S. Cornelius papa et martyr, Epistolae, et quae ad eum scriptae sunt

(9) ‹anchor: Nunc audet› · call in col 754 (by position)

Nunc audet. Hoc est eorum qui thura idolis obtulerant, qui et sacrificati a Cypriano nuncupari solent. Hæc autem Novato exprobrandi locus non fuisset, nisi Novatiani non modo schisma, sed et placita defendens, sacrificatis veniam negasset: quamvis simul et a partibus staret Felicissimi qui cum suis contraria sentiens, pacem lapsis, omissa pœnitentia, largiebatur. Sic ille in omnem vertebatur opinionem quæ avertendæ criminum suorum vindictæ magis conducere videbatur. COUSTANT

"Now he dares." That is, [the case] of those who had offered incense to idols, who are usually called "sacrificati" by Cyprian. There would have been no occasion to reproach Novatus with this, had he not, defending not only Novatian's schism but his tenets too, denied pardon to the sacrificati; although at the same time he also stood with the party of Felicissimus, who with his followers, holding the contrary view, granted peace to the lapsed without penance. So he turned to any opinion that seemed most useful for averting the punishment of his crimes. COUSTANT.

(printed under page 428)

(10) [printed "(18)"] ‹anchor: Presbyterio excitari› · call in col 754 (by position)

Presbyterio excitari. Id est dejici et deturbari. Idipsum clarius infra sic enuntiatur; ut qui ejici de Ecclesia et excludi habebat. Verbi excito eadem potestas est apud Tertullianum. l. IV contra Marcion., c. 16, ubi dicitur iniquitas, si non per ultionem refrenaretur, omnem oculum effossura, et omnem dentem excitatura præ impunitatis securitate. COUSTANT.

"To be roused out of the presbytery." That is, to be thrown down and ousted. The same thing is put more clearly below thus: "as one who was to be cast out and shut out of the Church." The verb "excito" has the same force in Tertullian, Against Marcion book IV, ch. 16, where it is said that wickedness, if it were not curbed by punishment, "would gouge out every eye and knock out every tooth, from the security of impunity." COUSTANT.

(printed under page 428)

(11) ‹anchor: Communicatione prohiberi› · call in col 754 (by position)

Communicatione prohiberi. Id est ad communionem laicam redigi, vel pelli ab Ecclesia. Quod potius crediderim.

"To be barred from communion." That is, to be reduced to lay communion, or driven from the Church; the latter I would rather believe.

(printed under page 428)

(12) [printed "( 2)"] ‹anchor: Veteratoris› · call in col 754 (by position)

Veteratoris. In superioris Epistolæ VI initio veteratoris nomine Novatianum a Cornelio designari observavimus. At hic eodem vocabulo Novatus, de quo totus est proximus sermo, a Cypriano intelligitur. Quemadmodum Cornelius epist. V de Novatiani asseclis ad Cyprianum scripserat: Ut scias, quales duces et protectores iste schismaticus et hæreticus lateri suo semper junctos habeat, ita et Cyprianus elaborare se rescribit, ut a Novato circumventi, veteratoris perniciosum latus fugiant. Unde lateri junctos dici liquet non modo qui comitantur aliquem corpore, sed et qui eum animo sequuntur, ejusque sententiis adhærent. COUSTANT.

"Of the old fox." At the start of the preceding Letter VI we observed that Novatian is meant by Cornelius under the name "old fox". But here, by the same word, Cyprian means Novatus, about whom the whole of the passage just before is concerned. Just as Cornelius, in Letter V, had written to Cyprian about Novatian's followers, "so that you may know what sort of leaders and protectors this schismatic and heretic always has joined to his side," so Cyprian replies that he is striving that those taken in by Novatus may flee the pernicious side of the old fox. From this it is clear that those "joined to one's side" are said to be not only those who accompany someone in body, but also those who follow him in mind and adhere to his opinions. COUSTANT.

(printed under page 428)

(13) ‹anchor: Salvatori› · call in col 754 (by position)

Salvatori. Ita nos reposuimus, secuti auctoritatem quorumdam veterum exemplarium et editionis Anglicanæ, in qua adnotatum est quatuor quoque codices Anglicanos eam lectionem præferre. Alibi legitur salutari. BALUZ.

"To the Saviour." So we have restored it, following the authority of some old copies and of the English edition, in which it is noted that four English codices also give that reading. Elsewhere one reads "salutari". BALUZ.

(printed under page 428)

[Variæ lectiones / Variant readings] (printed under page 429) (⁹³) ‹anchor: non jugiter› · call in col 755 Non disjungatur, Bod. 1. Lin.

"Non disjungatur" Bod. 1, Lin.

(printed under page 429) (⁹⁴) ‹anchor: vitietur› · call in col 755 Violetur, Pem. Ben. Lam. Ebor. NC. 1.

"Violetur" Pem. (Pamelius), Ben., Lam., Ebor., NC. 1.

(printed under page 429) (⁹⁵) ‹anchor: plebs› · call in col 755 Plebs, fraternitas. Comp.

"Plebs, fraternitas" Comp.

(printed under page 429) (⁹⁶) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 755 or 756 (not visible) Super peccatore, quanti magis. Comp.

"Super peccatore, quanti magis" Comp.

[Variorum notæ / Notes of various editors] (printed under page 429)

(14) ‹anchor: Non jugiter› · call in col 755 (by position)

Non jugiter. Duo mss. Anglic. non disjungatur. Rectius alii libri, non jugiter. Nam unitatem aliqua ex parte disjunctam tunc fuisse negare nequit. Mox alii quinque mss. violetur, loco verbi vitietur. COUSTANT.

"Not continually." Two English manuscripts have "non disjungatur" (be not separated). The other books more rightly have "non jugiter"; for it cannot be denied that unity was then in some measure broken. Shortly after, five other manuscripts have "violetur" in place of the verb "vitietur". COUSTANT.

(printed under page 429)

(15) ‹anchor: Vitietur› · call in col 755 (by position)

Vitietur. Fatendum est omnes fere libros veteres habere videtur vel vitetur. Editio Morellii, codex Gratianopolitanus, et unus meus præferunt violetur. Ita etiam se legisse in quinque codicibus antiquis testantur Angli.

"Be impaired." It must be admitted that almost all the old books have "videtur" or "vitetur". Morel's edition, the Grenoble codex and one of mine give "violetur". The English editors testify that they read it so in five ancient codices as well.

(printed under page 429)

(16) ‹anchor: Fideli sanitate› · call in col 755 (by position)

Fideli sanitate. Antiquæ editiones et duo libri veteres habent fide. Sed omnes alii habent fideli. Quamvis ergo utraque lectio constituat eumdem sensum, ego tamen eam præfero quæ plurium veterum librorum auctoritate nititur.

"With faithful soundness." The old editions and two old books have "fide". But all the others have "fideli". So although both readings give the same sense, I prefer the one resting on the authority of more old books.

(printed under page 429)

(17) ‹anchor: Ad gloriam› · call in col 755 (by position)

Ad gloriam. Supple confessionis; quod quidem exprimitur in his ejusdem Cypriani epist. XLIV seu XLVI ad ipsosmet confessores: Ad matrem revertamini unde prodiistis, unde ad confessionis gloriam cum ejusdem matris exsultatione venistis.

"To the glory." Supply "of confession"; which is in fact expressed in these words of the same Cyprian, Letter XLIV or XLVI, to those very confessors: "Return to the mother from whom you came forth, from whom you came to the glory of confession with the same mother's rejoicing."

(printed under page 429)

(18) ‹anchor: Nec tentarent› · call in col 755 (by position)

Nec tentarent. Undecim libri nostri et septem Anglicani præferunt, Nec tentarentur charitatis atque unitatis fide. Liber meus vetus, nec tentaretur in eis charitatis atque unitatis fide. Quæ lectio videtur esse melior.

"Nor should they try." Eleven of our books and seven English ones give "Nec tentarentur charitatis atque unitatis fide." My old book has "nec tentaretur in eis charitatis atque unitatis fide", which reading seems better.

(printed under page 429)

(19) ‹anchor: Charitatis› · call in col 755 (by position)

Charitatis. In Oxon. edit. atque veritatis fidem: simulque annotatur, octo ms. cum Manucio exhibere, nec tentarentur charitatis atque unitatis fide. Habet quidem compendiensis ms. tentarentur, sed retinet fidem. Utravis mss. illorum lectio barbara et Cypriani stylo indigna. Nec dici potest bonos illos confessores circa fidem et unitatem solum tentatos, quos ab unitate abductos atque hæresis auctores exstitisse constat. Quam ob causam non placet, nec teperent charitatis atque unitatis fide. Quod Pamelius in ms. Cambron. offendisse se monet. Illorum quippe confessorum fides potius exstincta, quam tepida videbatur. Idem vir eruditus cum quatuor mss. et cæteris edit. præfert, nec tentarent charitatis atque unitatis fidem; ibique verbum tentare pro explorare aut etiam pro infesto animo aggredi positum arbitratur. Lectionem servantes plurium codicum seu scriptorum seu excusorum auctoritate fultam, interpretationem ejus minime probamus: cum idcirco potius tentarent Cyprianus dixerit. quod fidei unitatis tentationi et offendiculo essent, quatenus eorum exemplo abuterentur schismatis duces, ut fideles abducerent ab unitate, ac seductos in schismate detinerent: quia nimirum in schismate, ut infra exponitur, sibi communicationem confessorum sequi viderentur. Quocirca Cyprianus epist. LI seu LIV gratulatur, quod nec confessores Christi erroris duces fierent, qui virtutis et honoris auctores laudabiles exstitissent.

"Of charity." In the Oxford edition, "atque veritatis fidem"; and it is noted there that eight manuscripts, with Manutius ("Manucio"), give "nec tentarentur charitatis atque unitatis fide". The Compiègne manuscript indeed has "tentarentur" but keeps "fidem". Either reading of those manuscripts is barbarous and unworthy of Cyprian's style. Nor can it be said that those good confessors were merely tempted regarding faith and unity, when it is established that they were led away from unity and became authors of heresy. For that reason "nec teperent charitatis atque unitatis fide" (nor grow lukewarm in the faith of charity and unity), which Pamelius says he found in the Cambron manuscript, is not satisfactory; for those confessors' faith seemed rather extinguished than lukewarm. The same learned man, with four manuscripts and the other editions, prefers "nec tentarent charitatis atque unitatis fidem", and thinks the verb "tentare" is used there for "to test", or even "to attack with hostile intent". While keeping the reading, which rests on the authority of more codices, whether written or printed, we by no means approve his interpretation, since Cyprian said "tentarent" rather because they were a temptation and stumbling block to the faith of unity, inasmuch as the leaders of the schism misused their example to lead the faithful away from unity and keep them, once seduced, in the schism: because, of course, in the schism, as is explained below, "they seemed to themselves to be following the communion of the confessors". Therefore Cyprian, Letter LI or LIV, rejoices that "the confessors of Christ did not become leaders of error, who had stood out as praiseworthy exemplars of virtue and honour."

(printed under page 429)

(20) ‹anchor: Plebs et fraternitas› · call in col 755

Plebs et fraternitas. Ipsi confessores epist. L seu LIII apud Cyprian. cum Cornelio et universo clero pacem fecisse se significant cum gaudio etiam universæ Ecclesiæ prona omnium charitate.

"The people and the brotherhood." The confessors themselves, in Letter L or LIII among Cyprian's, indicate that they made peace with Cornelius and the whole clergy "with the joy, too, of the whole Church, through the ready charity of all."

(printed under page 429)

(21) ‹anchor: Hujus diei› · call in col 755

Hujus rei. Quamvis Manucius et Morellius posuerint diei, quamvis eadem lectio reperiatur in plerisque vetustis exemplaribus, ego tamen præfero eam quam veteres editiones exhibent, quam deprehendi in tribus optimis codicibus antiquis, quia paulo post sanctus Martyr ait, illic ubi res ipsa sub oculis omnium gerebatur. Ubi pro gerebatur quinque libri veteres habent celebratur.

"Of this matter." Although Manutius and Morel put "diei" (of this day), and although the same reading is found in most old copies, I prefer the one shown by the old editions, which I found in three excellent ancient codices, because a little after the holy Martyr says, "there, where the matter itself was being carried out before everyone's eyes." Where, for "gerebatur", five old books have "celebratur". [The lemma reads "Hujus rei", while the text above the note prints "Hujus diei (21)".]

(printed under page 429)

(20) ‹anchor: Plebs et fraternitas› · call in col 756 (by position)

Plebs et fraternitas. Ipsi confessores epist. L seu LIII apud Cyprian. cum Cornelio et universo clero pacem fecisse se significant cum gaudio etiam universæ Ecclesiæ prona omnium charitate.

"The people and the brotherhood." The confessors themselves, in Letter L or LIII among Cyprian's, indicate that they made peace with Cornelius and all the clergy "with the joy, too, of the whole Church, and the ready charity of all."

(printed under page 429)

(22) ‹anchor: In cœlo› · call in col 756 (by position)

In cœlo. In eodem ms. desideratur uno: ac subinde exstat quanto magis (quod intepretari licet quanto potiori ratione) pro quanto majus.

"In heaven." In the same manuscript "uno" is missing; and soon after stands "quanto magis" (which may be interpreted "with how much better reason") for "quanto majus".

