PL 3 · cols. 1173–1184
S. Cyprianus, Epistola ad Pompeium, contra epistolam Stephani
Editors' preface
Migne Reading Room
PL 3 · cols. 1173–1184
Editors' preface
(72) ‹anchor: Leniter (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1173 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 638) (72) Leniter. Ita sanctus Augustinus. lib. IV, de Baptismo contra Donatistas, cap. 8, et lib. V, cap. 17, Ita etiam editio Morellii, decem libri nostri, et septem Anglicani. Erasmus, Manutius, et codex Corbeiensis, firmiter.
Gently. So Saint Augustine, book IV On Baptism against the Donatists, chap. 8, and book V, chap. 17. So too Morel's edition, ten of our books, and seven English ones. Erasmus, Manutius, and the Corbie manuscript have firmly.
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(73) ‹anchor: Nunc (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1173 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 638) (73) Nunc. Hoc vocabulum, quod in posterioribus editionibus exciderat, cum habeatur in editionibus Erasmi et Morelli, nos revocavimus ex fide tredecim exemplarium nostrorum et quatuor Anglicanorum. Idem vocabulum, quod a Lovaniensibus quoque omissum erat, sancto Augustino reddiderunt doctissimi viri quibus debemus novam operum editionem.
Now. This word, which had dropped out of the later editions though it stands in the editions of Erasmus and Morel, we have restored on the authority of thirteen of our copies and four English ones. The same word, which the Louvain editors had also omitted, was restored to Saint Augustine by the very learned men to whom we owe the new edition of his works.
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(74) ‹anchor: Libellum de Bono patientiae (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1173 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 638) (74) Libellum de Bono patientiæ. Refert hunc locum sanctus Augustinus, lib. IV, de Baptismo contra Donatistas, cap. 8, et lib. V, cap. 16.
The little book On the Good of Patience. Saint Augustine quotes this passage, book IV On Baptism against the Donatists, chap. 8, and book V, chap. 16.
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(75) ‹anchor: EPIST. LXXIV (heading; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1173 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 638) (75) EPIST. LXXIV. — Hanc epistolam, quæ primo edita est ab Erasmo, citant sanctus Augustinus lib. V de Baptismo adversus Donatistas, cap. 23; et lib. VI, cap. 7; et Facundus, lib. X, cap. 3, in libro contra Mocianum.
LETTER 74. — This letter, first published by Erasmus, is cited by Saint Augustine, book V On Baptism against the Donatists, chap. 23, and book VI, chap. 7; and by Facundus, book X, chap. 3, in the book against Mocianus.
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(76) ‹anchor: Cyprianus Pompeio› · call in col 1173
(printed under page 638) (76) Pompeio. Episcopo Sabratensi in provincia Tripolitana. Interfuit concilio Carthaginensi sub Cypriano. Concilio Cabarsussitano et Bagalensi interfuit Donatus episcopus Sabratensis. In collatione prima Carthaginensi, c. 133, nominatur Nados episcopus Sabratensis. Vide editionem nostram istius collationis, pag. 215.
To Pompeius. Bishop of Sabrata in the province of Tripolitana. He took part in the Council of Carthage under Cyprian. Donatus, bishop of Sabrata, took part in the Councils of Cabarsussa and Bagai. In the first Conference of Carthage, c. 133, Nados, bishop of Sabrata, is named. See our edition of that Conference, p. 215.
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(77) ‹anchor: Stephanus frater› · call in col 1173
(printed under page 638) (77) Stephanus frater. In uno codice regio scriptum est pater. Et infra in libro Compendiensi et in uno meo Stephano Patre nostro, pari errore quo factum est ut in Epistola sancti Gregorii papæ ad Victorem episcopum Panormitanum, lib. VII, indict. 1, epist. scriptum est in in codice Floriacensi: Oportet ut Paternitas Vestra, cum vulgo recte legatur Fraternitas Vestra. R. P. Harduinus in tomo secundo editionis suæ Conciliorum, pag. 1203, tradit epistolam concilii Milevitani ad Innocentium Papam habere in codice Justelli reverendissimo Patre Innocentio. Si hæ scripturæ non essent falsæ, habuisset Gregorius papa IV aliquam justam causam conquerendi de episcopis Gallicanis, qui Romano pontifici scribentes illum vocaverant fratrem, dum congruentius esset, inquit, solum ei reverentiam paternam exhibere. Inter Epistolas Adriani papæ IV reperitur una in qua imperatorem Fridericum arguit quod ad eum scribens suum nomen præposuerit nomini papæ, in quo insolentiæ, ne dicam arrogantiæ, notam incurris. Illa porro Gregorii IV epistola exstat apud Agobardum, et putabatur esse Agobardi, donec vir illustrissimus Petrus de Marca ostendit illam esse Gregorii, sub cujus nomine edita a nobis est inter opera Agobardi. Tum vero R. P. Labbeus illam in appendice tomi septimi Conciliorum posuit, et monuit exstare apud Agobardum, Et tamen R. P. Harduinus in tomo quarto editionis suæ, pag. 1275, suppresso nomine Agobardi, monuit se illam edere ex bibliotheca Floriacensi, ubi non exstat. Vide notas ad epistolam XLII, p. g. 429.
