PL 3 · cols. 1569–1573

Ordo rerum quae in hoc tomo continentur

Editors' preface

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ORDO RERUM QUAE IN HOC TOMO CONTINENTUR.

ORDER OF THE MATTERS CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME.

EDITORUM PRAEFATIO. I

THE EDITORS' PREFACE. I

Art. I. Syllabus auctorum. I

Art. I. List of the authors. I

Art. II. De auctoritate S. Cypriani. VI

Art. II. On the authority of St Cyprian. VI

Art. III. De usu S. Cypriani, in re disciplinari. XVIII

Art. III. On the practice of St Cyprian in the matter of discipline. XVIII

Art. IV. Annales litterarii Minorum Patrum a Tertulliano ad Cyprianum. XLIV

Art. IV. Literary annals of the Lesser Fathers from Tertullian to Cyprian. XLIV

Art. V. Annales litterarii Cyprianici. LVII

Art. V. Cyprianic literary annals. LVII

ACTA SS. PERPETUAE ET FELICITATIS. 9

THE ACTS OF SS. PERPETUA AND FELICITY. 9

PROLEGOMENA. 9

I. De horum Actorum editis et mss. 9

I. On the printed editions and manuscripts of these Acts. 9

II. Perpetua et Felicitas an Tuburbitanae. 9

II. Whether Perpetua and Felicity were of Tuburbo. 9

III. Non Tuburbii, sed Carthagine martyrium passae noscuntur. 11

III. They are known to have suffered martyrdom not at Tuburbo but at Carthage. 11

IV. Tempus passionis inquiritur. 11

IV. The time of the passion is investigated. 11

V. De horum Actorum auctore, seu potius collectore: an Tertullianus.

V. On the author, or rather the compiler, of these Acts: whether Tertullian.

VI. Non fuit Montanista: contra Valesium. 12

VI. He was not a Montanist: against Valesius. 12

VII. Exploditur iterum commentum de auctoris montanismo. 12

VII. The fiction of the author's Montanism is again exploded. 12

VIII. De harum Martyrum cultu et memoria. 13

VIII. On the cult and memory of these Martyrs. 13

PRAEFATIO AUCTORIS HORUM ACTUUM. 14

PREFACE OF THE AUTHOR OF THESE ACTS. 14

INCIPIT PASSIO. 17

HERE BEGINS THE PASSION. 17

Caput I. Apprehensis sanctis, S. Perpetua patrem vincit, cum aliis baptizatur, detruditur in tetrum carcerem; sollicita de infante, ex visione sibi facta, scalae in coelum erectae, et ascensus S. Saturi et sui, et buccellae oblatae, intelligit martyrium propediem futurum. 17

Chapter I. The saints having been arrested, St Perpetua overcomes her father, is baptized with the others, and is thrust into a foul prison; anxious for her infant, from a vision granted to her, of a ladder set up to heaven, of the ascent of St Saturus and of herself, and of a morsel offered to her, she understands that her martyrdom is shortly to come. 17

Cap. II. Perpetua, a patre oppugnata, confortat eum; cum aliis ad tribunal ducta, confitetur se Christianam, damnatur cum reliquis ad bestias; orat pro fratre Dinocrate mortuo, quem in visione intelligit a purgatorii poenis affligi et liberari. 29

Chap. II. Perpetua, assailed by her father, comforts him; led to the tribunal with the others, she confesses herself a Christian and is condemned with the rest to the beasts; she prays for her dead brother Dinocrates, whom she understands in a vision to be afflicted with the pains of purgatory and to be set free. 29

Cap. III. Perpetua a patre iterum tentatur; visio ejus tertia, in qua adducitur ad luctam contra Aegyptium, proposito praemio; pugnat, vincit et praemium accipit. 39

Chap. III. Perpetua is tempted again by her father; her third vision, in which she is brought to wrestle against an Egyptian, a prize being set before her; she fights, conquers and receives the prize. 39

Cap. IV. S. Saturus, in visione sibi facta, et S. Perpetua ab angelis in lucem magnam portati, vident martyres; ducti ad thronum Dei, osculo excipiuntur. Optatum episcopum et Aspasium presbyterum conciliant. 43

Chap. IV. St Saturus, in a vision granted to him, and St Perpetua, carried by angels into a great light, see martyrs; led to the throne of God, they are received with a kiss. They reconcile Optatus the bishop and Aspasius the presbyter. 43

Cap. V. S. Secundum in carcere moritur. S. Felicitas gravida, fusis precibus, octavo mense, parit sine dolore. Invictus animus S. Perpetuae et S. Saturi. 47

Chap. V. St Secundulus dies in prison. St Felicity, being with child, after prayers have been poured out, gives birth without pain in the eighth month. The unconquered spirit of St Perpetua and St Saturus. 47

Cap. VI. E carcere in amphitheatrum hilares educuntur, maxime Perpetua et Felicitas: omnes renuunt vestes profanas induere; flagellantur, anhelant ad bestias, objiciuntur; Saturus bis illaesus: dejiciuntur SS. Perpetua et Felicitas; revocantur in portam Sanevivariam. S. Saturus, a leopardo laesus, militem adhortatur; se invicem osculantur; gladio occiduntur. 51

