PL 3 · cols. 1023–1032
S. Cyprianus, Epistola ad Stephanum papam (de Marciano Arelatensi)
Editors' preface
Migne Reading Room
PL 3 · cols. 1023–1032
Editors' preface
Variae lectiones. 1 ‹quae etiam› · call in col 1024 Quae etiam Ver Man.
"Which also": Ver(onensis) and Man(uscript reading).
Variorum notae. (printed under page 563)
(1) ‹EPISTOLA› · call in col 1024
Clarissimus editor Oxoniensis, tametsi veteres Cypriani codices circiter viginti a se evolutos dicit, in nullum incidisse se fatetur, qui epistolam hanc contineret. Verum hoc etiam aliis, quarum (continues)
The most distinguished Oxford editor, although he says that he examined some twenty old codices of Cyprian, confesses that he came upon none that contained this letter. But this also to others, whose (continues)
(printed under page 563)
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(2) ‹In eadem provincia› · call in col 1025
In eadem provincia. Id est in eadem provincia in qua Faustinus erat episcopus, in Narbonensi nimirum solida, quae tum complectebatur etiam Lugdunensem et Viennensem. Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. XV; Regebantur autem Galliae omnes potestate in partes divisa quatuor, quarum Narbonensis una Viennensem intra se continebat et Lugdunensem. Hinc quoque sumi conjectura potest Lugdunum pertinuisse ad provinciam Narbonensem, quod cum ea civitas condita est, uti jusserat Senatus Romanus, condita est pro iis qui Vienna ab Allobrogibus expulsi erant. Viennam porro Dio Cassius, lib. XLVI, scribit fuisse provinciae Narbonensis oppidum. Itaque urbs nova vicina Viennae contributa haud dubie est si provinciae in qua sita erat Vienna, praesertim cum ea condita sit pro Viennensibus expulsis qui consederant eo loco ubi nunc Lugdunum est. Mirum itaque videri non debet Faustinum fuisse sollicitum de statu Ecclesiae quae sita erat in ea provincia in qua ipse episcopus erat. Perseverasse diu hunc ordinem ut Lugdunum censeretur esse in provincia Narbonensi solida, hinc quoque colligi posse videtur quod Eucherius episcopus Lugdunensis interfuit concilio quod Hilarius Arelatensis, qui tum duarum Narbonensium metropolitanus erat, ut fidem faciunt etiam epistolae papae Zosimi, celebravit apud Arausicam, cum episcopis civitatum solidae Narbonensis, in quo concilio delegata cura est Hilario, utpote metropolitano eorum episcoporum qui ei conventui intererant, uti episcopos qui defuerant, commoneret ne deinceps detrectarent adesse in synodis, ut patet ex canone 29 ejusdem concilii. Itaque male scripsi in notis ad Agobardum Marcianum non fuisse episcopum in eadem provincia in qua Faustinus erat episcopus. BALUZ.
"In the same province": that is, in the same province in which Faustinus was bishop, namely in the undivided Narbonensis, which then included also the Lugdunensis and the Viennensis. Ammianus Marcellinus, book 15: "All the Gauls were governed under authority divided into four parts, of which the Narbonensis alone contained within itself the Viennensis and the Lugdunensis." From this too one may conjecture that Lyon belonged to the province of Narbonensis, because when that city was founded, as the Roman Senate had ordered, it was founded for those who had been driven out of Vienne by the Allobroges. Dio Cassius, book 46, further writes that Vienne was a town of the province of Narbonensis. So the new city near Vienne was no doubt attached to [printed "si"; read "ei"] the province in which Vienne lay, especially since it was founded for the expelled Viennese who had settled in the place where Lyon now is. It should not seem strange, then, that Faustinus was concerned for the state of a Church lying in the province in which he himself was bishop. That this arrangement, by which Lyon was reckoned to be in the undivided province of Narbonensis, lasted long can, it seems, also be gathered from this: Eucherius, bishop of Lyon, took part in the council which Hilary of Arles — then metropolitan of the two Narbonensian provinces, as the letters of Pope Zosimus also attest — held at Orange with the bishops of the cities of undivided Narbonensis; in which council Hilary, as metropolitan of the bishops attending that assembly, was charged to admonish the bishops who had been absent not to refuse in future to attend synods, as appears from canon 29 of the same council. So I wrote wrongly in my notes on Agobard that Marcianus was not a bishop in the same province in which Faustinus was bishop. BALUZE.
