M. Molkenbuhr, O.S.F., Binae dissertationes de Firmiliano, cum animadversionibus

(1) ‹anchor: F. Marcellino Molkenbuhr› · call in col 1411

Binas Dissertationes Monasterii Westphalorum 1790 in 4° edidit vir clarissimus F. Marcellinus Molkenbuhr ordinis S. Francisci strictioris observantiæ SS. Theologiæ lector jubilatus, provinciæ Saxoniæ S. Crucis minister actualis, quarum sequens titulus: Binæ Dissertationes; I, De S. Firmiliani Cæsariensis in Cappadocia episcopi Epistola ad S. Stephanum, aliisque ejus operibus; II, De anno quo mortuus fuerit Firmilianus, seu Paulus Samosatenus in synodo Antiochena fuerit condemnatus. Titulo subjunxit in pagina altera, ex epistola 92 ad Vincent. Rogat., hæc S. Augustini verba. « Quamquam non desint qui hoc Cyprianum prorsus non sensisse contendant, sed sub ejus nomine a præsumptoribus atque mendacibus fuisse confictum. » Scopus clarissimi auctoris est in prima dissertatione, post inanes Christiani Lupi et Raymundi Missorii conatus, denuo verosimile reddere S. Firmiliani Epistolam ad Cyprianum (probabilius est error typographi Epistolam ad Stephanum, hanc enim tota antiquitas ignorat) haud genuinam esse, sed a Donatista Afro eidem suppositam sæculo v, et quidem post Augustini tempora. LUMPER.

The very distinguished F. Marcellinus Molkenbuhr, of the Order of St Francis of the Stricter Observance, jubilee lector in Sacred Theology and present minister of the Saxon province of the Holy Cross, published the Two Dissertations at Münster in Westphalia in 1790, in quarto, under this title: Two Dissertations: I, On the Letter of St Firmilian, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, to St Stephen, and his other works; II, On the year in which Firmilian died, or in which Paul of Samosata was condemned in the synod of Antioch. Beneath the title, on the facing page, he set these words of St Augustine from Letter 92 to Vincentius Rogatus: "Although there are those who maintain that Cyprian never held this view at all, but that it was forged under his name by presumptuous and lying men." The distinguished author's aim in the first dissertation, after the vain attempts of Christianus Lupus and Raymundus Missorius, is to make it likely once more that St Firmilian's Letter to Cyprian (the words Letter to Stephen are more probably a printer's error, for all antiquity knows nothing of such a letter) is not genuine, but was foisted on him by an African Donatist in the fifth century, and indeed after Augustine's time. LUMPER.

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(2) ‹anchor: nunquam sederit Antiochiæ› · call in col 1411

Omnino penes hunc auctorem sit ea quam profitetur de S. Petri Anthiocheno episcopatu opinio cui adhærendi nec cæteris scriptoribus catholicis, nec nobis, animus est. EDD.

Let the opinion he professes on St Peter's episcopate at Antioch remain entirely this author's own; neither the other Catholic writers nor we ourselves have any mind to adhere to it. EDD.

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Sex assertiones de jejuniis et abstinentiis contra Theologum Moguntinum: Paderbornæ, anno 1785, § 39 vel sechs Streitsæize, vermehrte Auflage. Paderborn. 1786, § 39.

Six theses on fasts and abstinences, against a theologian of Mainz: Paderborn, 1785, § 39; or "Sechs Streitsätze", enlarged edition, Paderborn, 1786, § 39.

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(4) ‹anchor: S. Firmiliani Epistola› · call in col 1413

Sancti titulum in his dissertationibus sæpe sæpius episcopo Cæsariensi datum, ei concessit quidem Ecclesia Græca, constanter vero Romana abjudicavit. EDD.

The title of "Saint", given to the bishop of Caesarea again and again in these dissertations, was indeed granted him by the Greek Church, but the Roman Church has constantly withheld it. EDD.

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(5) ‹anchor: Antiochiæ episcopi› · call in col 1413

Eusebius, H. E. l. VI, a. c. 43, et l. VII, a. c. 1 ad c. 30.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, bk. VI, from ch. 43, and bk. VII, from ch. 1 to ch. 30.

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(6) ‹anchor: colitur tanquam sanctus› · call in col 1413

Vid. Natalis Alexander ad sæculum III, vel Martyrologium Græcorum ad diem 27 Octob., vel Tillemontium.

See Natalis Alexander on the third century, or the Martyrology of the Greeks at 27 October, or Tillemont.

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(7) ‹anchor: synodus Antiochena III› · call in col 1413

Eusebius, qui suam Historiam ante tempora concilii Nicæni absolvit, vocat eam maximam et innumeris episcopis congregatam; si Basilio diacono Constantinopolitano et reliquis habenda fides, interfuere 180 Patres. V. Labbeus tom. III, ad conc. Eph., edit. Parisinæ, de anno 1671, p. 425.

Eusebius, who finished his History before the time of the Council of Nicaea, calls it very large and gathered from countless bishops; if Basil, deacon of Constantinople, and the rest are to be believed, 180 Fathers attended. See Labbe, vol. III, on the Council of Ephesus, Paris edition of 1671, p. 425.

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(8) ‹anchor: sollicite referat› · call in col 1414

L. VI, et VII. — Tillemontius ex Eusebio docet tom. IV, pag. 2, S. Firmilianum Græcum a 231 episcopum fuisse Cæsareæ quæ erat metropolis Cappadociæ, sub finem anni 269 fuisse defunctum. Mihi ex Eusebio, lib. VII, c. 30, videtur vero similius, quod Firmilianus supervixerit usque ad ann. 272, de quo a. n. 92.

Bks. VI and VII. — Tillemont, vol. IV, p. 2, shows from Eusebius that St Firmilian the Greek was bishop of Caesarea, the metropolis of Cappadocia, from 231, and died towards the end of the year 269. To me it seems more likely, from Eusebius, bk. VII, ch. 30, that Firmilian survived until the year 272; on which see no. 92.

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Asserunt aliqui Firmilianum scripsisse libros de Spiritu S., eosque sub finem sæculi IV visos fuisse a S. Basilio M. Verum de his a n. 89.

Some assert that Firmilian wrote books on the Holy Spirit, and that these were seen by St Basil the Great towards the end of the fourth century. But on these see no. 89.

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In Præfat. ad suam novam bibliothecam. Ideo citavi Dupinium, quia is famosus criticus Epistolam de qua agimus refert ut genuinam in V. Cyprianus; addens: Nullum poterat Cyprianus sperare responsum sibi gloriosius eo quod a Firmiliano accepit; Firmilianus enim aperte damnat, verbisque satis duris, Stephani papæ actum, Cyprianum laudat.

In the Preface to his new Bibliothèque. I have cited Dupin because that famous critic reports the Letter we are dealing with as genuine, under the entry Cyprian, adding: "Cyprian could hope for no reply more glorious to himself than the one he received from Firmilian; for Firmilian openly condemns, and in quite harsh words, the act of Pope Stephen, and praises Cyprian."

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Bingh. vol. I. l. II, de Antiquitat. ecclesiast. c. 2, § 1, et 5.

Bingham, vol. I, bk. II, On the Antiquities of the Church, ch. 2, §§ 1 and 5.

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Item Bingham innuit l. c. episcopos a Latinis vocatos fuisse Præsides: nam Tertullianus, Apolog. c. 39, ait: Præsident probati quique seniores, honorem istum non pretio, sed testimonio adepti, etc. Ast simili modo probare possem episcopos Antiochenos olim vocatos fuisse gubernatores; nam Eusebius l. III, c. 22, ait: Inter eos qui Antiochiæ Ecclesiam gubernarunt, primus Evodius, alter Ignatius.

Bingham likewise hints, in the place cited, that bishops were called Presidents by the Latins: for Tertullian, Apology ch. 39, says: Approved elders preside, having obtained that honour not by price but by testimony, etc. But in the same way I could prove that the bishops of Antioch were once called governors; for Eusebius, bk. III, ch. 22, says: Among those who governed the Church at Antioch, the first was Evodius, the second Ignatius.

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Vide notam præcedentem.

See the preceding note.

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Optat. I, I, refert Mensurium episcopum Carthaginensem, ubi Ecclesiam suam tempore persecutionis Diocletianæ relinquere coactus fuerit, et ecclesiæ ornamenta et vasa fidelibus senioribus commendasse. Ad calcem operum S, Optati habentur epistolæ in quibus legitur: Omnes vos episcopi, presbyteri, diaconi, et seniores scitis. Adhibete conclericos et seniores plebis ecclesiasticos viros. Clericis et Senioribus Cirthensium. . . salutem. Ibi ergo presbyteri distinguuntur a senioribus. Equidem in epistola 13 S. Hieronymi ad Rusticum Narbon. dicitur: Sextus seniorum ordo est qui sacerdotibus datur, qui presbyteri dicuntur, qui præsunt Ecclesiæ Dei. Verum illam epistolam S. Hieronymo fuisse false ascriptam, jam olim sæculo XVI advertit Marianus Victorinus Reatinus.

Optatus, I, 1, reports that Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, when he was forced to leave his Church in the time of Diocletian's persecution, entrusted the church's ornaments and vessels to faithful elders. At the end of St Optatus's works are letters in which one reads: All of you, bishops, presbyters, deacons and elders, know. Call in your fellow clerics and the elders of the people, men of the Church. To the clergy and Elders of the people of Cirta . . . greeting. There, then, presbyters are distinguished from elders. It is true that in St Jerome's letter 13, to Rusticus of Narbonne, it is said: The sixth order is that of the elders, which is given to priests, who are called presbyters, who preside over the Church of God. But Marianus Victorius of Rieti long ago, in the sixteenth century, observed that that letter was falsely ascribed to St Jerome.

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S, Augustin. Ep. 137: Clero, Senioribus, et universæ plebi Ecclesiæ Hipponensis salutem. Videsis Bingham I, I, c. 19, § 19, ubi sæculo V præcipui inter Donatistas vocantur præpositi.

St Augustine, Letter 137: To the clergy, the Elders, and all the people of the Church of Hippo, greeting. See Bingham, I, 1, ch. 19, § 19, where in the fifth century the leading men among the Donatists are called praepositi.

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(16) ‹anchor: Caveus ait› · call in col 1417

Cave in Historia littera, V. Firmilianus.

Cave, in his Literary History, under Firmilian.

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Pamel. in Vita S. Cypriani.

Pamelius, in his Life of St Cyprian.

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Dici tamen posset, quod sequaces eorum qui nonnullas epistolas Cyprianicas vel supposuerunt, vel corruperunt, postea (ob dicenda num. 78) ex Cyprianicis composuerint Firmilianicam; nam in hac eædem phrases vel barbarismi recurrunt qui in quibusdam Cyprianicis.

It could, however, be said that the followers of those who either forged or corrupted some of Cyprian's letters afterwards (for the reasons to be given at no. 78) composed the Firmilian letter out of Cyprian's; for the same phrases or barbarisms recur in it as in certain of Cyprian's.

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Lactant. in Præfat. l. V. de Intitut. Relig. Christ.

Lactantius, in the Preface to bk. V of the Institutes of the Christian Religion.

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(20) ‹anchor: S. Hieronymus› · call in col 1418

Hieronym. in Catal. de Vir. Illustr.

Jerome, in the Catalogue On Illustrious Men.

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(21) ‹anchor: et alibi› · call in col 1418

Id. in ep. ad Paulinum.

The same, in the letter to Paulinus.

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(22) ‹anchor: distinctio Pamelii› · call in col 1418

Pamel., in Vita S. Cypriani.

Pamelius, in his Life of St Cyprian.

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(23) ‹anchor: ad martyres› · call in col 1419

Hujus fragmentum videsis in Breviario Rom. de Comm. Martyr. temp. Pasch,, 2 loco in 2 nocturn. Item de Comm. Virgin,, 2 loco.

See a fragment of this in the Roman Breviary, in the Common of Martyrs in Eastertide, second place, in the second nocturn; likewise in the Common of Virgins, second place.