Brother Stephen. In one royal manuscript father is written. And below, in the Compiègne book and in one of mine, Stephen our Father: the same error by which, in the letter of Saint Gregory the pope to Victor, bishop of Palermo, book VII, indiction 1, the Fleury manuscript writes It behoves Your Paternity, where the common text rightly reads Your Fraternity. The Rev. Father Hardouin, in the second volume of his edition of the Councils, p. 1203, reports that the letter of the Council of Milevis to Pope Innocent has in Justel's manuscript to the most reverend Father Innocent. Had these readings not been false, Pope Gregory IV would have had some just cause to complain of the Gallican bishops who, writing to the Roman pontiff, had called him brother, when it would be more fitting, he says, to show him only a father's reverence. Among the letters of Pope Adrian IV is found one in which he rebukes the Emperor Frederick for having set his own name before the pope's in writing to him, in which you incur the mark of insolence, not to say arrogance. That letter of Gregory IV, moreover, survives among Agobard's works and was thought to be Agobard's, until the most illustrious Pierre de Marca showed it to be Gregory's; under his name we published it among the works of Agobard. Then the Rev. Father Labbe placed it in the appendix to the seventh volume of the Councils and noted that it is found in Agobard. And yet the Rev. Father Hardouin, in the fourth volume of his edition, p. 1275, suppressing Agobard's name, stated that he was publishing it from the library of Fleury, where it does not exist. See the notes on Letter 42, p. 429.
(printed under page 638) (78) Superba. Erasmus, tres libri nostri, quatuor Anglicani præferunt supervacua. In uno regio legitur ad superbiam. Lectionem nostram habent cætera exemplaria.
Proud. Erasmus, three of our books and four English ones offer superfluous. In one royal manuscript is read to pride. The other copies have our reading.
(printed under page 638) (79) Si quis ergo. Verba sunt ex epistola papæ Stephani relata supra in epistola ad Pompeium, pag. 138.
If anyone, therefore. These are words from Pope Stephen's letter, quoted above in the letter to Pompeius, p. 138.
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(78) ‹anchor: vel superba› · call in col 1174
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(79) ‹anchor: Si quis ergo› · call in col 1174
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(80) ‹anchor: Ad vos (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1175 or 1176 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 639) (80) Ad vos. Antea legebatur ad nos. Retinuimus lectionem septem veterum exemplarium. Constat quippe ex initio istius epistolæ et ex commonitorio Vincentii Lirinensis epistolam Stephani missam fuisse ad Africam. Vide notas nostras ad Vincentium, pag. 445, 447.
To you. Formerly to us was read. We have kept the reading of seven old copies. For it is clear from the beginning of this letter and from the Commonitory of Vincent of Lérins that Stephen's letter was sent to Africa. See our notes on Vincent, pp. 445, 447.
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(81) ‹anchor: Nihil innovetur (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1175 or 1176 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 639) (81) Nihil innovetur. Cœlestini papæ epistola ad episcopos Galliarum: Desinat incessere novitas vetustatem. Tertullianus in libro de Virginibus velandis: hæreses, non tam novitas quam veritas revincit. Optatus, lib. VII, dixit novitatem quærere in visceribus vetustatis.
Let nothing new be introduced. Pope Celestine's letter to the bishops of the Gauls: Let novelty cease to assail antiquity. Tertullian in the book On the Veiling of Virgins: heresies are refuted not so much by novelty as by truth. Optatus, book VII, spoke of seeking novelty in the bowels of antiquity.
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(82) ‹anchor: Non baptizent (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1175 or 1176 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 639) (82) Non baptizent. Codex Lamonii addit in pœnitentia, et mox venientem baptizari in manum pœnitentiæ in Ecclesia vetuit. Sunt multa hujusmodi exempla in codice Lamonii, de quibus disseruimus supra in notis ad epistolam LXXIII, pag. 502.
Let them not baptize. Lamoignon's manuscript adds in penance, and just after, he forbade one who comes to be baptized into the hand of penance in the Church. There are many examples of this kind in Lamoignon's manuscript, which we discussed above in the notes on Letter 73, p. 502.
