilds of the heathen as pestilent, and their tombs as mere storehouses of the dead. For the faithful had their own κοιμητήρια ("cemeteries"), places, that is, of those who sleep, in hope of the resurrection and eternal blessedness. And the pledge of this hope for them was Christ, who, laid in the tomb, came to life again and rose. And the angel who met the women seeking the Lord in the tomb said, Οὐκ ἔστιν ὧδε, He is not here. An inscription surely as magnificent and glorious as it is unlike those common epitaphs on tombs, HERE HE LIES, HERE HE RESTS. » So Rigault. Further, as has been observed by many, that almost all the heathen's (continues)

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<!-- The foot images begin mid-note (continuation of (68)). Q4a: the column crops show the call (69) after ducenarium in col 1067, and the Variae lectiones 35 (Implicati teneantur Lam. Ebor. NC. 1.) and 36 (Manifestius sit Bod. 1, 2. Ebor. Lam. Lin. NC. 1, 2.) printed across the page above the Variorum notae (left for pass 2); the call (70) stands after honoratus in col 1068. --> Variorum notae. (printed under page 585)

(69) ‹ducenarium› · call in col 1067

Apud procuratorem ducenarium. Extra curas exercitus et negotia belli, circa principem Romanum fuit militia duplex: litterata, quae scriniis operam dabat; actuosa, quae rebus agendis erat occupatissima. Hi magistriani dicebantur, et ex eorum schola Ducenarii et Centenarii, sive Sexagenarii, qui fiscales pecunias exigebant, a numero pecuniarum quas in stipendium accipiebant, nuncupati, Dio lib. LIII, ubi de procur. Caes.: Καὶ τοῖς γε ἐπιτρόποις καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ ὄνομα ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ τῶν διδομένων αὐτοῖς χρημάτων. Capitolinus in Pertinace: Ad ducenum sestertiorum stipendium translatus in Daciam. Vetus inscriptio: PROCURATOR AUGUSTI PROVINCIAE BOETICAE AD DUCENA ACCIPIENDA. Apuleius, Milesia VII: Procurator principis ducenaria perfunctus. Natio valde infesta Christianis. Etenim per occasionem officii sui omnia minima maxima quae in provinciis agerentur renuntiabant. Itaque ab iis saepe vexati confessores Christiani nominis, nisi pactione turpi vexationem redimerent, sicut ab isto Martiali factum innuit Cyprianus. Titulus est lib. X Cod., de exactionibus tributorum, ubi Constantinus Imp. vetat Ducenarios aliquem ex debitoribus convenire priusquam a tabulario civitatis nominatim breves accipiant debitorum, et l. seq. Nemo carcerem, inquit, plumbatorumque verbera, aut pondera, aliaque ab insolentia judicum reperta supplicia in debitorum solutionibus expavescat. Et apud Eusebium legitur Epistola Synodi Antiochenae ad Dionysium Romae, et Maximum Alexandriae episcopos, qua patres Antiocheni tantam in Paulo Samosateno fuisse superbiam notant, ut Ducenarius aliquis haberi debuerit magis quam episcopus, adeo prave et insolenter circa omnem fraternitatem satagebat. Verba Synodi, Historiae Ecclesiasticae lib. VII, cap. 30, sic habent: Καὶ οὕτως ὑψηλοφρονεῖ καὶ ὑπερῆρται κοσμικὰ ἀξιώματα ὑποδυόμενος, καὶ δουκηνάριος μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπίσκοπος θέλων καλεῖσθαι, καὶ σοβῶν κατὰ τὰς ἀγορὰς καὶ ἐπιστολὰς ἀναγινώσκων καὶ ὑπαγορεύων, ἅμα βαδίζων δημοσίᾳ, καὶ δορυφορούμενος, etc. Hocce igitur hominum genus valde molestum, adeoque odiosum passim et invisum plerisque, ut etiam Circitorum et Curiosorum, sed praesertim Christianis, qui saepissime talium officiorum crudelitate comprehensi ad potestates rapiebantur. Eulogius archiepiscopus Alexandrinus, libro de Disciplina Ecclesiastica adversus Novatum, mentionem facit commentarii cujusdam Novatiani, cujus hanc fuisse hypothesim refert, Ὅτι, βασιλεύοντος Ῥωμαίων Δεκίου καὶ Οὐαλεριανοῦ, Περέννιος δουκηνάριος, πρόσταγμα λαβὼν παρ' αὐτῶν, πάντας τοὺς ἀνὰ τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ τὰς πέριξ ἐπαρχίας χριστιανοὺς βαρυτάταις βασάνοις καὶ πικραῖς τιμωρίαις εἰδωλολατρεῖν ἐβιάζετο, καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν καὶ ἄλλοι ἐνεδίδουν τῇ βίᾳ, etc. Videantur quae de Beneficiariis et Curiosis ad Tertullianum observavimus, et quae ad ultimam Cypriani Epistolam, de Frumentariis, sed imprimis quae ad Capitolini Pertinacem, Salmasius. RIGALT. a Fello allatus. — Plura de ducenariis erudite dicta reperies in observationibus Rigaltii. Vide etiam notam marginalem Beati Rhenani ad epistolam synodi Antiochenae apud Rufinum lib. VII, cap. 26, et Josephum Scaligerum ad Manilium. Joannes Calvinus in Lexico juridico, in verbo Ducenarii, citat epistolam quartam libri primi sancti Cypriani, quae est haec nostra, in qua ait exstare haec verba: Neque ut ille superbierit, sublatusque fuerit mundanis dignitatibus, ducenarius potius quam episcopus vocari volens. At ego ista neque in editionibus inveni neque in libris veteribus, BALUZ. — Verba spectant ad locum modo adductum a Rigaltio ex epistola Antiochenorum a Baluzio item commemorata, et cujus pars exstat in vol. II supra ad pag. 479, ubi notam videbis. ROUTH.