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Acta Sanetor. Sept., tom. IV, ad diem 14 Sept. in S. Cypriano, num 222.

Acta Sanctorum, September, vol. IV, at 14 September, on St Cyprian, no. 222.

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(25) ‹anchor: opera Cyprianica› · call in col 1419

Apud Manutium non habetur, neque in editione Basileensi de anno 1558, quam Fermus Rotterodamus anno 1519 ex tribus editionibus, Romana, Badiana et quadam alia (cujus nomen excidit) ac vetustissimis codicibus Jemblacensi., adornavit.

It is not found in Manutius, nor in the Basel edition of 1558, which Fermus of Rotterdam prepared in 1519 from three editions, the Roman, the Badian and another (whose name has slipped away), and from very ancient manuscripts of Gembloux.

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(26) ‹anchor: anno 1564› · call in col 1419

Dupin Biblioth. non tom. I, verb. Cyprian. ubi recenset editiones 17 typographicas Morelliana vetustiores in quibus epistola Firmiliani nondum apparuerit.

Dupin, Bibliothèque nouvelle (printed "non"), vol. I, under Cyprian, where he lists seventeen printed editions older than Morel's in which Firmilian's letter had not yet appeared.

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(27) ‹anchor: Græcam dictionem redolet› · call in col 1419

Opportum succurrit cl. Dumesnil e celeberima societate Jesu, hoc sæculo XVIII in universitate Argentoratensi Catholica cancellarius, l. VII de doctrina et Disciplina Ecclesiæ, § 46, ita scribens: Si tamen epistola, quæ sub Firmiliani nomine habetur, est genuina; hanc ignoravit Augustinus, primus edidit Morellus Calvinista, nec stylum, nec Græcam distinctionem redolet, acerbior et plena contumeliis, aliena videtur a mansuetudine Christiana: ac proinde minus conveniens Firmiliano sancto episcopo.

Opportunely there comes to mind the distinguished Dumesnil, of the most celebrated Society of Jesus, in this eighteenth century chancellor of the Catholic University of Strasbourg, who writes in bk. VII On the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church, § 46: If, however, the letter that goes under Firmilian's name is genuine — Augustine knew nothing of it; Morel the Calvinist first published it; it smacks neither of the style nor of the Greek manner; harsher and full of insults, it seems foreign to Christian gentleness, and therefore less fitting to Firmilian, a holy bishop.

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(28) ‹anchor: incumbit probatio› · call in col 1420

Contra hanc critices et utriusque juris regulam frequentissime delinquitur. E. g. nuper anno 1788, Antonius Vogt. in suo commentario scripturistico Moguntiæ edito iterum pertractavit illam celeberrimam quæstionem: An Cephas, a Paulo Antiochiæ redargutus, sit Petrus? Vel: An Petrus circa fidem peccaverit? Vogtius asserit affirmando S. Petrum esse qui peccaverit, quin satis probet. Ad illam objectionem, Aliqui negant Petrum vel unquam fuisse Antiochiæ respondet: Hi negant, sed non probant. Qualis criticus! An ergo neganti factum incumbit probatio?

This rule of criticism and of both laws is very often transgressed. For example, recently, in 1788, Antonius Vogt, in his scriptural commentary published at Mainz, again treated that most celebrated question: Whether the Cephas rebuked by Paul at Antioch is Peter? Or: Whether Peter sinned in a matter of faith? Vogt asserts, affirming it, that it was St Peter who sinned, without proving it adequately. To the objection Some deny that Peter was ever at Antioch at all, he replies: They deny, but do not prove. What a critic! Does the burden of proof, then, lie on the one who denies a fact?

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(29) ‹anchor: Laurentius Berti› · call in col 1420

Berti lib. XXXI de Theologicis disciplinis c. 13, n. 5, ad quem locum suos lectores remittit in suo Breviario Historiæ Ecclesiasticæ, edito anno 1761, pertractans hissoriam sæculi III.

Berti, bk. XXXI On the Theological Disciplines, ch. 13, no. 5, the place to which he refers his readers in his Breviary of Ecclesiastical History, published in 1761, when treating the history of the third century.

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Porro Missorius ex ordine Conventialium nitidissimus scriptor anno 1733 Firmiliano fatam epistolam abjudicavit, ac ultra progressus insuper asseruit totam rebaptizantium historiam ab Eusebio fuisse confictam, et ab Eusebio fuisse deceptos S. Basilium M. et cæteros Catholicos qui postea faverint rebaptizantibus. Absit ut huic ultimo asserto consentiam; censeo interpolatam, seu Eusebio suppositam, quod fusius ostendam in dissertatione singulari de Eusebio ab hæreticis interpolato.

Moreover Missorius, of the Order of Conventuals, a most elegant writer, in 1733 denied the said letter to Firmilian, and going further asserted besides that the whole history of the rebaptizers was invented by Eusebius, and that St Basil the Great and the other Catholics who afterwards favoured the rebaptizers were deceived by Eusebius. Far be it from me to agree with this last assertion; I judge it to be interpolated, or foisted on Eusebius, as I shall show at greater length in a separate dissertation on Eusebius as interpolated by heretics.

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(31) ‹anchor: Probatur 2° Eusebius› · call in col 1421

Euseb. H.E. I. V, cap 23, 27, ubi et fragmentum Epistolæ quam episcopi Palæstinæ hac super re conscripserunt.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, bk. V, chs. 23, 27, where there is also a fragment of the Letter which the bishops of Palestine wrote on this matter.

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(32) ‹anchor: et S. Hieronymus› · call in col 1421

Hieronym, in Catal. de Viris Illustribus.

Jerome, in the Catalogue of Illustrious Men.

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(33) ‹anchor: illa Polycratis› · call in col 1421

Est argumentum ad hominem; adversarii enim, Bertius, etc., sine ulla hæsitatione admittunt, illam Polycratis epistolam esse authenticam, ut eo facilius propugnare valeant authentiam epistolæ Firmilianicæ. Vide dicenda num. 71. Meam singularem opinionem eruditis communicabo in speciali dissertatione de Polycrate.

This is an argument ad hominem; for my opponents, Berti and the rest, admit without any hesitation that that letter of Polycrates is authentic, so as to be able the more easily to defend the authenticity of the Firmilian letter. See what is to be said at no. 71. I shall share my own particular opinion with the learned in a special dissertation On Polycrates.

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De hoc terræ motu fusiuo agendum erit n, 35. Non constat quod ob terræ motum contra Christianos ab imperatoribus decreta fuerit persecutio; sed tamen pagani populares continuo contra Christianos frendebant, ac omnis calamitatis publicæ causam in Christianos refundebant. Si urbes terræ motu concutiantur: sit etc., conclamant: Christianos ad leones ait Tertullianus in Apologia quam tempore persecutionis in Africa conscripsit, circa annum 202, V. Fleur.

This earthquake will have to be treated more fully (printed "fusiuo") at no. 35. It is not established that a persecution was decreed against the Christians by the emperors on account of the earthquake; but the pagan populace were constantly gnashing their teeth against the Christians, and laid the blame for every public calamity on them. If cities are shaken by an earthquake, if etc., they cry out: The Christians to the lions! says Tertullian in the Apology, which he wrote in Africa in a time of persecution, about the year 202. See Fleury. [An ink blot on the scan covers the first letters of "causam" and part of "Christianos"; both are legible from what remains.]

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Is primo loco positus videtur ob dignitatem suæ Ecclesiæ.

He seems to be put in first place because of the dignity of his Church.

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Theoctistus dignitate episcopali jam functus fuerat, antequam vel Origenes fuerat presbyter. V. Euseb. H. E., l. VI, c. 20: l. VII, c. 5.

Theoctistus had already held the episcopal dignity before Origen was even a presbyter. See Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, bk. VI, ch. 20; bk. VII, ch. 5.

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Hæc phrasis litteras ad alium facere, et similes in epistolis vulgo Cyprianicis frequentes occurrunt.

This phrase, to make a letter to another, and others like it occur frequently in the letters commonly ascribed to Cyprian.

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V. Euseb., l. VIII, 5 et 9 ubi Patriarcha Alexandrinus in epistola quinta de Baptismo ita scribi ad Xystum papam: Consilio opus habeo, et tuam sententiam abs te peto, cum... verear ne fallar.

See Eusebius, bk. VIII (so printed), 5 and 9, where the Patriarch of Alexandria, in his fifth letter on Baptism, writes thus to Pope Xystus: I need counsel, and I ask your judgement of you, since . . . I fear I may be mistaken. [An ink blot on the scan covers most of "habeo" and part of "ne"; the reading is clear from what remains.]

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Raptim, imo raptissime scriptam fuisse ait Dupinius. Cui risum non moveat illud raptissime?

Dupin says it was written hastily, nay most hastily. Who would not laugh at that "most hastily"?

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Hæc Asiæ concilia, qnæ jampridem (secundum Sbaralcam Diss. I, 2, n. 13, anno 220, vel 215, vel antea) anabaptismum decrrevissent, Cypriano usquedum ignota fuisse videntur; nam auctor Firmilianicæ est primus, qui eadem Cypriano annuntiat. Ut clam omnibus Latinis celebrata fuissent, necesse est; quia nullus pontificum se opposuisse legitur. At vero captu difficile est quod nihil de illis episcopo Romano super universum gregem jugiter vigilanti innotuisset; cum tamen Asia pro tunc Romæ adhuc subjecta erat in civilibus æque ac ecclesiasticis. Ino illa Asiæ consilia latuerunt et Origenem coævum, et Firmiliani familiarissimum et Eusebium, aliosque Græcos. Epistolam Dionysii, prout hoc modo legitur apud Eusebium, I, VII, c. 5, interpolatam esse, alia vice ostendam. Origenes isto tempore florebat presbyter, (continues)

These councils of Asia, which had long since (according to Sbaralea, Diss. I, 2, no. 13, in 220, or 215, or earlier) decreed rebaptism, seem to have been unknown to Cyprian until then; for the author of the Firmilian letter is the first to announce them to Cyprian. They must have been held in secret from all the Latins, since no pope is read to have opposed them. But it is hard to grasp that nothing about them should have come to the knowledge of the Roman bishop, who kept constant watch over the whole flock, when Asia at that time was still subject to Rome in civil as well as church matters. Nay, those councils of Asia were unknown both to Origen, a contemporary and a very close friend of Firmilian, and to Eusebius and the other Greeks. That Dionysius's letter, as it is read in this form in Eusebius, bk. VII, ch. 5, is interpolated, I shall show another time. Origen at that time flourished as a presbyter, (continues)

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Videatur Calepinus, e veteribus Plinius secundus: Cæsarea Cappadociæ olim dicebatur Mazaca. Via ordinaria Carthagine Cæsaream instituti debuerat per mare Mediterraneum versus Ephesum; distantia inter Ephesum et Carthaginem erit circiter eadem, quæ Romam inter et Ephesum. Iter pedestre Epheso versus Mazacam, seu Cæsaream, teste Strabone, l. XIV, sunt 3820 stadia, ergo 475 milliaria Romana, vel (si 5 milliaria Romana computentur ad unum milliare Germanicum) 95 milliaria Germanica, quorum 15 efficiunt 1 gradum. — Bingham V, 3 Antiqq. Eccles. Carthaginem collocavit in gradu 26 longitudinis et 35 latitudinis, Cæsaream in gradu 68 longit, et 30 latit. Distant ergo 5 gradibus latit. et 32 longit.

See Calepinus, and among the ancients Pliny the Younger (printed "secundus"): Caesarea in Cappadocia was once called Mazaca. The ordinary route from Carthage to Caesarea had to be taken across the Mediterranean towards Ephesus; the distance between Ephesus and Carthage will be about the same as that between Rome and Ephesus. The journey on foot from Ephesus towards Mazaca, or Caesarea, according to Strabo, bk. XIV, is 3,820 stadia, therefore 475 Roman miles, or (if 5 Roman miles are reckoned to one German mile) 95 German miles, of which 15 make 1 degree. — Bingham, V, 3, Antiquities of the Church, placed Carthage at 26 degrees of longitude and 35 of latitude, Caesarea at 68 degrees of longitude and 30 of latitude. They are therefore 5 degrees of latitude and 32 of longitude apart.