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(83) ‹anchor: Omnium haereticorum (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1175 or 1176 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 639) (83) Omnium hæreticorum Exstant apud Nicolaum Eymerici in directorio inquisitorum responsiones Benedicti XII papæ, tum cardinalis, adversus errores Fratricellorum. in quibus ait Stephanum papam determinasse quod nullus baptizatus per quoscunque hæreticos veniens ad Ecclesiam catholicam rebaptizaretur: sanctum autem Cyprianum, cum multis episcopis in Africa celebrantem concilium, determinasse oppositum, videlicet quod baptizati a quibuscunque hæreticis, si ad Ecclesiam catholicam veniant, sunt baptizandi, et reprobasse in hoc Stephanum papam, ut patet in Cypriani epistolis ad Jubaianum, ad Stephanum et Pompeium, concilium autem Nicænum utramque opinionem sancti Cypriani et Stephani papæ correxisse determinando quod baptizati ab hæreticis non servantibus formam Ecclesiæ venientes ad Ecclesiam baptizentur, ab aliis vero hæreticis baptizati non rebaptizentur. Hanc Benedicti solutionem esse falsam ait Franciscus Pegna in commentariis ad Nicolaum, eamque refellit. Nescio an recte. Etenim Cyprianus ait papam Stephanum censuisse hæreticorum baptismata esse justa et legitima. Porro Benedicti responsiones adversus Fratricellos refert etiam Abrahamus Bzovius in suis Annalibus, sed mutat verba directorii. Nam ubi apud Nicolaum scriptum est: Ad istud respondet dominus Benedictus. Bzovius ponit: Ad istud respondet F. Jacobus Fornerius cardinalis, quia sciebat ita locutum fuisse antequam esset papa.
Of all heretics. In Nicholas Eymerich's Directory of Inquisitors there survive the replies of Pope Benedict XII, then a cardinal, against the errors of the Fraticelli. In them he says that Pope Stephen determined that no one baptized by any heretics whatever, on coming to the Catholic Church, should be rebaptized; but that Saint Cyprian, holding a council with many bishops in Africa, determined the opposite, namely that those baptized by any heretics whatever, if they come to the Catholic Church, are to be baptized, and in this rebuked Pope Stephen, as appears in Cyprian's letters to Jubaianus, to Stephen and to Pompeius; and that the Council of Nicaea corrected both opinions, Saint Cyprian's and Pope Stephen's, by determining that those baptized by heretics who do not keep the Church's form are to be baptized on coming to the Church, but those baptized by other heretics are not to be rebaptized. Francisco Peña, in his commentary on Nicholas, says this solution of Benedict's is false and refutes it. I do not know whether rightly. For Cyprian says that Pope Stephen held the baptisms of heretics to be just and lawful. Abraham Bzovius also reports Benedict's replies against the Fraticelli in his Annals, but changes the words of the Directory. For where Nicholas writes: To this the lord Benedict replies, Bzovius puts: To this replies Fr. Jacques Fournier, cardinal, because he knew that he had spoken so before he was pope.
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(84) ‹anchor: Tinctionis (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1175 or 1176 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 639) (84) Tinctionis. Codex Gratianopolitanus tinctionis et unctionis.
Of the dipping. The Grenoble manuscript has of the dipping and of the anointing.
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(85) ‹anchor: Ponticus (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1175 or 1176 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 639) (85) Ponticus. Hanc vocem addidimus ex auctoritate duodecim exemplarium nostrorum et sex Anglicanorum. Ea quæ illam non habent videntur esse decurtata ab imperitis librariis credentibus illam esse supervacaneam, quia statim sequitur Marsionem emersisse e Ponto. Irenæus, lib. I, cap. 21, scripsit Marcion Ponticus. Ponticum lupum vocat Rufinus, lib. V, cap. 13, post Eusebium. Illud dicere voluit sanctus Cyprianus, Marcionem, qui erat natione Ponticus, e regione ortum longinqua et barbara, videlicet e Ponto Euxino, tandem emersisse e Ponto, ubi latebat, nondum venisse Romam. Erasmus tamen habet vocem Ponticus, sed non subjunxit de Ponto. Tertullianus, lib. I, adversus Marcionem: Pontus qui dicitur Euxinus, natura negatur, nomine illuditur. Ennodius, lib. XII, epist. I: Etsi te immemorem mei Pontifica facit inhumanitas. Famosus locus exsilio Ovidii. De tempore quo Marcion vixit, vide Petavii animadversiones ad hæresim XLVI, apud Epiphanium.