Chap. VI. They are led out joyful from the prison into the amphitheatre, Perpetua and Felicity above all: all refuse to put on profane garments; they are scourged, they long for the beasts, they are thrown to them; Saturus is twice unharmed; SS. Perpetua and Felicity are thrown down; they are called back to the Sanavivarian gate. St Saturus, wounded by a leopard, exhorts a soldier; they kiss one another; they are slain by the sword. 51

DISSERTATIO APOLOGETICA CARDIN. JOSEPHI AUG. ORSI, PRO SS. MARTYRUM ORTHODOXIA. 63

APOLOGETIC DISSERTATION OF CARDINAL GIUSEPPE AGOSTINO ORSI, FOR THE ORTHODOXY OF THE HOLY MARTYRS. 63

Caput I. Externis argumentis ex Ecclesiae ei veterum Patrum auctoritate petitis, SS. Perpetuae, Felicitatis et sociorum martyrum orthodoxia vindicatur. 63

Chapter I. By external arguments drawn from the authority of the Church and of the ancient Fathers, the orthodoxy of SS. Perpetua, Felicity and their fellow martyrs is vindicated. 63

I. Tertulliani coaevi scriptoris pro Perpetua sociisque martyribus testimonium. Ib.

I. The testimony of Tertullian, a contemporary writer, for Perpetua and her fellow martyrs. Ib.

II. Pontius diaconus eorumdem martyrum acta non obscure laudavit. Ib.

II. Pontius the deacon praised the acts of these same martyrs not obscurely. Ib.

III. Perpetuae et Felicitatis antiquissimum fuisse in Ecclesia Romana cultum, ex Bucherii pervetusto calendario demonstratur. 66

III. That the cult of Perpetua and Felicity in the Roman Church was most ancient is shown from Bucherius's very old calendar. 66

IV. Sanctus Augustinus earumdem martyrum variis in locis cum laude meminit, ac tribus eas tractatibus celebravit; quorum priorem in editis levi admodum conjectura sancto Doctori Basnagius abjudicat et irrito conatu elevare et labefactare contendit. 68

IV. St Augustine mentions these same martyrs with praise in various places, and celebrated them in three tractates; the first of these, among the printed works, Basnage denies to the holy Doctor on a very slight conjecture, and strives in a vain attempt to belittle and undermine. 68

V. Ecclesiarum Carthaginensium celeberrima et caeterarum matrix, Perpetuae et Felicitatis reliquiis illustrata est, et ex earum nominibus nuncupata. 69

V. The most celebrated of the churches of Carthage, and the mother of the rest, was made illustrious by the relics of Perpetua and Felicity, and named after their names. 69

VI. In missae canone quotidiano earumdem nomina inter celebriores martyres recensentur. 73

VI. In the daily canon of the Mass their names are recited among the more celebrated martyrs. 73

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VII. Argumentum, quod ex his testimoniis conficitur frustra tentat Basnagius, infirmare. 75

VII. Basnage tries in vain to weaken the argument that is drawn from these testimonies. 75

Cap. II. Basnagii externis adversus sanctas Martyres argumentis occurritur. 77

Chap. II. Basnage's external arguments against the holy Martyrs are met. 77

I. Actorum Perpetuae et Felicitatis compilatorem fuisse Montanistarum haeresi infectum. 77

I. That the compiler of the Acts of Perpetua and Felicity was infected with the heresy of the Montanists. 77

II. Ruinartii pro Actorum compilatore rationes refelluntur, variisque argumentis ejus montanismus asseritur. 79

II. Ruinart's reasons on behalf of the compiler of the Acts are refuted, and his Montanism is maintained by various arguments. 79

III. Dodwelli pro ejusdem scriptoris orthodoxia disputatio. 82

III. Dodwell's disputation for the orthodoxy of the same writer. 82

IV Ejus disputationis primum dejicitur fundamentum. 84

IV. The first foundation of his disputation is overthrown. 84

V. Alterum ejusdem disputationis fundamentum evertitur. 85

V. The second foundation of the same disputation is overturned. 85

VI. A Montanistis Catholicos non fuisse pro haereticis existimatos. 88

VI. That Catholics were not regarded as heretics by the Montanists. 88

VII. Ab Ecclesiarum catholicarum communione Montanistas non se omnino alienos existimasse. 91

VII. That the Montanists did not consider themselves wholly estranged from the communion of the Catholic churches. 91

VIII. Ad catholicorum quoque martyrum communionem aspirasse. 96

VIII. That they aspired also to the communion of the Catholic martyrs. 96

IX. Non Perpetuae tantum, sed aliorum quoque catholicorum martyrum, Tertullianum cum laude meminisse. 97

IX. That Tertullian mentioned with praise not Perpetua only but other Catholic martyrs too. 97

X. Alii, praeter Montanistas, haeretici catholicorum Acta martyrum luci dederunt. 99

X. Heretics other than the Montanists brought the Acts of Catholic martyrs to light. 99

XI. Ex ipsomet Actorum auctore Montanista, martyres nostros ab hac secta fuisse alienos ostenditur. 99

XI. From the Montanist author of the Acts himself it is shown that our martyrs were strangers to this sect. 99

Cap. III. Internis Basnagii adversus nostros Martyres argumentis generale responsum adhibetur. 99