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Vid. Euseb., l. VI, cap. ult.; lib. VII cap. 5.

See Eusebius, bk. VI, last chapter; bk. VII, ch. 5.

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Videatur Eusebius, l. VII, a cap. 7, ad 11; item Præfat., n. 2.

See Eusebius, bk. VII, from ch. 7 to 11; likewise the Preface, no. 2.

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(44) ‹anchor: Judæ proditori› · call in col 1427

Donatistæ, sæculo V, etiam S. Augustinum Judæ proditori compararunt. V. S. Augustin., l. II Contr. litt. Petil., c. 8.

The Donatists, in the fifth century, compared St Augustine too with Judas the traitor. See St Augustine, bk. II Against the Letters of Petilian, ch. 8.

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(45) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1428 (call not in the image)

Impostor de ea quam fabricatus est epistola singuluriter gravisus fuisse videtur.

The impostor seems to have been singularly (printed "singuluriter") pleased with the letter he fabricated.

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(46) ‹anchor: in nobis unum sint› · call in col 1428

Ita quoque recitatur a S. Cypriano de Oratione Dominica, quod opus laudatur a S. Hilario in Matth.

It is quoted so by St Cyprian too, in On the Lord's Prayer, a work praised by St Hilary on Matthew.

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(47) ‹anchor: superaddere potuerit› · call in col 1429

Præcipua argumenta vel ex ratione vel ex Scriptura desumpta, quæ pseudo-Firmilianus superaddidisse gloriatur, omnia habentur in epistolis Cypriano ascriptis.

The chief arguments, drawn from reason or from Scripture, that pseudo-Firmilian boasts of having added are all found in the letters ascribed to Cyprian.

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(48) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1429 or 1430 (call not in the image)

I. Cor. XIV.

1 Corinthians 14.

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(49) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1429 or 1430 (call not in the image)

Illa phrasis præpositi occurrit et in Cyprianicis, octava sub titulo cleri Romani ad Cyprianum in qua clerus Romanus ait: Qui videmur præpositi esse, et vici pastoris custodire gregem. Item in epist. 7, 11, 13, 15, 23, 27, et et ad Magnum 76: Nemini præscribentes, quo minus statuat unusquisque præpositus. Tertullianus Montanista, de Corona Militis, c. 3: Eucharistiam non de aliorum manu, quam præsidentium sumimus. Non possum subscribere Sellvaggio asserenti, I, I, c. 12, § 4, titulos præpositorum et præsidentium proprios fuisse episcopis in Ecclesia primitiva.

The phrase those set over (praepositi) occurs in the Cyprianic letters too: in the eighth, under the title of the Roman clergy to Cyprian, where the Roman clergy says: We who seem to be set over the flock, and to guard it in the shepherd's stead. Likewise in letters 7, 11, 13, 15, 23, 27, and in the one to Magnus, 76: Prescribing to no one, so as to prevent each one set over a church from deciding. Tertullian the Montanist, On the Soldier's Crown, ch. 3: We receive the Eucharist from the hand of none but those who preside. I cannot subscribe to Selvaggio's assertion, I, 1, ch. 12, § 4, that the titles "those set over" and "those presiding" belonged properly to bishops in the primitive Church.

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(50) ‹anchor: Dupinius› · call in col 1430

In bibliotheca nova, verbo Cyprianus.

In the Nouvelle Bibliothèque, under Cyprian.

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(51) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1431 (call not in the image)

Scripserunt Augustinus anno 420, Socrates et Sozomenus 440, quo ultimo tempore Novatiani ex rigorismo in laxismum jam declinaverant, contendentes, cuicunque Ecclesiæ particulari suam quæ præplaceret disciplinam esse permittendam, in jejuniis, in cælibatu, in celebratione festorum, signanter Paschatis, in sacramento confessionis apud sacerdotem deponendæ, vel non deponendæ. Revideantur Socrates l. V, cap. 19 et 22; Sozomen. l. VIII, cap. 15, qui uterque Novatianus fuit.

Augustine wrote in the year 420, Socrates and Sozomen in 440, by which latter time the Novatians had already slid from rigorism into laxism, contending that every particular Church should be allowed whatever discipline it preferred, in fasts, in celibacy, in the celebration of feasts, especially of Easter, and in the sacrament of confession, whether it was to be made to a priest or not. See again Socrates, bk. V, chs. 19 and 22; Sozomen, bk. VIII, ch. 15, both of whom were Novatians.

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(52) ‹anchor: amplexi sunt› · call in col 1431

S. Augustinus, de Verbis Domini in Evang. Matthæi, serm. 2, impugnat eos, qui pro tunc docebant sequentia saltem peccata 1° homicidii, 2° adulterii, 3° apostasiæ a fide (vel a sua hæresi) esse irremissibilia.

St Augustine, On the Words of the Lord in the Gospel of Matthew, sermon 2, attacks those who at that time taught that at least the following sins were unforgivable: 1° murder, 2° adultery, 3° apostasy from the faith (or from their own heresy).

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(53) ‹anchor: graviores et publici› · call in col 1431

Quæ peccata ministrum facerent inhabilem ad sacramenta valide conferenda, non satis conveniebant. Si baptizans foret peccator occultus, tum angelum vel Deum supplere docebant. V. dicenda n. 49.

They did not quite agree on which sins made a minister incapable of conferring the sacraments validly. If the one baptizing were a secret sinner, they taught that an angel or God supplied the lack. See what is to be said at no. 49.

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(54) ‹anchor: memoriter didicerit› · call in col 1432

Aliqui Firmiliano tantam fuisse moram asserunt, ut vicinos episcopos congregaverit, v, n. 20, 21, nomine concilii hæc epistola fuerit composita. V. num. 76.

Some assert that Firmilian had time enough to gather the neighbouring bishops (see nos. 20, 21), and that this letter was composed in the name of a council. See no. 76.

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(55) ‹anchor: Quatuor Temporum in Septembri› · call in col 1433

Nempe S. Lucas hæc scribebat non Judæis, sed Christianis Romæ habitantibus. Vid. dissert. de Cathedris, a n. 47. Quod vero Apostoli jejunia quatuor temporum instituerint, diserte tradunt S. Leo papa, etc., ac confirmat antiquissimus omnium Ecclesiarum consensus. Baronius tamen ut alii plures putant fuisse Decembrem, vel jejunium decimi mensis Judæorum in nostrum Januarium incidens. Sed tunc circa solstitium hiemale (ut bene Calmet in l. cit.) non periculosam effici navigationem, sed impossibilem esse Lucas scripsisset; nempe illa ætate qua acus nautica nondum innotuerat. Dein ex contextu sacræ Scripturæ evidens est, illud jejunium, quod jam præterierat, non fuisse jejunium hiemale; nam inito post illud jejunium consilio, ex Creta Phœnicen navigare conati sunt, ut ibidem hiemarent; ergo plena hiems nondum erat Januarii, et non absolvi, nisi circa medium. Postea pluribus quam 14 diebus jacti fuere in mari. Tandem post tres alios menses quibus in insula Malta hiemaverant, navigaverunt in Italiam. Si dicatur illud jejunium fuisse circa initium Januarii, consequenter asserendum erit, tempus hiemale navigationibus infestum in Malta incipere circa medium Januarii, et non absolvi, nisi circa medium Aprilis, quod est falsissimum.

For St Luke was writing this not to Jews but to Christians living at Rome. See the dissertation On the Chairs, from no. 47. That the Apostles instituted the Ember-day fasts is plainly handed down by Pope St Leo and others, and the most ancient consensus of all the Churches confirms it. Baronius, however, like many others, thinks it was December, or the fast of the Jews' tenth month, which falls in our January. But then, around the winter solstice, Luke would have written (as Calmet rightly says in the place cited) that sailing had become not dangerous but impossible — in that age, that is, when the mariner's compass was not yet known. Then from the context of Holy Scripture it is evident that the fast, which had already passed, was not a winter fast; for after that fast, having taken counsel, they tried to sail from Crete to Phoenix in order to winter there; therefore full winter had not yet come in January (so printed), and did not end except about the middle. Afterwards they were tossed on the sea for more than 14 days. At last, after three more months in which they had wintered on the island of Malta, they sailed to Italy. If that fast is said to have been about the beginning of January, it will consequently have to be asserted that the winter season hostile to sailing begins at Malta about the middle of January and does not end until about the middle of April, which is utterly false.

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(56) ‹anchor: navem concessisset› · call in col 1433

Olim a die quarta Novembris usque ad septimam Martii navigationes cessabant in mari Mediterraneo. V. Plinius secundus, Hist. Nat. lib. II, n. 37.

Formerly, from the fourth day of November to the seventh of March, sailing ceased on the Mediterranean. See Pliny Secundus (that is, the Elder), Natural History, bk. II, no. 37.

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(57) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1434 (call not in the image)

Bollandistæ ad diem 14 Septemb. in Vita S. Cypriani § 41; Pagius ad annos 255 et 256; Dupinius bibl. nov. v. Cyprianus; Fleurius l. I, § 20 et 30. Ex catholicis Pearsonius, episcopus Cestriensis, in suis accuratissimis (ait Caveus) Annalibus Cyprianicis. Idem Caveus, v, Firmilianus. Si prima Septembris cœperit synodus 87 episcoporum, hi numero plurimi ex diversis Africæ et Numidiæ diœcesibus Carthaginem proficisci debuerunt in diebus canicularibus, quo tempore in Africa maximus solis ardor viatores infestat. Imperatores nondum erant Christiani, qui vehicula publica subministrassent, quod beneficium Constantinus M. episcopis præstitit postea.

The Bollandists at 14 September, in the Life of St Cyprian, § 41; Pagi on the years 255 and 256; Dupin, Bibliothèque nouvelle, under Cyprian; Fleury, bk. I, §§ 20 and 30. Among Catholics (so printed), Pearson, bishop of Chester, in his most accurate (says Cave) Cyprianic Annals. Cave likewise, under Firmilian. If the synod of 87 bishops began on the first of September, these, most of them from various dioceses of Africa and Numidia, must have set out for Carthage in the dog days, the season when the sun's fiercest heat afflicts travellers in Africa. The emperors were not yet Christians, to have supplied public carriages, a favour Constantine the Great afterwards granted the bishops.

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(58) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1434 (call not in the image)

Omitto, quod initium hujus controversiæ alligandum esset anno 255. Eodem anno 255 synodus Carthaginensis prima contra papam decrevisset, baptismum hæreticorum esse invalidum: idem iterum decretum fuisset anno 256, in alia synodo secunda 71 episcoporum, antequam illa famosa tertia synodus 87 episcoporum, prima Septembris convenisset. Taceo de synodis Iconiensi et Synnadensi. Quis non stupeat, tot numerosas synodos intra tam modicum tempus celebratas fuisse in defensionem erroris, et nullam synodum exstare pro defensione veritatis? Quæ enim?

I pass over the fact that the beginning of this controversy would have to be tied to the year 255. In that same year 255 the first synod of Carthage would have decreed, against the pope, that the baptism of heretics was invalid; the same would have been decreed again in 256, in another, second synod of 71 bishops, before that famous third synod of 87 bishops met on the first of September. I say nothing of the synods of Iconium and Synnada. Who would not be astonished that so many synods were held within so short a time in defence of error, and that no synod is extant in defence of the truth? For which one is?

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(59) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1435 (call not in the image)

Hac pseudo-Firmiliani sententia usus est Rigaltius ad expugnandas Catholicorum traditiones.

Rigault used this saying of pseudo-Firmilian to attack the traditions of the Catholics.

