PL 3 · cols. 820–855
S. Cornelius papa et martyr, Epistolae, et quae ad eum scriptae sunt
Letters XI–XII
Migne Reading Room
PL 3 · cols. 820–855
Letters XI–XII
NOTE ON THE IMAGES: each foot crop starts below the top of the notes. There is a gap at the top of col 821 (between the end of page 461 and the first legible line) and another at the top of col 822 (inside note 78).
(continued) ‹note 77, from page 461; a gap of unknown length precedes the first legible line›
[…]tum adfuerunt, iique pluribus infamiæ notis inusti. Sic ordinatus Fortunatus Romam misit Felicissimum cum litteris ad Cornelium, qui primo quidem rejecit Felicissimum, ut par erat : sed postea illius mendaciis et minis, ac ipsius etiam Cypriani, cujus litteræ nondum perlatæ fuerant, silentio commotus duas ad episcopum Carthaginiensem litteras scripsit, quarum in prima pulsum a se fuisse nuntiabat Felissimum ; in altera autem ipse commotum se esse et exterritum significabat. His rebus adductus fuit Cyprianus ut Cornelio scriberet hanc epistolam LV, in qua demonstrat episcopum nullius prorsus periculi metu terreri debere : innocentiam suam adversus schismaticorum calumnias strenue defendit eorumque mores et nefariam conjurationem egregie describit, ac tandem probat eos ad Ecclesiam principalem, unde sacerdotalis unitas exorta est navigare non debuisse, cum statutum sit. et æquum sit pariter et justum, ut causa illic audiatur, ubi est crimen admissum. Non dubium est quin Cornelius his litteris acceptis æqua de Cypriano senserit, nec jam aures præbuerit improbis schismaticis. BALUZ.
[…] were present, and they branded with many marks of infamy. Fortunatus, so ordained, sent Felicissimus to Rome with a letter to Cornelius, who at first rejected Felicissimus, as was right; but afterwards, moved by his lies and threats, and by the silence of Cyprian himself, whose letter had not yet arrived, he wrote two letters to the bishop of Carthage, in the first of which he reported that he had driven Felicissimus ("Felissimum", as printed) away, while in the second he indicated that he himself was shaken and alarmed. Cyprian was led by these things to write to Cornelius this Letter 55, in which he shows that a bishop ought not to be frightened by fear of any danger whatever; he vigorously defends his own innocence against the schismatics' slanders and admirably describes their conduct and their wicked conspiracy, and at last proves that they ought not to have sailed to the principal Church, whence priestly unity arose, since it has been decreed, and is both fair and just, that a case be heard where the crime was committed. There is no doubt that Cornelius, on receiving this letter, thought fairly of Cyprian and no longer lent his ears to the wicked schismatics. Baluze.
(printed under page 462)
(78) ‹anchor: Legi litteras tuas … Acolythum› · call above the cropped foot (col 821 or 822)
Legi litteras tuas frater charissime, quas per Saturum fratrem nostrum Acolythum. Saturi in lectorem ordinati fit supra mentio Epistola XXIV, quare non placet hoc loco Manut. lectio : Saturnum acolythum vero postea ordinatum ; hinc perspicuum fit, atque adeo prius etiam exorcistam. Nam proximum Hypodiaconatui gradum fuisse acolythi, patet ex synodo Rom. Sylvestri, can. 7, ubi episcopo obsequi jubetur presbyter, diaconus presbytero, diacono hypodiaconus, huic vero acolythus, acolytho exorcista, cui lector. Quale quid habet Nicolaus I ad Michaelem Imperat. Et utroque vetustior Cornelius Epistola sæpe citata ad Fabium Antioch. Nesciebat, inquit de Novatiano loquens, in Ecclesia unum episcopum esse debere, ubi videbat esse presbyteros 46, diaconos 7, subdiaconos 7, acolythos 42, exorcistas cum lectoribus, et ostiariis 52. Similia etiam Caius Papa ejus nomine primus, ubi gradus enumerat quibus ad episcopatum conscenditur. Psalmistæ sive Cantoris meminerant Ignatius ad Antioch. et can. Apostol. 42. Omnium autem horum officia describuntur a Synodo IV Carthag. cui D. Augustin. interfuit. Hæc paulo prolixius, propter eos qui VII […] (gap at the top of col 822) […] priori modo legunt : Idque ἀπὸ τοῦ κωλύειν, quod est prohibere, ut dicatur non prohibitus sed solutus et liber, et cui jam initiatio sacris se miscere liceat, utpote qui hypodiacono urceolum vacuum administret ad vinum suppeditandum. Alii qui acoluthum legunt, interpretantur ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀκολουθεῖν, id est a sequendo, ut sit quasi pedissequus et minister superiorum ordinum PAMEL.
"I have read your letter, dearest brother, which [you sent] by our brother Saturus the acolyte." Saturus's ordination as lector is mentioned above, Letter 24; so Manutius's reading here, "Saturnus", does not please. That he was afterwards ordained acolyte becomes clear from this, and so too that he was earlier an exorcist. For that the acolyte's was the grade next to the subdiaconate is plain from the Roman synod of Sylvester, canon 7, where the priest is bidden to obey the bishop, the deacon the priest, the subdeacon the deacon, the acolyte the subdeacon, the exorcist the acolyte, and the lector the exorcist. Nicholas I has something similar to the Emperor Michael; and older than both, Cornelius in the often-cited letter to Fabius of Antioch: "He did not know," he says, speaking of Novatian, "that there must be one bishop in the Church, where he saw that there were 46 priests, 7 deacons, 7 subdeacons, 42 acolytes, and 52 exorcists with lectors and doorkeepers." Similar things in Pope Caius, the first of that name, where he lists the grades by which one ascends to the episcopate. Ignatius to the Antiochenes and Apostolic Canon 42 mention the psalmist or cantor. The duties of all of these are described by the Fourth Synod of Carthage, at which St Augustine was present. I have said this at some length on account of those who [count] seven […] (gap) […] read it in the former way: and that from κωλύειν, which is "to prevent", so that one is called "not prevented" but loosed and free, one for whom on initiation it is now lawful to take part in the sacred rites, since he serves the subdeacon with the empty cruet for supplying the wine. Others, who read "acoluthus", derive it from ἀκολουθεῖν, that is, from "following", so that he is as it were the attendant and servant of the higher orders. Pamelius.
(78, continued: second lemma) ‹anchor: Saturum› · no separate call numeral printed Saturum, antea lectorem constitutum a sancto Cypriano. Vide epist. XXIV, XXIX. XXXII. BALUZ.
"Saturus," earlier appointed lector by Saint Cyprian. See Letters 24, 29, 32. Baluze.
(78, continued: third lemma) ‹anchor: Acolythum› · no separate call numeral printed Acolythum. Secutus sum vulgarem scribendi modum, quamvis sciam scriptum esse in omnibus antiquis exemplaribus et editionibus acolytum sine aspiratione, uti etiam scribunt viri doctissimi Jacobus Goar, Dominicus Macrus, et Cangius. Nondum autem convenit inter interpretes unde derivatum sit hoc vocabulum, ut istic etiam annotavit Pamelius. Vir doctissimus Joannes Morinus in opere de sacris ordinationibus ait acolythorum mentionem nuspiam fieri nisi post annum a Christo nato 250. BALUZ.
"Acolyte." I have followed the common way of writing it, though I know that in all the old copies and editions "acolytum" is written without the aspirate, as the very learned Jacques Goar, Domenico Macri and Du Cange also write it. The interpreters are not yet agreed on where the word is derived from, as Pamelius also noted there. The very learned Jean Morin, in his work on sacred ordinations, says that acolytes are nowhere mentioned before the year 250 after Christ's birth. Baluze.
(printed under page 462)
(79) ‹anchor: Felicissimum› · call above the cropped foot (col 821 or 822)
Felicissimum. Adversarium sancti Cypriani, uti pluribus ostendit Cyprianus in hac ipsa epistola. BALUZ.
"Felicissimus." The adversary of Saint Cyprian, as Cyprian shows at length in this very letter. Baluze.
(printed under page 462)
(80) ‹anchor: Abstentum› · call above the cropped foot (col 821 or 822)
Abstentum. Hæc est vera lectio ; quam inveni in codicibus antiquis. Recentior Remigianus et Beccensis habent ostentum. Octo alii veteres et veteres editiones ostensum. Quanquam autem non dubitem quin hæ lectionessint falsissimæ, eas tamen annotavi ut hinc colligi facile possit quonam modo introductæ sint falsæ lectiones in libros veterum scriptorum per inscitiam et audaciam librariorum. Utar autem hac occasione ut referam versum ex instructione 59 Commodiani, non cujusmodi editus est a Rigaltio, qui illum male emendavit, sed eo modo quo legitur in veteri codice monasterii sancti Albini Andegavensis, ex quo Sirmondus descripsit. Nam Rigaltius edidit ex apographo Sirmondi, et non vidit vetus exemplar. Sic ergo habet versus ille : Induite vestes quas oportet frigus ut ostent, optimo sensu. Ostare frigus est auferre vel impedire frigus. Unde, inquit Cangius, Galli effecerunt oster. BALUZ.
"Excommunicated (abstentum)." This is the true reading, which I found in old manuscripts. The more recent Saint-Remi manuscript and the Bec manuscript have "ostentum". Eight other old ones and the old editions have "ostensum". Though I do not doubt that these readings are utterly false, I have noted them so that one may easily gather from them how false readings came into the books of the old writers through the ignorance and boldness of copyists. I shall use this occasion to cite a verse from Commodian's Instruction 59, not as Rigault published it, who emended it badly, but as it is read in the old manuscript of the monastery of Saint-Aubin at Angers, from which Sirmond copied it; for Rigault published from Sirmond's transcript and did not see the old copy. The verse, then, runs: "Put on the clothes that ought to keep the cold away (ostent)", with an excellent sense. "Ostare frigus" is to take away or keep off the cold; whence, says Du Cange, the French made "ôter". Baluze.