Chap. III. A general answer is given to Basnage's internal arguments against our Martyrs. 99

I. Interna Basnagii adversus sanctos Martyres argumenta. 99

I. Basnage's internal arguments against the holy Martyrs. 99

II. Actorum potius compilatori fides deroganda esset, quam sanctorum Martyrum orthodoxia in dubium revocanda. 101

II. Credit would sooner have to be withdrawn from the compiler of the Acts than the orthodoxy of the holy Martyrs called into doubt. 101

III. Rationes adducuntur, quibus Actorum γνησιότης in controversiam vocari posset. Prima ratio ex quibusdam verbis exoticis quae in Perpetuam, a qua maxima eorum pars scripta perhibetur, minime quadrant 103

III. The reasons are adduced by which the genuineness of the Acts could be called into controversy. The first reason, from certain foreign words which do not at all suit Perpetua, by whom the greatest part of them is said to have been written 103

IV. Secunda ratio ex styli similitudine, quae unum et eumdem scriptorem refert, cum tamen a tribus diversis scripta fuisse dicantur. 105

IV. The second reason, from the likeness of style, which points to one and the same writer, although they are said to have been written by three different people. 105

V. Neque Tertulliani, neque synchroni scriptoris auctoritas impediret, quominus de Actorum fide dubitaremus, si aliquid reapse continerent quod catholicos martyres dedeceret. 105

V. Neither the authority of Tertullian nor that of a contemporary writer would prevent us from doubting the trustworthiness of the Acts, if they really contained anything unbecoming to Catholic martyrs. 105

Cap. IV. De visionum aliorumque coelestium donorum per priora Ecclesiae saecula, copia et ubertate disseritur. Veteres Christianos, et omnium opinione, genuinos Christi martyres non minori, quam Perpetuam, fiducia divinis hisce Spiritus sancti charismatibus, usos fuisse demonstratur. 108

Chap. IV. The abundance and richness of visions and other heavenly gifts through the earlier centuries of the Church is discussed. It is shown that the ancient Christians, and, in the opinion of all, genuine martyrs of Christ, used these divine charisms of the Holy Spirit with no less confidence than Perpetua. 108

I. Nihil in nostrorum Martyrum actis reapse occurrere quod Montani redoleat officinam. 108

I. That nothing really occurs in the acts of our Martyrs that smells of Montanus's workshop. 108

II. Sanctus Justinus M. sui temporis prophetas cum veteribus comparat. Unde conficitur non minori quam illos fiducia propheticum spiritum usurpasse. 110

II. St Justin Martyr compares the prophets of his own time with the ancient ones. From this it is concluded that they laid claim to the prophetic spirit with no less confidence than those. 110

III. De Montanistarum initiis. Nullus vetustissimorum scriptorum Montanistas ideo pro falsis prophetis habuit, quod veluti ad arbitrium Spiritus sancti revelationibus uterentur. 112

III. On the beginnings of the Montanists. None of the most ancient writers held the Montanists to be false prophets on the ground that they used the revelations of the Holy Spirit as though at will. 112

IV. De charismatum per haec tempora varietate et copia insigne sancti Irenaei testimonium. 113

IV. A notable testimony of St Irenaeus on the variety and abundance of charisms in these times. 113

V. Quam praesto fuerit veteribus Christianis, ad coercendos abigendosque daemones, virtus Spiritus sancti. 115

V. How readily the power of the Holy Spirit was at hand for the ancient Christians to restrain and drive out demons. 115

VI. Potamianae, non minus quam Perpetuae, memorabile exemplum. 117

VI. The memorable example of Potamiaena, no less than of Perpetua. 117

VII. Quantum Cypriani vita visionibus ac revelationibus abundaverit, ex ejus epistolis, et Pontio diacono ostenditur. 119

VII. How greatly Cyprian's life abounded in visions and revelations is shown from his letters and from Pontius the deacon. 119

VIII. Aliorum martyrum Acta iisdem Spiritus sancti donis referta. ⟨ ⟩

VIII. The Acts of other martyrs filled with the same gifts of the Holy Spirit. ⟨ ⟩

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IX. Perpetuae et sociorum martyrum aevo charismatum fontem, magis quam Cypriani temporibus exundasse. 126

IX. That in the age of Perpetua and her fellow-martyrs the fountain of charisms overflowed more than in the times of Cyprian. 126

CAP. V. Nihil in Perpetuae revelationibus contineri, quod in catholicam martyrem non apprime conveniat. 127

Chap. V. That nothing is contained in the revelations of Perpetua which does not exceedingly well suit a Catholic martyr. 127

I. Non dedecet Christum Dominum pastoris oves mulgentis figurari. 127

I. It is not unbecoming for Christ the Lord to be figured under the form of a shepherd milking sheep. 127

II. Qua ratione ex prima sua revelatione Perpetua mortem sibi imminere intellexerit. 131

II. In what way from her first revelation Perpetua understood that death was impending for her. 131

III. Nihil absurdi in illa revelatione contineri qua sibi Perpetua visa est cum diabolo in masculum conversa luctari. 132