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(60) ‹anchor: fuisset instituta› · call in col 1436

Rebaptizationem semper in universa Ecclesia obtinuisse, nec adversarii asserere ausi sunt. Illius initium pseudo-Cyprianus refert ad Agrippinum pro tunc ante 20 annos mortuum; pseudo-Firmilianus ad concilia Iconiense et Synadeuse pro tunc jam pridem celebrata; neutra exstant. Omnium primum, qui rebaptizaverit, censeo fuisse Novatum, a S. Cornelio papa, anno 257, ex Ecclesia ejectum, qui circa annum 253 Catholicos rebaptizare inceperit.

Not even our opponents have dared to assert that rebaptism always prevailed in the whole Church. Pseudo-Cyprian traces its beginning to Agrippinus, who by then had been dead twenty years; pseudo-Firmilian to the councils of Iconium and Synnada (printed "Synadeuse"), held, as he says, long before; neither is extant. The very first to rebaptize, I judge, was Novatus, cast out of the Church by Pope St Cornelius in 257 (so printed), who began to rebaptize Catholics about the year 253.

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(61) ‹anchor: Baronius fatetur› · call in col 1436

Ad annum 258, § 44.

At the year 258, § 44.

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(62) ‹anchor: Bollandistæ› · call in col 1436

V. supra n. 11.

See above, no. 11.

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(63) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1437 (call not in the image)

Dum S. Ignatius martyr, apostolorum coævus, in suis epistolis ad Trallanos, ad Smyrnæos mentionem fecerit hæreticorum Basilidis, Theodoti, Cleobuli, etc., hinc Dallæus et Blondellus acatholici pseudo-Firmiliano fidem adhibentes, contenderunt epistolas illas S. Ignatio fuisse suppositas. Ast illas Ignatii esse authenticas probat vel sola Eusebii auctoritas: ergo epistola Firmiliani, utpote contraria S. Ignatio rejicienda est supposititia, non vero epistola S. Ignatii.

Since St Ignatius the martyr, a contemporary of the apostles, mentions in his letters to the Trallians and to the Smyrnaeans the heretics Basilides, Theodotus, Cleobulus and others, the non-Catholics Daillé and Blondel, putting their faith in pseudo-Firmilian, contended that those letters were foisted on St Ignatius. But that they are Ignatius's and authentic is proved by the authority of Eusebius alone: therefore it is Firmilian's letter, as contrary to St Ignatius, that is to be rejected as spurious, not the letter of St Ignatius.

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(64) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1437 (call not in the image)

Et jam pseudo-Cyprianus, dum veteres hæreticos recenset, cunctos Marcione antiquiores omittit. Ep. 75.

And pseudo-Cyprian too, when he lists the old heretics, omits all those older than Marcion. Letter 75.

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(65) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1437 (call not in the image)

Hyginus sedere cœpit anno Antonini imperatoris primo; quadriennio Ecclesiam gubernavit. V. Eusebius.

Hyginus began to sit in the first year of the emperor Antoninus; he governed the Church for four years. See Eusebius.

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(66) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1437 (call not in the image)

Ep. Ignatii.

Letters of Ignatius.

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(67) ‹anchor: Simon Magus periit› · call in col 1437

Inter annum 43 sub Claudio mors apostolorum contigit, circa annum 68. V. Dissert. meas de Cathedris, n. 37, 59, 67.

Between the year 43, under Claudius, — the death of the apostles took place about the year 68. See my Dissertations On the Chairs, nos. 37, 59, 67. [So printed; a clause appears to have dropped after "Claudio".]

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(68) ‹anchor: successit Menander› · call in col 1437

Menander inter cætera adjecit eos, quos ipse baptizaverat, fore etiam quoad corpus immortales dummodo perpetuo sibi adhæsuri essent. V. Eusebius, l. III, cap. 26, citans SS. Justinum et Irenæum. Inde tamen absolute non sequitur quod Menander eos qui ab aliis tincti fuerant, rebaptizaverit.

Menander added, among other things, that those whom he himself had baptized would be immortal even in body, provided they clung to him for ever. See Eusebius, bk. III, ch. 26, citing Sts Justin and Irenaeus. It does not, however, follow at all from this that Menander rebaptized those who had been dipped by others.

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(69) ‹anchor: hæreses Ebionitarum› · call in col 1437

Eusebius, l. III, cap. 27.

Eusebius, bk. III, ch. 27.

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(70) ‹anchor: Cerinthi› · call in col 1437

V. S. Epiphanius, hæres. 28, ubi docet Cerinthum fuisse illum qui II Petr. II S. Petro restiterat, qui Act. XV dissidium Antiochiæ excitaverat Paulo; fuisse illum contra quem S. Jacobus scripsit Act. XV: Audivimus, quia quidam ex nobis exeuntes turbaverunt vos. S. Epiphanio subscribunt Natalis, Calmet, alii. Idem Cerinthus quasdam revelationes vulgaverat, velut a magno Apostolo scriptas, v. Eusebius, l. III, cap. 28; hinc Barnabam, Cepham, Jacobum, etc., territos fuisse conjicio et Paulum provocasse ad auctoritatem S. Petri, cujus sententiæ Barnabas, Cephas se submiserunt. Galat. I et II. Item Act. XV.

See St Epiphanius, Heresy 28, where he teaches that Cerinthus was the one who withstood St Peter, 2 Peter 2 (so printed), and who in Acts 15 stirred up the dissension at Antioch against Paul; that he was the one against whom St James wrote, Acts 15: We have heard that some going out from us have troubled you. Natalis, Calmet and others subscribe to St Epiphanius. This same Cerinthus had spread certain revelations as though written by a great Apostle (see Eusebius, bk. III, ch. 28); hence I conjecture that Barnabas, Cephas, James and the rest were frightened, and that Paul appealed to the authority of St Peter, to whose judgement Barnabas and Cephas submitted. Galatians 1 and 2. Likewise Acts 15.

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(71) ‹anchor: Gnosticorum progenies› · call in col 1437

V. noster S. Laurentius Cozza de hæresibus cap. 6, num. 3.

See our own Lorenzo Cozza (printed "S."), On Heresies, ch. 6, no. 3.

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(72) ‹anchor: celebrandum sit› · call in col 1438

Occasione hujus textus controverti solet, an S. Firmilianus adhæserit Quarto-Decimanis. Baronius affirmat, alii negant, cum nullus antiquorum S. Firmilianum illis hæreticis accensuerit. Cum tota epistola sit supposititia, cessat illa controversia.

On the occasion of this text it is commonly disputed whether St Firmilian adhered to the Quartodecimans. Baronius affirms it, others deny it, since none of the ancients counted St Firmilian among those heretics. Since the whole letter is spurious, that controversy falls away.

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(73) ‹anchor: Hierosolymitana› · call in col 1439 (the call after "Hierosolymitana" reads as "(75)" in the image; misprint for (73))

Circa finem sæculi IV hæresis Quarto-Decimanorum invaluit Hierosolymis, teste Philastrio (39) apud Cozza.

About the end of the fourth century the heresy of the Quartodecimans gained strength at Jerusalem, according to Philastrius (39), cited in Cozza.

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(74) ‹anchor: animarum seductiva› · call in col 1439 (the "(74)" printed after "theologi" in col 1440 matches the content of note 78)

Hujus hæreseos auctorem non fuisse S. Joannem Evangelistam, ut pseudo-Polycrates asseruit, ostendam alia vice.

That St John the Evangelist was not the author of this heresy, as pseudo-Polycrates asserted, I shall show another time.

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(75) ‹anchor: illo tempore› · call in col 1439

Quod posterioribus temporibus multa in disciplinaribus fuerint mutata pro locorum et hominum diversitate indubium est; ast sæculo III quam rigidissime insistebatur uniformitati conservandæ. Dum Philippus imperator Christianus vel catechumenus ultimis vigiliis Paschalibus interesse voluit, a rectore jussus est inter pœnitentes consistere, eo quod in multis culpabilis esset; ac prompte obedivit. V. Euseb. l. VI, c. 34.

That in later times much in matters of discipline was changed according to the diversity of places and people is beyond doubt; but in the third century the keeping of uniformity was insisted on most rigidly. When the emperor Philip, a Christian or a catechumen, wished to attend the last vigil of Easter, he was ordered by the one presiding to stand among the penitents, because he was guilty in many things; and he promptly obeyed. See Eusebius, bk. VI, ch. 34.

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(76) ‹anchor: omnes fatentur› · call in col 1439

1. Quia quod papa S. Cyprianum et universos Africæ episcopos actu excommunicaverit, aliunde probare nequit. 2. Quia S. Cypriani nomen Canoni Missalis Romani insertum fuit, nullatenus credibile, quod Romana Ecclesia nomen hominis a summo Pontifice excommunicati et primi excommunicatorum antesignani in Canonem sui Missalis retulisset.

1. Because that the pope actually excommunicated St Cyprian and all the bishops of Africa cannot be proved from any other source. 2. Because St Cyprian's name was inserted in the Canon of the Roman Missal; it is not at all credible that the Roman Church would have entered in the Canon of its Missal the name of a man excommunicated by the supreme Pontiff and the foremost ringleader of the excommunicated.

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(77) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1439 or 1440 (call not in the image)

Illa phrasis infamare apostolos, etiam occurrit in ep. Cyprianica 74.

That phrase, to defame the apostles, occurs also in Cyprianic letter 74.

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(78) ‹anchor: not visible› · call not seen (probably the "(74)" printed after "theologi" in col 1440)

Videantur Natalis Alexander ad sæculum III, dissert. 14; Tournelius, de Sacramentis in genere, quæstio 7; Bertius, de Theolog. discip. lib. XXXI, cap. 13, num. 16.

See Natalis Alexander on the third century, dissertation 14; Tournely, On the Sacraments in General, question 7; Berti, On the Theological Disciplines, bk. XXXI, ch. 13, no. 16.

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(79) ‹anchor: asserit› · call in col 1440

In sua Bibliotheca. V. Cyprianus.

In his Bibliothèque, under Cyprian.

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(80) ‹anchor: paucos› · call in col 1440

Hos vide apud Irenæum, l. I, c. 8. De Mon- (continues)

See these in Irenaeus, bk. I, ch. 8. On the Mon- (continues)

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(81) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1441 (call not in the image)

Censeo pseudo Firmilianum fuisse ejusdem sectæ, cujus erat auctor quarumdam epistolarum Cyprianicarum; nam textus scripturistici in utrisque epistolis eodem apud Catholicos usitato modo citantur. E. g. tempore Augustini Donatistæ argumentari solebant ex Psalmo CL: Oleum peccatoris non ungat caput meum; ergo S. Unctionis et reliqua Sacramenta a peccatore collata non valent. Eodem modo legitur in Cyprianica 76. — S. Augustinus, I. II, Cont. Crescon. c. 24, et l. IV, cap. 15, respondit Donatistis, 1. textum inepte fuisse adductum, cum agat de peccatore adulante. 2. Textum a Donatistis fuisse corruptum, cum legendum sit: Non impinguet vel impinguabit caput meum. Ecce auctor Cyprianicarum S. Scripturam citavit, prout hæc a Donatistis fuerat corrupta.

I judge that pseudo-Firmilian belonged to the same sect as the author of certain Cyprianic letters; for the scriptural texts in both sets of letters are cited in the same way (printed "eodem apud Catholicos usitato modo", "in the way used among Catholics", where the sense wants "not used"). For example, in Augustine's time the Donatists used to argue from Psalm 150 (printed "CL"; the verse is Ps. 140:5): Let not the oil of the sinner anoint my head; therefore holy Unction and the other Sacraments conferred by a sinner are not valid. It is read the same way in Cyprianic letter 76. — St Augustine, bk. II Against Cresconius, ch. 24, and bk. IV, ch. 15, answered the Donatists: 1. that the text was ineptly adduced, since it speaks of a flattering sinner; 2. that the text had been corrupted by the Donatists, since it should read: Shall not fatten, or will not fatten, my head. See: the author of the Cyprianic letters cited Holy Scripture as it had been corrupted by the Donatists.

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(82) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1441 (call not in the image)

Tertullianus jam Montanista factus l. de Pudicitia docuit eos, qui ab hæresi venerunt, esse baptizandos sicut ethnicos.