(printed under page 564)
(3) ‹Marcianus› · call in col 1025 or 1026 (not visible)
Marcianus. Vetus auctor altercationis Synagogae et Ecclesiae, c. 29, Marcianum quemdam memorat inter veteres haereticos. Sed non puto eum respexisse ad Arelatensem. Legendum esse Marcionem probant veteres editiones epistolae ad Jubaianum, in quibus scriptum est, maxime cum in eodem animadverterim etiam Marciani fieri mentionem. Pro quo certum est reponi debere Marcionis, ut habent posteriores editiones. Et tamen cujusdam Marciani veteris haeretici mentionem facit Eusebius l. VI, c. 12. BALUZ.
"Marcianus": the old author of the Altercation of the Synagogue and the Church, ch. 29, mentions a certain Marcianus among the old heretics. But I do not think he had the bishop of Arles in view. That "Marcion" should be read is shown by the old editions of the letter to Jubaianus, in which is written: "especially since I have noticed in the same a mention also of Marcianus being made." In its place it is certain that "of Marcion" should be restored, as the later editions have. And yet Eusebius, book 6, ch. 12, mentions a certain Marcianus, an old heretic. BALUZE.
(printed under page 564)
(4) ‹Ecclesiae unitate› · call in col 1025 or 1026 (not visible)
Ecclesiae unitate. Corb. ms. veritate; et mox, sacerdotis confessione, ubi in vulgatis, sacerdotii consensione. Magis placet cum Corb. sacerdotum consensione; maxime cum infra legamus: Copiosum corpus est sacerdotum; et inferius, de collegio sacerdotum, non sacerdotii. COUSTANT. Hanc lectionem, quae bona est, non inveni nisi in (continues)
"The unity of the Church": the Corbie manuscript has "truth"; and shortly after, "the confession of the priest", where the printed editions have "the consensus of the priesthood". It is better, with the Corbie manuscript, to read "the consensus of the priests" (sacerdotum), especially since we read below, "The body of priests is abundant", and further on, "of the college of priests", not "of the priesthood". COUSTANT. This reading, which is a good one, I have found only in (continues)
(printed under page 564)
Variae lectiones. 2 ‹discesserit› · call in col 1027 Disjunxerit Corb. Remb. Erasm. Se diviserit Tur.
"Has disjoined": Corbie manuscript, Remboltus, Erasmus. "Has separated himself": Tours manuscript.
3 ‹et dolentibus› · call in col 1027 Dolentibus Ecclesiam lacrymis Ver. Man.
"Grieving the Church with tears": Verona manuscript, Manutius.
4 ‹coepiscopos nostros in Galliis› · call in col 1027 In Gallia. Ver.
"In Gaul" (singular): Verona manuscript.
5 ‹—› · call not visible in image Jactat et praedicat, hostis Corb.
"He boasts and proclaims, an enemy": Corbie manuscript.
6 ‹—› · call not visible in image Se sancta Ver.
"Himself holy …": Verona manuscript.
7 ‹—› · call not visible in image Se foras Baluz.
"Himself outside": Baluze.
Variorum notae. (printed under page 565)
(4) (continued) · call on the previous page
editionibus Manutii et Morellii, in codice Fuxensi et in Carnotensi. Reliqui libri veteres et veteres editiones habent veritate. BALUZ. Oxon. editor habet eamdem lectionem, ulla varietate sine.
the editions of Manutius and Morel, in the Foix codex and in the Chartres one. The other old books and old editions have "truth". BALUZE. The Oxford editor has the same reading, without any variant.
(printed under page 565)
(5) ‹discesserit› · call in col 1027
Discesserit. Ita idem liber Fuxensis et editio Manutii. Codex Corbeiensi, Remboltus, et Erasmus praeferunt disjunxerit. Deest autem utraque lectio in duobus antiquis exemplaribus et in editione Spirensi. In codice Turonensi legitur se diviserit. Ut vel hinc appareat non posse constitui certam lectionem. BALUZ.
"Has departed": so the same Foix book and the edition of Manutius. The Corbie codex, Remboltus and Erasmus display "has disjoined". Both readings are missing in two old copies and in the Speyer edition. In the Tours codex one reads "has separated himself". So that even from this it is plain that no certain reading can be established. BALUZE.