III. That nothing absurd is contained in that revelation wherein Perpetua seemed to herself, turned into a male, to wrestle with the devil. 132

IV. Inepta Perpetuae revelationum cum Montanistarum revelationibus comparatio. 136

IV. The inept comparison of the revelations of Perpetua with the revelations of the Montanists. 136

V. Visio Perpetuae de Dinocrate in poenis constituto. 136

V. The vision of Perpetua concerning Dinocrates set in punishments. 136

VI. Basnagii adversus praedictam visionem difficultates. 137

VI. The difficulties of Basnage against the aforesaid vision. 137

VII. Locum illum in quo Dinocratem Perpetua vidit fuisse purgatorium. Basnagii cavillationes retunduntur. 138

VII. That that place wherein Perpetua saw Dinocrates was purgatory. The cavils of Basnage are beaten back. 138

VIII. Montanistarum de receptaculis animarum sententia non recte a Basnagio exposita. Non unam fuisse hac de re eorumdem haereticorum opinionem. 140

VIII. The opinion of the Montanists concerning the receptacles of souls not rightly set forth by Basnage. That there was not one single opinion of the same heretics concerning this matter. 140

CAP. VI. Martyrum nostrorum virtutes et visionum fructus ostendunt divino illos fuisse spiritu afflatos, et eorum revelationes Deo esse tribuendas. 142

Chap. VI. The virtues of our Martyrs and the fruits of their visions show that they were inspired by the divine Spirit, and that their revelations are to be attributed to God. 142

I. In veris prophetis a falsis discernendis, eorum in primis morum habendam esse rationem. 142

I. That in discerning true prophets from false, account must be taken above all of their morals. 142

II. Aliqua Actorum loca, in quibus martyrum nostrorum virtutes graphice describuntur. 143

II. Some passages of the Acts wherein the virtues of our martyrs are graphically described. 143

III. Nihil esse in eorum moribus animadvertere, quod Montani redoleat institutionem. 146

III. That there is nothing to notice in their morals which savours of the instruction of Montanus. 146

IV. Perpetuam sociosque martyres naturae leges minime violasse, Ignatii M. exemplo demonstratur. 147

IV. That Perpetua and her fellow-martyrs by no means violated the laws of nature, is demonstrated by the example of Ignatius Martyr. 147

V. Aliorum martyrum pro martyrii corona preces et vota. 149

V. The prayers and vows of other martyrs for the crown of martyrdom. 149

VI. Alios, praeter Perpetuam, martyres aut bestias in se ipsos concitasse, aut instrumenta crudelitatis ad accelerandum martyrium ultro adhibuisse. 150

VI. That other martyrs besides Perpetua either provoked the beasts against themselves, or of their own accord applied the instruments of cruelty for hastening martyrdom. 150

VII. Veterum Christianorum exempla qui vel seipsos sponte obtulerunt, vel praesidum saevitiam in se ultro provocarunt, Perpetuae factum excusant. 152

VII. Examples of ancient Christians who either willingly offered themselves, or of their own accord provoked the savagery of the governors against themselves, excuse the deed of Perpetua. 152

VIII. Sanctorum Andronici et Tarachi memorabile facinus. 154

VIII. The memorable deed of Saints Andronicus and Tarachus. 154

IX. Perpetuae et sociorum martyrum spiritus quam fuerit a Montanistarum spiritu longe diversus, ex diversis utriusque effectibus demonstratur. 155

IX. How far different the spirit of Perpetua and her fellow-martyrs was from the spirit of the Montanists, is demonstrated from the different effects of each. 155

X. Perpetuae et Saturi revelationum honesti et optimi fructus. 157

X. The honourable and excellent fruits of the revelations of Perpetua and Saturus. 157

CAP. VII. Perpetuam sociosque martyres prophetico fuisse spiritu afflatos, ex vaticiniorum eventis et miraculis demonstratur eorum doctrinam et conversationem fuisse a Montanistarum dogmatis et institutis perquam alienas. 158

Chap. VII. That Perpetua and her fellow-martyrs were inspired by the prophetic spirit, is demonstrated from the outcomes of their predictions and from miracles; and that their doctrine and way of life were exceedingly foreign to the dogmas and institutions of the Montanists. 158

I. Perpetuae revelationibus eventus in omnibus et adamusim responderunt. 158

I. The outcomes corresponded in all things and exactly to the revelations of Perpetua. 158

II. De miraculis quae in nostrorum martyrum Actis referuntur. 160

II. Concerning the miracles which are related in the Acts of our martyrs. 160

III. Non modo martyrum, sed aliorum quoque fidelium animas Perpetuam et Saturum in Paradiso vidisse. 162

III. That Perpetua and Saturus saw in Paradise the souls not only of martyrs, but of other faithful also. 162

IV. Cum catholicis martyribus communicasse. 163

IV. That they communicated with Catholic martyrs. 163

V. Dinocratis animam in aeternam gloriam Perpetuae precibus fuisse translatam. 163

V. That the soul of Dinocrates was translated into eternal glory by the prayers of Perpetua. 163

VI. Optatum episcopum, in Actis memoratum, catholicis praefuisse. Nullum id temporis fuisse Carthagine Montanistarum episcopum. 165