(printed under page 429)

(23) ‹anchor: Opto te› · call in col 756 (by position)

Opto te. Optatum istud deest in ms. Compend.

"I wish you." This wish is missing in the Compiègne manuscript.

(printed under page 429)

[The rendered foot images are cut at the top; the opening of the note (its number, lemma and the first eleven lines of Greek) was re-read from the column-third images c757_1/2 (Q2a, 2026-10-26). The whole foot is one long editors' note (Eusebius, HE VI 43, in Greek with a Latin rendering, then a commentary). In the right note column the first thirteen or so lines are visible only by their first letters (c757_1/2 are cut at the right; p430_footR is cut at the top): they run from "African[orum] …" to "Corneli[us] …", before "moribus fuisset Novatus". Check the full page.]

(24) ‹anchor: Ἵνα δὲ γνῷς› · call in col 757 (visible)

Ἵνα δὲ γνῷς, etc. De Novatianorum hæresi atque Cornelii epistolis Eusebius hæc præmisit, lib. VI Hist. cap. 43: Ἐπειδήπερ τῇ κατὰ τούτων (adversus lapsos) ἀρθεὶς ὑπερηφανίᾳ Νοουᾶτος τῆς Ῥωμαίων Ἐκκλησίας πρεσβύτερος, ὡς μηκέτ' οὔσης αὐτοῖς σωτηρίας ἐλπίδος, μηδ' εἰ πάντα τὰ εἰς ἐπιστροφὴν γνησίαν καὶ καθαρὰν ἐξομολόγησιν ἐπιτελοῖεν, ἰδίας αἱρέσεως τῶν κατὰ λογισμοῦ φυσίωσιν καθαροὺς ἑαυτοὺς ἀποφηνάντων, ἀρχηγὸς καθίσταται ἐφ' ᾧ συνόδου μεγίστης ἐπὶ Ῥώμης συγκροτηθείσης ἑξήκοντα μὲν τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἐπισκόπων, πλειόνων δ' ἔτι μᾶλλον πρεσβυτέρων τε καὶ διακόνων, ἰδίως τε κατὰ τὰς λοιπὰς ἐπαρχίας τῶν κατὰ χώραν ποιμένων περὶ τοῦ πρακτέου διασκεψαμένων, δόγμα παρίσταται τοῖς πᾶσι, τὸν μὲν Νοουᾶτον ἃ τοῖς αὐτῷ συνεπαρθεῖσι, τούς τε συνευδοκεῖν τῇ μισαδέλφῳ καὶ ἀπανθρωποτάτῃ γνώμῃ τἀνδρὸς προαιρουμένους, ἐν ἀλλοτρίοις τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἡγεῖσθαι· τοὺς δὲ τῇ συμφορᾷ περιπεπτωκότας τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἰᾶσθαι θεραπεύειν τοῖς τῆς μετανοίας φαρμάκοις. Ἦλθον δ' οὖν εἰς ἡμᾶς ἐπιστολαὶ Κορνηλίου Ῥωμαίων ἐπισκόπου πρὸς τὸν τῆς Ἀντιοχέων ἐκκλησίας Φάβιον, δηλοῦσαι τὰ περὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων συνόδου καὶ τὰ δόξαντα πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ Ἀφρικὴν καὶ τὰς αὐτόθι χώρας· καὶ ἄλλαι πάλιν Ῥωμαϊκῇ φωνῇ συντεταγμέναι Κυπριανοῦ καὶ τῶν ἅμ' αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν Ἀφρικὴν ἐπισκόπων. Δι' ὧν τὸ καὶ αὐτοὺς συνευδοκεῖν τῷ δεῖν τυγχάνειν ἐπικουρίας τοὺς πεπειρασμένους ἐνεφαίνετο· καὶ τῷ χρῆναι εὐλόγως τῆς καθολικῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐκκήρυκτον ποιήσασθαι τὸν τῆς αἱρέσεως ἀρχηγὸν, πάντας τε ὁμοίως τοὺς συναπαγομένους αὐτῷ. Ταύταις ἄλλη τις ἐπιστολὴ συνῆπτο τοῦ Κορνηλίου περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν σύνοδον ἀρεσάντων· καὶ πάλιν ἑτέρα περὶ τῶν κατὰ Νοουᾶτον πραχθέντων· ἀφ' ἧς καὶ μέρη παραθέσθαι οὐδὲν ἂν κωλύοι, ὅπως εἰδεῖεν τὰ κατ' αὐτὸν οἱ τῇδε ἐντυγχάνοντες τῇ γραφῇ. Τὸν δὴ οὖν φάβιον ἀναδιδάσκων ὁποῖός τις ὁ Νοουᾶτος ἐγεγόνει τὸν τρόπον, αὐτὰ δὴ ταῦτα γράφει ὁ Κορνήλιος. ἽΝΑ δὲ γνῷς, etc. I. Etenim Novatus, Ecclesiæ Romanæ presbyter, arrogantia adversus eos elatus, quasi nulla spes salutis ipsis posthac superesset, tametsi omnia explerent quæ ad sinceram conversionem puramque confessionem pertinent, propriæ cujusdam sectæ eorum qui tumore mentis elati seipsos Gatharos cognominarunt, auctor exstitit. Ob quam rem cum Romæ congregata esset Synodus, in qua sexaginta quidem episcopi, presbyteri vero ac diaconi multo plures convenerunt: eumque in provinciis antistites quid agendum esset seorsum consultassent, hujusmodi decretum cunctis promulgatum est. Novatum quidem et eos qui una cum ipso sese insolentius extulerant, et quicunque innumanissimæ et a fraterna charitate alienæ ejus opinioni consentire præsumserant, alienos ab Ecclesia habendos esse; fratres vero qui in calamitatem inciderant, pœnitentiæ remediis curandos esse et confovendos. Exstant adhuc epistolæ Cornelii Romanorum episcopi ad Fabium Antiochensis ecclesiæ præsulem missæ: in quibus et Romanæ Synodi gesta, et omnium per Italiam et [… about thirteen lines cut at the top of the right column …] moribus fuisset Novatus, ita scribit. Atque ut scias, etc. » Ad Fabium Antiochenum, qui Novatiani schismati, ut tradit Eusebius, cap. 44, aliquando favebat, hæc epistola de rebus gestis Novatiani, una cum illa saltem, quæ primo nominatur, movendi et convertendi animum ejus gratia missa est. Omnes vero, quippe cum de eadem re agerent, simul junctæ ad Eusebii manus pervenerant. Ait autem Petrus Coustantius, qui fragmenta sequentia in Roman. Pontif. Epp. ad p. 146 et seq. edidit: Hieronymus lib. de Viris illustr. quatuor Cornelii ad Fabium epistolas recensens hanc valde prolixam fuisse testatur. Post damnatum in Italiæ atque Africæ conciliis Novatianorum errorem, et post confessorum, Maximi et sociorum, reditum ad Ecclesiam, cum Novatiamus jam nudatus ac pene solus remansisset, fratribus quotidie eum deserentibus et ad Ecclesiam redeuntibus (Vid. fin horum excerptorum), adeoque aliquanto post superiores epistola scripta fuit.» Hæc ille. Recte autem statuit Valesius, Eusebium tres duntaxat Cornelii recensere epistolas; iisdem, ni follor, rationibus inductus, quibus Cotelerius ad Epist. Polycarpi, § 3, ubi pluribus exemplis adductis, ostendit vir eruditus de una epistola interpretanda esse Eusebii verba, ἐπιστολαὶ Κορνηλίου, ut vidit vertitque ipse Hieronymus. « Cornelius scripsit epistolam ad Fabium, » qui tamen in alia epistola Cornelio attribuenda erravit. Idem quod Valesius Fabricius statuit in notis ad aliud Hieronymi caput, hoc est LXXII. Sed aliter Tillemontius, in Mem. Eccl. Not. XII, in Cornelium, et Valesius ipse Latine verterat, « Epistolæ Corneiii. » Simile tamen statuendum videtur de Cypriani atque Afrorum litteris; quam quidem epistolam vocat Rufinus « librum magnificentissime scriptum, » quamque imprudens Hieronymus Cornelio attribuit. Vid. supra not. ad Hieron. Dum vero ostendit Valesius, Græco sermone scriptas videri Cornelii primam quidem ac tertiam epistolas, illud interea haud capio, quamobrem censeat ille epistolam alteram de Synodi decretis Latine conscriptam fuisse, siquidem omnes ad Fabium hominem Græce loquentem scriptæ esse videntur, et illa synodorum decreta tam in prima epistola quam in secunda isthac commemorabantur, nisi propterea ad alium quem præter Fabium hanc secundam missam fuisse putaveris. De Fabii autem favore erga partes Novatianas (continues) [Printed thus: "ἃ" for Eusebius's ἅμα; "Gatharos" for Catharos; "innumanissimæ"; "Novatiamus"; "follor"; "Corneiii"; no stop after καθίσταται.]

"That you may know," etc. On the heresy of the Novatians and the letters of Cornelius, Eusebius set this before them, Hist. book VI, ch. 43: "Since Novatus, a presbyter of the Church of the Romans, lifted up with arrogance against these (against the lapsed), as though there were no longer any hope of salvation for them, not even if they performed everything that belongs to genuine conversion and pure confession, became the leader of a heresy of his own, of those who in the pride of their reasoning declared themselves pure; on which account a very great synod was assembled at Rome, of sixty bishops in number and still more presbyters and deacons, while the pastors of the other provinces, each in his region, considered separately what was to be done, a decree was set forth by all, that Novatus, [together] ("ἃ", as printed) with those who had been carried away with him, and those who chose to agree with the man's brother-hating and most inhuman opinion, should be counted among those estranged from the Church; but those of the brethren who had fallen into the calamity should be healed and treated with the medicines of repentance. Now there came to us letters of Cornelius, bishop of the Romans, to Fabius of the church of Antioch, making known what concerned the synod of Rome and what had been decided by all those in Italy and Africa and the regions there; and others again, composed in the Roman tongue, of Cyprian and the bishops with him in Africa. By these it was shown that they too agreed that those who had been tried should obtain help, and that it was right with good reason to make the leader of the heresy an outcast from the catholic Church, and likewise all who were carried away with him. To these was joined another letter of Cornelius about what was approved at the synod; and again another about what Novatus had done, from which nothing would prevent our setting out parts, so that those who come upon this writing may know about him. So, informing Fabius what sort of man Novatus had become in character, Cornelius writes these very words: 'That you may know,'" etc.

(printed under page 430)

AD FABIUM ANTIOCHENUM EPISCOPUM FRAGMENTA.

FRAGMENTS TO FABIUS, BISHOP OF ANTIOCH.

ARGUMENTUM. — I. Quomodo confessores a Novatiano decepti fraudes ejus detexerint, et palam Ecclesiae notas fecerint. II. Contra omnes leges ordinatus episcopatum sibi arrogat. III. Cleri Romani populique multitudine a schisnate non deterretur. IV. Urgente infirmitate in lecto perfusus seu baptizatus, minime consignatus est. V. Persecutionis tempore presbyterum se negare mavult, quam fratribus subvenire. VI. Praeter leges, clero ac plurimis de populo intercedentibus, per gratiam episcopi ad presbyterium provectus fuit. VII. Qui corpus et sanguinem Christi porrigens, singulos sibi jurare cogat. VIII. Eum ab omnibus deseri.

ARGUMENT. — I. How the confessors, deceived by Novatian, uncovered his frauds and made them openly known to the Church. II. Ordained against all the laws, he arrogates the episcopate to himself. III. He is not deterred from schism by the multitude of the Roman clergy and people. IV. When sickness pressed him he was poured over, that is, baptized, in bed, and was by no means sealed. V. In time of persecution he prefers to deny that he is a presbyter rather than to help the brethren. VI. Against the laws, with the clergy and very many of the people interceding, he was advanced to the presbyterate by the bishop's favour. VII. That, when offering the body and blood of Christ, he compels each one to swear to him. VIII. That he is being deserted by all.