Tertullian, already become a Montanist, taught in the book On Modesty that those who came from heresy were to be baptized like pagans.

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(83) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1441 (call not in the image)

Epist. II, ad Victricium, cap. 8.

Letter 2, to Victricius, ch. 8.

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(84) ‹anchor: de hoc retulit› · call in col 1441

Eusebius. l. VII, cap 8.

Eusebius, bk. VII, ch. 8.

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(85) ‹anchor: non abrogarunt› · call in col 1441

Patet: quia Novatiani ad nostram Ecclesiam venientes non baptizabantur. Videsis concilium Nicænum. At vero Catholicos, vel Donatistas rebaptizabant, ut pseudo-Cyprianus verum dixerit, dum Ep. 73 Jubaiano scribit Novatienses (Novatianos a Novato) rebaptizare eos quos a nobis solicitant.

It is plain: because Novatians coming to our Church were not baptized. See the Council of Nicaea. But they did rebaptize Catholics, or Donatists, so that pseudo-Cyprian spoke the truth when he writes to Jubaianus in Letter 73 that the Novatianists (Novatians, from Novatus) rebaptize those whom they entice away from us.

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(86) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1441 (call not in the image)

Contra Novatum maxime pugnaverat S. Firmilianus. Paulus Samosatenus qui divinitatem negare cœpit tempore S. Firmiliani, post mortem S. Stephani et Cypriani invaluit. Quos ergo hæreticos perstringere voluit S. Firmilianus, dum circa annum 256 Cypriano scripsit quod sibi phantasmata ignoti Dei confinxerint?

St Firmilian had fought hardest against Novatus. Paul of Samosata, who began to deny the divinity in St Firmilian's time, grew strong after the death of St Stephen and Cyprian. Which heretics, then, did St Firmilian mean to censure when, about the year 256, he wrote to Cyprian that they had fashioned for themselves phantasms of an unknown God? [An ink blot on the scan touches "quod sibi"; the reading is clear.]

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(87) ‹anchor: concilia› · call in col 1442

Unicum quod speciem solidi argumenti habens opponi mihi poterit est sequens: Apud Eusebium, H. E. lib. VIII, cap. 3, fit mentio quod S. Dionysius Alexandrinus aliquid audiverit de conciliis Iconiensi et Synnadensi. Verum alibi specialiter ostendam 1° hunc Eusebii locum esse interpolatum, 2° Locus ille ita obscurus est, ut de vero verborum sensu eruditi usque huc non convenerint.

The only thing having the look of a solid argument that could be set against me is this: in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, bk. VIII (so printed), ch. 3, mention is made that St Dionysius of Alexandria had heard something about the councils of Iconium and Synnada. But I shall show elsewhere in particular, 1° that this passage of Eusebius is interpolated; 2° the passage is so obscure that the learned have not agreed to this day on the true sense of the words.

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(88) ‹anchor: secundum Phrygas› · call in col 1442

Montanistæ sub initium sæculi III jam tres in sectas divisi fuerant. 1. Secundum Phrygas. 2. Secundum Proclum. 3. Secundum Æschinam. Vi- (continues)

At the beginning of the third century the Montanists had already split into three sects: 1. those after the Phrygians; 2. those after Proclus; 3. those after Aeschines. See (continues)

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(89) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1443 (call not in the image)

Unius duntaxat Priscæ fit mentio, cum tamen Montanus secundum Tertullianum secta Montanistam aliosque Catholicos, Hieronymum, Eusebium, Epiphanium etc. duabus usus fuerit prophetissis Priscilla et Maximilla. Philastrius lib. de Hæresibus: Cataphryges Patrem et Filium, et Spiritum confitentur, Montanum et Priscillam et Maximillam annuntiant Mirum si tempore S. Firmiliani evenisset, ut Maximilla in oblivionem venerit, ac Priscilla ex errore in Priscam modo immutata fuerit.

Mention is made of one Prisca only, whereas Montanus, according to Tertullian, by then a Montanist by sect, and the other Catholics (so printed), Jerome, Eusebius, Epiphanius and the rest, made use of two prophetesses, Priscilla and Maximilla. Philastrius, in the book On Heresies: The Cataphrygians confess the Father and the Son and the Spirit; they proclaim Montanus and Priscilla and Maximilla. It would be strange if, in St Firmilian's time, it had come about that Maximilla was forgotten and Priscilla was changed by mistake into Prisca. [An ink blot on the scan covers part of "aliosque" and of "Epiphanium"; both are clear from what remains.]

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(90) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1443 (call not in the image)

Vid. loc. cit: a num. 72.

See the place cited, from no. 72.

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(91) ‹anchor: de Montanistis silentium› · call in col 1443

Septem diversas editiones revidi apud Harduinum; in una Isidori Mercatoris Cathaphryges Paulianistis superadditi leguntur, sed illam unam interpolatam esse censeo.

I have re-examined seven different editions in Hardouin; in one, that of Isidore Mercator, the Cataphrygians are read added to the Paulianists, but I judge that one alone to be interpolated.

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(92) ‹anchor: ex Galatia venerint› · call in col 1443

In Laodiceno etiam Cataphryges recensentur inter rebaptizandos; ast non satis constat Laodicenum, 1° an sit genuinum; 2° quo tempore fuerit celebratum.

In the Council of Laodicea too the Cataphrygians are listed among those to be rebaptized; but about the Laodicene council it is not well established, 1° whether it is genuine, 2° when it was held.

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(93) ‹anchor: suo tempore exsistentibus› · call in col 1443

SS. Hieronymus et Gregorius loquuntur indefinite; Theodoretus ait: Nonnullos Montanistarum. Synodus Constantinopolitana addit: Præsertim si illi hæretici ex Galatia venerint, quæ additio subindicat, formam ab omnibus illis hæreticis non fuisse mutatam.

Sts Jerome and Gregory speak without qualification; Theodoret says: some of the Montanists. The synod of Constantinople adds: Especially if those heretics have come from Galatia, an addition which hints that the form was not changed by all those heretics.

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(94) ‹anchor: tamen Donatistis› · call in col 1444

Apud hos in casu peccatoris occulti Deus, vel saltem angelus clam supplebat. S. Augustinus, libro XXI contra Cresconium, c. 48, et in exhortat. ad concordiam, epist. 66, qui subinferebat contra Donatistas: Ergo optabilius erit baptizari a peccatore occulto, quam homine etiam sancto: quia in primo casu baptizarent Deus, vel angelus, in secundo casu ablueret homo. Idem foret in aliis sacramentis.

Among them, in the case of a secret sinner, God, or at least an angel, secretly supplied the lack. St Augustine, book XXI (so printed) against Cresconius, ch. 48, and in the exhortation to concord, letter 66, drew the further inference against the Donatists: Then it will be more desirable to be baptized by a secret sinner than even by a holy man: because in the first case God, or an angel, would baptize; in the second, a man would wash. The same would hold for the other sacraments.

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(95) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1445 (call not in the image)

Labbeus et Petavius synodum Iconiensem illigarunt anno 258, quo et Carthaginensem III sub S. Cypriano celebratam fuisse crediderunt; Harduinus illam amandavit ad annum 331, cap. 2 (mihi p. 130) ad annum 175 circiter. Ego repeto tam Iconiensem, quam Carthaginensem synodos esse fictitias. Vide supra, n. 21.

Labbe and Petau tied the synod of Iconium to the year 258, in which they believed the third synod of Carthage under St Cyprian was also held; Hardouin moved it to the year 331, ch. 2 (in my copy p. 130), to about the year 175. I repeat that the synods of Iconium and of Carthage alike are fictitious. See above, no. 21.

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(96) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1445 (call not in the image)

Hanc opinionem Tertullianus docuit lib. de Baptismo.

Tertullian taught this opinion in the book On Baptism.

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(96) [so printed; the call in col 1446 is (97)] ‹anchor: multos fallent› · call in col 1446

In Vulgata legitur (Marc. XIII, 21): Et tunc, si quis vobis dixerit: Ecce hic est Christus, ecce illic, ne credideritis. Qua editione auctor usus fuerit mihi non constat; illuc advertendum duxi, quod in Cyprianica 72 ad Jubaianum textus sub iisdem omnino formalibus ad eumdem finem adhibeatur: Multi, inquit, venient in nomine meo dicentes: Ego sum Christus, et multos fallent. Item in libro de Unitate.

The Vulgate reads (Mark 13:21): And then, if anyone says to you, Look, here is the Christ, look, there, do not believe it. Which edition the author used I do not know; I have thought it worth noting that in Cyprianic letter 72 to Jubaianus the text is used in exactly the same words for the same purpose: Many, it says, will come in my name saying, I am the Christ, and they will deceive many. Likewise in the book On the Unity.

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(98) ‹anchor: episcopus› · call in col 1446

Eusebius, H. E. lib. VI, c. 26, 31. Ubi de ipso refert quod præcipuos Firmiliani condiscipulos cognoverit, Gregorium et Athenodorum, Ponti episcopos, suo tempore adhuc superstites.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, bk. VI, chs. 26, 31, where he reports of him that he knew Firmilian's chief fellow students, Gregory and Athenodorus, bishops of Pontus, who were still living in his time.

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(99) ‹anchor: Temporibus post Alexandrum› · call in col 1446

Hoc argumentum maxime premit, si epistola nomine totius concilii, ut plures affirmant, missa (continues)

This argument presses hardest if the letter was sent in the name of the whole council, as many affirm, (continues)

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(99, continued) ‹continuation of note 99, called in col 1446› · printed at the head of the left foot of page 775 fuerit ad S. Cyprianum; an nullus episcoporum illorum tempus determinare potuit, quo illa recentissima facta contigissent?

to St Cyprian: could none of those bishops determine the time at which those most recent events had happened?

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(1) ‹anchor: a primo initio› · call in col 1447 (the note numbering restarts here)

Dicuntur fuisse numero multæ; at quæ vel quales fuerint, non additur. Insuper terræ motus plurimi et frequentes. Fleurius, lib. VI, § 1; Pagius illos terræ motus alligarunt anno 235, innitentes pseudo-Firmiliano; Selvagius, lib. I, c. 9, § 9, adducit testimonium Origenis, hom. 28 in Matthæum. Ast 19 illæ homiliæ sunt probabiliter supposititiæ, teste Bellarmino. 2° Pseudo-Origenes ait duntaxat: Scimus apud nos terræ motum esse factum: ast ubi, quo anno, non addit. Porro quod tempore Origenis terræ motus fuerint admitto, nempe circa annum 242 item circa annum 202, quo ultimo anno Origenes florere cœpit. Vid. Fleurius, lib. V, § 20.

They are said to have been many in number; but which or what kind they were is not added. Besides, very many and frequent earthquakes. Fleury, bk. VI, § 1; Pagi — they tied those earthquakes to the year 235, relying on pseudo-Firmilian; Selvaggio, bk. I, ch. 9, § 9, adduces the testimony of Origen, Homily 28 on Matthew. But those 19 homilies are probably spurious, according to Bellarmine. 2° Pseudo-Origen says only: We know that an earthquake took place among us; but where, and in what year, he does not add. I do admit that there were earthquakes in Origen's time, namely about the year 242, and also about 202, the year in which Origen began to flourish. See Fleury, bk. V, § 20.

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(2) ‹anchor: in illa epistola› · call in col 1447

Aliud foret in historico qui multas res gestas in compendium redigit, vel in prima post terræ motum consternatione infortunia illa in Africam renuntianda habuisset.

It would be otherwise with a historian who reduces many events to a summary, or with someone who had had to report those misfortunes to Africa in the first dismay after the earthquake.