The man of Pontus. We have added this word on the authority of twelve of our copies and six English ones. Those that lack it seem to have been cut short by unskilled copyists who thought it superfluous, because it is followed at once by the statement that Marcion emerged from Pontus. Irenaeus, book I, chap. 21, wrote Marcion of Pontus. Rufinus, book V, chap. 13, following Eusebius, calls him the wolf of Pontus. What Saint Cyprian meant is that Marcion, a Pontic by nation, born in a distant and barbarous region, namely on the Euxine Sea, had not yet emerged from Pontus, where he lay hidden, and had not yet come to Rome. Erasmus, however, has the word Ponticus but did not add from Pontus. Tertullian, book I Against Marcion: the Pontus called Euxine [hospitable] is belied by its nature and mocked by its name. Ennodius, book XII, letter 1: Although Pontic inhumanity makes you forgetful of me. A place famous for Ovid's exile. On the time when Marcion lived, see Petau's remarks on Heresy 46 in Epiphanius.
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(86) ‹anchor: Cerdon sub Hygino (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1175 or 1176 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 639) (86) Cerdon sub Hygino. Vide Massueti dissertationes ad Irenæum, pag. 68, § 155.
Cerdo under Hyginus. See Massuet's dissertations on Irenaeus, p. 68, § 155.
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(87) ‹anchor: Nonus fuit (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1175 or 1176 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 639) (87) Nonus fuit. Idem testatur sanctus Irenæus, lib. I, cap. 28, aiens Cerdonem venisse Romam sub Hygino.
He was the ninth. Saint Irenaeus attests the same, book I, chap. 28, saying that Cerdo came to Rome under Hyginus.
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(88) ‹anchor: profanos et extraneos› · call in col 1177
(printed under page 640) (88) Profanos et extraneos. Codex sancti Arnulphi extrarios. Sic etiam habebat Veronensis.
Profane and strangers. The manuscript of Saint-Arnoul has outsiders. So too the Verona manuscript had.
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(89) ‹anchor: cadem ejusdem majestas› · call in col 1177
(printed under page 640) (89) Cur eadem majestas. Lege cur non eadem majestas. Istud excidit. Error inductus est a Rigaltio et continuatus in editione Anglicana.
Why the same majesty. Read why not the same majesty. That word dropped out. The error was introduced by Rigault and carried on in the English edition.
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(90) ‹anchor: Factus est (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1177 or 1178 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 640) (90) Factus est. In editionibus Erasmi et Morellii, quæ magis placuerunt Pamelio quam Mantiana, legitur factus non est. Verum libri veteres non habent negationem, quæ profecto videtur esse contraria sententiæ sancti Cypriani.
He was made. In the editions of Erasmus and Morel, which pleased Pamelius more than the Manutian, is read he was not made. But the old books do not have the negative, which indeed seems to be contrary to Saint Cyprian's meaning.
(printed under page 640) (91) Servavit. Erasmus posuit salvavit. Quæ lectio exstat in duobus exemplaribus nostris et in Camberonensi, ut testatur Pamelius. At alia tredecim nostra habent servavit. Et tamen lectio inducta ab Erasmo prævaluit hactenus in omnibus editionibus. Cælius Calcagninus, lib. II, epist, 9, censet scribendum esse servatorem, non salvatorem.
He preserved. Erasmus put he saved. This reading is found in two of our copies and in the Cambron manuscript, as Pamelius attests. But thirteen others of ours have he preserved. And yet the reading introduced by Erasmus has prevailed until now in all the editions. Celio Calcagnini, book II, letter 9, holds that one should write servator (preserver), not salvator (saviour).
(printed under page 640) (92) Insufflavit. Hic locus ex capite secundo Geneseos desumptus refertur secundum versionem antiquam qua sanctus Cyprianus utebatur, qua etiam usum esse Avitum Viennensem liquet ex secunda ejus Epistola ad Gundobadum. Reprehendit autem Avitus illos qui utebantur ea versione qua nos hodie utimur. Et tamen Tertullianus hunc locum refert eo modo quo illi utebantur quos Avitus perstringit. In epistola cujusdam Otberti de obitu Hugonis (continues)
He breathed into. This passage, taken from the second chapter of Genesis, is quoted according to the old version that Saint Cyprian used, which Avitus of Vienne also clearly used, as his second Letter to Gundobad shows. Avitus, however, finds fault with those who used the version we use today. And yet Tertullian quotes this passage in the form used by those whom Avitus criticizes. In the letter of a certain Otbert on the death of Hugh (continues)
(printed under page 640) (93) Flatum. Unus codex regius spiraculum, sicut in vulgata editione Genescos.
Breath. One royal manuscript has spiraculum (breath), as in the Vulgate of Genesis.