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[The first line of each column is partly cut at the top of the image. The right edge of the first lines of note 26 (continued) and of note 27 is smudged by a scan defect. The long note running over from p. 430 is probably (24), since the next is (25).] (24?) (continued) ‹anchor: not visible› · call on the previous page plus aliquid notandum esse duxi. Dionysius Alexandrinus ait Eusebius, lib. VI Hist., c. 46: Κορνηλίῳ τῷ κατὰ Ῥώμην γράφει, δεξάμενος αὐτοῦ τὴν κατὰ τοῦ Νοουάτου ἐπιστολήν· ᾧ καὶ σημαίνει δηλῶν ἑαυτὸν παρακεκλῆσθαι ὑπό τε Ἑλένου τοῦ ἐν Ταρσῷ τῆς Κιλικίας ἐπισκόπου, καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ Φιρμιλιάνου τε τοῦ ἐν Καππαδοκίᾳ, καὶ τοῦ κατὰ Παλαιστίνην Θεοκτίστου, ὡς ἂν ἐπὶ τὴν σύνοδον ἀπαντήσαι τὴν κατὰ Ἀντιόχειαν, ἔνθα τοῦ Νοουάτου κρατύνειν τινὲς ἐπεχείρουν τὸ σχίσμα· πρὸς τούτοις ἐπιστέλλει μηνυθῆναι αὐτῷ Φάβιον μὲν κεκοιμῆσθαι, Δημητριανὸν δὲ διάδοχον ἐκείνου τῆς κατὰ Ἀντιόχειαν ἐπισκοπῆς καθεστάναι. Ad quæ verba, ἔνθα τοῦ Νοουάτου κρατύνειν τινὲς ἐπεχείρουν τὸ σχίσμα, Georgius et Syncellus ad pag. 365 Chronographiæ suæ. Fabium ipsum Antiochenum episcopum cum fautoribus istis Novatiani conjunxit. Et Eusebius quidem ineunte capite 44 ejusd. lib., de Fabio ὑποκατακλινομένῳ πως τῷ σχίσματι locutus fuerat; hæc ipsa tamen verba propensionem in Novatianum plane exiguam notant, non acre schismatis confirmandi studium. Certe mortuo jam Fabio de Novatianistarum his motibus Cornelium certiorem fecit Dionysius, neque constat concilium Antiochenum indictum fuisse Fabio vivo, etsi, quod minus etiam probabile est, asserit Valesius ad lib. VI, c. 5, Eusebianæ Hist., Fabium congregato concilio Novatianam sententiam stabilire conatum fuisse; hoc enim ipsum concilium ad quod invitatus erat ab episcopis Dionysius, contra Novatianizantes, ut verisimilius videtur, indictum est Cæterum post verba in contextu Ἵνα δὲ γνῷς, interpugendum foret, si ὅτι ac verba sequentia pendere illis εἰπεῖν βούλομαι dixeris. ROUTH.

I thought something more should be noted. Of Dionysius of Alexandria Eusebius says, History book VI, ch. 46: "He writes to Cornelius at Rome, having received his letter against Novatus; and he indicates to him, making clear that he had been invited by Helenus, bishop of Tarsus in Cilicia, and by the others with him, Firmilian in Cappadocia and Theoctistus in Palestine, to attend the synod at Antioch, where some were trying to strengthen the schism of Novatus. Besides this he writes that he has been informed that Fabius had fallen asleep, and that Demetrian had been installed as his successor in the episcopate of Antioch." At the words "where some were trying to strengthen the schism of Novatus", George the Syncellus ("Georgius et Syncellus", as printed), at p. 365 of his Chronography, joined Fabius himself, bishop of Antioch, with those supporters of Novatian. And Eusebius, at the start of ch. 44 of the same book, had indeed spoken of Fabius as "somewhat inclining towards the schism"; yet these very words mark a quite slight leaning towards Novatian, not an eager zeal to strengthen the schism. Certainly it was after Fabius's death that Dionysius informed Cornelius of these stirrings of the Novatianists, and it is not established that the council of Antioch was called while Fabius was alive, although Valois, on Eusebius's History book VI, ch. 5, asserts, what is even less probable, that Fabius tried to establish Novatian's opinion by gathering a council; for this very council, to which Dionysius had been invited by the bishops, was called, as seems more likely, against the Novatianizers. Further, after the words in the text "That you may know", a stop should be put ("interpugendum", as printed for interpungendum), if you take ὅτι and the words following to depend on "I wish to say". ROUTH.

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(25) ‹anchor: Θαυμάσιος οὗτος› · call in col 759 (by position)

Θαυμάσιος οὗτος. Novatianus scilicet, quem vago pronomine designare Cornelius pro more satis habet. COUSTANT.

"This wonderful man." Novatian, that is, whom Cornelius, as is his habit, is content to indicate with a vague pronoun. COUSTANT.

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(26) ‹anchor: Μάξιμος πρεσβύτερος› · call in col 759 (by position)

Μάξιμος πρεσβύτερος. De hoc Maximo presbytero, Urbano et Sidonio confessoribus, qualiter relicto Novatiano ad Ecclesiam catholicam reversi sint, vide Epistolam Cornelii Papæ ad Cyprianum. (Quæ supra posita est.) Fuit etiam eodem tempore alter Maximus presbyter Ecclesiæ Rom, quem Novatianus legatum in Africam misit ad Cyprianum una cum Machæo et aliis: sed Cyprianus eos a communione sua removit. Postea schismatici Maximum hunc episcopum in Africa fecere, ut docet Cyprianus in Epistola ad Cornelium. VALES. — De his confessoribus vide Cypriani Epistolas 27, 54 [… smudged …] ed. Oxon. Pam. 23. 51 et Cornelii ad Cyprianum […] 49. ed. Oxon Pam. 46. READING.

"Maximus the presbyter." On how this Maximus the presbyter, and the confessors Urbanus and Sidonius, left Novatian and returned to the catholic Church, see the letter of Pope Cornelius to Cyprian (given above). There was also at the same time another Maximus, a presbyter of the Roman Church, whom Novatian sent as envoy to Cyprian in Africa together with Machaeus and others; but Cyprian removed them from his communion. Later the schismatics made this Maximus a bishop in Africa, as Cyprian shows in his letter to Cornelius. VALES. — On these confessors see Cyprian's Letters 27, 54 [… smudged …] in the Oxford edition (Pamelius 23, 51), and Cornelius's to Cyprian [… smudged …] 49 in the Oxford edition (Pamelius 46). READING.

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(27) ‹anchor: Κελερῖνος› · call in col 760 (by position)

Κελερῖνος. Cum Cyprianus, quoties eorumdem confessorum mentionem facit, ubique Macarium Celerini hujus loco memoret, existimat Tillemontius eumdem confessorem duplici. Macarii scilicet ac Colerini, nomine donatum: simulque monet hunc alium esse a Celerino Carthaginensis ecclesiæ lectore, sæpius apud Cyprianum commendato. COUST.

"Celerinus." Since Cyprian, whenever he mentions these same confessors, everywhere names Macarius in place of this Celerinus, Tillemont thinks the same confessor was given two names, namely Macarius and Celerinus ("Colerini", as printed); and he points out at the same time that this man is different from Celerinus, lector of the church of Carthage, often commended by Cyprian. COUST. [Line-ends smudged at the right edge: "eorum[dem]", "Maca[rium]", "Tille[montius]", "sci[licet]", "mo[net]", "eccle[siæ]", "commendat[o]".]

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(28) ‹anchor: Διενέγκας› · call in col 760 (by position)

Διενέγκας. Διανύσας ed. R. Steph. sed in codice Medicæo scribitur Διενέγκας, apud Georgium Syncellum Διενεγκών. Sed Nazarinus codex adstipulatur Medicæo; item Fuketianus et Savilianus. VALESIUS. Addit Christoph. Lect. Strothius. Codicem Norfolc. ego.

"Having endured." Διανύσας ("having completed") in Robert Estienne's edition; but in the Medicean codex is written Διενέγκας, and in George Syncellus Διενεγκών. The Nazarine codex agrees with the Medicean, and likewise Fouquet's and Savile's. VALESIUS. Strothius adds the reading of Christophorson ("Christoph. Lect."); I add the Norfolk codex.

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(29) ‹anchor: Καὶ ψευδολογίας› · call in col 760 (by position)

Καὶ ψευδολογίας. Καὶ τὰς ψ. « Ms. Savil. seu Bodl. et Georgius Syncell. » qui hæc in Chronographia sua attulit. ROUTH.

"And of lying." "Καὶ τὰς ψ[ευδολογίας]" (and the lies): "the Savile, or Bodleian, manuscript, and George Syncellus", who quoted this in his Chronography. ROUTH.

(printed under page 431)

(30) ‹anchor: Τὴν ἀκοινωνησίαν› · call in col 760 (by position)

Τὴν ἀκοινωνησίαν. Ita loqui videtur Cornelius propter peculiarem Novatiani opinionem, quam Eusebius lib. VI, c. 43. Μισαδέλφην καὶ ἀπανθρωποτάτην, « a fraterna charitate abhorrentem et inhumanissimam » vocat: quia videlicet hæreticus iste lapsis communionis ac pacis spem omnem adimebat. Eadem hæresis et apud Cyprianum in Tractatu ad Novatianum, et ab Hieronymo initio epistolæ ad Oceanum, « Caina hæresis » appellatur licet diversa quadam ratione. Sic nempe nuncupatur a prædicti tractatus scriptore, quia « nonnisi tantum occidere gestit; » ab Hieronymo autem, quia Caino similis desperanti ac dicenti: « Major est iniquitas mea, quam ut veniam merear, » peccatis nonnullis veniæ spem prorsus negat, adeoque « dicit aliqua esse peccata quæ Christus non possit purgare sanguine suo. » COUSTANT.

"The refusal of communion." Cornelius seems to speak so because of Novatian's peculiar opinion, which Eusebius, book VI, ch. 43, calls "brother-hating and most inhuman", "shrinking from brotherly charity and most inhuman": because, of course, that heretic took away from the lapsed all hope of communion and peace. The same heresy is also called "the Cainite heresy", in the Treatise to Novatian among Cyprian's works and by Jerome at the start of the letter to Oceanus, though for a somewhat different reason. The writer of that treatise names it so because "it longs only to kill"; Jerome, because, like Cain despairing and saying, "My iniquity is greater than that I should deserve pardon," it utterly denies the hope of pardon to some sins, and so "says there are some sins which Christ cannot cleanse with his blood." COUSTANT.

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(31) ‹anchor: Τοῦτο μὲν ἐπισκόπων› · call in col 760 (by position)

Τοῦτο μὲν ἐπισκόπων, etc. Quinque adfuisse Epist. VI, n. 2 (epist. superioris) dicuntur. Mirum est tantum hic presbyteros memorari, ac taceri diaconos aliosve, clericos, præsertim cum laici etiam adfuerint. In epistola quidem VI, n. 2, dicitur presbyterium hac occasione contractum. Sed hoc vocabulo cleri cœtus a potiori ejus parte designari solebat. Forte etiam eadem ratione hic presbyterorum nomine totus clerus significatur. COUSTANT.

"Of bishops, on the one hand," etc. Five are said to have been present in Letter VI, n. 2 (the preceding letter). It is strange that only presbyters are mentioned here, and deacons or other clerics passed over, especially since lay people too were present. In Letter VI, n. 2, indeed, the presbytery is said to have been convened on this occasion. But by this word the assembly of the clergy used to be named from its chief part. Perhaps for the same reason the whole clergy is meant here by the name of presbyters. COUSTANT.

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[Set by Q4b (2026-10-26) from p432_footL and p432_footR, both read whole. The foot carries notes (32)–(42), all called in col 761 (the Greek); note (36) runs from the left foot column into the right one. The heading "Variorum notæ." is left for pass 2.]

(32) ‹anchor: ἀγαπητὲ ἀδελφὲ› · call in col 761 (visible)

Β' Ἀγαπητὲ ἀδελφέ. Mutavi, si quid hoc refert, verborum ordinem ex mss. Bodl. et Norfolc. Georgioque Syncell. Mox καιρῷ a Georgio abest. ROUTH.

Beloved brother. I have changed the order of the words, if this matters at all, following the Bodleian and Norfolk MSS. and George Syncellus. Shortly after, καιρῷ is absent from George. ROUTH.

(33) ‹anchor: φοβερῶν τινων› · call in col 761 (visible)

Δι' ὅρκων φοβερῶν τινῶν. Διὰ τούτων ἀνδρῶν φοβερῶν. Ms. Norfolc. Sed lectionem sanam, quæ recepta est, vetus interpres Rufinus invenisse videtur. ROUTH.

By certain fearful oaths. "Through these fearful men", Norfolk MS. But the old translator Rufinus seems to have found the sound reading, which is the received one. ROUTH.

(34) ‹anchor: πιστούμενος τὸ› · call in col 761 (visible)

Τὸ omittit edit. Steph. STROTH. Editioni Steph. Syncell, addas. ROUTH.

Stephanus's edition omits Τό. STROTH. To Stephanus's edition you may add Syncellus. ROUTH.

(35) ‹anchor: ἐκ μαγγάνου› · call in col 761 (visible)

Ὥσπερ ἐκ μαγγάνου τινός. Hoc loco ἐκ μαγγάνου idem est quod ἀπὸ μηχανῆς, quæ proverbialis locutio frequens est apud Græcos. Nam μάγγανον idem est ac machina. Quod miror nec a Musculo, nec a Christophorsono animadversum fuisse. VALESIUS Μαγχάνου cum χ exhibet Ms. Savil. seu Bold. ROUTH. [Printed thus: no stop after VALESIUS; "Bold." for Bodl.]

As from some machine. Here ἐκ μαγγάνου is the same as ἀπὸ μηχανῆς, a proverbial expression frequent among the Greeks; for μάγγανον is the same as machina. I am surprised that this was noticed neither by Musculus nor by Christopherson. VALOIS. The Savile or Bodleian ("Bold.", as printed) MS. gives Μαγχάνου, with χ. ROUTH.