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(3) ‹anchor: sævire decrevit› · call in col 1447

Eusebius, lib. VI, c. 28. Huic magis credendum quam Selvagio, lib. I, e. 9, § 9, opinanti: imprudentiam unius militis Christiani coronam militarem capite gestare renuentis fuisse causam illius persecutionis. — Quod Alexander Christianis faverit, contestatur Ælius Lampridius scriptor ethnicus his verbis; Alexander Christianos passus est... Christo templum facere voluit, eumque inter deos recipere... Christianis permisit Deum suum publice colere; a Christianis, vel Judæis didicerat: « Quod tibi non vis fieri alteri ne feceris. » Hoc non obstante jurisconsulti, ut Ulpianus, contra Christianos grassati fuere, ut nihilominus multi martyres sub Alexandro imperatore occisi fuerint. Hæc subnexui ad præoccupandas objectiones.

Eusebius, bk. VI, ch. 28. He is to be believed rather than Selvaggio, bk. I, ch. 9, § 9, who thinks that the imprudence of one Christian soldier who refused to wear the military crown on his head was the cause of that persecution. — That Alexander favoured the Christians is attested by Aelius Lampridius, a pagan writer, in these words: Alexander tolerated the Christians . . . he wished to build a temple to Christ and receive Him among the gods . . . he allowed the Christians to worship their God publicly; from the Christians, or the Jews, he had learned: "What you do not wish done to yourself, do not do to another." Notwithstanding this, jurists such as Ulpian raged against the Christians, so that many martyrs were nonetheless killed under the emperor Alexander. I have added this to forestall objections.

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(4) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1448 (call not in the image)

Verosimilius est et Christianis libertatem fuisse concessam suum Deum exorandi.

It is more likely that the Christians too were granted freedom to pray to their God.

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(5) ‹anchor: Sub Severo gravissima› · call in col 1448

Euseb., H. E., l. VI, c. 6.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, bk. VI, ch. 6.

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(6) ‹anchor: ætas pacifica› · call in col 1448

Pseudo-Lactantii liber, hac in re non meretur fidem. Videsis meas dissertationes de Cathedris Petri.

The book of pseudo-Lactantius deserves no credence in this matter. See my dissertations On the Chairs of Peter.

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(7) ‹anchor: teste Eusebio› · call in col 1448

Euseb. l. VI, cap. 28; Fleurius, I, VI, § 3, putat Origenem metu persecutionis illius e Palæstina fugisse in Cappadociam ad S. Firmilianum, ibique biennio commoratum fuisse.

Eusebius, bk. VI, ch. 28; Fleury, bk. VI, § 3, thinks that Origen, for fear of that persecution, fled from Palestine to Cappadocia to St Firmilian, and stayed there two years.

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(8) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1449 (call not in the image)

Pagius ad annum 253, n. 3.

Pagi, at the year 253, no. 3.

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(9) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1449 (call not in the image)

Eleurius refert in hac S. Mercurium virum militarem Cæsareæ in Cappadocia matyrium subiisse. l. VI, § 40, 41.

Fleury (printed "Eleurius") reports that in this persecution St Mercurius, a soldier, suffered martyrdom (printed "matyrium") at Caesarea in Cappadocia. Bk. VI, §§ 40, 41.

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(10) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1449 (call not in the image)

Hoc singulari factum suæ Historiæ ecclesiasticæ inseruerunt recentiores. Fleurius l. VI, § 4. Pagius ad annum 255, Baronius ad annum 237. Mihi fabula videtur, in posterum ex historiis ecclesiasticis eliminanda.

More recent writers have inserted this singular event in their Ecclesiastical Histories: Fleury, bk. VI, § 4; Pagi at the year 255; Baronius at the year 237. To me it seems a fable, to be struck out of church histories from now on.

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(11) ‹anchor: quædam mulier› · call in col 1449

Tillemontius fuit miratus hanc historiam a S. Augustino fuisse ignoratam; ego non miror, cum sit fabula post mortem S. Augustini conficta.

Tillemont wondered that this story was unknown to St Augustine; I do not wonder, since it is a fable invented after St Augustine's death.

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(12) ‹anchor: exorcistæ› · call in col 1450

Apud Latinos Romanos tamen prima exorcistarum mentio occurrit in epistola Cornelii papæ circa annum 251, scripta; at relata apud Eusebium l. VII, c, 43.

Among the Latins of Rome, however, the first mention of exorcists occurs in the letter of Pope Cornelius written about the year 251, as reported in Eusebius, bk. VII (so printed), ch. 43.

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(13) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1451

Auctor Cyprianicarum eodem modo loquitur epist. 116: Præpositos qui apostolis ordinatione vicaria succedunt. In pseudo-synodo Carthaginensi, 87 episcoporum rebaptizantium: Apostolos quibus nos successimus. Apud alios SS. Patres illæ phrases non occurrunt. Vide tamen Bingham, de Originibus seu Antiq. Ecclesiasticis, l. II, c. 2, § 2; Salvagium, de Antiq. Christianis, l. I, c. 12, § 4, n. 2.

The author of the Cyprianic letters speaks the same way in letter 116: Prelates who succeed the apostles by vicarious ordination. In the pseudo-synod of Carthage of the 87 rebaptizing bishops: The apostles, whom we have succeeded. Among the other holy Fathers those phrases do not occur. See, however, Bingham, On the Origins or Antiquities of the Church, book II, ch. 2, § 2; Salvagius, On Christian Antiquities, book I, ch. 12, § 4, no. 2.

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(14) ‹anchor: reticuit› · call in col 1451

Vid. meas de Cathedris, n. 120, ubi admonui, quod ex 12 apostolis solus Petrus cathedram fixam elegerit, eamque Romanam.

See my [dissertations] On the Chairs, no. 120, where I pointed out that of the twelve apostles Peter alone chose a fixed chair, and that one Roman.

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(15) ‹anchor: quinquies adhibuerit› · call in col 1451

Ep. 55, 58, 73, 75, 76; ut adhuc omittam librum de Unitate Ecclesiæ.

Letters 55, 58, 73, 75, 76; to say nothing further of the book On the Unity of the Church.

(printed under page 777)

(16) ‹anchor: obstinatis Judæis› · call in col 1451

Duriora sequentur a n. 64.

Harsher things follow from no. 64.

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(17) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1452

Istic, id est, apud not in Cappadocia. V. n. 56.

"There", that is, among us in Cappadocia. See no. 56.

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(18) ‹anchor: clericæ ordinationis› · call in col 1452

Hæc phrasis: Clerica ordinatio, etiam occurrit in Cyprianica 66.

This phrase, clerical ordination, also occurs in the Cyprianic letter 66.

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(19) ‹anchor: ne biberis› · call in col 1453 (the call in the text is printed (18); the note is printed (19))

Hic textus: Ab aqua aliena, etc., abest a codicibus Hebræis et a vulgato Latino; adhibitus tamen fuit a Tertulliano, l. I adv. Marcionem, et a Numeriano in pseudo-synodo Carthaginensi III sub Pseudo-Cypriano.

This text, From another's water, etc., is absent from the Hebrew manuscripts and from the Latin Vulgate; it was used, however, by Tertullian, Against Marcion book I, and by Numerianus in the pseudo-synod of Carthage III under Pseudo-Cyprian.

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(19) ‹anchor: exaggerat peccata› · call in col 1453

Ita nostra vulgata, Prov. XXIX. Vir iracundus provocat rixas, et qui ad indignandum facilis est, erit ad peccandum proclivis.

So our Vulgate, Prov. 29: "A passionate man provokes quarrels, and he that is easily stirred up to wrath will be prone to sin."

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(20) ‹anchor: diserte testatur› · call in col 1454

Apud Eusebium, l. VI, c. 5.

In Eusebius, book VI, ch. 5.

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(21) ‹anchor: Excipit Bertius› · call in col 1454

L. XXXI, c. 1, n. 24,

Book XXXI, ch. 1, no. 24.

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(22) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1455

S. Aug. de Unit. Bapt. cont. Petilianum. c. 16. Quid opus est ut episcoporum Ecclesiæ Romanæ, quos incredibilibus calumniis insectatur Petilianus Donatista, objecta ab eo crimina diluamus? Marcellinus et presbyteri ejus pro tunc, postea summi Pontifices, Melchiades et Sylvester traditionis codicum divinorum et thurificationis ab eo crimine arguuntur. Sed nunquid ideo etiam convincuntur, aut convicti aliqua documentorum firmitate monstrantur? Ipse sceleratos et sacrilegos fuisse dicit: ego innocentes fuisse respondeo. Quid laborem probare defensionem meam, cum ille nec tenuiter probare conatus sit accusationem suam? Si est ulla humanitas in rebus humanis, puto nos justius posse reprehendi, si ignotos homines, quos criminantur inimici, nec eorum crimen ulla testificatione demonstrant, nocentes potius quam innocentes crediderimus. Ita S. Aug. l. cit. qui l. III cont. Crescon. multa alia facta historica recenset a Donatistis contra episcopos Catholicos conficta. Quod lapsus Liberii papæ similiter ab hæreticis fuerit confictus, ita demonstrarunt Bollandistæ ad diem 23 Sept., ut Bertius Bollandistis assensum præbuerit.

St. Augustine, On the Unity of Baptism, against Petilian, ch. 16: "What need is there for us to wash away the charges brought by Petilian the Donatist against the bishops of the Roman Church, whom he pursues with incredible calumnies? Marcellinus and his presbyters of that time, afterwards supreme Pontiffs, Melchiades and Sylvester, are accused by him of the crime of handing over the divine books and of offering incense. But are they therefore also convicted, or shown to be convicted by any solidity of documents? He says they were wicked and sacrilegious; I answer that they were innocent. Why should I labour to prove my defence, when he has not even faintly tried to prove his accusation? If there is any humanity in human affairs, I think we could more justly be blamed if we believed men unknown to us, whom their enemies accuse without demonstrating their crime by any testimony, to be guilty rather than innocent." So St. Augustine at the place cited, who in book III Against Cresconius reviews many other historical facts fabricated by the Donatists against Catholic bishops. That the lapse of Pope Liberius was likewise fabricated by heretics the Bollandists have demonstrated at 23 September, so that Bertius gave his assent to the Bollandists.

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(25) ‹anchor: contra summum Pontificem› · call in col 1455 (again in col 1456, after excommunicarentur)

Eusebius, v. lib. c. 26. — Imo et illa Polycratis et Irenæi facta non sunt omnino certa; suspicor Eusebium fuisse interpolatum tam in causa Quarto-Decimanorum, quam Anabaptistarum.

Eusebius, book V, ch. 26. — Indeed even those acts of Polycrates and Irenaeus are not altogether certain; I suspect that Eusebius has been interpolated both in the matter of the Quartodecimans and in that of the Anabaptists.

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(23) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1456

In Ep. Cyprianicarum 69, Florentius Pupianus episcopus introducitur, quod (Pseudo-) Cyprianum vocaverit superbum; igitur Cyprianus probat, se esse vere humilem, et Florentio regerit: An tu (humilis) qui te episcopum episcopi, et judicem judicis a Deo docti constituis, cum Dominus in Deuteronomio dicat: Et homo, quicunque fuerit in superbia, ut non exaudiat sacerdotem aut judicem, quicunque fuerit in diebus illis, morietur homo ille. Adducitur S. Paulus, qui in falsis et spoliatis sacerdotibus umbram tamen ipsam inanem sacerdotalis nominis veneratus dixerat: Nesciebam, fratres, quia pontifex est; scriptum est enim; Principem populi tui non maledices. Pseudo-Firmilianus se judicem summi Pontificis constituit.

In letter 69 of the Cyprianic letters, the bishop Florentius Pupianus is introduced as having called (Pseudo-)Cyprian proud; so Cyprian proves that he is truly humble, and retorts upon Florentius: Are you (humble), who set yourself up as bishop of the bishop and judge of the judge taught by God, when the Lord says in Deuteronomy: And the man who is in pride, so that he will not hear the priest or the judge, whoever shall be in those days, that man shall die? St. Paul is brought in, who even in false and despoiled priests revered the very empty shadow of the priestly name and said: I knew not, brethren, that he is the high priest; for it is written: You shall not speak evil of the prince of your people. Pseudo-Firmilian sets himself up as judge of the supreme Pontiff.