Before the ducenarian procurator. Apart from the business of the army and the affairs of war, there was a twofold service about the Roman emperor: the lettered, which attended to the archives; and the active, which was fully occupied in carrying out business. These were called magistriani, and from their corps came the Ducenarii and Centenarii, or Sexagenarii, who collected the revenues of the fisc, named from the sum of money they received as salary. Dio, book 53, on the emperor's procurators: Καὶ τοῖς γε ἐπιτρόποις καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ ὄνομα ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ τῶν διδομένων αὐτοῖς χρημάτων ("and the procurators have their very name from the amount of money given them"). Capitolinus in the Pertinax: Transferred to Dacia at a salary of two hundred thousand sesterces. An old inscription: PROCURATOR OF AUGUSTUS FOR THE PROVINCE OF BAETICA AT A SALARY OF TWO HUNDRED [thousand]. Apuleius, Milesian tale VII: Having served as the emperor's ducenarian procurator. A breed very hostile to Christians; for through the opportunity of their office they reported everything, least and greatest, that went on in the provinces. So confessors of the Christian name were often harassed by them, unless they bought off the harassment by a shameful bargain, as Cyprian hints was done by this Martialis. There is a title in book X of the Code, on the exaction of tributes, where the emperor Constantine forbids the Ducenarii to summon any debtor before they receive from the city's registrar the lists of the debtors by name; and the following law: Let no one, it says, dread the prison, the lashes of the leaded whips, or the weights, and the other punishments devised by the insolence of judges, in the payment of debts. And in Eusebius one reads the Letter of the Synod of Antioch to Dionysius bishop of Rome and Maximus bishop of Alexandria, in which the fathers of Antioch note that there was such pride in Paul of Samosata that he should be held some Ducenarius rather than a bishop, so wrongly and insolently did he bustle about among the whole brotherhood. The Synod's words, Ecclesiastical History, book 7, ch. 30, run thus: Καὶ οὕτως ὑψηλοφρονεῖ … ("and he is so high-minded and puffed up, putting on worldly dignities and wishing to be called ducenarius rather than bishop, and strutting through the market places, reading letters and dictating them as he walks in public, and attended by a bodyguard"), etc. This kind of men, then, was very troublesome, and so everywhere hateful and odious to most people, like the Circitores and Curiosi, but above all to Christians, who were very often seized through the cruelty of such officials and hauled before the authorities. Eulogius, archbishop of Alexandria, in his book On Church Discipline against Novatus, mentions a commentary of some Novatianist whose subject, he reports, was this: Ὅτι, βασιλεύοντος … ("that in the reign of Decius and Valerian over the Romans, Perennius the ducenarius, having received a command from them, was forcing all the Christians in Rome and the surrounding provinces by the heaviest tortures and bitter punishments to worship idols, and many others gave way to the violence"), etc. See what we observed on Tertullian about the Beneficiarii and Curiosi, and on Cyprian's last Letter about the Frumentarii, but above all Salmasius on Capitolinus's Pertinax. RIGAULT, cited by Fell. — You will find more learned remarks on the ducenarii in Rigault's observations. See also the marginal note of Beatus Rhenanus on the letter of the Synod of Antioch in Rufinus, book 7, ch. 26, and Joseph Scaliger on Manilius. Joannes Calvinus [Johann Kahl, the jurist, not the reformer], in his Juridical Lexicon under the word Ducenarii, cites the fourth letter of the first book of St Cyprian, which is this one of ours, in which he says these words stand: Nor, as he grew proud and was lifted up by worldly dignities, wishing to be called ducenarius rather than bishop. But I found those words neither in the editions nor in the old books. BALUZE. — The words refer to the passage just quoted by Rigault from the letter of the Antiochenes, also mentioned by Baluze, part of which stands in vol. II above at p. 479, where you will see a note. ROUTH.