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(90) ‹anchor: factus est› · call in col 1178
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(91) ‹anchor: Servavit› · call in col 1178
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(92) ‹anchor: insufflavit› · call in col 1178
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(93) ‹anchor: flatum› · call in col 1178
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(94) ‹anchor: Ante Ecclesiam matrem (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1179 or 1180 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 641) (94) Ante Ecclesiam matrem. Undecim libri veteres, habeat ante Ecclesiam matrem. Sed vox habeat deest in tribus itidem antiquis et in editionibus antiquis. Supra epist. X, pag. 20: Ante Domini pacem mater prior sumat.
Before the Church as mother. Eleven old books have let him have the Church as mother first. But the word let him have is lacking in three equally old ones and in the old editions. Above, Letter 10, p. 20: Before the Lord's peace, let the mother first receive.
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(95) ‹anchor: Stephani fratris nostri obstinatio (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1179 or 1180 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 641) (95) Stephani fratris nostri obstinatio. Vincentius Lirinensis, c. 21, dixit tanto adamante pertinaciæ; Cassiodorus, lib. VI, epist. 3, cruda obstinatione. Constitutio Gratiani et Valentiniani in titulo codicis Theodosiani de hæreticis, consuetudo obstinationis pertinax. Contra pertinacia virtutis apud Valerium Maximum lib. III, cap. 2. Pertinaciam enim aliquando in bonam partem acceptam esse a Baronio nos monuimus in notis ad Capitularia, pag. 1111.
The obstinacy of our brother Stephen. Vincent of Lérins, c. 21, said with such adamant of stubbornness; Cassiodorus, book VI, letter 3, with raw obstinacy. The constitution of Gratian and Valentinian in the title of the Theodosian Code on heretics has the stubborn habit of obstinacy. On the other hand, the persistence of virtue in Valerius Maximus, book III, chap. 2. For we have noted in the notes on the Capitularies, p. 1111, that pertinacia is sometimes taken in a good sense by Baronius.
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(96) ‹anchor: Sacerdoti Dei (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1179 or 1180 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 641) (96) Sacerdoti Dei. Ita sex libri nostri et quinque Anglicani. Antea legebatur: Sacerdotis Dei ratio in die judicii possit asserentis et præsumentis et in acceptum referentis blasphemantium.
For a priest of God. So six of our books and five English ones. Formerly was read: the account of a priest of God could, on the day of judgement, of one who asserts and presumes and credits to himself the deeds of blasphemers.
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(97) ‹anchor: Divinae militiae sacramenta (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1179 or 1180 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 641) (97) Divinæ militiæ sacramenta. Infra in libro de Lapsis, pag. 193: Christi sacramentum temeritate præcipiti solveretur. Sumpta ista ex disciplina militari. Vide Godeschalcum Stewechium ad Vegetium, ubi recte formam sacramenti militum explicavit. Vide etiam sanctum Joannem Chrysostomum in initio secundæ parænesis ad Theodorum lapsum.
The oaths of the divine soldiery. Below, in the book On the Lapsed, p. 193: the oath of Christ would be dissolved by headlong rashness. These expressions are taken from military discipline. See Godescalc Stewech on Vegetius, where he rightly explained the form of the soldiers' oath. See also Saint John Chrysostom at the beginning of the second exhortation to Theodore after his fall.
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(98) ‹anchor: Castrorum caelestium (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1179 or 1180 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 641) (98) Castrorum cœlestium. Antea legebatur sacrorum, nullo sensu. Restituimus veram lectionem ex fide decem veterum exemplarium.
Of the heavenly camp. Formerly of the sacred things was read, which makes no sense. We have restored the true reading on the authority of ten old copies.
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(99) ‹anchor: Uberius (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1179 or 1180 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 641) (99) Uberius. Hanc lectionem invenimus in sex antiquis codicibus nostris et in quinque Anglicanis. Antea scriptum erat liberius. Sic in calce istius epistolæ, pag. 141, vitio librarii positum erat in uno codice regio eadem libertate pro ubertate. In Burgundico reperi in libro de Habitu virginum, pag. 175: Facultatum libertate locupletes pro ubertate. Et in libro de Oratione Dominica, pag. 207, in codice Pithœano et in Thuano bonitatis libertas pro ubertas. In hac ipsa epistola LXXIV ad Pompeium, in codice Lamonii, paulo post aqua collecta eadem libertate repræsentatur. Pro quo alii codices et editiones recte habent ubertate. In libro de Laude martyrii in editione Morellii legitur uberius atque propensius. Pro quo quidam libri veteres habent liberius.