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(24) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1456

L. XXXI, c. 13, n. 5.

Book XXXI, ch. 13, no. 5.

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(26) ‹anchor: et pseudo-operarium› · call in col 1457

Ob illa tria verba: pseudo-Christus, etc., jam olim Christianus Lupus apud Missorium dubitavit an epistola Firmiliani sit vera.

On account of those three words, pseudo-Christ, etc., Christianus Lupus long ago, as reported by Missorius, doubted whether the letter of Firmilian is genuine.

(printed under page 780)

(27) ‹anchor: etiam Lutherus› · call in col 1457

In Symposiacis.

In the Table Talk.

(printed under page 780)

(28) ‹anchor: objecta fuisse legitur› · call in col 1458

Cum de concilio Sinuessano, in quo S. Marcellinus papa suum lapsum coram 300 episcopis confessus fuisse dicitur, tempore S. Augustini necdum aliqua mentio facta fuerit a Donatistis; merito censet Missorius illud postea a Donatistis fuisse confictum. Revideatur n° 69.

Since in St. Augustine's time no mention whatever had yet been made by the Donatists of the council of Sinuessa, in which Pope St. Marcellinus is said to have confessed his lapse before 300 bishops, Missorius rightly judges that it was afterwards fabricated by the Donatists. See again no. 69.

(printed under page 780)

(29) ‹anchor: Excipit Bertius› · call in col 1458

Berti, l. XXXI, c. 13, prop. III, n. 6.

Berti, book XXXI, ch. 13, proposition III, no. 6.

(printed under page 780)

(30) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1459

Quædam ex illis excerpta videri poterunt apud Tourneli de Sacramentis in genere, q. v, art. 2; vel apud Natalem ad sæculum III, vel Fleurium Hist. eccl., lib. XVII, § 14, qui eas esse genuinas credidere.

Some excerpts from them can be seen in Tournely, On the Sacraments in General, question V, art. 2; or in Natalis [Alexander] on the third century, or in Fleury, Ecclesiastical History, book XVII, § 14, who believed them to be genuine.

(printed under page 781)

(31) ‹anchor: Orientales (catholici)› · call in col 1459

De Catholicis sermo erat; puduit enim Donatistas provocare ad Novatianos, Arianos, Eunomianos, ceu declaratos in Oriente hæreticos.

The talk was of Catholics; for the Donatists were ashamed to appeal to the Novatians, Arians and Eunomians, as declared heretics in the East.

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(32) ‹anchor: Augustinus reponit› · call in col 1459

L. IV, contra Cresconium.

Book IV, Against Cresconius.

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(33) ‹anchor: judicium suum correxerunt› · call in col 1459

Notandum 1. quod S. Doctor contra illum Grammaticum scripserit, qua episcopus; ergo a tempore S. Stephani usquedum jam effluxerant anni circiter 150; interea temporis innumeræ synodi præter concilium generale Nicænum congregatæ fuerant, in quibus Orientales et Occidentales convenerant. 2. Quod S. Augustino opera S. Basilii Magni et Eusebii Cæsariensis Orientalium ignota non fuerint; illius verba formalia quibus asseritur jejunium ex paradiso originem habere, adduxit; hujus historiam ecclesiasticam se diligentissime perscrutatum fuisse asserit in l. de Hæresibus. Et ecce, huic S. Augustino ignotum erat, quod Orientales olim judicium tulissent, pro rebaptizatione!

Note 1. that the holy Doctor wrote against that Grammarian as a bishop; so from the time of St. Stephen some 150 years had by then gone by; in the meantime countless synods besides the general council of Nicaea had been assembled, at which Easterners and Westerners had met. 2. That the works of the Easterners St. Basil the Great and Eusebius of Caesarea were not unknown to St. Augustine; he cited the formal words of the former asserting that fasting has its origin in paradise; of the latter's ecclesiastical history he says, in the book On Heresies, that he had searched it most diligently. And see: this St. Augustine did not know that the Easterners had once given judgement in favour of rebaptism!

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(34) ‹anchor: Carthaginis episcopum› · call in col 1460

Carthagine circa annum 256, S. Cyprianus fuit episcopus; ibidem postea circa annum 312 Donatus (quod nomen pluribus adhæsit) suam incepit hæresin. Synodus Sardicensis celebrata fuit anno 347. Huic interfuit Gratus, episcopus Carthaginensis Catholicus ab hæresi rebaptizantium alienissimus. Synodus illa scissa fuit in duas partes; major pars (circiter 300 episcoporum) fuerant Occidentales catholici, inter quos et plures Africani; minor pars (76) fuerant Orientales Africani; qui Philippis congregati similiter epistolam nomine concilii Sardicensis publicaverunt; ast, quod vel hæc epistola Donatistis aliquo modo faverit, non satis constat. Videantur Fleuri, l. XVII, XXXIV, et LII; Socrates, l. II, c. 20: Sozomenus, l. III, c. 11; Theodoretus, l. II, c. 2.

At Carthage, about the year 256, St. Cyprian was bishop; there afterwards, about the year 312, Donatus (a name borne by several) began his heresy. The synod of Sardica was held in the year 347. Gratus took part in it, the Catholic bishop of Carthage, wholly estranged from the heresy of the rebaptizers. That synod was split into two parts: the greater part (about 300 bishops) were Western Catholics, among them several Africans; the lesser part (76) were Eastern Africans, who, gathered at Philippi, likewise published a letter in the name of the council of Sardica; but that even this letter favoured the Donatists in any way is not sufficiently established. See Fleury, book XVII, XXXIV and LII; Socrates, book II, ch. 20; Sozomen, book III, ch. 11; Theodoret, book II, ch. 2.

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(35) ‹anchor: S. Augustinus› · call in col 1460

L. II.

Book II.

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(36) ‹anchor: effugium Bertii› · call in col 1460

L. c. n. 6.

At the place cited, no. 6.

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(37) ‹anchor: a Donatistis› · call in col 1460

Donatistæ postea et Ariani confœderati fuere contra Catholicos; si quis certus evicerit, epistolam a quodam Ariano fuisse conflctam, non multum (continues)

The Donatists and the Arians were afterwards allied against the Catholics; if anyone should prove for certain that the letter was fabricated by some Arian, not much (continues)

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(38) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1461

Inter hos eminet Philostorgius scriptor sæculi v, historicus mendacissimus. — Quid attentaverint sæculo IV, contra S. Athausium, nemini ignotum esse poterit.

Among these Philostorgius stands out, a writer of the fifth century, a most mendacious historian. — What they attempted in the fourth century against St. Athanasius can be unknown to no one.

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(39) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1461

L. III cont. Cresc., c. 14, 42, 52, 64, 69, 70 71; l. IV, c. 28. V. supra n. 69.

Book III Against Cresconius, ch. 14, 42, 52, 64, 69, 70, 71; book IV, ch. 28. See above, no. 69.

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(40) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1461

V. S. Augustinus, l. III cont. Cresc., c. 3, ubi Donatistæ docent: schisma quidem inter nos et illos esse, hæresin ex neutra parte.

See St. Augustine, book III Against Cresconius, ch. 3, where the Donatists teach that there is indeed a schism between us and them, but heresy on neither side.

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(41) ‹anchor: Core et Abiron› · call in col 1461

Vid S. Augustinus, l. III cont Crescon., c. 18 Pars Donatistarum in suo concilio Bagajensi congregata excommunicavit Maximianum similiter Donatistam, qui schisma inter eos fecerat; cum solemniter declararent, « Veritatis adulterum alterum Dathan, Core et Abiron, ideo a terra necdum absorptum, quia ad majus supplicium a superis reservatum. » Gloriati sunt in illa synodo fuisse 310 episcopos Donatistas. Fides apud ipsos sit.

See St. Augustine, book III Against Cresconius, ch. 18. A party of the Donatists assembled in their council of Bagai excommunicated Maximian, likewise a Donatist, who had made a schism among them, solemnly declaring him "an adulterer of the truth, another Dathan, Core and Abiron, not yet swallowed by the earth only because reserved by those above for a greater punishment." They boasted that 310 Donatist bishops had been at that synod. Let them believe it.

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(42) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1461

V. Aug. cont Cresc., l. de Unitate Ecclesiæ, c. 14, et alibi.

See Augustine, Against Cresconius, the book On the Unity of the Church, ch. 14, and elsewhere.

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(43) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1462

Ita textum corruperant Donatistæ, cum, ut S. Aug. modo monuit, legi debeat: Ubi cubas in meridie? Qui et recte adnotavit Carthaginem in nullo sensu dici posse in meridie positam. Hinc textum a Donatistis corruptum contra eosdem retorquet sequenti modo: Ægyptus verrissime posita est in meridie; quia sub tropica cancri: si sponsus cubet in meridie, ergo necesse est, ut pascat inter monachos in solitudinibus Ægypti circa Thebaidem; atque hi monachi omnes sunt Catholici; ergo vera fides est apud Catholicos. Ita S. Augustinus.

So the Donatists had corrupted the text, whereas, as St. Augustine has just pointed out, it should read: Where do you lie at midday? He also rightly noted that Carthage can in no sense be said to lie in the south. Hence he turns the text corrupted by the Donatists back against them in this way: Egypt lies most truly in the south, because it is under the tropic of Cancer; if the Bridegroom lies in the south, then he must pasture among the monks in the deserts of Egypt around the Thebaid; and these monks are all Catholics; therefore the true faith is with the Catholics. So St. Augustine.

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(44) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1462

V. S. Augustinus, de Hæresibus.

See St. Augustine, On Heresies.

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(45) ‹anchor: adductas ait› · call in col 1462

De Theologicis disciplinis, l. XXXI, c. 13. prop. tertia. Bertium postea secutus est P. Joannes Sbaralea, qui anno 1741 Bononiæ tres spissas edidit dissertationes.

On the Theological Disciplines, book XXXI, ch. 13, third proposition. Berti was afterwards followed by Fr. Giovanni Sbaralea, who in 1741 published at Bologna three dense dissertations.

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(46) ‹anchor: Rigaltius› · call in col 1462

Pamelium veneror candidum et laboriosum scriptorem, doleo deceptum auctoritate quarumdam bibliothecarum. Contra Rigaltii testimonium possem excipere, cum ipse Bertius, l. c. n. 14, ad Quintum, referat: « Rigaltium esse mendacem scriptorem. »

I revere Pamelius as an honest and laborious writer; I regret that he was deceived by the authority of certain libraries. Against Rigault's testimony I could object that Berti himself, at the place cited, no. 14, to Quintus, reports: "that Rigault is a lying writer."

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(47) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1463

V. supra n. 42.

See above, no. 42.

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(48) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1463

Colligitur ex epistola S. Dionysii Alexandrini ad Stephanum papam, quæ fuit prima de baptismate. V. Eus., l. c.

This is gathered from the letter of St. Dionysius of Alexandria to Pope Stephen, which was the first on baptism. See Eusebius, at the place cited.

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(49) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1463

De Hæresibus, n. 49.

On Heresies, no. 49.

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(50) ‹anchor: S. Epiphanius› · call in col 1463

Hæres. 76.

Heresy 76.

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(51) ‹anchor: non semel sed sæpius› · call in col 1463

S. Athanasius. l. de Synodis.

St. Athanasius, the book On the Synods.

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(52) ‹anchor: teste S. Hieronymo› · call in col 1463

Dialogo adv. Luciferianos.

In the dialogue Against the Luciferians.

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(53) ‹anchor: baptismum administrantis› · call in col 1463

Omitto Anabaptisas sæculo XVI in Germania ex schola Lutheri exortos; hi enim ad valorem baptismi requirunt actualem fidem suscipientis; cum vero parvuli actu credere non valent, hos nec valide baptizari posse docent.

I pass over the Anabaptists who arose in Germany in the sixteenth century from the school of Luther; for these require for the validity of baptism the actual faith of the one receiving it; and since infants cannot actually believe, they teach that infants cannot be validly baptized either.

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(54) ‹anchor: auctor Firmilianicæ› · call in col 1463

V. sup., n. 30.

See above, no. 30.