(printed under page 462)
Variæ lectiones
Variant readings
(22–33) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width (joined from the two crops); calls 22–26 stand in col 823 (after "a te", "illic esse", "quo", "Ecclesia", "publice"); calls 31–33 visible in col 824 (after "prædictum", "tradi", "nobis"); the others stand in col 824 above the cropped foot› 22 Te in duobus mss. Colb. et Anglic. Pem. Bod. 3. te in aliis nonnullis hic additur : quod supervacaneum. 23 A te, et Bod. 1, 2. Lam. Ebor. N. C. 1. Rejectum et a se illic esse. 24 Pleno quod Bod. 1. 25 Ab ecclesia prohibitum Ver. 26 Ut publice Bod. 3. 27 Quia minantur, nec inde Lin. N. C. 2. Aut inde Lam. N. C. 1. Ebor. Colb. 1. 28 In isto sæculo Bod. 1. 29 Nostrum deest in Oxon. 30 Joseph puer venierit vendentibus fratribus : Edit. castigantur ex vetustioribus mss. 31 Legamus prædictum Lam. Lin. N. C. 2. 32 In vulgatis Permittat, quos disponit coronari. Neque enim. Istud. enim, sicut et antea quos disponit, in nullo nostrorum mss. exstat. Tradit permittit et coronari Benev. Ver. Ut et coronari Voss. 2. Bod. 1. 33 Neque nobis Lam. Ebor. N. C. 1. 2. Lin.
22 "Te": in two manuscripts, Colbert and English; Pem. [as printed], Bodleian 3. "te": in some others is added here, which is superfluous. 23 "A te, et": Bodleian 1, 2, Lambeth, York, New College 1; "Rejectum et a se illic esse". 24 "Pleno quod": Bodleian 1. 25 "Ab ecclesia prohibitum": Verona. 26 "Ut publice": Bodleian 3. 27 "Quia minantur, nec inde": Lincoln, New College 2; "Aut inde": Lambeth, New College 1, York, Colbert 1. 28 "In isto saeculo": Bodleian 1. 29 "Nostrum" is missing in the Oxford edition. 30 "Joseph puer venierit [as printed] vendentibus fratribus": the editions are corrected from the older manuscripts. 31 "Legamus praedictum": Lambeth, Lincoln, New College 2. 32 In the common editions "Permittat, quos disponit coronari. Neque enim." That "enim", like the earlier "quos disponit", is found in none of our manuscripts. "Tradit permittit et coronari": Benevento, Verona. "Ut et coronari": Vossius 2, Bodleian 1. 33 "Neque nobis": Lambeth, York, New College 1, 2, Lincoln.
Variorum notæ
Notes of various editors
(printed under page 463)
(81) ‹anchor: Episcopum› · call in col 823 (after "episcopos")
Episcopum. Ita veteres editiones et undecim vetera exemplaria. Neque dubito quin ea lectio melior sit quam ea quæ habet episcopos, tamen etsi ea quoque reperiatur in quibusdam vetustis exemplaribus. Nam paulo post dicit : Nec interest unde episcopo aut terror aut periculum veniat. BALUZ.
"The bishop." So the old editions and eleven old copies. Nor do I doubt that this reading is better than the one that has "the bishops", even though that too is found in some old copies. For a little later he says: "Nor does it matter from where terror or danger comes to a bishop." Baluze.
(printed under page 463)
(82) ‹anchor: Cum animadvertissem› · call in col 823 (after "animadvertissem")
Cum animadvertissem. Hæc omitti poterant absque ullo dispendio. Desunt autem in quibusdam codicibus antiquis. Retinuimus tamen, quia exstant in antiquis editionibus et in quibusdam codicibus manuscriptis. BALUZ.
"When I had noticed." These words could have been left out without any loss, and they are missing in some old manuscripts. We have kept them, however, because they are found in the old editions and in some manuscripts. Baluze.
(printed under page 463)
(83) ‹anchor: Litteras quas› · call in col 823 (after "quas")
Litteras quas. A schismaticis nimirum et profanis, ut dicet infra. Scriptæ quippe erant adversus Cyprianum. Et ideo Cornelius eas accipere renuebat. BALUZ.
"The letter which." From the schismatics and profane men, that is, as he will say below. For it had been written against Cyprian, and so Cornelius refused to receive it. Baluze.
(printed under page 463)
(84) ‹anchor: Esse detentum› · call above the cropped foot (col 824)
Esse detentum. Quamvis ita scriptum sit in veteribus libris et in editionibus, puto tamen errorem esse in hoc loco et legendum esse desertum. Nam certum est Christum non fuisse detentum a fratribus sine discipulis suis, sed a Judæis. Unde infra scriptum est Christum derelictum fuisse a discipulis suis. BALUZ.
"Was held." Though it is so written in the old books and in the editions, I think there is an error in this place and that "deserted" should be read. For it is certain that Christ was not held by his brothers without his disciples, but by the Jews; whence below it is written that Christ was forsaken by his disciples. Baluze.
(printed under page 463)
(85) ‹anchor: Frater occiderit› · call above the cropped foot (col 824)
Frater occiderit. Notanda est in hoc loco veterum librariorum audacia. Certum est hunc locum, uti jacet, sanum esse et nulla interpretatione indigere. Et tamen illi, qui sciebant Abelem a Caino occisum fuisse, istius nomen hic posuere in quibusdam codicibus. Nam Sorbonicus habet scriptum Abel justum Cain non nisi frater occiderit. Unus meus vetus : Abel justum non nisi Cain frater occiderit. Reliqui codices non habent hoc additamentum, neque veteres editiones. De hoc fratricidio vide quæ dicuntur infra ad librum de Bono patientiæ. BALUZ.
"His brother killed." The boldness of the old copyists is to be noted in this place. It is certain that the passage, as it stands, is sound and needs no explanation. Yet those who knew that Abel was killed by Cain put his name here in some manuscripts. The Sorbonne manuscript has written "none but his brother Cain killed Abel the just"; one old one of mine, "none but Cain his brother killed Abel the just". The other manuscripts do not have this addition, nor do the old editions. On this fratricide see what is said below on the book On the Good of Patience. Baluze.
(printed under page 463)
(86) ‹anchor: fratribus› · call in col 824
Joseph frater. Et hic quoque locus subjacuit audaciæ librariorum. In codice Thuano et in uno Bodleiano scriptum, est, Joseph venundatus sit a fratribus. In Sorbonico, Joseph venerit vendentibus fratribus in Ægyptum. In Michaelino, Joseph Ægyptum venerit persequentibus fratribus. In uno meo, Joseph pervenerit vendentibus fratribus in Ægyptum. BALUZ.
"Joseph, a brother." This passage too fell victim to the boldness of copyists. In the de Thou manuscript and in one Bodleian is written "Joseph was sold by his brothers"; in the Sorbonne manuscript, "Joseph came into Egypt, his brothers selling him"; in the Saint-Mihiel manuscript, "Joseph came to Egypt, his brothers persecuting him"; in one of mine, "Joseph arrived in Egypt, his brothers selling him". Baluze.
(printed under page 463)
(87) ‹anchor: et coronari› · call in col 824
Permittat quos. Variant in hoc loco quidam libri veteres. In uno meo legitur, permittat et coronare promiserit. In alio autem meo, in Beneventano, in Veronensi, et in uno Bodleiano et Vossiano laudatis in editione Anglicana, et in aliis septem, permittit et coronari. In Burgundico, permittit qui novit et coronare. In Metensi sancti Arnuphi, cum Deus tradi permittit et coronat. BALUZ.
"Allows those whom." Some old books vary in this place. In one of mine is read "allows and has promised to crown"; in another of mine, in the Benevento and Verona manuscripts, in a Bodleian and a Vossius manuscript cited in the English edition, and in seven others, "allows [them] to be handed over and crowned". In the Burgundian manuscript, "allows, who knows how also to crown". In the manuscript of Saint-Arnoul at Metz, "when God allows [them] to be handed over and crowns [them]". Baluze.
(printed under page 463)
NOTE ON THE IMAGES: on this page the left crop cuts off the LEFT edge of col 825 (the first letters of each line); the right crop cuts the left edge of col 826, which the left crop supplies. Letters lost are supplied in [square brackets] where certain; "[…]" marks what cannot be supplied. Variæ lectiones
Variant readings
(34–49) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width (joined from the two crops); calls 39–42 visible in col 825 (after "vermes", "peribit", "exprobrat", "aquilonem"), 47–49 in col 826 (after "gehennam", "ultoris", "audit"); the others stand above the cropped foot› [34 F]ecit Judas Ver. Lam. Ebor. N C. 1. 35 In vetere ms. Colb. desideratur Scriptura divina. 36 Contumax […]iribus suis Bod. 1. Lin. N C. 1. 37 Tanquam inferi Lam. Lin. Ebor. N C. 1. 38 In eodem ms. exstat […]s : in altero ut in Corb et pluribus Anglic. inferi. 39 Ut vermes hodie Bod. 3. 40 Cogitatio ejus […]t Oxon. 41 Quem exprobrat Bod. 3. 42 Montes aquilonis Lam. Ebor. N C. 1. Bod. 2. 43 Os loqui[…]n. 44 Thesauro cordis Lin. 45 Ardoribus aduritur Lam. Ebor. N C. 1 Bod. 1. Adurebatur Bod. 1. [46 …] possidebunt NC. 2, lin. 47 Reus gehennæ Voss. 2. Bod. 3, 48 Dominicæ ultionis Bod. 3. […] Lam. Lin. Bod. 2. Audit et eum qui me misit Rig.
[34] "Fecit Judas": Verona, Lambeth, York, New College 1. 35 In the old Colbert manuscript "Scriptura divina" is missing. 36 "Contumax […]iribus suis": Bodleian 1, Lincoln, New College 1. 37 "Tanquam inferi": Lambeth, Lincoln, York, New College 1. 38 In the same manuscript stands "[…]s"; in the other, as in the Corbie and most English manuscripts, "inferi". 39 "Ut vermes hodie": Bodleian 3. 40 "Cogitatio ejus […]": Oxford edition. 41 "Quem exprobrat": Bodleian 3. 42 "Montes aquilonis": Lambeth, York, New College 1, Bodleian 2. 43 "Os loqui[…]". 44 "Thesauro cordis": Lincoln. 45 "Ardoribus aduritur": Lambeth, York, New College 1, Bodleian 1; "Adurebatur": Bodleian 1. [46] "[…] possidebunt": New College 2, Lincoln. 47 "Reus gehennae": Vossius 2, Bodleian 3. 48 "Dominicae ultionis": Bodleian 3. [49] […] Lambeth, Lincoln, Bodleian 2; "Audit et eum qui me misit": Rigault.