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(70) ‹honoratus› · call in col 1068

Et martyrio quoque dignatione Domini honoratus. Finge, sicca morte, non cruenta, affectum fuisse, Cornelium, postquam Dominum confessus esset, prout censet Pearsonius in Annall. Cypr. ad an. 252, § 13, vetustissimi Catalogi auctore allato, cujus verba sunt in Cornelio: Post hoc Centumcellis expulsus ibi cum gloria dormitionem accepit; tamen vir magnus minus recte hoc quidem innuisse videtur, Cornelio mortem cruentam ascripsisse posteriores magis quam Hieronymum, in libro De Viris Ill. dicentem, ob Christum martyrio coronatum fuisse Cornelium; nam in Vita Pauli Eremitae ab eodem Hieronymo conscripta haec verba exstant ad pag. 240 ed. Froben.: Cornelius Romae, Cyprianus Carthagine, felice cruore damnati sunt. Porro, quanquam, ut verum proferam, in Epist. sua LXVII vel LXVIII Cyprianus Lucium Cornelii successorem, qui similiter in exsilium actus non in Martyrum Catalogo, sed in Depositione seu sepulcra Episcoporum invenitur, beatum martyrem commemorato simul Cornelio appellaverit, eorum tamen sententiam magis amplectandam puto, propter Hieronymi testimonium, qui gladio imperatorio occisum esse Cornelium statuerint. Cornelii itidem venerandum cruorem memorat Maximus episcopus saeculo quinto Taurinensis, in Sermonibus suis, quos primus edidit Muratorius. Vide Serm. 5 p. 15 tomi quarti Anecdott. Ambrosianae Bibliothecae. Et decollatus est Cornelius, ait quidem Anastasius Bibliotecarius in Vitis Pontif. Rom. p. 10, ed. Mogunt, sed, quod vetera fecerunt Martyrologia, ex actis quae adulterina videntur. ROUTH.