More abundantly. We found this reading in six of our old manuscripts and in five English ones. Formerly more freely was written. So at the end of this letter, p. 141, by a copyist's fault one royal manuscript had put with the same freedom for abundance. In the Burgundian manuscript I found in the book On the Dress of Virgins, p. 175: rich in the freedom of their means for abundance. And in the book On the Lord's Prayer, p. 207, the Pithou and de Thou manuscripts have the freedom of goodness for the abundance. In this very Letter 74 to Pompeius, in Lamoignon's manuscript, a little further on, the gathered water is shown with the same freedom, where other manuscripts and editions rightly have abundance. In the book On the Praise of Martyrdom, Morel's edition reads more abundantly and more readily, where certain old books have more freely.
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(1) ‹anchor: Crinibus (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1179 or 1180 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 641) (1) Crinibus. Quamvis hæc lectio non reperiatur nisi in quinque exemplaribus, non dubito tamen quin præferenda sit ei quæ jamdudum invaluerat. Non video enim quid significent hæc verba, serpentinis crinibus pullantes. Agnovit Rigaltius hoc esse verum. In erratis enim monuit reponendum esse crinibus, Horatius, lib. III, ode 31: Intortis capillis Eumenidum recreantur angues. Idem epodon V: Canidia brevibus implicata viperis crines. Seneca Medea: Adeste sceleris ultrices deæ crinem solutis squalidæ serpentibus. Lucanus lib. VI: Et coma vipereis substringitur horrida sertis. Ludovicus Cælius Rhodiginus, lib. I, cap. 40, refert ex Avicenna serpentes ex mulierum præcipue capillis concipi. Similem errorem notavimus in tomo secundo Capitularium, pag. 987.
With locks. Although this reading is found in only five copies, I do not doubt that it is to be preferred to the one that had long prevailed. For I do not see what these words mean, sprouting with serpentine [shoots]. Rigault recognized that this is the true reading, for in his errata he noted that crinibus should be restored. Horace, book III, ode 31: the snakes of the Furies are refreshed in their twisted hair. The same, Epode 5: Canidia, her locks entwined with short vipers. Seneca's Medea: Be present, avenging goddesses of crime, foul with hair of loosened serpents. Lucan, book VI: And her bristling hair is bound up with viper garlands. Ludovico Celio Rodigino, book I, chap. 40, reports from Avicenna that serpents are bred chiefly from women's hair. We noted a similar error in the second volume of the Capitularies, p. 987.
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(2) ‹anchor: inviolatam› · call in col 1181
(printed under page 642) (2) Inviolatam. Codex Fuxensis, immaculatam.
Inviolate. The Foix manuscript has immaculate.
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(3) ‹anchor: sine veritate› · call in col 1181
(printed under page 642) (3) Consuetudo sine veritate. Citat hunc locum, sed non nominato Cypriano, Angelus Politianus in præfatione Miscellaneorum suorum. Ait enim: Pulchre sic ait quidam: Consuetudo sine veritate vetustas erroris est. Citat etiam Gratianus dist. 8, cap. Consuetudo. Vide notas ad epistolam LXXI, pag. 498.
Custom without truth. Angelo Poliziano quotes this passage, though without naming Cyprian, in the preface to his Miscellanea. He says: A certain writer puts it finely: Custom without truth is the antiquity of error. Gratian also cites it, Distinction 8, chapter Consuetudo. See the notes on Letter 71, p. 498.
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(4) ‹anchor: nec contentiosum› · call in col 1181
(printed under page 642) (4) Nec contentiosum. Hæc non comparebant in editione Erasmi. Manutius et Morellius induxerunt. Pamelius expunxit, quia non invenerat in codice Camberonensi. Sane desunt in quatuor libris veteribus. Sed habentur in aliis duodecim et in duobus Bodleianis.
Nor quarrelsome. These words did not appear in Erasmus's edition. Manutius and Morel brought them in. Pamelius struck them out because he had not found them in the Cambron manuscript. They are indeed lacking in four old books. But they are found in twelve others and in two Bodleian ones.