(36) ‹anchor: ὁ δογματιστὴς› · call in col 761 (visible)

Οὗτος γάρ τοι ὁ δογματιστὴς, etc. Christophorsonus hoc Latine ita convertit: « Iste novæ sectæ inventor, et doctrinæ ecclesiasticæ, si Deo placet, propugnator, » Valesius vero, « Is qui se doctorem et ecclesiasticæ disciplinæ propugnatorem ferebat. » Vox δογματιστής et aliquid amplius quam « doctorem, » et nonnihil minus quam « novæ sectæ inventorem » sonat. Palam est Novatianum hic « ecclesiasticæ disciplinæ propugnatorem, » et num. 8. « Evangelii vindicem » ironice prædicari; quia nimirum ipse præclarum hunc titulum affectabat. Quo circa Cyprianus supra epist. I, n. 2, de illo ejusque asseclis scribit: « Si se assertores Evangelii Christi confitentur, prius ad Ecclesiam revertantur. » Nominatimque Novatianus, uti Valesius observat, suum de Cibis Judaicis librum « plebi in Evangelio persistenti » inscripsit. En quos imitantur ætatis nostræ novatores, qui cum ab avita fide discesserint, sese puri Evangelii vindices jactitare non verentur. COUST. — Sed similis est allocutio præmissa libro inter Pseudo-Cyprianicos de Spectaculis, quæ sic habet, « Plebi in Evangelio stanti, » nimirum, non lapsæ, « salutem. » Cæterum si Novatianus optimum illum libellum de Trinitate sive de Regula Fidei, iis temporibus conscripsisset, quando hæc posuit Cornelius, haud utique malus ille exstitit δογματιστής seu theologus. ROUTH. [Printed thus: the note number as "(86)" (for 36).]

This dogmatist, etc. Christopherson renders this in Latin thus: "This inventor of a new sect and, if it please God, champion of ecclesiastical doctrine"; Valois, however: "He who gave himself out as a teacher and champion of ecclesiastical discipline." The word δογματιστής sounds something more than "teacher" and somewhat less than "inventor of a new sect". It is plain that Novatian is here ironically styled "champion of ecclesiastical discipline", and at no. 8 "vindicator of the Gospel", since he himself evidently affected this splendid title. Hence Cyprian, above, Letter I, no. 2, writes of him and his followers: "If they profess themselves defenders of the Gospel of Christ, let them first return to the Church." And Novatian by name, as Valois observes, inscribed his book On Jewish Foods "to the people persevering in the Gospel". See whom the innovators of our own age imitate, who, though they have departed from the ancestral faith, are not afraid to boast themselves vindicators of the pure Gospel. COUSTANT. — But similar is the address prefixed to the book On the Shows among the Pseudo-Cyprianic works, which runs thus: "To the people standing in the Gospel", that is, not lapsed, "greeting". Moreover, if Novatian had written that excellent little book On the Trinity, or On the Rule of Faith, at the time when Cornelius set this down, he was certainly no bad δογματιστής, or theologian. ROUTH.

(37) ‹anchor: ἄνωθεν ἐπισκοπὴν› · call in col 761 (visible)

Τὴν μὴ δοθεῖσαν αὐτῷ ἄνωθεν ἐπισκοπήν. Confer not. supra ad Epist. II Cornelii ad Cyprianum. Divinitus, hoc est legitime, ordinatus est Cornelius, qui consentiente plebe a sexdecim episcopis episcopus factus est, narrante Cypriano in Epist. ad Antonianum. ROUTH.

The episcopate not given him from above. Compare the note above on Letter II of Cornelius to Cyprian. Cornelius was ordained from above, that is, lawfully, being made bishop by sixteen bishops with the consent of the people, as Cyprian relates in the Letter to Antonianus. ROUTH.

(38) ‹anchor: ὡς ἂν› · call in col 761 (visible)

Ὡς ἂν. Οὓς ἂν. « Gruteri et episcopi Castellani codicis Lectt. » (sed sine ἄν). STROTH. Sed ὡς ἂν retinendum est propter ἐξαπατήσῃ, quod sequitur. Mox εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην pro εἰς Ῥώμην MS. Norfolc. ROUTH.

So that. "Whom": "Readings of the codex of Gruter and of Bishop Castellanus" (but without ἄν). STROTH. But ὡς ἂν must be kept because of ἐξαπατήσῃ, which follows. Shortly after, the Norfolk MS. has εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην for εἰς Ῥώμην. ROUTH.

(39) ‹anchor: δή ποτε οὖν› · call in col 761 (visible)

Ἥ τις δή ποτε οὖν. Ἡτισδηποτοῦν unico vocabulo ed Steph. STROTH. — Habet Syncell. ὡς δή τις πᾶσα pro ὡς δῆθεν πᾶσα ἥτις δήποτε οὖν. ROUTH.

Whatsoever. Stephanus's edition has Ἡτισδηποτοῦν as a single word. STROTH. — Syncellus has ὡς δή τις πᾶσα for ὡς δῆθεν πᾶσα ἥτις δήποτε οὖν. ROUTH.

(40) ‹anchor: οὓς παραγενομένους› · call in col 761 (visible)

Οὓς παραγενομένους. Theodoretus in libro III Hæreticarum Fabul., cap. 5 scribit Novatianum ipsum in Italiam profectum esse, ut episopos illos Romam adduceret: deinde cum in vicum quemdam una cum tribus illis episcopis pervenisset, coegisse eos ut sibi manum imponerent: idque illos conquestos esse cum Romam venissent. Sed hanc narrationem refellit Cornelii epistola. VALES. [Printed thus: "episopos" for episcopos.]

And when they had come. Theodoret, in Book III of the Heretical Fables, ch. 5, writes that Novatian himself set out into Italy to bring those bishops ("episopos", as printed) to Rome; then, when he had reached a certain village together with those three bishops, he forced them to lay hands on him; and they complained of this when they came to Rome. But Cornelius's letter refutes this account. VALOIS.

(41) ‹anchor: ἔφθημεν› · call in col 761 (visible)

Ὡς ἔφθημεν. Ὡς ἔφημεν ed Steph. Recepta lectio exstat in Christoph. Lect. et ed. Valesii. STROTH. — Addas his Ms. Bodl. et Syncell. Habet προέφημεν ms. Norfolc. Mox τούτων πονηρῶν pro τῶν π. iidem mss. ROUTH.

As we said before. Stephanus's edition has Ὡς ἔφημεν. The received reading stands in Christopherson's readings and in Valois's edition. STROTH. — You may add to these the Bodleian MS. and Syncellus. The Norfolk MS. has προέφημεν. Shortly after, the same MSS. have τούτων πονηρῶν for τῶν π. ROUTH.

(42) ‹anchor: ῥᾳδιουργίαν› · call in col 761 (visible)

Ῥᾳδιουργίαν. Ῥᾳδιουργίας ed Steph. STROTH.

Knavery. Stephanus's edition has Ῥᾳδιουργίας. STROTH.

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(53) ‹anchor: ἀνέτρεψε› · call in col 769 (visible)

[…]νέτρεψε. Aqud Georgium Syncellum legi[…] […]τρεψε, minus recte. Codex Fuc. habet ἀνέ[…] […]ALES.

"[He] turned [them] back." In George Syncellus is read ("Aqud", as printed) […]"…τρεψε", less correctly. The Fuc. codex has "ἀνέ[…]". [V]ALES.

(54) ‹anchor: Διὰ τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐν τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ› · call in col 769 (visible)

[…]. Διὰ τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐν τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ, etc. […] Ecclesia perinde est atque in Ecclesiæ mi[…] […] Nec aliud sonare mihi videtur ab initio, […]o ineunte ætate et ab infantia. Ea quidem […]e obtinebat disciplina, qua ii qui in clerum […]di erant, se, ut loquitur Siricius Epist. I, […] Ecclesiæ vovere obsequiis ab infantia sua, » […]lipsum Zosimus Epist. IX, n. 5, enuntiat, […]ntia ecclesiasticis ministeriis nomen dare, » […]r omnes cleri gradus episcopatum prome[…]bant. Quocirca Cyprianus in Epistola se[…]. 7, etiamsi Cornelium ecclesiasticis mini[…]b initio seu ab infantia nomen dedisse non […]licat, hinc tamen eum commendat, quod […]l episcopatum subito pervenit, sed per omnia […]stica officia promotus, et in divinis admini[…]ibus Deum promeritus, ad sacerdotii sublime […]m cunctis religionis gradibus ascendit. » […]ur quæritur, an similibus meritis ornatus […]atianus; et ea illi defuisse demonstratur. […]NT. — Si ex ethnicis parentibus ortum ha[…] Novatianus, quod quidem ex Cornelii verbis, […] τοῦ πιστεῦσαι γέγονεν, magis colligendum […], illud, « ab initio in Ecclesia versari, de […]one cujusvis a teneris usque in Ecclesiæ com[…]o interpretati malim. Et quanquam contra[…]idebis, de voce πιστεῦσαι annotaverit statim […]oustantius, verbi tamen simplicior atque […]r sensus mihi quidem magis arridet, ut ex […] ab exorcistis sibi dato occasionem fidei am[…]dæ sumpsisse Novatianus statuatur. ROUTH.

"Because from the beginning in the Church," etc. [To be …] in the Church is just the same as [to be] in the Church's mi[nistry …]. Nor does "from the beginning" seem to me to mean anything [other than …] from early youth and from infancy. Such indeed was the discipline [that then?] prevailed, by which those who [were to be enrolled?] in the clergy were, as Siricius says, Letter I, "[to] vow themselves to the services of the Church from their infancy"; [as] Zosimus states [the same?], Letter IX, n. 5, "[from inf]ancy to give their names to the church's ministries"; [and so] through all the grades of the clergy they [earned?] the episcopate. Therefore Cyprian, in Letter […] 7, though he does not [state?] that Cornelius gave his name to the church's ministries from the beginning, that is, from infancy, yet commends him on this ground, that "he did not come to the episcopate suddenly, but, promoted through all the church's offices and having deserved well of God in the divine ministries, he climbed by every grade of religion to the lofty [summit] of the priesthood." […] it is asked whether Novatian was adorned with like merits; and it is shown that he lacked them. [COUSTA]NT. — If Novatian was born of heathen parents, as is rather to be gathered from Cornelius's words "[the occasion] of believing came about", I would prefer to interpret the phrase "to live in the Church from the beginning" of anyone's [life?] from his tender years in the Church's com[munion …]. And although, [as you will] see, Coustant has made a note to the contrary on the word πιστεῦσαι ("to believe") just below, the simpler and [plainer] sense of the word pleases me more, so that Novatian is held to have taken from [the …] given him by the exorcists the occasion of em[bracing] the faith. ROUTH.

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[…] Ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ἀγωνίσασθαι. Περὶ αὐτῆς, ms. […]. ἠγωνίσθαι, ms. Bold. et ἠγωνίσαι, men[…] […]yncell., qui et paulo ante ἀνεστραφῆναι pro […]φθαι habet, ubi ἀνατετράφθαι ed. Gene[…] […]argo. ROUTH.

"To contend for it." "Concerning it" (Περὶ αὐτῆς), ms. […]. "ἠγωνίσθαι", ms. Bodl. ("Bold.", as printed), and "ἠγωνίσαι", [… S]yncellus, who a little before also has "ἀνεστραφῆναι" for "[…]φθαι", where the Geneva edition has "ἀνατετράφθαι" […]argo. ROUTH.

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[…]Ἀφορμὴ τοῦ πιστεῦσαι. Fidei suscipiendæ. […]ilicet fidei, quæ suscipientem deinceps fide[…]ominet. Hæc autem appellatio, si Jerosoly[…] Ecclesiæ, ac forte paucarum aliarum morem […]s olim solis baptismo initiatis impertieba[…]i enim antea catechumeni, electi, competen[…]uncupabantur, tum primum fideles, cum tincti […] nuncupari solebant. Hinc in concilio Elibe[…] catechumenus, imo et Christianus, a fideli […]uitur. In eo quippe, ut ex can. 45 et 59 ap[…] cum catechumeno simul et tincto commune […]istiani nomen; sed appellatio fidelis soli […]competit. Cyrillus vero Jeros. licet hoc fidelis […] etiam electis tribuat, quia videlicet hi jam […]ni solemniis initiari incipiebant, illud tamen […] a catuchumeni vocabulo sedulo distinguit. […]atech. 1, n. 4, ait, « Antea catechumenus […]unc fidelis vocabere. » Et Catech. V, n. 1, « Qua[…] ordine[…] transf[…] Valesi[…] causam[…] nisi p[…] creden[…] vatian[…] sine c[…] certe verbo τοῦ πιστεῦσαι baptismum intellexit: sed τοῦ βαπτισθῆναι consulto vitasse videtur, quia Novatianus per περίχυσιν hoc est per aspersionem seu perfusionem (utraque enim vox Cypriano in Epistola LXXVI, ad Magnum synonyma est), hoc sacramentum susceperat. COUST. — Nicephorus vero verba ita παραφράζει, lib. VI, cap. 3: ᾧ καὶ τὸ εἰς Χριστὸν πιστεῦσαι πρόφασις ὁ Σατανᾶς ἦν ἐνσκηνώσας αὐτῷ. Atque opponi videtur hæc sera et quasi coacto fides τῷ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐν τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀνεστράφθαι. ROUTH. Christophorsosus hæc Latine ita reddidit: « Qui quidem ubi exorcistarum præsidio, spiritu illo malo esset liberatus, et post in tam gravem morbum.... incidisset. » Sed si Novatianus ante hunc morbum a spiritu malo fuisset liberatus, nequaquam dicendus esset Satanas ei baptismi suscipiendi causam præbuisse. Eadem Cornelii verba sic Rufinus perstringit: « Addit autem etiam hoc, quod idem ipse Novatus (leg. Novatianus) in juventute spiritu immundo vexatus sit; et cum tempus aliquod consumpsisset apud exorcistas, ægritudinem incurrerit gravem, ita ut desperaretur. » Unde confirmatur quod superius conjectabamus, Novatiano scilicet, prius quam baptismum susciperet, aliquod saltem fidei initium non defuisse. Quid enim apud exorcistas ageret omni fide destitutus? Id ei forte contigit, quod Cyprianus ætate sua erga homines illi similes agi et contingere solere epist. LXXVI ad Magnum testatur, « ut per exorcistas voce humana et potestate divina flagelletur et uratur et torqueatur diabolus, et cum exire se et homines Dei dimittere sæpe dicat in eo quod dixerit fallat; » ideoque vult ille præsul, « ut si aliquis in illo movetur, quod quidam de iis, qui ægri baptizantur, spiritibus adhuc immundis testantur, sciat diaboli nequitiam pertinacem usque ad aquam salutarem valere, in baptismo vero omne nequitiæ suæ virus amittere. » Moxque addidit: « Hoc denique rebus ipsis experimur, ut necessitate urgente in ægritudine baptizati, et gratiam consecuti, careant immundo spiritu, quo antea movebantur. » Unde perspicuum est iis etiam, qui a spiritibus immundis vexabantur, baptismum fuisse collatum, nec opus fuisse ut ab iis prius liberarentur, quam hoc sacramentum perciperent. Hoc ipsum et Eliberitana synodus can. 37, constituit his verbis: « Eos qui ab immundis spiritibus vexantur, si in fine mortis fuerint constituti, baptizari pla[…] (continues) [Printed thus: "Aqud"; "Bold."; "catuchumeni"; "coacto fides"; "Christophorsosus"; "testantur" (Cyprian: temptantur; read at lean resolution, UNSURE).]