And honoured too by the Lord's favour with martyrdom. Suppose Cornelius suffered a dry death, not a bloody one, after confessing the Lord, as Pearson holds in his Annales Cyprianici at the year 252, § 13, citing the author of the very ancient Catalogue, whose words under Cornelius are: After this, banished to Centumcellae, he there fell asleep with glory; yet that great man seems to have been less than right in hinting that it was later writers rather than Jerome who ascribed a bloody death to Cornelius, Jerome saying in the book On Illustrious Men that Cornelius was crowned with martyrdom for Christ; for in the Life of Paul the Hermit, written by the same Jerome, these words stand at p. 240 of Froben's edition: Cornelius at Rome, Cyprian at Carthage, were condemned to a happy bloodshed. Further, although, to tell the truth, Cyprian in his Letter 67 or 68 called Lucius, the successor of Cornelius, who was likewise driven into exile and is found not in the Catalogue of Martyrs but in the Deposition or burials of the Bishops, a blessed martyr, mentioning Cornelius with him, I still think the opinion of those who held that Cornelius was slain by the imperial sword is rather to be embraced, because of Jerome's testimony. Maximus, bishop of Turin in the fifth century, likewise mentions the venerable blood of Cornelius in his Sermons, which Muratori first published. See Sermon 5, p. 15 of the fourth volume of the Anecdota of the Ambrosian Library. And Cornelius was beheaded, says Anastasius the Librarian indeed in the Lives of the Roman Pontiffs, p. 10 of the Mainz edition; but he says it, as the old Martyrologies did, from acts which seem spurious. ROUTH.

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<!-- The Variorum notae on this page run (71), (72), (75); no (73) or (74) is printed in the foot. --> Variae lectiones. 37 ‹irreligiosus› · call in col 1069 Sic Imp. Apud irreligiosos Foss. Oxon.

So Imp. "Among the irreligious" Foss. Oxon.

38 ‹virtutis› · call in col 1069 Christiana virtus Linc. NC. 2.

"Christian virtue" Linc. NC. 2.

39 ‹elanguit› · call in col 1069 Virgor languet Ver. Timor Corb.

"Vigour languishes" [as printed, Virgor] Ver. "Fear" Corb.

40 ‹stetisse› · call in col 1069 Deficientibus stetisse Lam. Lin. Ebor. Bod. 2. NC. 1.

"Stood firm while they failed" Lam. Lin. Ebor. Bod. 2. NC. 1.

41 ‹nec solitudine› · call in col 1069 Solitudine Bod. 1. 2. Lam. NC. 1. Lin. Ebor. NC.

"By solitude" Bod. 1. 2. Lam. NC. 1. Lin. Ebor. NC.

42 ‹gloriosa› · call in col 1069 Gloriose Lam. Lin. Ebor. NC. 1, 2. Foss. Vict. Corb.

"Gloriously" Lam. Lin. Ebor. NC. 1, 2. Foss. Vict. Corb.

43 ‹et victorem› · call in col 1069 Victores Lin. NC. 2.

"As victors" Lin. NC. 2.

44 ‹Quare› · call in col 1070 Qua in re Lam. Ebor. NC. 1.

"In which matter" Lam. Ebor. NC. 1.

45 ‹Si videbas› · call in col 1070 Si vineris Bod. 1.

"If you saw" [as printed, vineris, for videris] Bod. 1.

46 ‹cum adulteris portionem› · call in col 1070 Adulteris partem Lam. Ebor. Bod. 1, 2. Lin. NC. 1, 2. Thu.

"A share with adulterers" Lam. Ebor. Bod. 1, 2. Lin. NC. 1, 2. Thu.

Variorum notae. (printed under page 586)

(71) ‹irreligiosus› · call in col 1069

Dei timor irreligiosus. Ex uno tantum codice scripto posuit Fellus. Dei timor apud irreligiosos, dum impressos habere ait, quod vides esse receptum. Sed in veteri quoque Romana atque Erasmi editionibus apud irreligiosos exstare invenio. Silet Baluzius altera lectione retenta. Cum vero ad finem epistolae habeas, religioso timore, qui locus huic ipsi lucem affundit, nonne ergo legendum est: Dei timor religiosus? ROUTH.