(printed under page 565)
(6) ‹durissimam pravitatem› · call in col 1027
Haereticae praesumptionis durissimam pravitatem. Hic proprie stringit in Novatianos, qui lapsorum poenitentiam respuebant. Quae secta, sive disciplina, solam duritiam continebat. Proptereaque homines istos epistola proxime sequente durissimos dicet. Haec vero forma loquendi clarissime testatur ejusdem esse auctoris utramque epistolam. Sed et ista quae hic passim occurrunt, Marcianum pervicacem et superbum, fraternae salutis inimicum, et, fratres nostros crudeliter despici, et Marcianus pietatis et misericordiae adversarius, ab Cypriani manu et genio proculdubio sunt. Ipse Epist. LVII, sub finem, Novatiani disciplinam ait esse duritiam humanae crudelitatis.
"The most hard depravity of heretical presumption": here he strikes properly at the Novatianists, who spurned the penance of the lapsed. That sect, or discipline, consisted of hardness alone. And therefore in the very next letter he will call those men "most hard". This manner of speaking testifies most clearly that both letters are by the same author. And the expressions found here and there in this one — "Marcianus, obstinate and proud, an enemy of his brothers' salvation", "our brothers cruelly despised", and "Marcianus, adversary of piety and mercy" — are beyond doubt from Cyprian's hand and genius. He himself, letter 57, towards the end, says that Novatian's discipline is "the hardness of human cruelty".
(printed under page 565)
(7) ‹poenitentibus› · call in col 1027
Poenitentibus. Hanc vocem non inveni nisi in editione Manutii et in libro Fuxensi. Puto autem illam non pertinere ad hunc locum. Melius, ut arbitror, reliqui codices, quamvis mendosi in hoc loco, servis Dei pro eo dolentibus. Quo etiam modo scriptum est ab Erasmo. In codice Corbeiensi et in Turonensi legitur facientibus pro dolentibus, manifesto errore, nisi legatur satisfacientibus. Sane versiculus positus sub hoc vocabulo in Corbeiensi indicare videtur esse delendum. BALUZ. Iterum edit. Oxon. cum eo consentientem neglexit Baluz. EDD.
"To the penitent": I have found this word only in the edition of Manutius and in the Foix book. I think, however, that it does not belong to this place. Better, I judge, the other codices, though faulty in this place: "the servants of God grieving for him". This is also how Erasmus wrote it. In the Corbie codex and in the Tours one, "doing" is read for "grieving", a manifest error, unless "making satisfaction" be read. Indeed the little line placed under this word in the Corbie codex seems to indicate that it is to be deleted. BALUZE. Again Baluze ignored the Oxford edition, which agrees with him. EDITORS.
(printed under page 565)
(8) ‹peccatoribus exhibemus› · call in col 1027
Peccatoribus. Codex Fuxensis, peccatoribus increpandis exhibemus. Ubi puto vocem increpandis esse ex glossemate. BALUZ.
"To sinners": the Foix codex has "we show to sinners who are to be rebuked", where I think the word "who are to be rebuked" comes from a gloss. BALUZE.
(printed under page 565)
(9) ‹plenissimas litteras› · call in col 1027
Plenissimas litteras. Non quae rerum capita summatim perstringunt, et breves dicuntur; sed quae quaestionis totius de lapsis, statum accurate tractant. Ita in Honorii et Theod. lege de Naviculariis per Africam opponuntur: per libellum aditio, et plenaria interpellatio. COUSTANT.
"A very full letter": not one that touches the heads of matters in summary and is called "brief", but one that treats accurately the state of the whole question of the lapsed. So in the law of Honorius and Theodosius on the shipmasters throughout Africa, these are set against each other: "approach by petition, and full representation". COUSTANT.
(printed under page 565)
(10) ‹[Qui jampridem]› · call not visible in image
Qui jampridem. Haec et sequentia usque ad hostis Ecclesiae judicatus non exstare in codice Corbeiensi notat Rigaltius. Ego miror ejus indiligentiam in hoc loco, cum certum sit ea omnia exstare in codice Corbeiensi. BALUZ.
"Who long since": Rigault notes that these words and what follows, as far as "judged an enemy of the Church", are not in the Corbie codex. I wonder at his carelessness in this place, since it is certain that all of it is in the Corbie codex. BALUZE.