Variorum notæ
Notes of various editors
([88]) ‹anchor: Absenti minari; numeral cut at the left edge› · call above the cropped foot (col 825 or 826) […] Absenti minari. Cypriano nimirum. Felicissi[mus e]t alii qui cum eo Romam profecti erant mul[ta im]pia et probrosa adversus eum protulerant apud [Corne]lium, minas etiam intentantes. Mirari se scri[bit C]yprianus quod illi, qui cum essent Carthagine, [e]um habebant præsentem, Romam adversus [eum n]avigaverint et ad Petri sedem atque eccle[siam] principalem, uti postea dicet, a schismaticis [et pro]fanis litteras tulissent. Sic Rufinus in libro [Apolo]giarum suarum adversus Hieronymum ait, […]set absentem lacerare quem potuit gravius con[…] præsentem. BAL.
"To threaten one absent." Cyprian, that is. Felicissimus and the others who had set out with him for Rome had brought forward many impious and shameful things against him before Cornelius, uttering threats as well. Cyprian writes that he is amazed that those who had him present when they were at Carthage should have sailed to Rome against him and carried letters from schismatics and profane men to the see of Peter and the principal church, as he will say later. So Rufinus, in the books of his Apologies against Jerome, says that he [would not have wished] to tear to pieces in his absence one whom he could more weightily [refute] when present. Baluze.
(printed under page 464)
(89) ‹anchor: in vermes› · call in col 825
[…] In stercora erit et in vermes. Corb. ms. a [secun]da manu, ut stercora, ut vermes. Infra ex om[ni]bus nostris mss. restituimus peribit, quod et lib. III Testimon. c. 5, ubi idem locus a Cypriano citatur, in plerisque mss. haberi Oxonienses notant, quamvis cum aliis editis periit utrobique retineant. COUST.
"He will be dung and worms." The Corbie manuscript, in a second hand: "like dung, like worms". Below, from all our manuscripts, we have restored "peribit" (will perish), which the Oxford editors note is also found in most manuscripts at Testimonies III, ch. 5, where Cyprian cites the same passage, though with the other editions they keep "periit" (perished) in both places. Coustant.
(printed under page 464)
(90) ‹anchor: peribit / conversus est in terram› · call in col 825
Conversus est in terram. Codex Gratianopolitanus, Conversus est in ærumnam et terram. BALUZ.
"He has returned to the earth." The Grenoble manuscript: "he has returned to misery and earth". Baluze.
(printed under page 464)
(91) ‹anchor: me audit› · call in col 826
Me audit. In edit. Oxon. hic additur qui me audit, et mox post verba me rejicit, cum aliis subjicitur, qui me rejicit, rejicit. Magis sibi cohærere visa est lectio, quam ex vetere ms. Colb. cui et Corb. favet, exprimimus. COUSTANT. — Angli sic hunc locum posuerunt in sua editione : (continues)
"Hears me." In the Oxford edition "who hears me" is added here, and just after the words "rejects me" there is added, with other [editions], "who rejects me, rejects". The reading we print from the old Colbert manuscript, which the Corbie also supports, seemed more coherent. Coustant. — The English editors set this passage in their edition thus: (continues)
(printed under page 464)
NOTE ON THE IMAGES: both crops begin inside the notes, so the top of each column's notes is not visible (gaps marked). The right edge of col 828 is blotted by scan damage; the lost line-end letters are supplied in [square brackets] where the word is certain.
(continued) ‹note 91, from page 464; a gap precedes the first legible line›
[…] illis addita, qui me audit, quæ neque in Evangelio leguntur, neque in veteribus Cypriani codicibus et editionibus. Sane in editione Erasmi et in codice Sorbonico scriptum est : Qui audit, inquit, vos, me audit ; et qui vos audit, audit et eum qui me misit. Verum hæc valde diversa sunt ab editione Anglcana. In libro Turonensi et in uno meo scriptum est : Qui audit vos, inquit, audit me auditus, et qui me audit eum qui me misit. Vide epistolam LXIX ad Florentium, ubi ista repetuntur. BALUZ.
[…] with "who hears me" added to them, words that are read neither in the Gospel nor in the old manuscripts and editions of Cyprian. In Erasmus's edition and in the Sorbonne manuscript is written: "He who hears you, he says, hears me; and he who hears you hears also him who sent me." But these differ greatly from the English ("Anglcana", as printed) edition. In the Tours book and in one of mine is written: "He who hears you, he says, hears me heard [as printed], and he who [hears] me, him who sent me." See Letter 69, to Florentius, where these words are repeated. Baluze.
(printed under page 465)
(92) ‹anchor: Qui rejicit vos› · call above the cropped foot (col 827 or 828)
Qui rejicit vos. Ita etiam in eadem epistola ad Florentium. In editione vulgata legitur : Qui vos spernit me spernit. Erasmus in caput duodecimum Evangelii secundum Lucam admonet Hieronymum alicubi vertisse : Qui vos reprobat me reprobat. Et mox declamat intemperanter adversus episcopos tyrannidem exercentes et ventris negotium prosequentes. Addit autem : Scio tamen etiam malis obtemperandum, ne dissidium excitetur, modo ne cogunt ad impietatem. BALUZ.
"He who rejects you." So also in the same letter to Florentius. In the Vulgate edition is read: "He who despises you despises me." Erasmus, on the twelfth chapter of the Gospel according to Luke, notes that Jerome somewhere translated: "He who reproves you reproves me." And soon he declaims intemperately against bishops who exercise tyranny and pursue the business of the belly. He adds, however: "Yet I know that even bad ones must be obeyed, lest dissension be stirred up, provided they do not compel [one] to impiety." Baluze.
(printed under page 465)
(93) ‹anchor: Insilis› · call above the cropped foot (col 827 or 828)
Insilis. Sic etiam scriptum est epistola 65, ad Rogatianum. Sed in hac quam nunc illustramus scriptum fuisse incilas in veteri codice annotavit in margine editionis Pamelianæ Nicolaus Faber. Nonius Marcellus : Incilare est increpare vel improbare. Allegat autem Nonius, ut id probet, auctoritates ex Accio, Pacuvio, et Lucilio. Poterat autem addere testimonia ex Lucretio et Plauto. Lectionem a Fabro notatam confirmare videtur Erasmi editio, in qua scriptum est insimulas pro insilis. Vide eumdem Erasmum in hunc locum Actorum. BALUZ.
"You leap upon." So it is written also in Letter 65, to Rogatianus. But in the letter we are now illustrating, Nicolas Le Fèvre noted in the margin of Pamelius's edition that "incilas" (you rebuke) was written in an old manuscript. Nonius Marcellus: "Incilare is to rebuke or reprove." To prove it Nonius cites authorities from Accius, Pacuvius and Lucilius; he could also have added testimonies from Lucretius and Plautus. The reading noted by Le Fèvre seems confirmed by Erasmus's edition, in which "insimulas" (you accuse) is written for "insilis". See the same Erasmus on this passage of Acts. Baluze.
(printed under page 465)
(94) ‹anchor: Principem populi› · call above the cropped foot (col 827 or 828)
Principem populi. Ita veteres editiones et plerique libri veteres. Erasmus scripsit plebis tuæ ; eamque lectionem retinuerunt Manutius et Morellius. Pamelius mutavit. Vide epistolam LXV, et concilium Toletanum V, canone 5. BALUZ.
"The ruler of the people." So the old editions and most old books. Erasmus wrote "of your people (plebis)"; Manutius and Morel kept that reading; Pamelius changed it. See Letter 65 and the Fifth Council of Toledo, canon 5. Baluze.
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(95) ‹anchor: Neque enim aliunde obortæ sunt hæreses› · call above the cropped foot (col 827 or 828)
Neque enim aliunde obortæ sunt hæreses, etc. Similes locos habes infra dictis Epistolis ad Rogatianum episcopum et Florent. Pupianum, libris item de Unitate Ecclesiæ, ac de Zelo et Livore. Et si autem aliis illis locis de se et episcopis omnibus loqui videatur, quod nempe omnes hæreses initium suum habuerint ex contemptu episcoporum, id est, ex ipso schismate : certe, tum hoc loco, tum præsertim initio libri de Unitate Ecclesiæ, de Romano episcopo solo loquitur. Qui vel unicus locus, ut ibi latius, […] (gap at the top of col 828) […] hoc loco, quæ arguunt de Romano loqui et summo pontifice, sunt imprimis testimonia præmissa ex Deuter. lib. I Reg. Evang. Joannis et Actis Apostolorum, quæ non nisi in summos pontifices Judæorum quadrare nemini dubium est, atque adeo aptius ad summum pontificem Romanum referuntur. Deinde, quod loquatur de judice qui vice Christi fungitur. Item, quod loquatur de uno sacerdote seu uno episcopo in Ecclesia ; quam appellationem tum ex epistola Cornelii supra XLVIII, tunc ex aliis ejus epistolis, et lib. de Unitate Ecclesiæ Cyprianum satis constat non solere usurpare, nisi de summo pontifice. Facit pro eodem quod dicit : Nemo adversum sacerdotum collegium aliquid moveret ; nam si de se solo loqueretur, non statim qui illi non obtemperaret, aliquid moveret adversus reliquos episcopos. Eodem spectare videtur, quod pag. sequenti de servorum præposito locutus, mox D. Petri super quem Christus ædificavit Ecclesiam mentionem injicit. Eodem pertinet quod D. Hieronymus contra Luciferianos ; salutem Ecclesiæ pendere dicit [ex] summi sacerdotis dignitate. Cui si inquit, non exsors quædam et ab omnibus eminens detur potestas ; tot in Ecclesiis fient schismata quot sacerdotes. Experientia certe ipsa nos docet, hæreses solere ex schismate, id est, separatione voluntaria ab Ecclesia, atque adeo ab Ecclesiæ capite Romano, inquam, pontifice initium sumere. Exempla hujus rei apud Cyprianum habes de Novatianis apud August. de Donatistis. Unde ad hos epistola CLII D. August. : Neque enim vobis objicimus, nisi schismatis crimen, quam etiam hæresin male perseverando fecistis, et ad Cresc. Grammat. lib. II[?] c. 7 Inter schisma, inquit, et hæresin eam distinctionem magis approbo, qua dicitur schisma esse recens congregationis ex aliqua sententiarum diversitate dissensio, hæresis autem schisma inveteratum : A quo non dissentit D. Hieron. exponens illud ad tit. III qui est a semetipso damnatus : Hæretici, inquit, in semetipsos sententiam ferunt, suo arbitrio de Ecclesia recedentes, quæ recessio propriæ conscientiæ videtur esse damnatio. Et paulo post : Nullum schisma non sibi aliquam confingit hæresin, ut recte ab Ecclesia recessisse videatur. Plura reperiet exempla, qui exacte singularum hæreseon initia et prima seminaria perspexerit.