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(55) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1464

V. n. 82.

See no. 82.

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(56) ‹anchor: leges tam imperatorias› · call in col 1464

Gravissimæ pœnæ civiles ab imperatoribus sæculo IV et V latæ fuerunt contra Anabaptistas, nempe si eos, qui a Catholicis baptizati fuerant, rebaptizare ausi fuerint. De his videantur Bertius, l. XXXI, c. 13 circa finem Bingham, l. XII, c. 5. — S. Augustinus qui teste Possidonio, c. 14, a Sede apostolica seu Romana tanquam legatus fuit in Mauritaniam missus, luculenter ostendit illas imperatorum catholicorum leges esse justas. Ast, si pseudo-Firmiliano credendum, fussent iniquissimæ.

Very heavy civil penalties were laid down by the emperors in the fourth and fifth centuries against the Anabaptists, namely if they dared to rebaptize those who had been baptized by Catholics. On these see Berti, book XXXI, ch. 13, near the end; Bingham, book XII, ch. 5. — St. Augustine, who on the testimony of Possidius, ch. 14, was sent as legate into Mauretania by the Apostolic or Roman See, shows clearly that those laws of the Catholic emperors were just. But if Pseudo-Firmilian is to be believed, they would have been most unjust.

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(57) ‹anchor: Bertius (printed there as "(59)")› · call in col 1466

Berti, lib. XXXI, c. 13, prop. III, prob. 4 et 5.

Berti, book XXXI, ch. 13, proposition III, proofs 4 and 5.

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(58) ‹anchor: rhetorico pigmento› · call in col 1466

Elegantem Missorii stylum subindicat.

He is hinting at Missorius's elegant style.

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(59) ‹anchor: laborum patientissimi› · call in col 1466

Morellius et Hieronymus Pistoriensis. Vide supra n. 12 et et 14.

Morel and Jerome of Pistoia. See above, nos. 12 and 14.

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(60) ‹anchor: sub Aureliano Imperatore› · call in col 1467

Euseb. H. E. l. VII, c. 29.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, book VII, ch. 29.

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(61) ‹anchor: Sub quo (Aureliano) postrema› · call in col 1467

In præcedentibus congressibus Paulus suam sententiam obvelare adhuc, et obtegere molitus fuerat. V. Euseb., c. 28.

In the preceding meetings Paul had still tried to veil and cover his opinion. See Eusebius, ch. 28.

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(62) ‹anchor: ad nostra usque tempora› · call in col 1467

Quod Eusebius hanc suam historiam absolverit ante concilium Nicænum, ante annum 325, sæpius monui, signanter in dissertatione: quod Cephas Galat. 2. non sit Petrus, n. 26.

That Eusebius finished this history of his before the council of Nicaea, before the year 325, I have pointed out more than once, notably in the dissertation "That the Cephas of Galatians 2 is not Peter", no. 26.

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(63) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1467

Igitur tres synodi contra Paulum celebratæ videntur; in 3a Paulus fuit depositus, in 2a Pauli dogmata jam fuerant condemnata. Vel si quis duas duntaxat synodos admiserit; concedere debebit, quod in 1a Pauli dogmata fuerint condemnata, in 2a seu ultima Paulus fuerit depositus.

So three synods appear to have been held against Paul: at the third Paul was deposed; at the second Paul's teachings had already been condemned. Or if anyone admits only two synods, he will have to grant that at the first Paul's teachings were condemned, and at the second or last Paul was deposed.

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(64) ‹anchor: summa cum ignominia› · call in col 1468

Hæc ignominia erat major, vel summa, si Aurelianus a Paulianistis fuerit interpellatus. Porro verisimillimum est, quod Aurelianus imperator illo tempore Antiochiæ versatus fuerit.

This disgrace was the greater, or the utmost, if Aurelian was appealed to by the Paulianists. Further, it is most probable that the emperor Aurelian was staying at Antioch at that time.

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(64) ‹anchor: cepit captivam (called there as "(65)")› · call in col 1468

Vid. Pagius dissertat. Hypatica seu de Consulibus. cap. ult. n. 11.

See Pagi, the dissertation Hypatica, or On the Consuls, last chapter, no. 11.

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(66) ‹anchor: varii catalogi› · call in col 1469

Vid. Harduinus in annum 431.

See Hardouin on the year 431.

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(67) ‹anchor: antiquæ adnotationes› · call in col 1469

Vid. Harduinus ad annum 431.

See Hardouin at the year 431.

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(68) ‹anchor: Alexandrino episcopo› · call in col 1469

Is a Papa constitutus fuerat præses concilii Ephesini.

He had been appointed by the Pope president of the council of Ephesus.

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(69) ‹anchor: contendit Pagius› · call in col 1470

Ad annum 272, n. III.

At the year 272, no. III.

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(70) ‹anchor: Pagius reponit› · call in col 1470

Ad annum 429, n. XVI.

At the year 429, no. XVI.

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(71) ‹anchor: viri docti monuerunt› · call in col 1471

Vid. Honorati a S. Maria in animadvers. in regulas et usum critices, tom I, dissert. III, art. II, §§ I et seqq. pag. 114-171.

See Honoratus a Sancta Maria, Observations on the Rules and Use of Criticism, vol. I, dissertation III, art. II, §§ 1 ff., pp. 114–171.

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(72) ‹anchor: Jacobus Pamelius› · call in col 1471

De verbis Firmiliani initio hujus epistolæ occurrentibus: In unum convenire, hæc observat Pamelius: Græcismus est, etc.

On Firmilian's words occurring at the beginning of this letter, to come together into one, Pamelius observes: It is a Grecism, etc.

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(75) ‹anchor: Cyprianicae Vitae auctor (called there as "(73)"; note printed as "(75)", in the place of 73)› · call in col 1471

Apud Baluzium, p. 118, vide part. XII Histor. Theolog. Critic., p. 596, not. a et b.

In Baluze, p. 118; see part XII of the Theological-Critical History, p. 596, notes a and b.

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(74) ‹anchor: appellatos fuisse episcopos› · call in col 1471

Origenes, lib. VIII, contra Celsum, num. 75, p. 798, tom. I edit. Monach. S. Mauri. « Quod si qui in Ecclesia præsunt, illius quæ secundum Deum est patriæ, dico autem, Ecclesiæ, ii qui dicuntur προστάται, præpositi, qui et præsunt, secundum ea quæ sunt ordinata a Deo, etc. » Adisis Petavium lib. III de Hierarch. Eccles., cap. 8, § 4 seqq. p. 844

Origen, Against Celsus book VIII, no. 75, p. 798, vol. I of the edition of the Maurist monks: "But if those who preside in the Church, of that fatherland which is according to God — I mean the Church — those who are called προστάται, prelates, who also preside according to the things ordained by God, etc." Consult Petau, On the Church Hierarchy book III, ch. 8, § 4 ff., p. 844.

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(75) ‹anchor: Latina fecerant› · call in col 1471

Ep. ad Heb., c. XIII, 7, 17. 24.

Epistle to the Hebrews, ch. 13:7, 17, 24.

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(76) ‹anchor: eorum meminerint› · call in col 1471

Videsis Honoratum a S. Maria loc. cit. pag. 148.

See Honoratus a Sancta Maria at the place cited, p. 148.

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(77) ‹anchor: Maranus (called there as "(57)")› · call in col 1471

Prudent. Maran. In Vita S. Cypriani, § 29. de part. XII Hist., Theolog. Crit. p 118.

Prudent Maran, in the Life of St. Cyprian, § 29; on part XII of the Theological-Critical History, p. 118.

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(78) ‹anchor: inter hæreticos computantur› · call in col 1472

Walch. Hist. Hæres. tom. I, p. 160. et seq.: et p. 189, 190.

Walch, History of Heresies, vol. I, p. 160 ff., and pp. 189, 190.

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(79) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1473

Revera enim in maximis, ut audio, episcoporum conciliis decretum est, ut qui ab hæreticis ad Catholicam Ecclesiam accedunt, primum catechumeni fierent ac deinde veteris et impuri fermenti sordibus per baptismum purgarentur. Dionys. apud Euseb. H. E. lib. VII, cap. 5, et lib. cit., cap. 7. Illud præterea didici, non ab Afris solis hunc morem nunc primum invectum fuisse; sed et multo antea, superiorum episcoporum temporibus, in Ecclesiis populosissimis, et in conciliis fratrum apud Iconium et Synnada, et aqud alios plurimos idem sancitum fuisse.

"For indeed, as I hear, it was decreed in very large councils of bishops that those who come over from the heretics to the Catholic Church should first become catechumens and then be cleansed through baptism of the filth of the old and impure leaven." Dionysius in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History book VII, ch. 5, and the book cited, ch. 7: "This besides I have learned, that this custom was not now first introduced by the Africans alone, but that long before, in the times of earlier bishops, the same was enacted in the most populous Churches, and in the councils of the brethren at Iconium and Synnada, and among very many others."

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(80) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1473

Proinde si omnino jam credendum sit, quinquaginta episcopis Orientalium id esse visum, quod septuaginta Afris, vel aliquanto etiam pluribus, contra tot millia episcoporum, quibus hic error in toto orbe displicuit; cur non potius etiam ipsos paucos Orientales suum judicium correxisse dicamus, non ut tu loqueris rescidisse? Augustin. lib. III, contra Crescon. cap. 3, pag. 552, edit. noviss. Venet. in. 4°.

"Accordingly, if it must now be believed at all that fifty Eastern bishops thought the same as seventy Africans, or even somewhat more, against so many thousands of bishops throughout the world who rejected this error, why should we not rather say that even those few Easterners corrected their judgement, not, as you put it, rescinded it?" Augustine, Against Cresconius book III, ch. 3, p. 552, latest Venice edition, in quarto.

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(81) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1473

Concil. Antiochen. Canon. Chorepiscopi constituant lectores, hypodiaconos, exorcistas. Leodicen. can. 24. Quod non oporteat quemlibet ecclesiastici ordinis usque ad ministros, vel lectores, vel cantores, vel exorcistas, vel ostiarios. etc. Idem evincitur ex Epiphanio, Exposit. Fidei, num, 21; Paulino, Nat. IV S. Felicis; Sulpitio Severo, Vit S. Martini, cap. 5; Cod. Theodos. lib. XII, tit. 1, leg. 121, et lib. XVI tit. 2, leg 24.

Council of Antioch, canon: "Chorbishops may appoint readers, subdeacons, exorcists." Laodicea, canon 24: "That no one of the ecclesiastical order, down to ministers, or readers, or cantors, or exorcists, or doorkeepers, ought," etc. The same is proved from Epiphanius, Exposition of the Faith, no. 21; Paulinus, Natalicium IV of St. Felix; Sulpicius Severus, Life of St. Martin, ch. 5; Theodosian Code, book XII, title 1, law 121, and book XVI, title 2, law 24.

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(82) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1474

Vid. Epist. Hieronymi, 105, 112, et 115, et Augustini 116, al. 97, ad Hieronym.

See Jerome's letters 105, 112 and 115, and Augustine's 116 (elsewhere 97) to Jerome.

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(83) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1474

Vid. Opera Cyprian, cum notis Steph. Baluzii, pag. 509.

See Cyprian's works with the notes of Étienne Baluze, p. 509.

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(84) ‹anchor: S. Hieronymus› · call in col 1475

Hieronym. in Catalogo de Viris illustr. cap. 116.

Jerome, in the Catalogue of Illustrious Men, ch. 116.

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(85) ‹anchor: Theodoretus› · call in col 1475

Theodoret., Dialog. I, tom. IV, pag. 40, Hadrianus I, Epla ad Carol. M. et in lib. de Imaginibus cap. 8; S. Damascen., orat. 1, de Imaginib., pag. 318, tom. I.

Theodoret, Dialogue I, vol. IV, p. 40; Hadrian I, Letter to Charlemagne, and in the book On Images, ch. 8; St. John Damascene, Oration 1 On Images, p. 318, vol. I.

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