(printed under page 565)
(11) ‹[Legatos misisset]› · call not visible in image
Legatos misisset. Maximum scilicet, Augendum, Longinum et Machaeum, quos primum Africa communicatione sua cohibendos censuerunt, uti epist. I, ad Cornelium n. 1, testatur Cyprianus, quique paulo post, Cornelio, epist. V, teste, Carthagine pulsi sunt. Unde concilium, quod hic memoratur, ante anni 231 exitum habitum fuisse colligimus. Primam idam Novatiani legationem ad Afros brevi altera secuta est, de qua Cornelius, epist. V, Cyprianum monet. COUSTANT.
"Had sent envoys": namely Maximus, Augendus, Longinus and Machaeus, whom the Africans [printed "Africa"] at first decided to keep from their communion, as Cyprian testifies in letter 1 to Cornelius, no. 1, and who a little later, on the testimony of Cornelius, letter 5, were driven out of Carthage. Hence we gather that the council mentioned here was held before the end of the year 231 [so the image appears to read; the sense requires 251]. That first embassy of Novatian to the Africans [printed "idam", for "illam"] was shortly followed by another, of which Cornelius warns Cyprian in letter 5. COUSTANT.
(printed under page 565)
(12) ‹[A concilio plurimorum sacerdotum]› · call not visible in image
A concilio plurimorum sacerdotum. De his Euseb. l. VI, c. 43, agit, synodum sexaginta episcoporum fuisse scribens. Et ex Cornelii litteris ad Fabium Antiochenum postquam meminit τῆς Ῥωμαίων συνόδου, illis subjungit, τὰ δόξαντα πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ Ἀφρικὴν καὶ τὰς αὐτόθι χώρας. FELL.
"By a council of very many bishops": Eusebius treats of these, book 6, ch. 43, writing that it was a synod of sixty bishops. And from Cornelius's letter to Fabius of Antioch, after he has mentioned "the synod of the Romans", he adds to it "the decisions of all those in Italy and Africa and the regions there". FELL.
(printed under page 565)
(13) ‹[Adulteram cathedram]› · call not visible in image
Adulteram cathedram, Novatianus supra ep. II ad Cornelium, n. 1, adulterum et contrarium caput nuncupatur, quippe qui, ut loquitur Cyprianus sub finem ep. LII ad Antonianum, episcopo in Ecclesia a sexdecim episcopis facto, adulter atque extraneus episcopus fieri a desertoribus per ambitum nititur. COUSTANT.
"An adulterous chair": Novatian, above, in letter 2 to Cornelius, no. 1, is called "an adulterous and rival head", since, as Cyprian says towards the end of letter 52 to Antonianus, "when a bishop had been made in the Church by sixteen bishops, he strives by intrigue to be made an adulterous and alien bishop by deserters". COUSTANT.
(printed under page 565)
(14) ‹nuper retuso› · call in col 1028
Novatiano nuper refuso. Ante triennium, quando missi in Africam, ut Epistola XLI dicitur, a Novatiano Maximus presbyter, et Augendus diaconus et Machaeus quidam et Longinus. FELL.
"Novatian lately repulsed" [the lemma is printed "refuso"; the text has "retuso"]: three years before, when, as letter 41 says, Maximus the presbyter, and Augendus the deacon, and a certain Machaeus, and Longinus were sent into Africa by Novatian. FELL.
(printed under page 565)
(15) ‹per totum orbem› · call in col 1028
Per totum orbem. Istud maxime dicere licuit postquam contigit quod de totius Orientis ad unitatem regressi concordia Dionysius Alexandrinus in ep. III subsequente scribit. FELL.
"Throughout the whole world": this could be said above all after there came about what Dionysius of Alexandria writes, in letter 3 below, of the concord of the whole East returned to unity. FELL.
(printed under page 565)
(16) ‹adulatores› · call in col 1028
Adulatores, Fautores Novatiani, sequaces, asseclas, qualis erat Marcianus. RIGALT.
"Flatterers": supporters of Novatian, followers, hangers-on, such as Marcianus was. RIGAULT.
(printed under page 565)
(17) ‹in Provinciam› · call in col 1028
Dirigantur in provinciam. Vere adnotatum est a Cicerone omnem conjecturam ingeniis hominum (continues)
"Let [letters] be directed into the Province": it was truly remarked by Cicero that every conjecture (continues)
(printed under page 565)
(14) ‹Novatiano nuper retuso› · call in col 1028
Novatiano nuper refuso. Ante triennium, quando missi in Africam, ut Epistola XLI dicitur, a Novatiano Maximus presbyter, et Augendus diaconus et Machaeus quidam et Longinus. FELL.