"For heresies have arisen from no other source," etc. You have similar passages below in the letters named, to Bishop Rogatianus and to Florentius Pupianus, and likewise in the books On the Unity of the Church and On Jealousy and Envy. And although in those other passages he seems to speak of himself and of all bishops, namely that all heresies took their beginning from contempt of the bishops, that is, from schism itself, certainly both in this place and especially at the beginning of the book On the Unity of the Church he speaks of the Roman bishop alone. Which passage, even by itself, as there [more] fully […] (gap) […] in this place, the things that show he is speaking of the Roman and supreme pontiff are, first of all, the testimonies set out before from Deuteronomy, 1 Kings [1 Samuel], the Gospel of John and the Acts of the Apostles, which no one doubts fit only the high priests of the Jews, and are therefore more fittingly referred to the supreme Roman pontiff. Next, that he speaks of the judge who acts in Christ's stead. Again, that he speaks of one priest or one bishop in the Church, a title which, as is clear enough from Cornelius's letter above (48), from his other letters and from the book On the Unity of the Church, Cyprian is not accustomed to use except of the supreme pontiff. In the same direction tells his saying: "No one would stir up anything against the college of priests"; for if he were speaking of himself alone, one who did not obey him would not at once be stirring something up against the rest of the bishops. To the same point seems to look the fact that on the next page, having spoken of the one set over the servants, he soon brings in mention of St Peter, on whom Christ built the Church. To the same point belongs what St Jerome says against the Luciferians: he says that the safety of the Church depends on the dignity of the supreme priest. "If," he says, "a certain unshared power, eminent above all, is not given to him, there will be as many schisms in the Churches as there are priests." Experience itself certainly teaches us that heresies usually take their beginning from schism, that is, from voluntary separation from the Church, and so from the Church's head, the Roman pontiff, I say. Examples of this you have in Cyprian concerning the Novatianists, and in Augustine concerning the Donatists. Hence St Augustine's Letter 152 to the latter: "For we charge you with nothing but the crime of schism, which by persevering wrongly you have also made a heresy"; and to Cresconius the Grammarian, book II[?], ch. 7: "Between schism and heresy," he says, "I rather approve the distinction by which schism is said to be a recent dissension of a congregation arising from some difference of opinions, while heresy is an inveterate schism." From which St Jerome does not dissent, expounding that word in Titus 3, "who is condemned by himself": "Heretics," he says, "pass sentence on themselves, withdrawing from the Church by their own choice; and that withdrawal seems to be the condemnation of their own conscience." And a little after: "There is no schism that does not invent some heresy for itself, so that it may seem to have withdrawn from the Church rightly." Whoever examines carefully the beginnings and first seedbeds of the individual heresies will find more examples.
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Variæ lectiones
Variant readings
(56–65) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width (joined from the two crops); calls 61–62 visible in col 829 (after "fiunt", "contra"); the others stand above the cropped foot› 56 Populi sui Lam. N C. 1. Ebor. 57 Nisi ita Lam. Ebor. N C. 1. Lin. 58 Et unus ex illis non cadet Lin. N C. 2. 59 Patris vestri Vir. 60 Arbitrio geri Bod. I. 61 Editi Fiunt, qui extra Ecclesiam fiunt, sed contra : refragantibus nostris mss. ac plerisque Anglic. 62 Sic Pem. Bod. 1, 3. Lam. Ebor. N C. 1. Lin. 63 Sibimetipsi Lam. Ebor. N C. 1, 2. 64 Sic Bod. 1, 2. Lam. Ebor. N C. 1. Oxon. Consilium et non per me Oxon. 65 Cæterum dico, provocatus Ver.
56 "Populi sui": Lambeth, New College 1, York. 57 "Nisi ita": Lambeth, York, New College 1, Lincoln. 58 "Et unus ex illis non cadet": Lincoln, New College 2. 59 "Patris vestri": Vir. [as printed; Verona?]. 60 "Arbitrio geri": Bodleian 1. 61 The editions: "Fiunt, qui extra Ecclesiam fiunt, sed contra", against our manuscripts and most of the English ones. 62 So Pem. [as printed], Bodleian 1, 3, Lambeth, York, New College 1, Lincoln. 63 "Sibimetipsi": Lambeth, York, New College 1, 2. 64 So Bodleian 1, 2, Lambeth, York, New College 1, Oxford edition; "Consilium et non per me": Oxford edition. 65 "Caeterum dico, provocatus": Verona.
Variorum notæ
Notes of various editors
(printed under page 466)
(96) ‹anchor: Unus in Ecclesia› · call above the cropped foot (col 829 or 830)
Unus in Ecclesia. In libro de Unitate Ecclesiæ : Episcopatus unus est, cujus a singulis in solidum pars tenetur. Et in epistola LII ad Antonianum : Actum suum disponit et dirigit unusquisque episcopus, rationem propositi sui Domino redditurus. Vide notas nostras ad librum Agobardi de Privilegio et jure sacerdotii. BALUZ.
"One in the Church." In the book On the Unity of the Church: "The episcopate is one, a part of which is held by each in its entirety." And in Letter 52, to Antonianus: "Each bishop orders and directs his own conduct, and will render an account of his purpose to the Lord." See our notes on Agobard's book On the Privilege and Right of the Priesthood. Baluze.
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(97) ‹anchor: Sine Patris vestri› · call above the cropped foot (col 829 or 830)
Sine Patris vestri. Ita scriptum vidi in antiquis editionibus et in novem codicibus manuscriptis. Manutius expunxit vocem vestris, quam ego non inveni in aliis novem veteribus libris. Ego tamen illam retinui, quia apud Matthæum, ex quo ista sumpta sunt, legitur. Unus ex illis non cadit super terram sine Patre vestro. Quod etiam habetur in Græco. Cæterum in epistola LXIX, ad Florentium, in qua refertur hic locus, vox vestri non habetur. BALUZ.
"Without your Father." So I saw it written in the old editions and in nine manuscripts. Manutius struck out the word "your" ("vestris", as printed), which I did not find in nine other old books. I have nevertheless kept it, because it is read in Matthew, from whom these words are taken: "Not one of them falls to the ground without your Father." It is also in the Greek. In Letter 69, to Florentius, however, where this passage is quoted, the word "your" is not found. Baluze.
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(98) ‹anchor: Existimat aliquis› · call above the cropped foot (col 829 or 830)
Existimat aliquis. Citat hunc locum. sed mutilum, Gerohus Reicherspergensis in tractatu adversus Simoniacos, cap. 27. BALUZ.
"Anyone thinks." Gerhoh of Reichersberg cites this passage, but mutilated, in his treatise against the Simoniacs, ch. 27. Baluze.
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(99) ‹anchor: Habuisti consilium› · call above the cropped foot (col 829 or 830)
Habuisti consilium. Vide notas Frontonis Ducæi ad codicem Homiliarum sancti Joannis Chrysostomi, pag 13. BALUZ.
"You have taken counsel." See Fronton du Duc's notes on the manuscript of the Homilies of Saint John Chrysostom, p. 13. Baluze.
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(1) ‹anchor: Dico enim› · call above the cropped foot (col 829 or 830)
Dico enim. Veteres editiones et tria vetera exemplaria habent : Cæterum dico, dico enim provocatus. Verum quindecim vetera exemplaria præferunt uti nos edidimus. BALUZ.
"For I say." The old editions and three old copies have: "But I say, for I say, provoked". But fifteen old copies show it as we have printed it. Baluze.
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(2) ‹anchor: Proscriptus› · call above the cropped foot (col 829 or 830)
Proscriptus. Pontius diaconus in Vita Cypriani : Statim denique pro talibus meritis proscriptionis gloriam consecutus est. BALUZ.
"Proscribed." Pontius the deacon, in the Life of Cyprian: "At once, in short, for such merits he attained the glory of proscription." Baluze.
([3], no numeral printed) ‹anchor: Ad leonem› · call above the cropped foot (col 829 or 830) Ad leonem. Idem Pontius, maxime cum et suffragiis sæpe repetitis ad leonem postularetur. Tertullianus in Apologetico : Si Tyberis ascendit in mænia, si Nilus non ascendit in arva, si cælum stetit, si terra movit, si fames, si lues, statim Christianos ad leonem declamatur. Ælius Spartianus in Commodo Antonino. Speratum ad leonem. Qui autem damnati erant ad leonem alligabantur ad stipitem, teste eodem Tertulliano. in libro de Pudicitia. Flavius Vopiscus in D. Aureliano : Sane Mnestheus postea surreptus ad stipitem bestiis objectus est. Vide Joannem Teistanum a sancto Amantio in tomo primo commentariorum suorum pag. 713. BALUZ.