VI. That Bishop Optatus, recounted in the Acts, presided over the Catholics. That at that time there was no bishop of the Montanists at Carthage. 165

VII. Nostrorum martyrum in carcere victus communis et usitatus et a Montanistarum de jejunio legibus maxime abhorrens. 167

VII. The common and customary food of our martyrs in prison, and most abhorrent to the laws of the Montanists concerning fasting. 167

VIII. De catholicae Ecclesiae in suis alendis fovendisque confessoribus sollicitudine. 168

VIII. Concerning the solicitude of the Catholic Church in feeding and cherishing her confessors. 168

IX. Catholicos martyres paratum sibi fidelium pietate cibum, imo et delicias, neutiquam respuisse. 171

IX. That Catholic martyrs by no means rejected food, nay even delicacies, prepared for them by the piety of the faithful. 171

X. Disputationis ἀνακεφαλαίωσις. 172

X. Recapitulation (ἀνακεφαλαίωσις) of the disputation. 172

FRAGMENTUM DE CANONE SS. SCRIPTURARUM. 181

FRAGMENT CONCERNING THE CANON OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 181

ANNOTATIONES PRAEVIAE. 181

PRELIMINARY ANNOTATIONS. 181

MARCUS MINUCIUS FELIX CAUSIDICUS ET APOLOGETA

MARCUS MINUCIUS FELIX, ADVOCATE AND APOLOGIST.

IN MINUTII FELICIS OCTAVIUM PROLEGOMENA D. LUMPER. 201

PROLEGOMENA OF DOM LUMPER ON THE OCTAVIUS OF MINUCIUS FELIX. 201

Dissertatio F. Balduini in Octavium. 207

Dissertation of François Baudouin on the Octavius. 207

Praefatio J. Ernesti ad l. Edit. Lindneri. 227

Preface of Johann August Ernesti to the edition of Lindner. 227

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Analysis logica Dialogi. 233

Logical analysis of the Dialogue. 233

MINUCII FELICIS OCTAVIUS. 239

THE OCTAVIUS OF MINUCIUS FELIX. 239

PROOEMIUM. 239

PROEM. 239

CAPUT. I. Ab ipso dialogi exordio, narrat Minucius quam jucunda eorum quae sibi cum Octavio, dum apud se Romae ageret, contigerant, ac potissimum hujusce disputationis recordatione oblectaretur. 239

Chap. I. From the very beginning of the dialogue, Minucius narrates with how pleasant a recollection he was delighted of those things which had happened to him with Octavius while he stayed with him at Rome, and above all of this disputation. 239

CAP. II. Octavii Romam adventus forensium feriarum tempore, pergratus Minucio. Utrique ad marina Ostiae balnea, adscito Minucii comite Caecilio, ire placuit. Dum simul ad mare pergunt, Caecilius, conspecto Serapidis simulacro, manum ori admovens, illud colit. 243

Chap. II. The arrival of Octavius at Rome in the time of the court holidays is very pleasing to Minucius. It pleased both to go to the sea-baths of Ostia, having taken with them Caecilius, the companion of Minucius. While they proceed together to the sea, Caecilius, having caught sight of a statue of Serapis, putting his hand to his mouth, worships it. 243

CAP. III. Superstitiosi hominis actum indigne ferens Octavius, Minucio acriter exprobrat, hujus impii facinoris infamiam non minorem in ipsum, utpote Caecilii hospitem, quam in eumdem Caecilium redundare. 246

Chap. III. Octavius, bearing with indignation the act of the superstitious man, sharply reproaches Minucius that the disgrace of this impious deed redounds no less upon himself, as being the host of Caecilius, than upon the same Caecilius. 246

CAP. IV. Subtristis Caecilius de hujusmodi objurgatione, qua sui causa Octavius Minucium perstrinxit, petit ut sibi cum Octavio de suae religionis veritate disputare liceat. Annuit cum socio suo Octavius; ac medius inter Caecilium et Octavium sedet Minucius. 249

Chap. IV. Caecilius, somewhat saddened at a chiding of this sort wherewith on his account Octavius had grazed Minucius, asks that it may be permitted him to dispute with Octavius concerning the truth of his religion. Octavius with his companion nods assent; and Minucius sits in the middle between Caecilius and Octavius. 249

CAP. V. Disputationem suam aggreditur Caecilius. Et primum quidem omnia in rebus humanis dubia et incerta esse asseverat: adeoque dolendum quod Christiani, rudes plerumque ac illitterati, de summa rerum ac divina majestate aliquid certi decernere audeant. Hinc nulla providentia mundum regi arguit, concluditque satius esse traditis antiquis religionibus adhaerere. 251

Chap. V. Caecilius enters upon his disputation. And first indeed he earnestly asserts that all things in human affairs are doubtful and uncertain, and that therefore it is to be lamented that the Christians, for the most part rude and unlettered men, dare to decree anything certain concerning the sum of things and the divine majesty. Hence he argues that the world is ruled by no providence, and concludes that it is better to cleave to the ancient religions handed down. 251