"Novatian lately repelled": three years before, when, as letter 41 says, Maximus the presbyter, Augendus the deacon, and one Machaeus and Longinus were sent into Africa by Novatian. FELL.
(printed under page 565)
(15) ‹per totum orbem› · call in col 1028
Per totum orbem. Istud maxime dicere licuit postquam contigit quod de totius Orientis ad unitatem regressi concordia Dionysius Alexandrinus in ep. III subsequente scribit. FELL.
"Throughout the whole world": this could be said above all after there had come about what Dionysius of Alexandria writes, in the third letter following, about the concord of the whole East returned to unity. FELL.
(printed under page 565)
(16) ‹adulatores› · call in col 1028
Adulatores, Fautores Novatiani, sequaces, asseclas, qualis erat Marcianus. RIGALT.
"Flatterers": supporters of Novatian, followers, hangers-on, such as Marcianus was. RIGAULT.
(printed under page 565)
(17) ‹in Provinciam› · call in col 1028
Dirigantur in provinciam. Vere adnotatum est a Cicerone omnem conjecturam ingeniis hominum (continues)
"Let [letters] be sent into the Province": it was truly observed by Cicero that every conjecture … to the wits of men (continues)
(printed under page 565)
Variae lectiones. 8 ‹diebus› · call in col 1029 Supersuntque et diebus Oxon.
"And there remain also in the days": Oxford edition.
9 ‹pastores utiles› · call in col 1029 Qua pastores utiles Ver.
"By which useful shepherds": Verona manuscript.
10 ‹navibus› · call in col 1029 Natigantibus Ver.
"To those sailing" [printed "Natigantibus", for "Navigantibus"]: Verona manuscript.
11 ‹praepositorum› · call in col 1030 Major. pastorum Ver. Fux.
"Greater … of the shepherds" [for "of those set over"]: Verona and Foix manuscripts.
Variorum notae. (printed under page 566)
(17) (continued) · call on the previous page
num in contrarias partes saepe deduci Liberae enim sunt, ut alibi ait idem Cicero, cogitationes nostrae, et quae volunt sic intuemur, ut ea cernimus quae videmus. Quod istic evenit. Pamelius enim hinc collegit licuisse jam olim episcopis Romanis episcopos justis de causis excommunicare, imo destituere, et novos in eorum loco substituere. Quam consequentiam secutus esse videtur cardinalis Perronius in pagina 99 suae Replicae adversus regem Magnae Britanniae. Baronius ista paulo magnificentius disseruit, aiens ex his Cypriani verbis cerni tum ab ipso Cypriano, tum ab aliis episcopis cognitam fuisse Romani Pontificis auctoritatem, dum in eo suam quisque et in communicatione caeteri omnes episcopi suam ipsorum potestatem limitibus coarctatam intellexere, quandoquidem Gallicani episcopi haud tantum virium aut facultatis in se esse cognoscerent ut hominibus invisum haereticum hominem, quod adeo optarent, deponerent, et alium in ejus locum subrogarent, sed tum illi tum Cyprianus ad id peragendum Romani episcopi appellarent auctoritatem, qua Marcianus episcopus Novatianus deponeretur a sede, et alius catholicus in ejus locum subrogaretnr antistes. Contra adversarii nostri invenisse se putant in his Cypriani verbis quamdam aequalitatem inter episcopum Romanum et Carthagininsem, quia sicut Roma, sic et Carthago, sic tamen ut Roma pro sui magnitudine praecedere debeat Carthaginem, neque agnoscere Cyprianum in papa Stephano jus et auctoritatem deponendi Marcianum, sed tantum facultatem declarandi illum esse deponendum. Verum Marca ait hanc responsionem esse futilem, uti revera est, conceptis enim verbis Cyprianum exigere a Stephano ut suis litteris Marcianum damnet atque adeo alium subsistuendum decernat. Atque ut videas, lector, quam diversa sint hominum judicia, quamque diversae sint eorum cogitationes et opiniones, cum Marca ex his Cypriani verbis collegisset magnam jam tum fuisse Romani pontificis auctoritatem, iis contra in perniciem suam abuti Romanenses eaque jugulum ipsorum petere censuit editionis Anglicanae auctor illustrissimus episcopus Oxoniensis, scribens ex iis contrario sensu elici posse romanum episcopum fuisse subjectum Carthaginiensi, quandoquidem is Stephanum papam jubet dirigere litteras in provinciam ut, abstento Marciano, alius in locum ejus substituatur, adeoque nihil fecisse censendus sit Stephanus quam quod jussus erat a Cypriano. Sic enim nos explicamus quae hic valde obscure et intricate scripta sunt nec vere ab episcopo protestante. Quamvis enim unus sit episcopatus cujus pars a singulis in solidum tenetur, quamvis caeteri episcopi subvenire debeant, si quis ex eorum collegio haeresim facere et gregem Christi lacerare et vastare tentaverit, ut ait in hac epistola Cyprianus: inde tamen non sequitur Romanum episcopum praecipuas partes ejusmodi rerum pro suo primatu non sustinuisse. Cur enim Stephanum rogat Cyprianus, ut Gallos episcopos plenissimis litteris ad deponendem Marcianum et alium et substituendum excitet, nisi quia sciebat defensionem canonum Romano episcopo praecipue commissam esse? BALUZ.