An irreligious fear of God. Fell set this from a single manuscript codex only. The fear of God among the irreligious, he says the printed copies have, which you see is the received text. But I find among the irreligious in the old Roman edition too and in Erasmus's. Baluze is silent, keeping the other reading. But since at the end of the letter you have with religious fear, a passage that throws light on this very one, should we not then read a religious fear of God? ROUTH.

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(72) ‹nec annis› · call in col 1069

Nec annis. Duo libri veteres et antiquae editiones praeferunt armis. Sed hanc lectionem rejecit Pamelius, quia ipsi constabat regem Nabuchodonosorem nullis armis agressum esse tres pueros, et posuit annis ex fide quinque veterum exemplarium, quam lectionem ego quoque reperi in viginti ex nostris. Unus meus vetus habet caminis. Atque ego eam lectionem facile credo esse meliorem, cum dici non possit de pueris aut adolescentibus eos esse senio et annis fractos, et quia vox caminis melius congruit cum historia. Quippe certum est Nabuchodonosorem, ut pueros istos commoveret et terreret, multiplicis poenae comminatione, minas jactasse, pericula intentasse, denique parari jussisse fornacem sive, ut Sulpitii Severi verbo utar, caminum ignis ardentis in quem conjicerentur. Confirmant hanc meam opinionem verba Cypriani ex epistola LVI, pag. 91, in qua tres pueri non dicuntur annis fracti, sed aetate territi, et minis regis et flammis fortiores exstitisse. Itaque retinui eam lectionem, quam puto esse meliorem. Commodius autem erectiusque de hac mea emendatione existimabit judiciumque faciet qui varias istas lectiones sine ullo praejudicio examinaverit. Ita enim me sincerius exploratiusque vel corrigere poterit vel probare. Recte autem dixit Cyprianus pueros nec caminis nec minis fractos. Nam Cicero in libro primo Officiorum dixit frangi metu; et Statius, IX Thebaidos, minis frangi. Sunt etiam alia exempla. BALUZIUS. — Ante Pamelium, referente Pamelio ipso, exstabat illud nec annis, in editione Manutii; imo in editione Cypriani vere principe, seu Romana. Porro in edit Oxon. nulla memoratur lectionis varietas. Baluzio tamen istud nec caminis editioni suae reponenti, quae quidem vox caminus in Oratione puerorum ad regem apud Danielem invenitur, forsitan consensissem, nisi obstarent res duae, primum ordo praeposterus verborum, nec caminis nec minis fractos, deinde verba ipsa Cypriani, quae a viro cl. adducta sunt: Imitemur pueros, Ananiam, Azarium et Misahelem, qui nec aetate territi, nec captivitate fracti, Judaea devicta et Hierosolymis captis, in ipso regno suo regem fidei virtute vicerunt, et minis regis et flammis fortiores exstitrunt. Et alibi quoque, si bene memini, apud Cyprianum ex tenera horum confesssorum aetate ducitur ad fortitudinem adhortativum argumentum. Itaque lectionem prius receptum nec annis, h. e. juvenilibus annis, revocavi, quam quidem lectionem nixus fide unius tantum codicis cum altera nec caminis idem Baluzius mutaverat. ROUTH.