"To the lion." The same Pontius: "especially since he was demanded for the lion by votes often repeated". Tertullian in the Apology: "If the Tiber rises to the walls, if the Nile does not rise over the fields, if the sky stands still, if the earth moves, if there is famine, if plague, at once the cry goes up: 'The Christians to the lion!'" Aelius Spartianus [sic; the passage is in the Historia Augusta] on Commodus Antoninus: "Speratus to the lion." Those condemned to the lion were tied to a stake, as the same Tertullian attests in the book On Modesty. Flavius Vopiscus on the Deified Aurelian: "Mnestheus, indeed, was afterwards seized and thrown to the beasts at the stake." See Jean Tristan de Saint-Amant ("Teistanum", as printed), in the first volume of his commentaries, p. 713. Baluze.
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(4) ‹anchor: Ob sacrificia› · call above the cropped foot (col 830)
Ob sacrificia. Observat Annalium Cyprianic. conditor ad ann. 252, n. 10, Gallum et Volusianum, cum pestis ingravesceret, quæ Hostilianum imperatorem cum ipso Gallo a senatu constitutum absumpserat, nummos Apollini salutari cudi curasse ; eademque de causa, ut ex his Cypriani verbis colligitur, sacrificia ubique, edicto proposito, celebrari voluisse : et cum edicto huic parere Cyprianus renueret, populum hinc ansam arripuisse, ut eum velut imperatoribus rebellem ad leonem in circo postularet, quamvis nullum esset Galli edictum, quo proconsules aut magistratus persequi Christianos juberentur. BALUZ.
"On account of the sacrifices." The author of the Annales Cyprianici observes, at the year 252, no. 10, that Gallus and Volusian, as the plague grew worse that had carried off the emperor Hostilian, appointed by the senate together with Gallus himself, had coins struck to Apollo Salutaris; and that for the same reason, as is gathered from these words of Cyprian, they wanted sacrifices celebrated everywhere by a published edict; and that when Cyprian refused to obey this edict, the people seized the handle to demand him, as a rebel against the emperors, for the lion in the circus, though there was no edict of Gallus ordering proconsuls or magistrates to persecute the Christians. Baluze.
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(5) ‹anchor: Edicto proposito› · call above the cropped foot (col 830)
Edicto proposito. Rescripta principum mittebantur ad præfectos prætorio, quorum cura erat illa facere nota populis. Id vero vocabatur proponere. Rescriptum Honorii et Theodosii adversus Pelagium, ut exempli causa istud sumamus, missum fuit ad Palladium præfectum prætorio. Is vero, proposito edicto, imperavit exsecutionem rescripti. In calce vero ita scriptum est : Propositum edictum. Sunt multa exempla istius moris. BALUZ.
"By a published edict." The rescripts of the emperors were sent to the praetorian prefects, whose task it was to make them known to the peoples; and this was called "proponere" (to publish). The rescript of Honorius and Theodosius against Pelagius, to take it as an example, was sent to Palladius, praetorian prefect; and he, by publishing an edict, ordered the execution of the rescript. At its foot is written: "Edict published." There are many examples of this custom. Baluze.
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(6) ‹anchor: popularium› · call in col 830
Clamore popularium Id est acclamationibus plebis petentis ut damnaretur ad leonem, Rufinus, lib. V Hist Eccles. cap. 1, referens epistolam eccle- (continues)
"By the shouting of the populace." That is, by the acclamations of the common people demanding that he be condemned to the lion. Rufinus, Church History V, ch. 1, quoting the letter of the chur- (continues)
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NOTE ON THE IMAGES: both crops begin inside the notes, so the top of each column's notes is not visible (gaps marked); the column crops show the first lines of the foot, which are set from them. The right edge of col 832 is damaged in note 8; lost line-end letters are supplied in [square brackets] where certain. Variæ lectiones
Variant readings
(66–70) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width; only the left part is visible in the column crop, the rest is cut off at the image edge (gaps marked); calls 66–67 stand in col 831 (after "qui", "Ecclesiae"); 68 is lost in the cut› 66 Christo adversarius Bod. 1. 67 Ob hoc Ecclesiæ Lam. N[…] 2. 69 Derelinquerint Ver. 70 Non increpavit Voss. 2. Lam. […]
66 "Christo adversarius": Bodleian 1. 67 "Ob hoc Ecclesiae": Lambeth, N[…] 2. 69 "Derelinquerint": Verona. 70 "Non increpavit": Vossius 2, Lambeth […]
Variorum notæ
Notes of various editors
(continued) ‹note 6, from page 466; a gap precedes the first legible line›
[…] siarum Viennensis et Lugdunensis, ait in illa scriptum esse martyres tulisse fortiter acclamationes adversum se, et illos pro solis acclamationibus populi arreptos et in carcerem trusos esse. Idem, lib. IV, cap. 9, refert rescriptum Imperatoris Hadriani quo vetat ne provinciales precibus solis et acclamationibus sinantur accusare Christianos. Eodem modo Hieronymus in caput tertium Epistolæ ad Titum loquens de constantia martyrum in tormentis ait ; Vel cum quis inter equuleum laminasque distentus contemnit dolorem, et nec judicis comminationem nec circumstantis populi fremitum pertimescit, sed pro confessione martyrii universa supplicia contemnit et despicit. BALUZ.
[…] of the Churches of Vienne and Lyons, he says that it is written in it that the martyrs bravely bore the acclamations raised against them, and that they were seized and thrust into prison on the acclamations of the people alone. The same author, book IV, chapter 9, reports the rescript of the Emperor Hadrian by which he forbids that the provincials be allowed to accuse Christians by mere petitions and acclamations. In the same way Jerome, on the third chapter of the Letter to Titus, speaking of the constancy of the martyrs under torture, says: "Or when someone stretched on the rack and the plates despises the pain, and fears neither the judge's threats nor the roar of the people standing round, but for the confession of martyrdom scorns and despises all punishments." Baluze.
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(7) ‹anchor: Petrus tamen super quem ædificata est ab ipso Domino Ecclesia› · call above the cropped foot (col 831 or 832)
Petrus tamen super quem ædificata est ab ipso Domino Ecclesia. Iisdem pene verbis utitur infra sæpe dicta epistola ad Flor. Pup. Item ad Jubaianum et ad Quintum, et rursum libris de hab. Virginum, de Unitate Ecclesiæ, ac de Bono pudicitiæ, haud dubie explicans locum illum Matth. XVII. Et ego dico tibi, quia tu es Petrus, et super hanc petram ædificabo Ecclesiam meam, etc. Neque vero nova est hæc hujus loci expositio, sed quam habet etiam ipso antiquior Tertullianus, lib. de Præscript. hæreticorum et de Pudicitia ; ac Origenes in sexto cap. ad Rom. et homil. 3 in Exodum ; et alii quoque veteres plerique. Hilarius nempe super Matth. ; Ambrosius, serm. 47 ; Hieronymus. lib. I contra Jovinianum contra Pelagian., lib. I super Matth., Epistola ad Marcellam, et in Isai. II et XVI cap. : Chrysost. homil. 55 in Matth. ; Cyril., lib. II in Joan., c. 12, Epiph. in libro Ancoratus, et Leo papa I, epistola LXVII. Quæ loca prolixius citavimus, ob Erasmi in epistolam ad Flor. Pup. annotatiunculam, dum dicit : Non semel Cyprianus facit Ecclesiæ fundamentum Petrum nisi forte nomine Petri senserit populum, hoc profitentem, quod Petrus fuerat. Tanquam absurdius sit Petrum Ecclesiæ esse fundamentum, quam ipsum populum sive Christianos omnes, ut loquitur Adnot. in Matth. Quam expositionem si admittamus, erit igitur cuivis quoque christiano potestas solvendi et ligandi peccata : quod quam sit absurdum noverunt Catholici omnes. Hoc igitur potius est detorquere Scripturam, quam si ad Petrum cum veteribus tot Græcis et Latinis referatur ; atque adeo Origene ipso, quem tamen pro sua sententia citat Erasmus : Nihil enim obstat, cur Petrus petra sive fundamentum Ecclesiæ dici possit. Nam etiamsi petra est, inquit Basilius. lib. de pœnit., non ut Christus petra est, sed ut Petrus petra est. Christus enim revera petra est immobilis et inconcussa. […] (gap at the top of col 832) […] ad Severum. Neque vero est quod sibi blandiatur ille, de D. August. sententia. Quanquam enim ille et tract. ult. in Joannem, et sermo 13 de Verb. Domini, Petram Christum interpretetur fatetur tamen ipse lib. Retract. I, c. 21, se etiam de Petro locum illum explicuisse lib. contra epistolam Donati, et tandem subjungit : Harum autem duarum sententiarum, quæ sit probabilior, eligat lector. Cæterum probabiliorem esse constat, quam tot veteres sequuntur. PAMEL. — Adversarii nostri multum se torquent ut ostendant Christum nihil concessisse Petro nisi ut esset ordine primus et cæteros apostolos aliqua honoris prærogativa antecederet. Id vero concessum ab illis esse multum est ad asserendam illorum quoque confessione prærogativam Romani episcopi supra cæteros episcopos. Nec novum tamen est adversarios nostros ita sentire. Certum est omnes, illos qui se olim separaverunt ab Ecclesia catholica, ut ante me observavit Æneas Sylvius in epistola ad Martinum Mayerum cancellarium Moguntinum, semper se erexisse adversus episcopos Romanos, illos vero se semper opposuisse novis erroribus. Unde adnotatum est Ecclesiam Romanam nullam unquam in fide maculam esse passam et perfidiam non posse ad eam habere accessum, ut istic legitur. BALUZ.