[to the wits] of men is often drawn to opposite sides. "For our thoughts are free," as the same Cicero says elsewhere, "and we look on what they wish in such a way that we discern what we see." Which is what happens here. For Pamelius gathered from this that it was lawful even of old for the bishops of Rome to excommunicate bishops for just causes, nay to depose them, and to put new ones in their place. Cardinal du Perron seems to have followed that inference on page 99 of his Reply to the King of Great Britain. Baronius discoursed on these things a little more grandly, saying that from these words of Cyprian it can be seen that the authority of the Roman Pontiff was recognized both by Cyprian himself and by other bishops, since each of them understood his own power, and all the other bishops in communion understood theirs, to be confined within limits in his regard; inasmuch as the bishops of Gaul knew they had not strength or power enough in themselves to depose a heretic hateful to men, as they so much wished, and to put another in his place, but both they and Cyprian appealed to the authority of the Roman bishop to accomplish it, by which Marcianus, the Novatianist bishop, might be deposed from his see and another, catholic, prelate put in his place. Our adversaries, on the contrary, think they have found in these words of Cyprian a certain equality between the bishop of Rome and the bishop of Carthage — as Rome, so also Carthage, yet so that Rome, by its greatness, should take precedence over Carthage — and that Cyprian did not recognize in Pope Stephen the right and authority to depose Marcianus, but only the power to declare that he was to be deposed. But de Marca says this answer is futile, as indeed it is, for in express words Cyprian requires of Stephen that by his letter he condemn Marcianus and so decree that another be put in his place [printed "subsistuendum"]. And so that you may see, reader, how various are the judgements of men and how various their thoughts and opinions: whereas de Marca had gathered from these words of Cyprian that the authority of the Roman pontiff was already great at that time, the most illustrious bishop of Oxford, author of the English edition, held on the contrary that the Romanists abuse them to their own ruin and that they go for their own throat, writing that the contrary sense can be drawn from them, that the Roman bishop was subject to the Carthaginian, since he bids Pope Stephen send a letter into the Province so that, Marcianus being excommunicated, another be put in his place; and so Stephen should be judged to have done nothing but what he had been ordered by Cyprian. For so we explain what is written here very obscurely and intricately, and not truly, by a Protestant bishop. For although the episcopate is one, a part of which is held by each in full, and although the other bishops ought to come to the aid if any of their college "has tried to make heresy and to tear and lay waste the flock of Christ", as Cyprian says in this letter, it does not follow from this that the Roman bishop did not, by his primacy, bear the chief part in matters of this kind. For why does Cyprian ask Stephen to rouse the bishops of Gaul by a very full letter to depose Marcianus and to put another in his place, unless because he knew that the defence of the canons was committed chiefly to the Roman bishop? BALUZE.
(printed under page 566)
(18) ‹annis istis superioribus› · call in col 1029
Annis istis superioribus. Haec loquendi ratio Marcianum non ab uno tantum anno Novatiani haeresi addictum fuisse indicat. Sed ut eum ante duos superiores hanc sectari coepisse sentiamus, nihil cogit. Cum autem Novatiani schisma mense junio anni 231 nondum exortum ponatur, sequitur ut Marcianus Novatiani haeresi non longe post initia ejus adhaeserit. COUSTANT.
"In these past years": this manner of speaking shows that Marcianus had been attached to Novatian's heresy for more than just one year. But nothing compels us to think that he began to follow it before the two preceding years. And since Novatian's schism is placed as not yet arisen in June of the year 231 [so the image appears to read; the sense requires 251], it follows that Marcianus adhered to Novatian's heresy not long after its beginnings. COUSTANT.