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(5) ‹anchor: Errorem deponere (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1181 or 1182 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 642) (5) Errorem deponere. Sanctus papa Gregorius in epistola ad sanctum Augustinum: Bonarum quippe mentium est ibi culpam agnoscere ubi culpa non est. Innocentius III, apud Bzovium an. 1206, § 6, Bonarum mentium est ibi timere culpam ubi culpa minime reperitur. Contra Quintilianus lib. VI, cap. 4: Nam culpam, præsertim deprehensam, pertinaciter tueri altera culpa est. Hieronymus lib. I, adversus Rufinum: Melius est te pænitere facti tui quam et martyrem in calumnia et deceptos in errore persistere. Nec erubescas de commutatione sententiæ. Non est tantæ auctoritatis et famæ ut errasse te pæniteat. Item in Epistola ad Pammachium de optimo genere interpretandi: Errasse humanum est et confiteri errorem prudentis. Et in epistola ad Pammachium et Oceanum adversus errores Origenis: Secunda post naufragium tabula est humiliter confiteri. Et in epistola ad Marcellam de quinque quæstionibus Novi Testamenti; Non memini me hoc aliquando dixisse; et si dixissem, non essem in errore pertinax. Rufinus, lib. II adversus Hieronymum: Certum est autem errorem præcessisse ubi emendatio subsecuta est. Augustinus sermone CLXX, de verbis Apostoli: Humanum fuit errasse. Diabolicum est per animositatem in errore manere. Idipsum quoque dixit sanctus Joannes Chrysostomus in parænesi prima ad Theodorum lapsum: Nam peccasse est humanum, perdurasse autem in flagitiis non humanum est, sed potius diabolicum. Item Augustinus, in epistola ad Celerem: Turpe est mutare sententiam, sed veram et rectam; nam stultam et noxiam et laudabile et salubre est, Sicut autem constantia non sinit hominem depravari, sic pertinacia non sinit corrigi.
To lay aside error. The holy Pope Gregory, in his letter to Saint Augustine: For it is the mark of good minds to acknowledge a fault where there is no fault. Innocent III, in Bzovius under the year 1206, § 6: It is the mark of good minds to fear a fault where no fault at all is found. On the other side, Quintilian, book VI, chap. 4: For to defend a fault stubbornly, especially one that has been detected, is a second fault. Jerome, book I Against Rufinus: It is better for you to repent of what you did than for the martyr to persist under calumny and the deceived in error. And do not blush at changing your opinion. You are not of such authority and fame as to be ashamed of having erred. Again, in the letter to Pammachius on the best kind of translating: To have erred is human, and to confess the error is the part of a wise man. And in the letter to Pammachius and Oceanus against the errors of Origen: The second plank after shipwreck is to confess humbly. And in the letter to Marcella on five questions of the New Testament: I do not remember ever having said this; and had I said it, I would not be stubborn in error. Rufinus, book II Against Jerome: It is certain that error has gone before where correction has followed. Augustine, Sermon 170, on the words of the Apostle: To have erred was human. To remain in error out of animosity is diabolical. Saint John Chrysostom said the very same in the first exhortation to Theodore after his fall: For to have sinned is human, but to have persisted in wickedness is not human but rather diabolical. Again Augustine, in the letter to Celer: It is shameful to change one's opinion, but only a true and right one; for to change a foolish and harmful one is both praiseworthy and wholesome. And as constancy does not let a man be corrupted, so stubbornness does not let him be corrected.
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(6) ‹anchor: Si … canalis (lemma; call above the visible foot)› · call in col 1181 or 1182 (not visible in these images)
(printed under page 642) (6) Si… canalis. Hieronymus in epistola ad Marcum Celedensem: Si rivus tenuiter fluit, non est alvei culpa, sed fontis.
If … the channel. Jerome, in the letter to Marcus of Chalcis: If the stream flows thinly, the fault is not the bed's but the spring's.
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(62) ‹anchor: unico Ecclesiae baptismo› · call in col 1183
⁶² Unico pœnitentiæ baptismo Cod. Lamon.
With the one baptism of penance: Lamoignon's manuscript.
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(7) ‹anchor: octo animae hominum› · call in col 1183
(printed under page 643) (7) Octo animæ hominum. Sic restituimus hunc locum ex fide octo librorum nostrorum et sex Anglicanorum. Nam et infra in epistola LXXVI, pag. 152, ita etiam legitur ut istic. Sane vox hominum exstat in epistola sancti Petri nec apud Hieronymum in dialogo adversus Luciferianos.
Eight souls of men. So we have restored this passage on the authority of eight of our books and six English ones. For below, in Letter 76, p. 152, it is also read as here. Indeed the word of men is found in Saint Peter's epistle nor in Jerome in the dialogue against the Luciferians [so printed; the sense seems to require "is not found"].
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(8) ‹anchor: salvatus fieri› · call in col 1183
(printed under page 643) (8) Salvatus videri. Editiones habent salvus. At ego reposui salvatus, secutus in hoc auctoritatem tredecim exemplarium nostrorum et quatuor Anglicanorum.
To seem saved. The editions have safe. But I have restored saved, following in this the authority of thirteen of our copies and four English ones.