CAP. VI. Quaelibet natio, ac Romani postmodum numina sua ita coluere, ut eorum cultu supremum totius orbis terrae imperium fuerint assecuti. 259

Chap. VI. Every nation, and the Romans afterwards, so worshipped their deities that by their worship they obtained the supreme empire of the whole world. 259

CAP. VII. Auspicia et auguria Romana poenitenter omissa, observata feliciter. 262

Chap. VII. The Roman auspices and auguries omitted with cause for repentance, observed with happy issue. 262

CAP. VIII. Minime ferenda Theodori, Diagorae ac Protagorae impia temeritas, qui deorum religionem vel penitus tollere, vel saltem infirmare voluere. At multo minus ferri debet latebrosa et lucifugax Christianorum natio, qui deos despuunt; et dum mori post mortem timent, interim mori non timent. 266

Chap. VIII. By no means to be borne is the impious rashness of Theodorus, Diagoras, and Protagoras, who wished either utterly to take away, or at least to weaken, the religion of the gods. Yet much less ought the lurking and light-shunning tribe of the Christians to be borne, who spit upon the gods, and while they fear to die after death, in the meantime do not fear to die. 266

CAP. IX. Christianorum religio stulta: hominem siquidem crucifixum ipsumque hujus supplicii instrumentum venerantur. Asini caput colere, ipsamque parentis sui naturam adorare dicuntur. De caede infantis et sanguine initiantur; ac per impudentes tenebras, incerta sorte omnes permiscentur. 270

Chap. IX. The religion of the Christians is foolish, since they venerate a crucified man and the instrument itself of this punishment. They are said to worship the head of an ass, and to adore the very nature of their parent. They are initiated by the slaughter and blood of an infant; and through shameless darkness, all are mingled together at random. 270

CAP. X. Quidquid colunt, magnopere occultare nituntur: nullas aras habent, templa nulla, nulla nota simulacra. Deus illorum, sicuti et Judaeorum, unicus esse fertur: quem quum nec videre nec ostendere queant, illum nihilominus molestum, inquietum et praepostere curiosum arbitrantur. 274

Chap. X. Whatsoever they worship, they strive earnestly to conceal: they have no altars, no temples, no known images. Their God, just as that of the Jews also, is said to be one only: Whom although they can neither see nor show, they nevertheless think troublesome, restless, and preposterously curious. 274

CAP. XI. Futurum quoque asserunt totius mundi incendium; ac post corporum nostrorum resurrectionem, justis beatissimae vitae, injustis maximarum poenarum aeternitatem repromittunt. 277

Chap. XI. They assert also a future conflagration of the whole world; and after the resurrection of our bodies, they promise an eternity of a most blessed life to the righteous, and of the greatest punishments to the unrighteous. 277

CAP. XII. Quid autem ipsismet Christianis post mortem eventurum sit, inde augurari possumus, quod nunc omni ope destituti, summis calamitatibus et miseriis premuntur. 281

Chap. XII. Now what will happen after death to the Christians themselves, we can divine thence, that now, destitute of all help, they are pressed by the highest calamities and miseries. 281

CAP. XIII. Concludit tandem Caecilius repudiandam religionem novam; nec de rebus dubiis temere pronuntiandum. 284

Chap. XIII. Caecilius concludes at length that the new religion must be repudiated, and that one must not pronounce rashly concerning doubtful things. 284

CAP. XIV. Non sine elati animi fastidio provocat Octavium Caecilius, ut argumentis suis respondeat. Cui Minucius modeste respondet de sua haud mediocri eloquentia, deque concinna orationis varietate non esse ipsi exsultandum: sed singula ejus argumenta diligenter expendenda. 286

Chap. XIV. Not without the disdain of a haughty mind Caecilius challenges Octavius to reply to his arguments. To whom Minucius modestly replies that he ought not to exult over his own not inconsiderable eloquence and the neat variety of his discourse, but that his several arguments must be diligently weighed. 286

CAP. XV. Regerit Minucio Caecilius non sine aliqua laesi animi significatione, ipsum religiosi judicis officio decedere, dum suae disputationis vires infirmat. Integrum Octavio esse ea omnia quae in medium protulerat, confutare. 289

Chap. XV. Caecilius retorts to Minucius, not without some token of an offended mind, that he departs from the duty of a scrupulous judge while he weakens the strength of his disputation; and that it is open to Octavius to refute all those things which he had brought forward into the midst. 289

CAP. XVI. Suam itaque orditur responsionem Octavius: seque veracium verborum flumine amarissimam conviciorum labem diluturum confidit. Dehinc ad infirmanda singula Caecilii argumenta digreditur. Primum itaque statuit, nemini aegre ferendum quod Christiani, quamtumvis indocti, de coelestibus rebus disputent, non enim disputantis auctoritas, sed disputationis ipsius veritas est spectanda. 290