(printed under page 566)
(19) ‹[Glutino]› · call not visible in image
Glutino Quidam libri veteres et antiquae editiones habent glutine. Sic etiam legebat Venericus episcopus Vercellensis in libro de Unitate Ecclesiae. Utraque lectio bona est. Atque ob eam causam mutare noluimus. BALUZ.
"By the glue" (glutino): some old books and the early editions have "glutine". So also Venericus, bishop of Vercelli, read it in his book On the Unity of the Church. Both readings are good, and for that reason we would not change it. BALUZE.
(printed under page 566)
(20) ‹[Obsideri et teneri]› · call not visible in image
Obsideri et teneri. In vulgatis, si edit. Oxon. excipias, obtineri et teneri: mera taulologia. Ex ms. Corb. in edit. Oxon. restitutum est obtineri et teneri. In Colb. legimus obtineri et obsideri. COUSTANT.
"To be besieged and held": in the printed editions, except the Oxford one, "to be obtained and held" — a mere tautology. From the Corbie manuscript "to be obtained and held" was restored in the Oxford edition [as printed]. In the Colbert manuscript we read "to be obtained and besieged". COUSTANT.
(printed under page 566)
(21) ‹[Vitatis]› · call not visible in image
Vitatis. Aliter Baluz. Jactatis. Ita nos reposuimus pro eo quod Manutius et ali post eum ediderunt, vitatis. Emendationem nostram confirmanit veteres editiones et quatuor libri veteres. BALUZ.
"Shunned": Baluze otherwise, "tossed about". So we have restored it in place of what Manutius and others after him printed, "shunned". The old editions and four old books confirm [printed "confirmanit"] our emendation. BALUZE.
(printed under page 566)
(22) ‹fovendis› · call in col 1030
Refovendis. Manut. reponendis. Pamel. revocandis: quod deinde retentum. Concinnius mss. Colb Corb. etc., refovendis. Sic intra, Oves universas colligere et fovere debemus COUSTANT. — Refovendis. Ita habent omnes editionnes Pameliana antiquiores. Pamelius igitur mutavit et auctoritatem libri Camberonensis secutus scripsit revocandis, aiens se hanc lectionem praeferre excusis omnibus, in quibus atlegi reponendis In quo lapsus haud dubie memoriae fuit in Pamelio. Nam omnes excusi veteres (continues)
"To be cherished again" [the lemma reads "Refovendis"; the text has "fovendis"]: Manutius has "to be put back"; Pamelius "to be called back", which was afterwards retained. More fittingly the Colbert and Corbie manuscripts, etc., "to be cherished again". So below [printed "intra"]: "We ought to gather and cherish all the sheep." COUSTANT. — "To be cherished again": so all the editions [printed "editionnes"] older than Pamelius's have it. Pamelius therefore changed it and, following the authority of the Cambron book, wrote "to be called back", saying that he preferred this reading to all the printed editions, in which, he says [printed "atlegi"; perhaps "ait legi"], one reads "to be put back". In this Pamelius no doubt suffered a lapse of memory. For all the old printed editions (continues)
(printed under page 566)
(22) ‹fovendis› · call in col 1030
Refovendis. Manut. reponendis. Pamel. revocandis: quod deinde retentum. Concinnius mss. Colb Corb. etc., refovendis. Sic intra, Oves universas colligere et fovere debemus COUSTANT. — Refovendis. Ita habent omnes editionnes Pameliana antiquiores. Pamelius igitur mutavit et auctoritatem libri Camberonensis secutus scripsit revocandis, aiens se hanc lectionem praeferre excusis omnibus, in quibus atlegi reponendis In quo lapsus haud dubie memoriae fuit in Pamelio. Nam omnes excusi veteres (continues)
"To be cherished again": Manutius, "to be put back"; Pamelius, "to be called back", which was retained afterwards. More fittingly the Colbert and Corbie manuscripts etc., "to be cherished again". So below [printed "intra", for "infra"]: "We ought to gather and cherish all the sheep." COUSTANT. — "To be cherished again": so all the editions older than Pamelius's have it. Pamelius therefore changed it and, following the authority of the Cambron book, wrote "to be called back", saying that he preferred this reading to all the printed ones, in which, however [printed "atlegi", for "at legi"], I have read "to be put back". In this there was no doubt a slip of memory in Pamelius. For all the old printed editions (continues)
(printed under page 566)
(22) (continued) · call on the previous page
habent refovendis, eamque etiam lectionem exhibent sex exemplaria vetera. Ut minime dubitari possit quia haec sit vera lectio, Codex Fuxensis habet reformandis. Lectionem porro quam nos revocavimus confirmant ea quae mox sequuntur, oves universas quas Christus sanguine suo et Passione quaesivit colligere et fovere. BALUZ.