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(9) ‹anchor: Dominica unitate› · call in col 1183
(printed under page 643) (9) Dominica unitate. Vetus codex Remigianus et tres Anglicani habent dominicæ observationis virtute.
By the Lord's unity. The old Saint-Remi manuscript and three English ones have by the power of the Lord's observance.
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(10) ‹anchor: ad haereticos transierant› · call in col 1184 (in the paragraph moved here on receipt)
(printed under page 643) (10) Ad hæreticos transierant. Unus codex regius, ad hæreticos discessisse monstrantur. Lectionem a nobis retentam confirmare videntur hæc Cypriani verba ex epistola LXXI, pag. 127, et a nobis ad hæreticos transisse.
They had gone over to the heretics. One royal manuscript has they are shown to have departed to the heretics. The reading we have kept seems confirmed by these words of Cyprian from Letter 71, p. 127: and to have gone over from us to the heretics.
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(11) ‹anchor: Magno filio› · call in col 1183
(printed under page 643) (11) Magno filio. Hæc certo ostendunt, ut putavit etiam Baronius, hunc hominem fuisse de plebe, id est laicum. Cui sententiæ, quæ mihi videtur optima, ego lubenter assentior. Nuperus tamen auctor Vitæ sancti Cypriani contendit fuisse episcopum, ad eamque suam opinionem probandam affert exemplum ex epistola LXI ad Euchratium episcopum, in cujus calce Cyprianus ait: Opto te, fili charissime, semper bene valere. Sane ita scriptum est in editionibus Manutii, Pamelii, Rigaltii, et in Anglicana. At veteres editiones habent frater charissime. Quod modo nos reposuimus auctoritatem secuti veterum editionum et veterum librorum. Sentit Reinhartus vitium editionis Rigaltianæ, quam fere sequebatur, et emisit vocem filii, scribens simpliciter: Opto te, charissime, semper bene valere. Itaque restituta vera lectione, ruit argumentatio auctoris Vitæ sancti Cypriani. Quod vero Cyprianus Magnum laicum vocat filium, descendit istud ex disciplina veterum episcoporum et presbyterorum, qui, ut Hieronymus in Epistola ad Salvinam de Viduitate servanda ait, pro officio sacerdotii omnes Christianos filiorum loco diligebant. Vide notas nostras ad Epistolam nonam Salviani.
To his son Magnus. These words show for certain, as Baronius also thought, that this man was of the people, that is, a layman. I gladly assent to this opinion, which seems to me the best. Yet a recent author of a Life of Saint Cyprian contends that he was a bishop, and to prove his opinion adduces an example from Letter 61 to Bishop Euchratius, at the end of which Cyprian says: I wish you, dearest son, always good health. It is indeed so written in the editions of Manutius, Pamelius, Rigault, and in the English one. But the old editions have dearest brother, which we have now restored, following the authority of the old editions and the old books. Reinhart perceived the fault of Rigault's edition, which he generally followed, and dropped the word son, writing simply: I wish you, dearest, always good health. So, with the true reading restored, the argument of the author of the Life of Saint Cyprian collapses. That Cyprian calls Magnus, a layman, his son derives from the practice of the ancient bishops and presbyters who, as Jerome says in the Letter to Salvina on keeping widowhood, by the duty of the priesthood loved all Christians as sons. See our notes on the ninth Letter of Salvian.
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(12) ‹anchor: dicimus omnes› · call in col 1183
(printed under page 643) (12) Dicimus omnes. Apud Gratianum XXIV, q. I, scriptum est didicimus.
We say that all. In Gratian, [Causa] 24, question 1, we have learned is written.
(printed under page 643) (13) Omnes omnino qui secum. Ita omnes veteres editiones ante Manutianam, quæ addit hæreticos, uti etiam additur apud Gratianum. Sed eam vocem ego non reperi nisi in tribus libris veteribus. Cum vero viderem omnes veteres editiones, XXII libros nostros, et sex Anglicanos eam non habere, arbitratus sum eam non esse retinendam. Nam et absque illa recte constat sensus.
Absolutely all who [were not] with him. So all the old editions before the Manutian, which adds heretics, as it is also added in Gratian. But I have found that word in only three old books. And since I saw that all the old editions, twenty-two of our books, and six English ones lack it, I judged that it should not be kept. For the sense stands properly without it.
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(10) ‹anchor: et sic ad haereticos transierant› · call in col 1184 (printed after ‹transierant›; the paragraph is set under col 1183, and the note's text is filed under col 1183)
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(63) ‹anchor: sed omnes omnino› · call in col 1184
⁶³ Hæreticos addit Oxon.
Heretics is added by the Oxford edition.
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(13) ‹anchor: qui secum non essent› · call in col 1184
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