"Yet Peter, on whom the Church was built by the Lord himself." He uses almost the same words below in the often-mentioned letter to Florentius Pupianus, likewise to Jubaianus and to Quintus, and again in the books On the Dress of Virgins, On the Unity of the Church and On the Good of Chastity, undoubtedly explaining that passage of Matthew 17 [as printed; the passage is Matt. 16:18]: "And I say to you that you are Peter, and on this rock I will build my Church," etc. Nor is this explanation of the passage new; it is held also by Tertullian, older than Cyprian, in the books On the Prescription of Heretics and On Modesty, and by Origen on the sixth chapter of Romans and in homily 3 on Exodus, and by most of the other ancients as well: Hilary on Matthew; Ambrose, sermon 47; Jerome, Against Jovinian I, against the Pelagians, on Matthew I, the Letter to Marcella, and on Isaiah chs. 2 and 16; Chrysostom, homily 55 on Matthew; Cyril, on John II, ch. 12; Epiphanius in the book Ancoratus; and Pope Leo I, Letter 67. We have cited these passages at some length because of Erasmus's little note on the letter to Florentius Pupianus, where he says: "More than once Cyprian makes Peter the foundation of the Church, unless perhaps by the name of Peter he meant the people professing what Peter had professed." As though it were more absurd for Peter to be the foundation of the Church than the people itself, or all Christians, as he puts it in the Annotations on Matthew. If we admit that explanation, then any Christian whatever will have the power of loosing and binding sins, and how absurd that is all Catholics know. This, then, is rather to twist Scripture than if it is referred to Peter with so many ancient Greeks and Latins, and indeed with Origen himself, whom Erasmus nevertheless cites for his opinion: "For nothing prevents Peter from being called the rock or foundation of the Church." "For even if he is a rock," says Basil, On Penance, "he is not a rock as Christ is, but as Peter is a rock. For Christ is truly the immovable and unshaken rock." […] (gap) […] to Severus. Nor has that man [Erasmus] any reason to flatter himself with St Augustine's opinion. For although Augustine, both in the last tractate on John and in sermon 13 On the Words of the Lord, interprets the rock as Christ, he himself admits, in Retractations I, ch. 21, that he had also explained that passage of Peter in the book against the letter of Donatus, and finally adds: "Of these two opinions, let the reader choose which is the more probable." But it is agreed that the more probable is the one that so many ancients follow. Pamelius. — Our adversaries torment themselves greatly to show that Christ granted Peter nothing except to be first in order and to precede the other apostles by some prerogative of honour. But that they grant this goes a long way towards establishing, by their own confession too, the prerogative of the Roman bishop over the other bishops. Nor is it new for our adversaries to think so. It is certain that all who once separated themselves from the Catholic Church always rose up against the bishops of Rome, as Aeneas Sylvius observed before me in his letter to Martin Mayer, chancellor of Mainz, and that the bishops of Rome always opposed themselves to new errors. Whence it has been noted that the Roman Church has never suffered any stain in the faith and that faithlessness can have no access to it, as is read there. Baluze.
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(8) ‹anchor: Unus pro omnibus› · call above the cropped foot (col 831 or 832)
Unus pro omnibus. Ego in ea sum sententia ut existimem ista referri non posse ad formam celebrandi concilii, cum res acta non sit in concilio, sed in colloquio familiari. Cum Christus a discipulis suis expetiisset qui essent de illo sermones in populo ; et responsum ab illis fuisset nonnullos dice[re] ipsum esse Joannem Baptistam, alios vero Hier[e]miam, aut unum ex Prophetis, Petrus, unus p[ro] omnibus loquens voce Ecclesiæ, ut ait Cyprianu[s], respondit illum esse Filium Dei vivi. Nihil illic i[n]venio quod indicet formam celebrandi concilii tu[nc] datam esse. Ex ea tamen responsione facta a so[lo] Petro collegit illustrissimus Cardinalis Baroni[us] Christum expressisse tum typum celebrandi conc[i]lii, quia cum Christus interrogavit discipulos su[os] quem illi ipsum esse crederent, Petrus primus om[]nium dixit illum Filium esse Dei vivi, et sic tale[m] tulit sententiam, et quid ab omnibus credendu[m] esset erudiit atque decrevit, ac fidei canonem perpetuo mansurum constituit, ut nihil opus esset con- (continues)
"One for all." I am of the opinion that these words cannot be referred to the form of holding a council, since the thing was done not in a council but in a familiar conversation. When Christ had asked his disciples what was being said about him among the people, and they had answered that some said he was John the Baptist, others Jeremiah or one of the prophets, Peter, one for all, speaking with the voice of the Church, as Cyprian says, answered that he was the Son of the living God. I find nothing there to indicate that a form of holding a council was then given. Yet from that answer, made by Peter alone, the most illustrious Cardinal Baronius concluded that Christ had then expressed the pattern of holding a council: because when Christ asked his disciples who they believed him to be, Peter first of all said that he was the Son of the living God, and so delivered such a sentence, taught and decreed what was to be believed by all, and established a rule of faith to endure for ever, so that there was no need of (continues)
(printed under page 467)
Variæ lectiones
Variant readings
(72–79) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width (joined from the two crops); call 79 visible in col 834 (after "Novatiani"); the others stand above the cropped foot› 72 Ad quem imus Dam. Ebor. Lin. N. C. 1. 73 Ab eo discedere Lam. Ebor. N. C. 1. 74 De Ecclesia exeunt Lam. Ebor. N. C. 1. Bod. 1. 75 Corb. ms. evacuit. Vetus. Corb. evacuabit. 76 conscientiæ nostræ Lam. N. C. 1. Ebor. Bod. 3. 77 Si hominibus inquit Lam. Ebor. N. C. 1, Placere vellem Ver. 78 Sed et sententiis Lam. Ebor. N. C. 1. 79 Parem Novatiani Ver.
72 "Ad quem imus": Dam. [as printed, for Lambeth], York, Lincoln, New College 1. 73 "Ab eo discedere": Lambeth, York, New College 1. 74 "De Ecclesia exeunt": Lambeth, York, New College 1, Bodleian 1. 75 Corbie manuscript: "evacuit"; old Corbie: "evacuabit". 76 "conscientiae nostrae": Lambeth, New College 1, York, Bodleian 3. 77 "Si hominibus inquit": Lambeth, York, New College 1; "Placere vellem": Verona. 78 "Sed et sententiis": Lambeth, York, New College 1. 79 "Parem Novatiani": Verona.
Variorum notæ
Notes of various editors
(continued) ‹note 8, Unus pro omnibus, from page 467›
sulere cæteros apostolos ac rogare quænam essent illorum de ea re sententiæ ac opiniones. Satis enim fuisse Christo Petrum fuisse locutum et quid de fide sentiendum esset clavum fixisse. Hæc diverticula et anfractus, ut ait Quintilianus, suffragia sunt infirmitatis. Explicatio enim illa longius arcessita est, et paraphrasis Baronii parum firmitatis habet in verbis Evangelistæ. Illud unum hinc colligi potest, Petrum recte locutum esse, cæteros apostolos nihil propterea dixisse et taciturnitate sua probasse quæ a Petro bene dicta erant. Sed non inde sequitur non potuisse cæteros sententiam suam dicere, neque episcopis eorum successoribus ademptam esse facultatem promendi sensus suos in causa fidei. Itaque hinc salva est auctoritas episcoporum, cum ex eo quod solus Petrus locutus sit, cæteri apostoli tacuerint, colligi non possit inutilem futuram fuisse sententiam cæterorum apostolorum et unicam papæ sententiam sufficere in Ecclesia Dei et illius unius sententiam prævalere debere adversus concordem ac consentaneam aliorum episcoporum diverse sentientium sententiam. Alioqui inutilis esset celebratio conciliorum, si solius papæ auctoritas sufficeret pro finiendis controversiis quæ oriuntur in Ecclesia Dei. Non ita senserunt veteres, qui conciliorum celebrationem putarunt esse necessariam adversus hæreses emergentes. Istud negari non potest. BALUZ.
…to consult the other apostles and ask what their views and opinions on the matter were. For it was enough for Christ that Peter had spoken and had fixed the nail as to what was to be held concerning the faith. These detours and windings, as Quintilian says, are the props of weakness. For that explanation is far-fetched, and Baronius's paraphrase has little firm footing in the Evangelist's words. This one thing can be gathered from the passage: that Peter spoke rightly, and that the other apostles therefore said nothing and by their silence approved what Peter had well said. But it does not follow that the others could not have stated their own opinion, nor that their successors the bishops have been deprived of the faculty of expressing their minds in a cause of faith. So the authority of the bishops is safe on this point, since from the fact that Peter alone spoke and the other apostles were silent it cannot be concluded that the opinion of the other apostles would have been useless, or that the pope's opinion alone suffices in the Church of God, or that his one opinion must prevail against the agreed and concordant opinion of the other bishops if they think differently. Otherwise the holding of councils would be useless, if the pope's authority alone sufficed to settle the controversies that arise in the Church of God. The ancients did not think so; they held that the holding of councils was necessary against heresies as they arose. This cannot be denied. Baluze.
(printed under page 468)
(9) ‹anchor: Tu es Christus› · call above the cropped foot (col 833 or 834)
Tu es Christus. Vocem Christus, quæ deerat in aliis editionibus, nos addidimus, quia illam invenimus in aliquot vetustis codicibus, et quia reperitur in capite sexto Evangelii secundum Joannem, ex quo locus iste sumptus est, et in Evangelio secundum Matthæum. Et tamen deest etiam in epistola LXIV ad Florentium.
"You are the Christ." We have added the word "Christ", which was missing in other editions, because we found it in some old manuscripts and because it is found in the sixth chapter of the Gospel according to John, from which this passage is taken, and in the Gospel according to Matthew. Yet it is missing also in Letter 64 [as printed], to Florentius.
(printed under page 468)
(10) ‹anchor: Mansissent nobiscum› · call above the cropped foot (col 833 or 834)
Mansissent nobiscum. Hæc verba sua, Fecit Flavianu episcopus Constantinopolitanus scribens ad sanctum Papam Leonem : Sunt quidam veste sua oves significantes, interius autem lupi rapaces, quos ex fructibus eorum debemus agnoscere. Isti prima fronte videntur esse de numero nostro, sed non sunt de numero nostro. Si enim de numero nostro fuissent, nobiscum mansissent. BALUZ.
"They would have remained with us." Flavian ("Flavianu", as printed), bishop of Constantinople, made these words his own when writing to the holy Pope Leo: "There are some who by their clothing show themselves sheep, but inwardly are ravening wolves, whom we must recognise by their fruits. These at first sight seem to be of our number, but they are not of our number. For if they had been of our number, they would have remained with us." Baluze.