"An occasion for believing." Of receiving the faith. [That is], of the faith which would thenceforth [name] the one who receives it "faithful". This title, if you [except] the custom of the Church of Jerusalem and perhaps of a few others, was once given only to those initiated by baptism. For those who were before called catechumens, elect, competents were usually called "faithful" only when they had been dipped. Hence in the council of Elvira the catechumen, and indeed the Christian, is distinguished from the faithful. For in it, as appears from canons 45 and 59, the name of Christian is common to the catechumen and the dipped alike; but the title "faithful" belongs to the [dipped] alone. Cyril of Jerusalem, though he gives this [title] "faithful" to the elect too, because they were already beginning to be initiated with the solemnities [of baptism], yet carefully distinguishes it from the word "catechumen" ("catuchumeni", as printed). Catechesis I, n. 4, he says: "Before, [you were called] a catechumen; [n]ow you will be called faithful." And Catechesis V, n. 1, "[How great …]" […about nine lines cut…] certainly understood baptism by the word τοῦ πιστεῦσαι ("to believe"); but he seems to have deliberately avoided τοῦ βαπτισθῆναι ("to be baptized"), because Novatian had received this sacrament by περίχυσις, that is, by sprinkling or pouring (for to Cyprian, in Letter LXXVI, to Magnus, both words are synonyms). COUST. — Nicephorus paraphrases the words thus, book VI, ch. 3: "for whom Satan, having made his dwelling in him, was the occasion even of believing in Christ." And this late and as it were forced faith ("coacto", as printed) seems to be set against "having lived in the Church from the beginning". ROUTH.

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Βοηθῆσαι τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς. Post has voces in codicibus nostris Maz. Mod. Fuk. et Saviliano, et apud Syncellum haec adduntur (omiserat ea omnia praeter illa ἐπικουρίας δεομένοις ed. R. Steph.) ὅσα θέμις, καὶ ὅσα δυνατὸν πρεσβυτέρῳ κινδυνεύουσιν ἀδελφοῖς καὶ ἐπικουρίας δεομένοις βοηθεῖν· Quae Rufinus legisse videtur in suo codice: vertit enim: « Scribit etiam de ipso, quod persecutionis tempore, cum in cellula quadam lateret, et a diaconis, ut moris est, subvenire in exitu catechumenis rogaretur, etc. » Paulo ante ubi legebatur ἐξελθὼν τοῦ οἴκου, restituimus οἰκίσκου auctoribus iisdem codicibus et Georgio Syncello. Rufinus cellulam vertit. VALES. — In hac Rufini interpretatione, « cum subvenire in exitu catechumenis rogaretur, e cellula in qua latebat timens procedere, presbyterum se esse denegavit, » nimia deprehenditur interpretis licentia: cum verba Cornelii de omnibus auxilio presbyterii indigentibus dicta ad unos catechumenos, quibus et diaconi subvenire poterant, referat. Quocirca neque placet quod Theodoretus, lib. III Haeret. Fab. eamdem narrationem ita exponit: « Qui vero remedium (lapsus) adipisci postulabant, arguebant eum, quod saepe rogatus ut ad ipsos properaret, et verbis confirmaret qui ty- [… the right-hand image begins mid-note; first line cut through: "…rius a Cornelio postulatum sit, an Novatianus …"] in multis magnisque periculis religionis causa fuerit? » COUST. — Pro verbis, ὅσα θέμις κ. τ. λ. quibus orationem auxit Valesius, testis addendus est ms. Norfolc., sicut illae, quas Strothius annumeravit, Veneti codicis, Christophorsonique Lectiones, Nicephorusque, dum lectionem οἰκίσκου firmat idem codex Norfolc. Paulo supra idem codex, perinde ac Syncellus πρεσβύτερον ἑαυτὸν εἶναι, verso tantum ordine verborum praestat. ROUTH.

"To help the brethren." After these words our Mazarin, Medicean (printed "Mod."), Fuketian and Savile manuscripts, and Syncellus, add the following (R. Stephanus's edition had omitted it all except ἐπικουρίας δεομένοις): "as far as is right, and as far as is possible for a presbyter to help brethren in danger and needing aid." Rufinus seems to have read this in his manuscript, for he translates: "He writes also of him that in time of persecution, when he was hiding in a little cell and was asked by the deacons, as is the custom, to come and help catechumens at their departing," etc. A little before, where ἐξελθὼν τοῦ οἴκου was read, we have restored οἰκίσκου on the authority of the same manuscripts and George Syncellus. Rufinus translates "little cell." VALES. — In this rendering of Rufinus, "when he was asked to help catechumens at their departing, afraid to come out of the little cell where he was hiding, he denied that he was a presbyter," the translator's excessive licence is detected, since he refers Cornelius's words, said of all who needed the presbyterate's help, to the catechumens alone, whom the deacons too could help. So neither am I pleased with Theodoret's account of the same story, Heretical Fables book III: "Those who sought to obtain a remedy (the lapsed) accused him because, often asked to hurry to them and to strengthen by his words those who [… ] in many great dangers for religion's sake?" COUST. — For the words "as far as is right," etc., with which Valesius enlarged the sentence, the Norfolk manuscript must be added as witness, as well as those Stroth counted, the Venice codex, Christopherson's readings and Nicephorus; and the same Norfolk codex confirms the reading οἰκίσκου. A little above, the same codex, like Syncellus, gives πρεσβύτερον ἑαυτὸν εἶναι, with only the word order reversed. ROUTH.

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Βοηθεῖν. Omittit ed. Steph. Exhibent iidem qui paulo ante. STROTH. Adde ms. Norfolc. ROUTH.

"To help." Stephanus's edition omits it. The same witnesses as just above give it. STROTH. Add the Norfolk manuscript. ROUTH.

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Ἑτέρας γὰρ εἶναι φιλοσοφίας ἐραστής. Ait Cyprianus de eodem, Jactet se licet, et philosophiam vel eloquentiam suam superbis vocibus praedicet; qui nec fraternam charitatem nec ecclesiasticam unitatem tenuit, etiam quod prius fuerat amisit. » Epist. ad Antonianum, p. 73, ed. Baluzii. Addo depositionis poenam meruisse Novatianum, canone 62, quem dicunt Apostolicum, contra clericum statuente, Εἰ μὲν τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἀρνήσηται, ἀποβαλλέσθω, εἰ δὲ τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κληρικοῦ, καθαιρείσθω. ROUTH.

"For he was a lover of another philosophy." Cyprian says of the same man: "Let him boast and proclaim his philosophy or eloquence in proud words; he who has kept neither brotherly charity nor the Church's unity has lost even what he was before." Epistle to Antonianus, p. 73, Baluze's edition. I add that Novatian deserved the penalty of deposition under canon 62, called Apostolic, which rules against a cleric: "If he denies the name of Christ, let him be cast out; if the name of cleric, let him be deposed." ROUTH.

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Καταλιπών. Κατέλιπε Christoph. Lect., et Interp. STROTH.

"Having left." Christopherson's readings and translation have Κατέλιπε. STROTH.

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Ἐν ᾗ πιστεύσας. Non displiceret alibi quod Valesius vertit, post susceptum baptismum; id enim haec proprie sonant: in qua, baptismo suscepto, fidelis jam dici atque haberi coepit. Sed litterae haerendum duxi, cum Cornelium, ubi de ritu quo Novatianus initiatus est loquitur, baptismi vocabulo constanter abstinere observarim. Rufinus unum verbum πιστεύσας his duobus latinis, gratiam consecutus, reddidit. Quod eodem redit. Nam gratiae, vel gratiae Dei, seu gratiae Christi vocabulis baptismus saepe apud veteres designatur. Quid enim sibi vult illud Cypriani ep. LXXVI, ad Magnum, « Quaesisti quid mihi videatur de illis, qui in infirmitate et languore Dei gratiam consequuntur, » nisi istud, quid mihi videatur de iis qui in infirmitate baptizantur? Ita et in his Leonis epist. 18, n. 4, ubi sabbato Paschae baptisma celebrandum tradit, « Ipsa igitur operis qualitas docet celebrandae generaliter gratiae legitimum diem, in quo, » etc., « celebrandae gratiae » perinde esse liquet atque « celebrandi baptismi. » COUSTANT.

"In which, having believed." Elsewhere Valesius's rendering, "after receiving baptism," would not displease, for that is what these words properly mean: in which, baptism received, he began to be called and held one of the faithful. But I thought I should keep to the letter, since I have observed that Cornelius, when he speaks of the rite by which Novatian was initiated, constantly avoids the word baptism. Rufinus rendered the single word πιστεύσας by two Latin words, "having obtained grace," which comes to the same thing. For among the ancients baptism is often designated by the words grace, or grace of God, or grace of Christ. For what does Cyprian's ep. 76 to Magnus mean, "You asked what I think of those who obtain God's grace in sickness and weakness," if not, what I think of those baptized in sickness? So too in these words of Leo's epist. 18, no. 4, where he lays down that baptism is to be celebrated on Holy Saturday: "The very nature of the work shows the lawful day for celebrating the grace generally, on which," etc., it is clear that "celebrating the grace" is the same as "celebrating baptism." COUSTANT.

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Κατηξιώθη τοῦ πρεσβυτερίου. Hinc apparet Novatianum prono gradu presbyterum fuisse ordi- (continues)

"He was deemed worthy of the presbyterate." Hence it appears that Novatian was ordained presbyter by a direct step (continues)

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Ὑπὸ παντὸς τοῦ κλήρου καὶ λαϊκῶν, etc. Presbyteri olim ab episcopo ordinari non poterant sine consensu cleri et populi. Ac de populi quidem suffragio in electione presbyterorum testantur patres concilii Nicaeni in epistola syndica ad episcopos Aegypti, ubi de clericis qui se a Meletii schismate puros atque integros servaverant, ita praecipiunt: Εἰ δέ τινά ποτε συμβαίη ἀναπαύσασθαι τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ, τηνικαῦτα συναναβαίνειν εἰς τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ τετελευτηκότος τοὺς ἄρτι προσληφθέντας, μόνον εἰ ἄξιοι φαίνοιντο, καὶ ὁ λαὸς αἱροῖτο συνεπιψηφίζοντος αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐπισφραγίζοντος τοῦ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας ἐπισκόπου. Quae verba Sozomenus de clericis intellexit, cum tamen de episcopis potius accipienda esse videantur. Nam cum patres synodi Nicaenae contemplatione pacis statuissent, ut episcopi a Meletio schismatico ordinati in suo gradu remanerent, sed sine ulla functione episcopalis officii: nunc praecipiunt, ut si forte catholicus episcopus ab Alexandrinae urbis episcopo ordinatus obierit, tum Meletianus, qui a synodo sub ea conditione quam dixi susceptus est, in locum mortui succedat, dummodo plebs eum elegerit, et episcopus Alexandrinus electionem ejus confirmaverit. Sed et ex aliis locis ejusdem epistolae satis colligitur necessarium fuisse populi suffragium in ordinatione clericorum. Vetant enim eadem epistola sanctissimi patres, ne episcopis qui Meletio adhaeserant, jus fasque sit proponendi nomina eorum qui ad ecclesiasticos ordines sunt promovendi: sed solis catholicae Ecclesiae episcopis qui ab omni schismate integri semper fuissent, illud competere pronuntiant. Pontifices quippe annuntiabant populo nomina eorum qui ordinandi essent presbyteri vel dia- [… the right-hand image begins mid-note] nit. Denique adeo necessarium fuit plebis suffragium in electione presbyterorum, ut saepenumero in ecclesia plebs tumultuosis vociferationibus presbyterum aliquem fieri postularet et cogeret. Quod quidem Barcinone sibi evenisse testatur Paulinus in Epistola sexta ad Severum. Idem de Piniano Albinae filio refert Augustinus in Epist. 225 ad Albinam. Jam vero cleri quoque consensum ad hoc fuisse necessarium docet vetus auctor Quaestionum veteris et novi Testamenti, cap. 101, ubi scribit presbyterum qui ordinandus est perduci a diacono et offerri episcopo et sub testimonio diaconi ordinari. « Sed testimonio, inquit, diaconi fit presbyter. » Et paulo post: « Perducuntur enim qui ordinandi sunt, ut, dum lateri eorum septi sunt, honore digni videantur. Fateor facti eorum esse, sed quasi officialis. Ab episcopo enim mittitur, ut obsequium praebeat ordinando. » Totum vero hunc ritum optime descriptum habemus in Sacramentario Gregorii Magni, pag. 236, ad quem locum vide quae notavit Hugo Menardus, vir doctissimus. VALESIUS.