Chap. XVI. And so Octavius begins his reply, and trusts that with a river of truthful words he will wash away the most bitter stain of revilings. Thence he turns aside to weaken the several arguments of Caecilius. First therefore he establishes that no one ought to bear it ill that the Christians, however unlearned, dispute concerning heavenly things; for not the authority of the disputant, but the truth of the disputation itself is to be regarded. 290

CAP. XVII. Fatetur quidem hominem debere se ipsum nosse; sed plane negat hanc cognitionem ab eo posse comparari, quin antea rerum universitatem, et Deum ipsum agnoscat. Ex ipsius autem mundi constitutione atque ornatu, quisque ratione praeditus compertum habet,

Chap. XVII. He confesses indeed that man ought to know himself; yet he plainly denies that this knowledge can be acquired by him unless he first acknowledges the universe of things and God Himself. Now from the constitution and adornment of the world itself, everyone endowed with reason has it ascertained

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eum a Deo conditum fuisse, atque ab eo regi et administrari. 295

that it was founded by God, and is ruled and administered by Him. 295

CAP. XVIII. Non solum autem universo mundo, sed singulis ejus partibus Deus consulit, Unius autem Dei nutu omnia gubernari, terrenorum exemplo imperiorum probatur. Quamvis autem ille infinitus et immensus, sibique uni, quantus est, cognitus, a nobis nec videri nec nominari queat; ipsius tamen claritas, si nominum tollantur additamenta, perspicitur. 298

Chap. XVIII. Moreover God consults the welfare not only of the whole world, but of its several parts. And that all things are governed by the nod of one God, is proved by the example of earthly empires. Moreover, although He is infinite and immense, and known as great as He is to Himself alone, and can neither be seen nor named by us, nevertheless His brightness is perceived if the additions of names are taken away. 298

CAP. XIX. Praeterea poetae illum divum hominumque parentem, omnium rerum creatorem, mentem et spiritum appellarunt. Quin et ipsimet praestantiores philosophi eadem fere ac Christiani, de Deo uno sensere. 304

Chap. XIX. Besides, the poets have called Him the parent of gods and men, the creator of all things, mind and spirit. Nay, the more eminent philosophers themselves also thought almost the same things as the Christians concerning the one God. 304

CAP. XX. Quod si providentia mundus regitur, et unius Dei nutu gubernatur, non nos debet antiquitas imperita rapere ad mutui consensus errorem; quae nimirum fabellis suis delectata, ridiculas traditiones invexit. Nec minus evidenter ostenditur insulsum impiumque semper fuisse deorum cultum: dum mortalium antiquissimi suos reges, duces inclytos artiumque inventores, ob praeclara illorum facinora, non secus ac deos venerati sunt. 309

Chap. XX. Now if the world is ruled by providence, and governed by the nod of one God, unskilful antiquity ought not to drag us away into the error of mutual consent, which namely, delighted with its own fables, brought in ridiculous traditions. And no less evidently is it shown that the worship of the gods was always foolish and impious, while the most ancient of mortals venerated their kings, famous leaders, and inventors of arts, on account of their noble deeds, no otherwise than as gods. 309

CAP. XXI. Idque confirmat Octavius Euhemeri, Prodici, Persei et Alexandri Magni testimonio, a quibus deorum patria, dies natales, sepulcra recensentur. Exponit praeterea deorum tristes exitus, fata et funera. Ad haec ineptias putidasque nugas ridet, quas de suorum deorum forma et figura ethnici venditant. 312

Chap. XXI. And Octavius confirms this by the testimony of Euhemerus, Prodicus, Persaeus, and Alexander the Great, by whom the native lands, birthdays, and sepulchres of the gods are recounted. He sets forth besides the sad ends, fates, and funerals of the gods. In addition to these things, he laughs at the absurdities and rotten trifles which the heathens hawk about concerning the form and figure of their gods. 312

CAP. XXII. Has porro fabulas ab imperitis hominibus primum traditas, alii deinceps celebrarunt, ac poetae potissimum, qui haud parum veritati sua auctoritate nocuere. Atque hujusmodi figmentis et mendaciis dulcioribus corrumpuntur ingenia puerorum, qui proinde in iis miseri consenescunt: cum alioquin sit veritas obvia, sed requirentibus. 319

Chap. XXII. Furthermore, these fables, first handed down by unskilful men, others afterwards celebrated, and the poets above all, who injured the truth not a little by their authority. And by fictions and sweeter lies of this sort the minds of boys are corrupted, who accordingly grow old wretchedly in them, whereas otherwise the truth is open to view, yet to those who seek it. 319

CAP. XXIII. Quamvis ethnici reges suos mortales agnoscant, illos tamen deos fingunt, vel ipsis invitis; non ad fidem numinis, sed ad honorem emeritae posteritatis. Atqui verus Deus neque ortum habet, neque occasum. Deorum deinde imagines et simulacra Octavius exagitat. 322

Chap. XXIII. Although the heathens acknowledge their kings to be mortal, nevertheless they fashion them into gods, even against their own will—not for belief in their deity, but for the honour of well-deserving posterity. Yet the true God has neither rising nor setting. Next Octavius inveighs against the images and statues of the gods. 322