Nor by years. Two old books and the ancient editions show by arms. But Pamelius rejected this reading, because he was sure that King Nebuchadnezzar attacked the three youths with no arms, and set by years on the authority of five old copies, a reading I too found in twenty of ours. One old book of mine has by furnaces. And I readily believe that reading to be the better, since it cannot be said of boys or youths that they were broken by old age and years, and because the word furnaces fits the story better. For it is certain that Nebuchadnezzar, to shake and terrify those youths with the threat of manifold punishment, hurled threats, held out dangers, and finally ordered a furnace to be made ready, or, to use Sulpicius Severus's word, a caminus of burning fire into which they were to be thrown. Cyprian's words in Letter LVI, p. 91, confirm this opinion of mine, where the three youths are not said to have been broken by years but terrified by their age, and to have proved stronger than the king's threats and the flames. So I have kept that reading, which I think the better. But whoever examines these various readings without any prejudice will think more favourably and more fairly of this emendation of mine and judge it; for so he will be able either to correct it or approve it more honestly and with better knowledge. Cyprian rightly said youths broken neither by furnaces nor by threats; for Cicero in the first book of the Offices said to be broken by fear, and Statius, Thebaid IX, to be broken by threats. There are other examples too. BALUZE. — Before Pamelius, as Pamelius himself reports, nor by years stood in Manutius's edition; indeed in the truly first edition of Cyprian, the Roman. Further, in the Oxford edition no variant reading is recorded. I might perhaps have agreed with Baluze in restoring nor by furnaces to his edition, the word caminus indeed occurring in the Prayer of the youths to the king in Daniel, had not two things stood in the way: first, the inverted order of the words, broken neither by furnaces nor by threats; second, Cyprian's own words, quoted by that distinguished man: Let us imitate the youths Ananias, Azarias and Misael, who, neither terrified by their age nor broken by captivity, with Judaea conquered and Jerusalem taken, overcame the king in his own kingdom by the strength of faith, and proved stronger than the king's threats and the flames. And elsewhere too in Cyprian, if I remember rightly, an argument exhorting to fortitude is drawn from the tender age of these confessors. So I have restored the reading received before, nor by years, that is, youthful years, which reading Baluze had changed for the other, nor by furnaces, relying on the authority of a single codex. ROUTH.

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(75) ‹portionem› · call in col 1070

Adulteris portionem tuam. Codex Fuxensis, moechis. Supra, epist. LXIII, pah. 110: Et inter moechos particulam tuam ponebas. BALUZIUS. — Por- (continues)

Your portion with adulterers. The Foix codex: with adulterers (moechis). Above, Letter LXIII, p. 110: And you were placing your little share among adulterers. BALUZE. — (continues)

(printed under page 586)

<!-- The note continued from page 586 is the one printed there as "(75)" (Adulteris portionem tuam); this page then prints its own (74), (75), (76), (77). Numbers set as printed. Note (77) is called in the title of the next council, and variant 48 in its Proemium, both set full width. --> Variae lectiones. 47 ‹faciunt ea› · call in col 1071 Faciunt mala sed et consentiunt eis Lam. Ebor. Lin Thu. Vict Corb.

"Do evil, but also consent to them" Lam. Ebor. Lin. Thu. Vict. Corb.

48 ‹anno 258› · call in col 1071 (full-width Proemium) Al. 256.

Otherwise 256.

Variorum notae. (printed under page 587)

(74) ‹non intellexerunt› · call in col 1071

Non intellexerunt. Consentit Cyprianus lectioni illorum codicum qui habent οὐκ ἐνόησαν; et deinceps οἱ αὐτὰ ποιοῦσι. et οἱ συνευδοκοῦσι. FELLUS. — Ea quae istic Pamelius ait non reperiri in veteribus manuscriptis ego reperi in quindecim. BALUZIUS. — Vulgo legitur ἐπιγνόντες; sine particula negativa apud Apostolum verba repetentem, ROUTH.

They did not understand. Cyprian agrees with the reading of those codices that have οὐκ ἐνόησαν ("they did not understand"); and next οἱ αὐτὰ ποιοῦσι ("those who do them") and οἱ συνευδοκοῦσι ("those who consent"). FELL. — What Pamelius says here is not found in the old manuscripts, I found in fifteen. BALUZE. — The common reading is ἐπιγνόντες ("knowing"), without the negative particle, in the Apostle, who repeats the words. ROUTH.