"By all the clergy and laity," etc. Presbyters could not once be ordained by the bishop without the consent of clergy and people. As for the people's vote in electing presbyters, the fathers of the Council of Nicaea testify to it in their synodal letter to the bishops of Egypt, where, of the clerics who had kept themselves pure and untouched by the schism of Meletius, they direct thus: "But if it should happen that any of those in the Church come to rest, then those just now received are to rise to the honour of the deceased, provided only that they appear worthy and the people choose them, the bishop of Alexandria voting with them and confirming it." Sozomen understood these words of clerics, though they seem rather to be taken of bishops. For the fathers of the Nicene synod, with a view to peace, had decreed that bishops ordained by the schismatic Meletius should remain in their rank but without any exercise of the episcopal office; now they direct that if a catholic bishop ordained by the bishop of Alexandria should die, then a Meletian received by the synod on the condition I have stated may succeed in the dead man's place, provided the people have chosen him and the bishop of Alexandria has confirmed his election. And from other passages of the same letter it is clear enough that the people's vote was necessary in the ordination of clerics. For in the same letter the most holy fathers forbid the bishops who had adhered to Meletius to have any right to put forward the names of those to be promoted to ecclesiastical orders, and declare that this belongs only to the bishops of the catholic Church who had always kept clear of all schism. For the bishops announced to the people the names of those who were to be ordained presbyters or dea[cons … ] Indeed, the people's vote in electing presbyters was so necessary that often in church the people, with tumultuous shouting, demanded and forced that someone be made presbyter. Paulinus testifies that this happened to him at Barcelona, in his sixth Epistle to Severus. Augustine relates the same of Pinianus, son of Albina, in Epist. 225 to Albina. And that the consent of the clergy too was necessary for this is taught by the old author of the Questions on the Old and New Testament, ch. 101, where he writes that the presbyter to be ordained is led forward by a deacon, presented to the bishop, and ordained on the deacon's testimony. "But," he says, "a presbyter is made on the testimony of a deacon." And a little after: "For those to be ordained are led forward so that, flanked at their side, they may appear worthy of the honour. I grant that they have a part in the act, but as a kind of official. For he is sent by the bishop to render service to the one being ordained." The whole rite is best described in the Sacramentary of Gregory the Great, p. 236; on that passage see the notes of the very learned Hugues Ménard. VALESIUS.

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Ἐπὶ κλίνης. Ἐν κλίνῃ ed. Steph. STROTH. Mox ἐπιχυθέντα ms. Norfolc. ROUTH.

"On a bed." Stephanus's edition has Ἐν κλίνῃ. STROTH. Just after, the Norfolk manuscript has ἐπιχυθέντα. ROUTH.

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Εἰς κλῆρόν τινα γενέσθαι. Κλῆρος ordinem seu gradum significat ministerii ecclesiastici. Ita κλῆρον πρεσβυτερίου paulo ante Cornelius dixit, et κλῆρον ἐπισκοπῆς non semel vocat Eusebius et Irenaeus. Itaque hoc loco εἰς κλῆρόν τινα, id est in quocunque clero. Epiphanius in haeresi Meletianorum: Οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ κληρικῶν ὑπάρχοντες διαφόρου κλήρου, πρεσβυτερίου τε καὶ διακονίας καὶ ἄλλων. Tertullianus sortem vocat. Sic enim in libro de Virginibus velandis: « Non permittitur mulieri in ecclesia loqui, sed nec docere, nec tinguere, nec offerre, nec ullius virilis muneris, nedum sacerdotalis officii sortem sibi vindicare. » Sic certe loquitur vetus auctor de haereticis non rebaptizandis. « Quod cum nullum sanae mentis fidelium tenere, vel maxime nullum omnino in quocunque clero constitutum, ac multo magis episcoporum audere deceat. » Rursus in eodem libro. « Imo magis hoc nomine etiam oneratur, licet fuerit antea fidelissimus, aut in clero aliquo constitutus. » Idem scriptor clerum distinguit in majorem et minorem. Et minorem quidem clerum appellat diaconos et reliquos inferiores ordines, ut cum dicit, pag. 129, (continues)

"To become one of any clerical order." Κλῆρος means an order or grade of the Church's ministry. So Cornelius said "the order of the presbyterate" a little before, and Eusebius and Irenaeus more than once speak of "the order of the episcopate." So here εἰς κλῆρόν τινα means in any clerical order whatever. Epiphanius, in the heresy of the Meletians: "Those who belonged to the clergy of different orders, the presbyterate and the diaconate and others." Tertullian calls it a "lot." For so in the book On the Veiling of Virgins: "A woman is not permitted to speak in church, nor to teach, nor to baptize, nor to offer, nor to claim for herself the lot of any male function, still less of the priestly office." Certainly the old author On Not Rebaptizing Heretics speaks so: "Which it would befit no one of sound mind among the faithful to hold, least of all anyone established in any clerical order, and much more none of the bishops to dare." Again in the same book: "Rather he is even burdened by this name, though he was formerly most faithful, or established in some clerical order." The same writer distinguishes the clergy into greater and lesser. And he calls the lesser clergy the deacons and the other inferior orders, as when he says, p. 129, (continues)

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Ποιήσας γὰρ τὰς προσφορὰς καὶ ἐπιδιδοὺς τοῦτο. Proprium erat presbyteri officium Eucharistiam et calicem fidelibus in manus tradere: idque ἐπιδοῦναι proprie dicebatur. Chrysostomus, homilia 46, in Matthaeum: Οὐχ ὁρᾷς ὅτι τῷ ἱερεῖ μόνῳ θέμις τὸ τοῦ αἵματος ἐπιοιδόναι ποτήριον; id est: Non vides qualiter soli sacerdoti licet calicem Dominici sanguinis praebere. Ex quo ita argumentatur Chrysostomus. Tu ergo sacerdos es, cum panem et calicem praebes pauperi. In quibusdam tamen ecclesiis diaconi Eucharistiam populo dividebant. Idque innuere videtur auctor Quaestionum veteris et novi Testamenti, cap. 101, his verbis: « Diaconi ergo ordo est accipere a sacerdote, et sic dare plebi. » Hieronymus, seu quis alius, in libro de septem Gradibus Ecclesiae: « Sicut in sacerdote consecratio, ita in ministro est Sacramenti [… the right-hand image begins mid-note; first line cut through: "…et vino consecratis. Novatianum per se, non dia-"] conorum ministerio corpus Christi suis porrexisse plane hinc discimus. An vero dissimili ratione Servatoris nostri sanguinem iis tradiderit, dubitare licet propter subnexa verba, « Jura mihi per corpus et sanguinem Domini nostri. » Negandum tamen non est, usu tum receptum esse, ut fideles diaconorum ministerio sanguinem vel etiam corpus Christi perciperent. Scribit quippe Justinus Apolog. 2, ad Antoninum: « Postquam antistes gratiarum actionem perfecit, et populus omnis apprecatus est, diaconi ex pane, vino et aqua consecratis partem dividunt unicuique praesentium. » In Africa saltem calicem, quo sanguis Christi continebatur, a diaconis porrigi consuevisse docet illud Cypriani lib. de Lapsis: « Ubi vero solemnibus adimpletis, calicem diaconus offerre praesentibus coepit. » Eumdem morem Romae usitatum innuit apud Ambrosium lib. I Offic., c. 4, pia expostulatio S. Laurentii, archidiaconi, S. Xystum, pontificem, sic interpellantis: « Cui commisisti dominici sanguinis consecrationem (hoc est consecrati sanguinis Domini dispensationem), cui consummandorum consortium sacramentorum, huic sanguinis tui consortium negas? » Ad idem ministerium referri commode potest, quod de diaconis Romanae Ecclesiae loquens antiquus auctor Quaest. vet. et nov. Test. apud Augustinum Append., tom. III, c. 101, generaliter dicit: « Diaconi ergo ordo est accipere a sacerdote, et sic dare plebi. » Verum sacerdotibus id, quod diaconis committere consueverunt, per se praestare nusquam est prohibitum..... Imo, si Chrysostomum homil. 46, in Matth. audiamus, « soli sacerdoti licet calicem sanguinis dominici praebere. » Sed cum sanctus ille doctor non addat plebi, ejus sententiam ex verbis Quaest. vet. ac nov. Testam. proxime allatis explicari nil vetat. Ut verbo dicam, corpus et sanguinem Christi populis tradere semper sacerdotibus ex officio, diaconis autem tanquam sacerdotum ministris ex quodam concessu, et necessitate postulante, olim licuit, seu, ut cum (continues)

"For having made the offerings and handing this out." It was the presbyter's proper office to give the Eucharist and the cup into the hands of the faithful, and this was properly called ἐπιδοῦναι. Chrysostom, homily 46 on Matthew: "Do you not see that it is lawful for the priest alone to hand out (printed ἐπιοιδόναι) the cup of the blood?"; that is: Do you not see how it is lawful for the priest alone to offer the cup of the Lord's blood? From which Chrysostom argues thus: you, then, are a priest when you offer bread and cup to the poor. In some churches, however, deacons distributed the Eucharist to the people. The author of the Questions on the Old and New Testament seems to hint at this, ch. 101, in these words: "So the deacon's order is to receive from the priest and so to give to the people." Jerome, or someone else, in the book On the Seven Grades of the Church: "As consecration lies in the priest, so in the minister lies [the dispensing] of the Sacrament [… ] and wine consecrated. From this we plainly learn that Novatian offered the body of Christ to his people himself, not through the ministry of deacons. Whether he gave them our Saviour's blood in a different way may be doubted because of the words that follow, "Swear to me by the body and blood of our Lord." Yet it must not be denied that it was then the accepted custom for the faithful to receive the blood, or even the body, of Christ through the ministry of deacons. For Justin writes, Apology 2, to Antoninus: "After the president has completed the thanksgiving and all the people have assented, the deacons distribute to each of those present a share of the consecrated bread, wine and water." In Africa at least the cup containing Christ's blood was usually offered by the deacons, as that passage of Cyprian's book On the Lapsed shows: "But when the solemnities were completed, the deacon began to offer the cup to those present." That the same custom was in use at Rome is hinted, in Ambrose, Offices book I, ch. 4, by the devout remonstrance of St Lawrence the archdeacon to St Xystus the pontiff: "To him to whom you entrusted the consecration of the Lord's blood (that is, the dispensing of the Lord's consecrated blood), to whom you gave a share in the completing of the sacraments, do you deny a share in your blood?" To the same ministry can fitly be referred what the ancient author of the Questions on the Old and New Testament, in Augustine's Appendix, vol. III, ch. 101, says in general, speaking of the deacons of the Roman Church: "So the deacon's order is to receive from the priest and so to give to the people." But priests were nowhere forbidden to perform themselves what they were accustomed to entrust to deacons ..... Indeed, if we listen to Chrysostom, homily 46 on Matthew, "it is lawful for the priest alone to offer the cup of the Lord's blood." But since that holy doctor does not add "to the people," nothing prevents his opinion being explained by the words of the Questions on the Old and New Testament just cited. In a word: in former times it was always lawful for priests by their office, but for deacons, as the priests' ministers, by a kind of concession and when necessity required, to give the body and blood of Christ to the people, or, as when (continues)

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Διανέμων... ἐπιδιδούς. Διανείμας Syncell. ἐπιδούς ms. Bodl. Verba τῆς αὐτῆς δυνάμεως post τὸ μέρος ms. Norfolc. addidit, nunc τῆς αὐτῆς διανομῆς. Mox pro τοῦτο ὀμνύειν habet αὐτῷ ὀμ. Syncell. ROUTH.

"Distributing ... handing out." Syncellus has Διανείμας; the Bodleian manuscript ἐπιδούς. The Norfolk manuscript added the words τῆς αὐτῆς δυνάμεως after τὸ μέρος, now τῆς αὐτῆς διανομῆς. Just after, for τοῦτο ὀμνύειν Syncellus has αὐτῷ ὀμ. ROUTH.

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Ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς χερσί. Omittit ταῖς edit. Stephan. STROTH.

"With both hands." Stephanus's edition omits ταῖς. STROTH.

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Ἀφείς. Ἀφιεὶς ed. Steph. STROTH. Statim post pro ἔστ' ἂν Syncell. ἕως ἄν. Apud Niceph. atque ms. Norfolc. ordo verborum κατὰ τοῦ σώματος καὶ τοῦ αἵμ. mutatur. ROUTH.