CAP. XXIV. Brevi insuper inductione demonstrat, quantum in celebrandis quorumdam deorum mysteriis ridiculi, obsceni crudelesque ritus observarentur. 325

Chap. XXIV. Moreover by a brief induction he demonstrates to how great an extent ridiculous, obscene, and cruel rites were observed in celebrating the mysteries of certain gods. 325

CAP. XXV. Dehinc ostendit, a Caecilio perperam jactitari Romanos, qui totius orbis imperio potiti fuerint, hujusmodi superstitionibus rite observatis. Atqui Romani in ortu suo et scelere collecti, et immanitatis terrore creverunt. Igitur Romani non ideo tanti, quod religiosi, sed quod impune sacrilegi. 329

Chap. XXV. Next he shows that Caecilius wrongly boasts of the Romans as having gained possession of the empire of the whole world when superstitions of this sort had been duly observed. Yet the Romans in their origin were both gathered together by crime, and grew by the terror of their ferocity. Therefore the Romans are not so great because they were religious, but because they were sacrilegious with impunity. 329

CAP. XXVI. Ex avium porro auspiciis atque auguriis vibratum leviter a Caecilio telum, contra ipsum Octavius Reguli, Mancini, Pauli atque Caesaris exempla retorquet. Non magis item validam esse petitam ex oraculis argumentationem, aliis exemplis demonstrat. 333

Chap. XXVI. Furthermore, the dart lightly brandished by Caecilius from the auspices and auguries of birds, Octavius turns back against him by the examples of Regulus, Mancinus, Paulus, and Caesar. He demonstrates likewise by other examples that the argumentation drawn from oracles is no more valid. 333

CAP. XXVII. Quod ut solide praestet, rem altius et a prima sua origine repetit. Nimirum erroris fons iste: daemones sub statuis et imaginibus delitescunt, commorantur in fasis, extorum fibras animant, avium volatus gubernant, sortes regunt, oracula fundunt, falsis involuta responsis. Verumtamen haec non a deo, sed a se ipsis facta fuisse fateri coguntur, cum a Christianis per Deum verum adjurati, ab obsessis corporibus fugantur. Hinc vero Christianos de proximo fugitant; tantumque gentilium in eos excitant odium, ut illos ante incipiant odisse, quam nosse: ne cognitos aut imitari possint, aut damnare non possint. 336

Chap. XXVII. And that he may perform this solidly, he traces the matter further back and from its first origin. Namely, this is the fountain of error: demons lurk under statues and images, abide in temples, animate the fibres of entrails, direct the flights of birds, rule lots, pour forth oracles wrapped in false replies. Nevertheless they are compelled to confess that these things were done not by a god, but by themselves, when adjured by the Christians through the true God they are put to flight from possessed bodies. And hence they flee from the Christians at close quarters, and stir up so great a hatred of the heathens against them, that they begin to hate them before they know them, lest when known they might either be able to imitate them, or not be able to condemn them. 336

CAP. XXVIII. Neque odium solum, sed nefanda etiam illis inferunt crimina, quae a nemine probari hactenus potuerunt. Sic est negotium daemonum. Ab ipsis enim rumor falsus et seritur et fovetur. Invictissime autem demonstrat Octavius Christianos sacrilegii, incestus, stupri, parricidii tam falso insimulari, quam certum verumque erat eadem prorsus crimina, aut his omnino similia atque majora, ab ipsismet ethnicis reapse committi. 340

Chap. XXVIII. Nor do they bring hatred only upon them, but abominable charges also, which hitherto could be proved by no one. Such is the business of demons. For by them false rumour is both sown and cherished. Moreover Octavius most invincibly demonstrates that the Christians are as falsely accused of sacrilege, incest, debauchery, and parricide, as it was certain and true that the very same crimes, or ones altogether like these and greater, were in fact committed by the heathens themselves. 340

CAP. XXIX. Nec magis verum hominem cruci propter sua crimina affixum a Christianis coli. Nam eum non modo innocentem, sed Deum etiam esse merito credunt. Contra vero ethnici regum in deos a se adscriptorum invocant numina, ad imagines supplicant, eorumque genios implorant. 345

Chap. XXIX. Nor is it any more true that a man fastened to a cross on account of his crimes is worshipped by the Christians. For they deservedly believe Him to be not only innocent, but God also. On the contrary, the heathens invoke the deities of kings enrolled by themselves among the gods, make supplication at their images, and implore their genii. 345

CAP. XXX. Impudentissimam quoque esse de potato a Christianis infantis a se occisi sanguine calumniam evincit Octavius. Ethnici vero, inquit, et pueros recens natos crudeliter exponunt, et priusquam nascantur, crudeli necant abortu. Christianis homicidium nec videre fas, nec audire. 347

Chap. XXX. Octavius proves incontrovertibly that the calumny concerning the drinking by the Christians of the blood of an infant slain by them is also most shameless. Nay, the heathens, says he, both cruelly expose newborn children, and before they are born, slay them by cruel abortion. To Christians it is lawful neither to see nor to hear of homicide. 347

CAP. XXXI. Ab omni etiam verisimilitudine tam alienum

Chap. XXXI. So foreign to all likelihood also

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