(printed under page 468)
(11) ‹anchor: Fortunato› · call above the cropped foot (col 833 or 834)
Fortunato, Vide quæ nos de homine isto notavimus ad caput 10 libri primi de concordia sacerdotii et imperii. BALUZ.
"Fortunatus." See what we have noted about this man on chapter 10 of the first book of [Marca's] On the Concord of Priesthood and Empire. Baluze.
(printed under page 468)
(12) ‹anchor: De Ecclesia profugis› · call above the cropped foot (col 833 or 834)
De Ecclesia profugis. In ms. Corb. profugus ; et mox a secunda manu abstentus, licet a prima præ se ferat abstentis. Ex quinque presbyteris illis quatuor a Cypriano epist. 6, nominari videntur, scilicet Donatus et Fortunatus, Novatus et Gordius, qui nimirum ordinationi ipsius intercesserant. Quibus si addatur Gaius Diddensis presbyter, quem Carthaginensis clerus, Cyprians epist. XXVIII, approbante, a communione submovit, horum quinque presbyterorum nomina habebuntur. COUSTANT.
"Fugitives from the Church." The Corbie manuscript has "profugus" (singular), and just after, in a second hand, "abstentus", though in the first hand it shows "abstentis". Of those five presbyters, four seem to be named by Cyprian in Letter 6, namely Donatus and Fortunatus, Novatus and Gordius, who had opposed his ordination. If to these is added Gaius of Didda, the presbyter whom the clergy of Carthage, with Cyprian's ("Cyprians", as printed) approval, removed from communion (Letter 28), we shall have the names of these five presbyters. Coustant.
(printed under page 468)
NOTE ON THE IMAGES: the crops begin at the variant apparatus, whose heading is cut; no author's text with calls is visible. The right edge of col 836 is damaged in notes 16–17; lost line-end letters are supplied in [square brackets] where certain. Variæ lectiones
Variant readings
(80–86) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width (joined from the two crops); the calls stand above the cropped foot› 80 Sic. Bod. 1, 2, 3. Voss. 2. Tibi deest in Oxon. 81 Ita vetustior codex Colb. aliis faventibus. At editi Naotus. 82 Sed dum iste Ver. 83 A vobis detinetur Bod. 3. 84 Idibus Martiis Ver. 85 Maximosus in duobus mss. Colb. 86 Vetus codex Colb. Suturnucensis. Recentiori, Eturgnensis. Corb. cum Cambron, Quoturnicensis. Lambeth. Uturnicensis. Unde legendum putat Oxoniensis editor. Utinuuensis : maxime cum in Bollatione Carthagin. habeatur Octavius episcopus plebis Utinunensis.
80 So Bodleian 1, 2, 3, Vossius 2; "Tibi" is missing in the Oxford edition. 81 So the older Colbert manuscript, the others agreeing; but the editions have "Naotus". 82 "Sed dum iste": Verona. 83 "A vobis detinetur": Bodleian 3. 84 "Idibus Martiis": Verona. 85 "Maximosus" in two Colbert manuscripts. 86 The old Colbert manuscript: "Suturnucensis"; the more recent one, "Eturgnensis"; Corbie with Cambron, "Quoturnicensis"; Lambeth, "Uturnicensis". Whence the Oxford editor thinks "Utinuuensis" should be read, especially since in the Conference ("Bollatione", as printed) of Carthage there is found "Octavius, bishop of the people of Utinuna".
Variorum notæ
Notes of various editors
(printed under page 469)
(13) ‹anchor: Perseo› · call above the cropped foot (col 835 or 836)
Perseo. Puto illum fuisse episcopum alicubi in Italia. BALUZ.
"Perseus." I think he was a bishop somewhere in Italy. Baluze.
(printed under page 469)
(14) ‹anchor: Scelera festinant› · call above the cropped foot (col 835 or 836)
Scelera festinant. Tacitus in libro primo Historiarum dicit scelera impetu valescere. Claudianus lib. II in Rufinum : Neque enim patiuntur sæva quietem crimina. Sanctus Hieronymus in dialogo aversus Luciferianos. et Florus, lib. III, cap. 1 : Diu scelera non latent. Seneca Medea, magna non latent mala. BALUZ.
"Crimes make haste." Tacitus, in the first book of the Histories, says that crimes gain strength by their impetus. Claudian, Against Rufinus II: "For savage crimes do not suffer rest." Saint Jerome in the dialogue against ("aversus", as printed) the Luciferians, and Florus, book III, ch. 1: "Crimes do not lie hidden long." Seneca, Medea: "great evils do not lie hidden". Baluze.
(printed under page 469)
(15) ‹anchor: Fabiani Donati› · call above the cropped foot (col 835 or 836)
Fabiani Donati. Sic in calce epistolæ. 67, ad Stephanum Papam ait, pag. 117 : Servandus est enim antecessorum nostrorum beatorum martyrum Cornelii et Lucii honor gloriosus. Sic apud Optatum, lib. I, scriptum est Cæcilianum non recessisse a Cathedra Petri vel Cypriani. Vide Rigaltii observationem ad hunc locum. BALUZ.— Ex hoc loco, non improbabili conjectura, Baronius Cyprianum in Episcopatu Carthaginensi Donato successisse opinatur, Quia scilicet Cyprianus ad Cornelium Episcopum Romanum facta mentione nonaginta Episcoporum qui Privatum hæreticum in Lambesitana colonia ante annos tredecim damnaverant, eumdem quoque Privatum severissime notatum fuisse significat litteris Fabiani et Donati. Ut quemadmodum Cyprianus Fabianum Cornelii antecessorem nominat, sic etiam Donatum antecessorem suum nominaverit. Ideoque ad Cornelium scribens dixerit, antecessorum nostrorum, Fabiani tui, et Donati mei. Cæterum hanc loquendi formam non semper ad decessores in eodem episcopatu referri docebit Epistola LXVII. Cyprianus antecessores suos nuncupat Cornelium et Lucium Episcopos Romanos, etsi nunquam præfuerint Ecclesiæ Carthaginensi, simpliciter antecessores suos vocat quasi majores suos, quia scilicet annis aliquot ante se vixerant eodem Episcopali officio, sed aliis in provinciis functi. RIGALT.
"Of Fabian and Donatus." So at the end of Letter 67, to Pope Stephen, p. 117, he says: "For the glorious honour of our predecessors, the blessed martyrs Cornelius and Lucius, must be preserved." So in Optatus, book I, it is written that Caecilian had not withdrawn from the chair of Peter or of Cyprian. See Rigault's observation on this passage. Baluze. — From this passage Baronius, by a not improbable conjecture, thinks that Cyprian succeeded Donatus in the see of Carthage: because Cyprian, writing to Cornelius, bishop of Rome, after mentioning the ninety bishops who had condemned the heretic Privatus in the colony of Lambaesis thirteen years before, indicates that the same Privatus had been most severely censured by the letters of Fabian and Donatus; so that, just as Cyprian names Fabian as Cornelius's predecessor, he likewise named Donatus as his own predecessor, and therefore, writing to Cornelius, said "of our predecessors, your Fabian and my Donatus". But Letter 67 will show that this manner of speaking does not always refer to predecessors in the same see. Cyprian calls Cornelius and Lucius, bishops of Rome, his predecessors, though they never presided over the Church of Carthage; he calls them his predecessors simply as his elders, because they had lived some years before him, discharging the same episcopal office, but in other provinces. Rigault.
(printed under page 469)
(16) ‹anchor: Privato probato hæretico› · call above the cropped foot (col 835 or 836)
Privato probato hæretico. Editiones vulgatæ præferunt privato hæretico. Spirensis tamen, Veneta vetus, et Remboltus habene Probatio. Atque ego ita scriptum reperi in novem codicibus antiquis, et ita se reperisse in tribus etiam antiquis testatur Pamelius. In Monasteriensi scriptum est privatio probatio hæretico, in Fossatensi probatio tantum, sed supra lineam scriptum est vel privato. Sic etiam in recentiore Victorino. In Gratianopolitano, privato probato hæretico. Atque ego puto eam esse sinceram veramque lectionem, quam probat etiam lectio recentioris codicis Remigiani et Divionensis, in quibus scriptum est privato comprobato hæretico. Alterutram enim lectionum illarum arbitror retiner[e] debere. Nam paulo ante idem Privatus vocatur ve[tus] hæreticus, hoc est probatus vel comprobatu[s] hæreticus. Et sic tollitur difficultas quam sibi fec[it] Pamelius existimans delendum esse nomen Probat[i] quod invenerat in tribus antiquis exemplaribus [,] quia, ut ille ait, si adderetur hoc nomen, essent se[x] episcopi damnati, quos tamen quinque tantum fuis[se] constat. BALUZ.
"Privatus, a proven heretic." The common editions show "Privatus the heretic". The Speyer edition, however, the old Venetian and Rembolt have "Probatio" ("habene", as printed). I found it so written in nine old manuscripts, and Pamelius attests that he found it so in three old ones too. In the Münster manuscript is written "privatio probatio haeretico"; in the Saint-Maur-des-Fossés manuscript "probatio" only, but above the line is written "or privato". So also in the more recent Saint-Victor manuscript ("Victorino"). In the Grenoble manuscript, "privato probato haeretico". And I think this is the genuine and true reading, which is confirmed also by the reading of the more recent Saint-Remi manuscript and the Dijon one, in which is written "privato comprobato haeretico". For I judge that one or other of those readings must be kept, since a little before the same Privatus is called an old heretic, that is, a proven or well-proven heretic. And so the difficulty that Pamelius made for himself is removed, when he thought the name "Probatus" should be deleted, which he had found in three old copies, because, as he says, if this name were added there would be six bishops condemned, whereas it is agreed there were only five. Baluze.