"Letting go." Stephanus's edition has Ἀφιείς. STROTH. Just after, for ἔστ' ἄν Syncellus has ἕως ἄν. In Nicephorus and the Norfolk manuscript the order of the words κατὰ τοῦ σώματος καὶ τοῦ αἵμ. is changed. ROUTH.

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Αὐτῷ. Hunc locum non intellexerunt interpretes. Nam Musculus quidem ita vertit: « Et miser homo non degustavit, nisi primum se illi devovisset. » Christophorsonus vero quasi Musculi insistens vestigiis vertit hoc modo: « Atque infelix non ante degustavit, quam ita se illi devovisset. » Quasi vox αὐτῷ referretur ad Novatianum. Ego ἑαυτῷ malim legere cum Georgio Syncello: apud quem totus hic locus ita scribitur: Καὶ ὁ ἄθλιος ἄνθρωπος οὐ πρότερον γεύεται εἰ μὴ πρότερον ἑαυτῷ καταράσαιτο. Id est: « Atque ille miser non prius gustare sinitur, quam semetipse diris devoverit. » Quippe omne jusjurandum acjunctam habet imprecationem. Quae licet in hoc sacramento quo Novatianus homines miseros adigebat, diserte expressa non sit, tacite tamen subintelligitur, ut notavi ad Amm. Marcellinum. Porro in quatuor nostris codicibus Maz. Med. Fuk. et Saviliano legitur etiam καταράσαιτο, perinde ac apud Syncell. (καταράσεται. ed. Steph.) VALES. — ἑαυτῷ Syncell., quod probat Valesius, ac profecto nobis magis placet. Nicephorus habet ἐκείνῳ, ex quo tamen eum legisse αὐτῷ apparet. STROTH. — καταράσαιτο habere Cruteri quoque Lectt. Idem notavit Strothius, quibus addas ms. Norfolc. Interea αὑτῷ si mavis, cum spiritu aspero rescribas. Novatianum autem adegisse videtur, ut censet Coustantius, quotidiana suornm defectio, ut jusjurandum hoc exigeret. Quod quidem interea jusjurandum protane exactum atque datum, schisma luctuosum Ecclesiae auctoritatem excludendo perpetuum faciebat. ROUTH.

"To him." The translators did not understand this passage. Musculus renders: "And the wretched man did not taste until he had first devoted himself to him." Christopherson, as if following in Musculus's footsteps, renders thus: "And the unhappy man did not taste before he had so devoted himself to him." As though the word αὐτῷ referred to Novatian. I would rather read ἑαυτῷ with George Syncellus, in whom the whole passage is written thus: "And the wretched man does not taste unless he has first called down a curse on himself." That is: "And that wretch is not allowed to taste before he has devoted himself to the curses." For every oath carries an imprecation joined (acjunctam, as printed) to it. Though this is not expressly stated in the oath to which Novatian forced the wretched people, it is still tacitly understood, as I noted on Ammianus Marcellinus. Further, in our four manuscripts, the Mazarin, Medicean, Fuketian and Savile, καταράσαιτο is also read, as in Syncellus (Stephanus's edition: καταράσεται). VALES. — Syncellus has ἑαυτῷ, which Valesius approves and which certainly pleases us more. Nicephorus has ἐκείνῳ, from which it is nevertheless clear that he read αὐτῷ. STROTH. — Stroth also noted that Gruter's (Cruteri, as printed) readings have καταράσαιτο; to these add the Norfolk manuscript. Meanwhile, if you prefer, you may rewrite it αὑτῷ with the rough breathing. It seems, as Coustant judges, that the daily desertion of his followers (suornm, as printed) drove Novatian to demand this oath. And this oath, profanely (protane, as printed) demanded and given, made the lamentable schism permanent by shutting out the Church's authority. ROUTH.

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Ἀντὶ τοῦ εἰπεῖν... τὸ Ἀμήν. Hoc est quod [… the right-hand image begins mid-note; first line cut through: "ut testatur B. Ambrosius in lib. IV de Sacramen-"] tis, cap. 5. « Ergo non otiose cum accipis, tu dicis Amen, jam in spiritu confidens quod accipias corpus Christi. Dicit tibi sacerdos: Corpus Christi. Et tu dicis Amen, id est verum. » Hieronymus ad Pammachium adversus errores Joannis Hierosolymitani. « Qua conscientia ad Eucharistiam Christi accedam, et respondebo Amen, cum de charitate dubitem porrigentis? » Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus in catechesi ultima: Καὶ τὴν κοιλάνας παλάμην, δέχου τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Χριστοῦ, ἐπιλέγων τό, Ἀμήν. Augustinus in libro XII, contra Faustum, cap. 10: « Habet enim magnam vocem Christi sanguis in terra, cum eo accepto ab omnibus respondeatur Amen. » Saepius autem fideles inter missarum solemnia dicebant Amen. Nam et cum sacerdos panem et vinum consecraret, respondebant Amen, ut pluribus dicetur infra ad c. 9, l. VII, et post lectionem Evangelii et Prophetarum, Amen dicere seque ipsos signare consueverant, teste Augustino in Epistola 166. VALESIUS. — Statim post ἐπανήξω pro ἀνήξω, Syncell. et Nicephorus invenerunt, et ἔφη pro λέγει ms. Norfolc. ROUTH.

"Instead of saying ... the Amen." This is what [… ] as blessed Ambrose testifies, On the Sacraments book IV, ch. 5: "So it is not idly that when you receive you say Amen, already confessing in spirit that you receive the body of Christ. The priest says to you: The body of Christ. And you say Amen, that is, it is true." Jerome to Pammachius, against the errors of John of Jerusalem: "With what conscience shall I come to the Eucharist of Christ and answer Amen, when I doubt the charity of the one who offers it?" Cyril of Jerusalem in his last catechesis: "And hollowing your palm, receive the body of Christ, adding the Amen." Augustine, Against Faustus book XII, ch. 10: "For the blood of Christ has a great voice on earth, when, having received it, all answer Amen." The faithful said Amen quite often during the solemnities of the Mass. For when the priest consecrated the bread and wine they answered Amen, as will be said at more length below on ch. 9, book VII; and after the reading of the Gospel and the Prophets they were accustomed to say Amen and sign themselves, as Augustine testifies in Epistle 166. VALESIUS. — Just after, Syncellus and Nicephorus found ἐπανήξω for ἀνήξω, and the Norfolk manuscript has ἔφη for λέγει. ROUTH.

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Ὃν καὶ Μωσῆς ὁ μακάριος. De hoc Moyse Romanae urbis presbytero Cyprianus in epistolis loquitur saepius. Hic post passionem Fabiani Rom. urbis episcopi Decio 2, et Grato Coss., anno Christi 250, comprehensus est una cum Maximo presbytero et Nicostrato diacono; et conjectus in carcerem, ibi defunctus est, cum mansisset in carcere menses XI, dies XI, ut legitur in veteri libro de pontificibus Romanis. Quod confirmat etiam Cyprianus in Epistola XV, ad Moysem et Maximum presbyteros et caeteros confessores, ubi inter caetera haec dicit. « Eant nunc magistratus, et consules sive proconsules annuae dignitatis insignibus et duodecim fascibus glorientur. Ecce dignitas coelestis in vobis honoris annui claritate signata est, et jam vertentis anni volubilem circulum victricis gloriae diuturnitate transgressa est. VALES. — In Epistolis XVI et XXV Cypriani ad hunc Moysen et socios confessores, nec non in epistola XXVI, eorumdem confessorum ad Cyprianum, Moysis nomen in capite caeterorum constanter praeponitur. Hunc in carcere defunctum Valesius existimat, nititurque his verbis Bucheriani catalogi in Fabiano: « Post mortem ejus (Fabiani) Moyses et Maximus presbyteri et Nicostratus diaconus comprehensi sunt, et in car- (continues)

"Whom also the blessed Moses." Cyprian often speaks in his letters of this Moses, a presbyter of the city of Rome. After the passion of Fabian, bishop of the city of Rome, in the consulship of Decius (for the second time) and Gratus, in the year of Christ 250, he was arrested together with Maximus the presbyter and Nicostratus the deacon; thrown into prison, he died there, having remained in prison eleven months and eleven days, as is read in the old book on the Roman pontiffs. Cyprian confirms this too in Epistle XV, to Moses and Maximus, presbyters, and the other confessors, where among other things he says: "Let magistrates now go, and consuls or proconsuls, and glory in the insignia of their yearly dignity and their twelve fasces. See, a heavenly dignity has been stamped on you with the brightness of a yearly honour, and has already passed beyond the turning circle of the revolving year by the long duration of its victorious glory." VALES. — In Cyprian's Epistles XVI and XXV to this Moses and his fellow confessors, and also in epistle XXVI from those confessors to Cyprian, the name of Moses is constantly placed at the head of the others. Valesius thinks he died in prison, relying on these words of the Bucherian catalogue under Fabian: "After his (Fabian's) death Moses and Maximus, presbyters, and Nicostratus, deacon, were arrested, and in pri[son … ] (continues)

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Ἀκοινώνητον ἐποίησε. Musculus vertit excommunicavit. Christophorsonus vero fidelium societate et communione interdixit, quod idem est. Ego vero hanc interpretationem probare non possum. Neque enim Moyses presbyter jus habuit excommunicandi presbyteros collegas suos: sed quod unum potuit, se a communione illorum separavit! cum scilicet illi videndi ejus causa venirent in carcerem. Solent porro antiqui scriptores ita loqui de sacerdotibus qui ab aliorum communicatione abstinent, quasi ipsi eos a communione sua separent. Paulinus presbyter in Vita B. Ambrosii: « Ipsum vero Maximum a communionis consortio segregavit, admonens ut effusi sanguinis Domini sui ageret poenitentiam. » Qui Paulini locus ita intelligendus est ut dixi. Neque enim Ambrosius Maximum Imperatorem a communione totius Ecclesiae sejunxit, cum nullum jus in eum haberet: sed tantum a Maximi et episcoporum ejus communione abstinuit, ut ipse testatur in relatione sua ad Valentinianum. Vide quae supra notavi de privata communione et excommunicatione. Caeterum quod hic scribit Cornelius Novatiano Moysis praejudicio condemnato, id a Moyse paulo ante obitum mihi factum videtur. Nam initio quidem Moyses confessor cum Novatiano communicabat. Et cum clerus Romanus epistolam illam ad Cyprianum scripserit quae inter Cypriani epistolas prima ac tricesima numeratur, adhuc Moyses pacem cum Novatiano servabat. Ambo enim illi epistolae subscripserunt. Quin etiam Novatianus ipse epistolam eam composuerat, sicut testatur Cyprianus in epistola ad Antonianum. Ex qua ingenium et eloquentiam Novatiani obiter licet cognoscere. Est enim epi- [… the right-hand image begins mid-note; first line cut through: "…junxerat: sed confessores nonnisi Moyse mortuo"] ad Novatiani partes transierunt. Tanta vis atque auctoritas in Moyse erat. Idque certe innuit Cyprianus in epist. 51, his verbis. « Posteaquam vos de carcere prodeuntes schismaticus et haereticus error excepit, sic res erat quasi gloria vestra in carcere remansisset. » Atqui constat confessores, nonnisi mortuo Moyse, ex carcere dimissos fuisse. Cur enim ipsi potius dimissi fuissent quam Moyses? Post mortem igitur Moysis Novatianum secuti sunt. Quare non assentior Baronio, qui ad annum Christi 254, numero 66, ait confessores adhuc in carcere positos, Novatiano adversus Cornelium favisse. Sed neque illud libens Baronio concesserim quod ibidem scribit Moysen scilicet presbyterum Cornelio favisse adversus Novatianum. Mihi enim videtur Moyses paulo ante ordinationem Cornelii e vivis abiisse. Quippe Cornelius anno Christi 251, Decio Augusto 3 et Decio Caesare Coss. mense Aprili juxta Baronii sententiam, factus est episcopus: Moyses vero mense Februario ejusdem anni e vita discesserat, cum anni spatio in carcere permansisset, ut supra observavi. Porro ex quinque illis presbyteris qui cum Novatiano ab Ecclesia se segregaverant, unus fuisse videtur Maximus presbyter, Maximo illi confessoris cognominis; quem Novatianus ligatum postea misit in Africam. VALES. — Qui sint illi quinque presbyteri Romani, qui cum Novatiano sese ab Ecclesia segregarunt, sibi incompertum Valesius fatetur. Maximum tamen presbyterum, Maximo confessori cognominem, quem Novatianus legatum posteat misit in Africam, quique Carthagine episcopus ordinatus est, unum ex illis fuisse opinatur. Tillemonius Hist. Eccl. tom. III pag. 442, huic adjici posse putat Hippolytum, qui, Prudentio teste, Novatiano primum addictus, ac postmodum schisma ejus detestatus, labem illam celebri martyrio abstersit. Hic cavendum, ne quinque presbyteri, quos Moyses martyr a communione sua segregavit, cum iis confundantur quinque presbyteris factionis Novati, de quibus Cyprianus tum infra Epist. 12 ad Cornelium, tum Epist. 40 ad plebem suam plura edisserit. Hi quippe Afri, illi Romani, hi Felicissimo, illi Novatiano addicti: pacem hi concedebant lapsis nulla exacta poenitentia, illi etiam poenitentibus negabant. COUST. — Vix illud intelligerem, qua ratione dici posset a Valesio Moyses presbyter Cornelio haud favisse adversus (continues)