(printed under page 587)

(75) ‹call not visible› · call in col 1071

Nocentium contractibus polluuntur. Pacianus, epist. III: Rejicere nocentes, attactus peccantium fugere. RIGALTIUS.

They are polluted by contact with the guilty. Pacian, Letter III: To cast out the guilty, to flee the touch of sinners. RIGAULT.

(printed under page 587)

(76) ‹call not visible› · call in col 1071

Opto vos. Duo libri veteres et editio Morellii habent Optamus. Utraque lectio bona est propter rationes alibi allatas in simili occasione, pag. 393. BALUZIUS. Scil. ad Epist. Cypriani VI, ubi ad lectiones opto vos, et opto te, ab eo haec sunt adnotata: « Tametsi epistola scripta sit ad plures, praecipue tamen et nominatim scripta est ad Rogatianum personam illustrem. Et ideo Cyprianus finem ei opponens, clausulam valedictoriam, ut solet, ad eum dirigere potuit. » Ante Morellum exhibebat optamus vos Erasmue. Sed in epistola Sydonali proxime sequente, ubi legitur optamus, vetus Romana edit. sicut hic. habet opto. Nimirum ita interdum ponitur clausula per compendia, Op. V. F. CH. S. B. V.

I pray that you. Two old books and Morel's edition have We pray. Both readings are good, for the reasons given elsewhere on a similar occasion, p. 393. BALUZE. That is, on Cyprian's Letter VI, where on the readings I pray that you (plural) and I pray that you (singular) he noted this: « Although the letter was written to several, it was nevertheless written chiefly and by name to Rogatianus, an eminent person. And so Cyprian, putting an end to it, could direct the closing farewell, as he is accustomed, to him. » Before Morel, Erasmus gave we pray that you. But in the synodal letter immediately following, where we pray is read, the old Roman edition, as here, has I pray. Evidently the closing formula is sometimes set down in abbreviations: Op. V. F. CH. S. B. V. [Opto vos, fratres carissimi, semper bene valere: I pray, dearest brethren, that you may always fare well]. [Signed as printed: none.]

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(77) ‹Carthaginense Concilium› · call in the full-width title

CONCIL. CARTHAG. V. Anno CCLV. Hoc Concilium, praeeunte Pearsonio in Annal. Cyprian. anno 255 post Christum apposui. Variatur enim de tempore hujus atque caeterarum Cyprianicaram synodorum in Conciliis impressis. Caeterum de synodo ipsa ita scribit Cyprianus in initio Epistolae ad Quintum: Retulit ad me, frater charissime, Lucianus compresbyter noster te desiderasse, ut significaremus tibi quid sentiamus de his quid apud haereticos et schismaticos baptizati videntur. De qua re quid nuper in Concilio plurimi coepiscopi cum compresbyteris qui aderant censuerimus ut scires, ejusdem Epistolae exemplum tibi misi. Haec ille. Postea vero ad Stephanum quoque Romanum et ad Jubaianum easdem hasce synodales misit litteras Cyprianus, una cum ipsa illa ad Quintum epistola, quod quidem constat ex epistolis ad eumdem Stephanum et Jubaianum. ROUTH.

FIFTH COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE. In the year 255. Following Pearson's lead in his Annales Cyprianici, I have placed this Council in the year 255 after Christ; for the dating of this and the other Cyprianic synods varies in the printed Councils. As for the synod itself, Cyprian writes thus at the beginning of his Letter to Quintus: Lucian, our fellow presbyter, has reported to me, dearest brother, that you wished us to tell you what we think about those who seem to have been baptized among heretics and schismatics. That you may know what many fellow bishops, with the fellow presbyters who were present, recently decided on this matter in Council, I have sent you a copy of that Letter. So he. Afterwards Cyprian sent these same synodal letters to Stephen of Rome too and to Jubaianus, together with that letter to Quintus, as is clear from the letters to the same Stephen and Jubaianus. ROUTH.

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