have "to be cherished again", and six old copies also show that reading, so that there can be no doubt at all that this is the true reading. The Foix codex has "to be re-formed". Further, the reading we have restored is confirmed by what follows shortly after: "to gather and cherish all the sheep whom Christ sought with His blood and Passion". BALUZE.
(printed under page 567)
(23) ‹nihil omnino perficiet› · call in col 1031
Perficiet. Codex Colb, cum Corb. proficiet. Supra tamen Ep. XI, ad Cornel. n. 3, exstat perficiet. COUST.
"Will accomplish": the Colbert codex, with the Corbie one, "will profit". Yet above, in letter 11 to Cornelius, no. 3, "will accomplish" stands. COUSTANT.
(printed under page 567)
(24) ‹exsecratio est in conspectu Dei› · call in col 1032
Exsecratio. Idem codex Fuxensis, exsecrabile. Quam lectionem confirmare videntur sequentia, exsecrabiles et detestabiles dicit esse. BALUZ.
"A curse": the same Foix codex, "accursed". What follows seems to confirm that reading: "he says they are accursed and detestable". BALUZE.
(printed under page 567)
Variae lectiones. 12 ‹successor eorum› · call in col 1032 Successor eis Ver.
"Successor to them": Verona manuscript.
13 ‹unus esset Spiritus› · call in col 1032 Unus est Spiritus Ver.
"There is one Spirit": Verona manuscript.
Variorum notae. (printed under page 567)
(25) ‹qui vicarius› · call in col 1032
Vicarius. Ita passim vocatur Romanus pontifex ab antiquis scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, et ipsi quoque Romani pontifices se vocarunt vicarios apostolorum Petri et Pauli et vicarios apostolicae Sedis. Vide notas nostras ad Agobardum, pag. 115, et ad Lupum Ferrariensem. pag. 425, et tom. II Capitularium, pag. 1583. BALUZ.
"Vicar": so the Roman pontiff is commonly called by the ancient ecclesiastical writers, and the Roman pontiffs themselves also called themselves vicars of the apostles Peter and Paul and vicars of the apostolic See. See our notes on Agobard, p. 115, and on Lupus of Ferrières, p. 425, and vol. 2 of the Capitularies, p. 1583. BALUZE.
(printed under page 567)
(26) ‹sensus diversus› · call in col 1032
Neque poterat sensus diversus. Et tamen postea diversus inter Cyprianum et Stephanum sensus fuit in causa Baptismi haereticorum. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Ctesiphontem adversus Pelagianos: Nec fierit potest ut diversus sit eorum exitus quorum est una sententia. Cicero in II Philippica: Te miror, Antoni, eorum exitu non pertimescere quorum facta imitare. BALUZ.
"Nor could there be a different mind": and yet afterwards there was a different mind between Cyprian and Stephen in the matter of the baptism of heretics. Jerome, in the letter to Ctesiphon against the Pelagians: "Nor can it be that those whose opinion is one should have a different end." Cicero, in the second Philippic: "I wonder at you, Antony, that you do not dread the end of those whose deeds you imitate." BALUZE.
(printed under page 567)
(27) ‹in locum Marciani› · call in col 1032
Marciani. Hunc et communione privatum et a sede sua dejectum fuisse colligetur e veteribus Arelatensis Ecclesiae diptychis a Mabillonio nostro Annal. tom. III, pag. 452, editis. In his certe nomen ejus, non secus atque Saturnini Arianorum antesignani, cujus fraude ac nequitia Hilarius Pictaviensis episcopus in exsilium actus est, minime comparet. COUSTANT.
"Of Marcianus": that he was both deprived of communion and cast out of his see will be gathered from the old diptychs of the Church of Arles published by our Mabillon, Annals, vol. 3, p. 452. Certainly his name does not appear in them at all, any more than that of Saturninus, the standard-bearer of the Arians, by whose fraud and wickedness Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, was driven into exile. COUSTANT.
(printed under page 567)