"He made him excommunicate." Musculus translates "excommunicated"; Christopherson "barred from the fellowship and communion of the faithful," which is the same. But I cannot approve this interpretation. For Moses, a presbyter, had no right to excommunicate presbyters who were his colleagues; but he did the one thing he could: he separated himself from their communion, namely when they came to the prison to see him. Ancient writers commonly speak thus of priests who abstain from communicating with others, as though they separated them from their own communion. Paulinus the presbyter, in the Life of blessed Ambrose: "He separated Maximus himself from the fellowship of communion, warning him to do penance for the blood of his Lord he had shed." This passage of Paulinus must be understood as I said. For Ambrose did not cut off the Emperor Maximus from the communion of the whole Church, since he had no right over him; he only abstained from the communion of Maximus and his bishops, as he himself testifies in his report to Valentinian. See what I noted above on private communion and excommunication. As for what Cornelius writes here, that Novatian was condemned by Moses's prior judgement, I think Moses did this a little before his death. For at first Moses the confessor communicated with Novatian. And when the Roman clergy wrote to Cyprian the letter numbered thirty-first among Cyprian's letters, Moses was still keeping peace with Novatian, for both signed that letter. Indeed Novatian himself had composed that letter, as Cyprian testifies in the epistle to Antonianus. From it one may incidentally recognize Novatian's talent and eloquence. For it is a let[ter … ] [… had] joined; but the confessors went over to Novatian's party only after Moses died. So great was Moses's force and authority. And Cyprian certainly hints at this in epist. 51, in these words: "After the schismatic and heretical error took you up as you came out of prison, it was as though your glory had stayed behind in the prison." Yet it is established that the confessors were released from prison only after Moses died. For why would they have been released rather than Moses? So it was after Moses's death that they followed Novatian. Therefore I do not agree with Baronius, who at the year of Christ 254, no. 66, says that the confessors, still in prison, favoured Novatian against Cornelius. Nor would I gladly grant Baronius what he writes in the same place, that Moses the presbyter favoured Cornelius against Novatian. For it seems to me that Moses departed this life a little before Cornelius's ordination. Cornelius was made bishop in the year of Christ 251, in the consulship of Decius Augustus (for the third time) and Decius Caesar, in April according to Baronius's opinion; whereas Moses had left this life in February of the same year, having stayed a year in prison, as I observed above. Further, of the five presbyters who separated themselves from the Church with Novatian, one seems to have been Maximus the presbyter, namesake of Maximus the confessor, whom Novatian afterwards sent in bonds into Africa. VALES. — Valesius confesses that he does not know who those five Roman presbyters were who separated themselves from the Church with Novatian. But he thinks that Maximus the presbyter, namesake of Maximus the confessor, whom Novatian afterwards sent as his envoy into Africa and who was ordained bishop at Carthage, was one of them. Tillemont, Church History, vol. III, p. 442, thinks Hippolytus may be added to him, who, as Prudentius testifies, was at first attached to Novatian and afterwards, detesting his schism, washed away that stain by a celebrated martyrdom. Here one must take care that the five presbyters whom Moses the martyr separated from his communion are not confused with the five presbyters of the faction of Novatus, of whom Cyprian speaks at length both below in Epist. 12 to Cornelius and in Epist. 40 to his people. For these were Africans, those Romans; these devoted to Felicissimus, those to Novatian; these granted peace to the lapsed without exacting any penance, those denied it even to the penitent. COUST. — I could scarcely understand on what ground Valesius could say that Moses the presbyter did not favour Cornelius against (continues)

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Ἐπὶ Ῥώμης. Ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥώμης, ut paulo infra et τὸν κατάλογον ms. Norfolc. ROUTH.

"At Rome." The Norfolk manuscript has Ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥώμης, as a little below it also has τὸν κατάλογον. ROUTH.

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Μνημονεύει. Ista Eusebii verba nonnulli conferentes cum iis, quibus Hieronymus de Script. Eccl. c. 66. Cornelium ad Fabium scripsisse tradit de synodo Romana, Italica et Africana, sanctum illum doctorem ibi ad hanc Cornelii epistolam respicere arbitrantur. Sed alias potius commemorare videtur ejusdem papae ad eumdem Fabium litteras, in quibus teste Eusebio pag. 242 « et Romanae synodi gesta, et omnium per Italiam et Africam aliasque locorum illorum provincias sententiae declarantur. » Quorsum vero Cornelius ad Fabium scribens, sive episcoporum qui Romano concilio adfuerant, sive eorum qui ejusdem synodi decreta per litteras comprobaverant, nomina et Ecclesias tam accurate annotarit, e subjecta Cypriani epistola XII, n. 8, colligere licet, ubi cum idem praesul ad Cornelium proxime misisse se dixisset nomina episcoporum, qui sani et integri in Ecclesia catholica fratribus praesunt, statim adjungit: « Quod utique de omnium nostrorum, consilio placuit, ut erroris diluendi ac perspiciendae veritatis compendium fieret, et scires tu et collegae nostri, quibus scribere et litteras mutuo a quibus vos accipere oporteret: » monetque caeteros, quos in epistola sua tacuit, vel sacrificio aut libello maculatos esse aut haeresi perversos. Idem igitur praestitit et Cornelius, ut communione qui episcopi essent digni, qui indigni, non lateret. Exinde, eademque de causa, Romanos pontifices operam dedisse conjectat Tillemontius, ut si qui episcoporum collegio recens sociati essent, caeteri ubique terrarum praesules ea de re certiores fierent. Certe lecturi sumus Cyprianum a Stephano papa petiisse, ut quem substitueret in Marciani Arelatensis episcopi locum, sibi quam primum significaret. COUST. — Ad Marciani hujus substitutionem quod spectat, monuit Stephanum Cyprianus, ut adversus Marcianum Novatianistam, quocum communicare jam ante recusaverant Afri, litteras ad Arelatenses mitteret, « quibus abstento Marciano alius in locum [ej]us substitueretur, » hoc est, exponente Fello, ibique hortaretur Arelatenses, ut ad episcopi [el]ectionem procederent. » Ep. LXVIII, al. LXVII; [a]l. quod idem est, docente olim Richerio appen- [… the right-hand image begins mid-note; first line cut through] contra Pearsonium de eadem dubitantem Basnagius ad ann. 252, sect. VI, p. 366, Annalium; an vero feliciter, judicent alii. Et nonnullos inveni viros doctos, postquam haec exaraveram, cum Pearsonio adhuc sentientes. Hic denique cum veritatis tum S. Cornelii causa verba Cypriani apponam, qui una cum caeteris episcopis Africanis hoc olim statuorat, omnia integra reservanda esse, donec legati sui, alii item episcopi pace restituta aut veritate comperta Roma redirent; haec enim ad Cornelium postea scribit: « Quod divinitus evenisse et consilium nostrum providenter processisse gaudemus. Sic enim nunc episcopatus tui et veritas pariter et dignitas apertissima luce et manifestissima et firmissima comprobatione fundata est, ut ex rescriptis collegarum nostrorum, qui ad nos litteras inde fecerunt, et ex relatione ac testimoniis coepiscoporum Pompoii et Stephani et Caldonii ac Fortunati ordinationis tuae et origo necessaria et ratio justa et gloriosa quoque innocentia ab omnibus nosceretur. » Ep. XLV, seu XLVIII. Vid. et Ep. ad Antonianum, p. 68. His insuper, quid de Novatiano atque causa ejus senserit magnus Dionysius Alex. ostenditur fragmento epistolae ejus ad cognominem Romanum episcopum apud Euseb., l. VII, cap. 8: Νοουατιανῷ μὲν γὰρ εὐλόγως ἀπεχθανόμεθα, inquit ille, διακόψαντι τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν καί τινας τῶν ἀδελφῶν εἰς ἀσεβείας καὶ βλασφημίας ἑλκύσαντι, καὶ περὶ τοῦ Θεοῦ διδασκαλίαν ἀνοσιωτάτην ἐπεισκυκλήσαντι· καὶ τὸν χρηστότατον Κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν ὡς ἀνελεῆ συκοφαντοῦντι. Ita quoque allocutus est ipsum Novatianum idem vir sanctus: Διονύσιος Νοουάτῳ (Ναυατιανῷ aliter legitur) τῷ ἀδελφῷ χαίρειν. Εἰ ἄκων, ὡς φῄς, ἤχθης, δείξεις ἐὰν ἀταχωρήσῃς ἑκών· ἔδει μὲν γὰρ καὶ πᾶν ὁτιοῦν παθεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ διακόψαι τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν τοῦ Θεοῦ· — καὶ νῦν δὲ εἰ πείσαιο ἢ βιάσαιο τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς εἰς ὁμόνοιαν ἐλθεῖν, μεῖζον ἔσται σοι τοῦ σφάλματος τὸ κατόρθωμα. Euseb. VI, 45. De Novatiano autem Cornelium criminante Pearsonius loco supra commemorato, sed ad § VII, haec scribit, « Interim Novatianus contra ordinationem Cornelii aperte disputavit, eamque ut illegitimam publice traduxit et abrogare conatus est. Quod ut perficeret, multa Cornelio ipsi nefanda objecit, librumque acerbitatibus criminosis plenum evulgavit, praecipue illi (continues)

"He mentions." Some, comparing these words of Eusebius with those in which Jerome, On Ecclesiastical Writers ch. 66, reports that Cornelius wrote to Fabius about the Roman, Italian and African synod, think that holy doctor is there referring to this letter of Cornelius. But he seems rather to be recalling another letter of the same pope to the same Fabius, in which, as Eusebius testifies, p. 242, "both the acts of the Roman synod and the opinions of all throughout Italy and Africa and the other provinces of those parts are set out." Why Cornelius, writing to Fabius, so carefully recorded the names and churches of the bishops who had attended the Roman council, or of those who had approved its decrees by letter, may be gathered from Cyprian's epistle XII, no. 8, given below, where the same prelate, having said he had just sent Cornelius the names of the bishops who preside over the brethren sound and whole in the catholic Church, at once adds: "This was certainly decided on the advice of all of us, so that there might be a short way to wash out error and discern the truth, and that you and our colleagues might know to whom you ought to write and from whom you ought in turn to receive letters"; and he warns that the others, whom he passed over in silence in his letter, were either stained by sacrifice or certificate or perverted by heresy. Cornelius therefore did the same, so that it should not be hidden which bishops were worthy of communion and which unworthy. Tillemont conjectures that from then on, and for the same reason, the Roman pontiffs took care that if any had recently been joined to the college of bishops, the other prelates throughout the world should be informed of it. Certainly we shall read that Cyprian asked Pope Stephen to let him know as soon as possible whom he had put in the place of Marcian, bishop of Arles. COUST. — As for the replacement of this Marcian, Cyprian advised Stephen to send letters to the people of Arles against Marcian the Novatianist, with whom the Africans had already refused to communicate, "by which, Marcian being excluded, another might be put in his place," that is, as Fell explains, "and there to urge the people of Arles to proceed to the election of a bishop." Ep. 68, otherwise 67; otherwise, which is the same, as Richer once taught in an appen[dix … ] against Pearson, who was doubtful on the same point, Basnage, at the year 252, sect. VI, p. 366 of the Annals; whether successfully, let others judge. And after I had written this I found some learned men still agreeing with Pearson.

Finally, for the sake both of the truth and of St Cornelius, I will add here the words of Cyprian, who together with the other African bishops had once decided (statuorat, as printed) that everything should be kept unsettled until his envoys, and likewise other bishops, returned from Rome with peace restored or the truth ascertained; for afterwards he writes this to Cornelius: "We rejoice that this happened by God's will and that our plan went forward providentially. For now both the truth and the dignity of your episcopate have been established in the clearest light and by the most manifest and firm proof, so that from the replies of our colleagues who wrote to us from there, and from the report and testimony of our fellow bishops Pompeius (Pompoii, as printed) and Stephen and Caldonius and Fortunatus, the necessary origin and just ground of your ordination, and your glorious innocence as well, might be known to all." Ep. 45, or 48. See also the Epistle to Antonianus, p. 68. Besides this, what the great Dionysius of Alexandria thought of Novatian and his cause is shown by a fragment of his letter to the Roman bishop of the same name, in Eusebius, book VII, ch. 8: "For we rightly feel aversion to Novatian," he says, "who split the Church and drew some of the brethren into impieties and blasphemies, and brought in a most unholy teaching about God, and slanders our most kind Lord Jesus Christ as without mercy." The same holy man also addressed Novatian himself thus: "Dionysius to his brother Novatus (elsewhere read Novatian), greeting. If you were led on against your will, as you say, you will show it if you withdraw (printed ἀταχωρήσῃς) of your own will. For one ought to suffer anything whatever rather than split the Church of God ... and even now, if you persuade or compel the brethren to come to concord, your recovery will be greater than your fall." Euseb. VI, 45. On Novatian's accusations against Cornelius, Pearson, in the place mentioned above but at § VII, writes this: "Meanwhile Novatian openly argued against Cornelius's ordination, publicly denounced it as illegitimate, and tried to annul it. To achieve this he threw many abominable charges at Cornelius himself, and published a book full of slanderous bitterness, chiefly [… to] him (continues) (printed under page 444)