(printed under page 469)
(17) ‹anchor: Saturnicensis› · call above the cropped foot (col 835 or 836)
Saturnicensis. Retinui hanc lectionem, qu[æ] vulgo recepta est, nondum inveni meliorem. E[go] tamen, præterquam quod nomen illud alibi non re[]peri, multum variant in hoc loco vetera exemplaria. Octo ex illis quæ ego vidi et editio Manutiana habent Suturnurcensis, aliud in editione Anglicana laudatum Uturnicencis aliud Urgonensis, duo Suturgensis, duo Quoturnicensis, quorum unum est Corbeiense, in quo Angli aiunt scriptum esse Quaturnicensis, Erasmus admonet in margine se legisse alibi quaturnicensis, ut de condice Camberonensi testatur Pamelius. Sic etiam ediderunt Crabbus et Surius in tomis conciliorum. Miror autem annotatum a Pamelio esse Manutium maluisse Sutunuzensis, cum certum sit in etione Manutiana legi Sutunurcensis. Porro cum nulla alibi reperiatur notitia episcopatus Suturnicensis, non absurda fortassis conjectura esset, si pro Suturnicensi reponeretur Septimuncensis. Vide notas nostras et Gratianum pag. 408. Auctor annalium Cypria icorum ad annum 252, il- (continues)
"Of Saturnica." I have kept this reading, which is commonly received; I have not yet found a better. Yet, besides the fact that I have not found that name elsewhere, the old copies vary greatly in this place. Eight of those I saw, and Manutius's edition, have "Suturnurcensis"; another, cited in the English edition, "Uturnicencis"; another "Urgonensis"; two "Suturgensis"; two "Quoturnicensis", one of which is the Corbie manuscript, in which the English editors say "Quaturnicensis" is written. Erasmus notes in the margin that he read "quaturnicensis" elsewhere, as Pamelius attests of the Cambron manuscript ("condice", as printed). So too Crabbe and Surius printed it in their volumes of the councils. I am surprised that Pamelius noted that Manutius preferred "Sutunuzensis", since it is certain that the Manutian edition ("etione", as printed) reads "Sutunurcensis". Further, since no record of a see of Suturnica is found anywhere else, it would perhaps not be an absurd conjecture to put "Septimuncensis" in place of "Suturnicensis". See our notes and Gratian, p. 408. The author of the Annales Cyprianici, at the year 252, (continues)
(printed under page 469)
Variæ lectiones
Variant readings
(87–94) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width (joined from the two crops); calls 91–93 visible in col 837 (after "frater", "illucescat", "falso"); the others stand above the cropped foot› 87 Persecutione ipse defecit Lin. Colb. 1, 2. Compend. 88 Sic Lam. Ebor. Pem. Bod. 1, 2, 3, NC. 1, 2. Voss. 2, Foss. Vict. Sic ms. Corb. et plerique Anglic. Alii vero libri, convenientibus. Antea in ms. Compend. computarunt, loco verbi cooptarunt. 89 Quæ contra nos illic, Bod. 3. 90 In ms. Colb. ut dixi, jactitare. In vetustiore Colb. ausi sint scriptis jactitare. 91 Frater charissime Bod. 3. 92 Quandiu non illucescat, Bod. 3. 93 Falsos Compend. 94 Pariter Thu.
87 "Persecutione ipse defecit": Lincoln, Colbert 1, 2, Compiègne. 88 So Lambeth, York, Pem. [as printed], Bodleian 1, 2, 3, New College 1, 2, Vossius 2, Saint-Maur-des-Fossés, Saint-Victor. So the Corbie manuscript and most English ones; other books, however, "convenientibus". Formerly in the Compiègne manuscript "computarunt", in place of the word "cooptarunt". 89 "Quae contra nos illic": Bodleian 3. 90 In the Colbert manuscript, "ut dixi, jactitare"; in the older Colbert, "ausi sint scriptis jactitare". 91 "Frater charissime": Bodleian 3. 92 "Quandiu non illucescat": Bodleian 3. 93 "Falsos": Compiègne. 94 "Pariter": de Thou manuscript.
Variorum notæ
Notes of various editors
(continued) ‹note 17, Saturnicensis, from page 469›
lum vocat episcopum Tuburbicensem, sed absque auctoritate. BALUZ.
…calls him bishop of Thuburbo, but without authority. Baluze.
(printed under page 470)
(18) ‹anchor: Sacrilega persuasione› · call above the cropped foot (col 837 or 838)
Sacrilega persuasione. Quamvis non dubitem quin hæc lectio sit optima, monendum tamen existimavi undecim libros veteres præferre persecutione. Quo etiam modo legi in uno Auglicano testatur editio in eo regno facta. Emendabo autem, data occasione, Victorem Vitensem, apud quem lib. IX, in edicto Hunerici scriptum est in ultima editione sub persecutione idonea, cum antea legeretur prosecutione. Nam certum est hanc ultimam lectionem esse reponendam. BALUZ.
"By sacrilegious persuasion." Though I do not doubt that this reading is the best, I thought it right to point out that eleven old books show "persecution". The edition made in England attests that it is so read in one English ("Auglicano", as printed) manuscript too. I shall take the occasion to correct Victor of Vita, in whose book IX, in Huneric's edict, the latest edition prints "under a fitting persecution", whereas formerly "prosecution" was read. For it is certain that this last reading must be restored. Baluze.
(printed under page 470)
(19) ‹anchor: Cooptarunt› · call above the cropped foot (col 837 or 838)
Cooptarunt. Codex sancti Michaelis comitarunt, et supra lineam, id est comitem fecerunt Certe paulo ante legitur Jovinus et Maximus comites. BALUZ.
"They co-opted." The Saint-Mihiel manuscript has "comitarunt", and above the line "that is, made [him] a companion". Certainly a little before is read "Jovinus and Maximus, companions". Baluze.
(printed under page 470)
(20) ‹anchor: Cum mendaciorum› · call above the cropped foot (col 837 or 838)
Cnm mendaciorum. Sic Hieronymus in Epitaphio Marcellæ, navem plenam blasphemorum Romano intulit portui. BALUZ.
"With [a cargo] of lies" ("Cnm", as printed). So Jerome in the Epitaph of Marcella: "he brought into the Roman harbour a ship full of blasphemers". Baluze.
(printed under page 470)
(21) ‹anchor: Adulteria› · call above the cropped foot (col 837 or 838)
Adulteria. In codice Fuxensi additur et stupra. Verum ergo nolui addere, quia id in nullo alio exemplari reperi. BALUZ.
"Adulteries." In the Foix manuscript "and debaucheries" is added. But I did not want to add it, because I found it in no other copy. Baluze.
(printed under page 470)
(22) ‹anchor: Negabo illum› · call in col 838 (top of the visible text, partly cut)
Negabo illum. Ita editio vulgata, quam confirmant sex vetera exemplaria. Alia tredecim habet et ego eum negabo. In editione vulgata Evangelii secundum Matthæum et in libro Gratianopolitano legitur et ego negabo eum. Sic etiam infra in libro de Lapsis, pag. 188. BALUZ.
"I will deny him." So the common edition, which six old copies confirm. Thirteen others have "and I will deny him" (word order changed). In the Vulgate edition of the Gospel according to Matthew and in the Grenoble book is read "and I will deny him" (another order). So also below in the book On the Lapsed, p. 188. Baluze.
(printed under page 470)
(23) ‹anchor: comminatione decrevimus› · call in col 838
Communicatione decrevimus. In vetustiore ms. Colb. communicatione : lectio non spernenda. Epistolas hac de re a Cypriano scriptas legere est, scil. a X ad XVI. De ipsa cum episcopis sibi agendum proponit Epist. XII et XV. Nominatim vero Epist. X, expostulationis suæ causam sic exponit : Cum in minoribus peccatis agant peccatores pœnitentiam justo tempore, et secundum disciplinæ ordinem ad exomologesim veniant, et per manus impositionem episcopi et cleri jus communicationis accipiant ; nunc crudo tempore, persecutione adhuc perseverante, nondum restituta Ecclesiæ ipsius pace, ad communicationem admittuntur, et offertur nomen eorum, et nondum pœnitentia acta, nondum exomologesi facta, nondum manu eis ab episcopo et clero imposita, Eucharistia illis datur. Nimirum, ut idem (continues)
"We decreed with communication" [lemma as printed; the text reads "comminatione"]. In the older Colbert manuscript "communicatione": a reading not to be despised. The letters Cyprian wrote on this matter may be read, namely from 10 to 16. In Letters 12 and 15 he proposes that the question be dealt with together with the bishops. In Letter 10 in particular he sets out the cause of his complaint thus: "While for lesser sins sinners do penance for a due time, and according to the order of discipline come to confession, and by the laying on of hands of the bishop and clergy receive the right of communion, now in an unripe time, while persecution still continues and the peace of the Church itself is not yet restored, they are admitted to communion, and their name is offered, and before penance is done, before confession is made, before hands are laid on them by the bishop and clergy, the Eucharist is given to them." Clearly, as the same (continues)
(printed under page 470)
NOTE ON THE IMAGES: the foot crops begin inside the notes; the first lines of the foot (the variants, the end of note 23, note 24 and the opening of note 25) are visible in the column crops and are set from them. The tops of notes 30–32 in col 840 are cut off at the right edge of the column crop (gaps marked). The right edge of col 840 is damaged; lost line-end letters are supplied in [square brackets] where certain. Variæ lectiones
Variant readings
(95–97) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width; only the left part is visible in the column crop, the rest is cut off at the image edge (gaps marked); calls 95–96 stand in col 839 (after "vulneratos", "corrumpunt")› 95 Nec vulneratos, Voss. 2, Bod. 1, 2, Lam. Ebor. NC. 2. 96 […] NC. 1, 2. 97 Ne satisfactionibus justis Lam. Bod. 2. Lin. Ebor[…] Lin. NC. 1. Colbert. I.
95 "Nec vulneratos": Vossius 2, Bodleian 1, 2, Lambeth, York, New College 2. 96 […] New College 1, 2. 97 "Ne satisfactionibus justis": Lambeth, Bodleian 2, Lincoln, York […] Lincoln, New College 1, Colbert I.
Variorum notæ
Notes of various editors
(continued) ‹end of a note, probably 23; its lemma and opening stand on the previous page›
[…] præsul Epist. II loquitur, lapsi a Martyribus libellos, obtinentes, in quorum nonnullis scribebatur, communicet ille cum suis, non solum sibi, sed et quotquot ipsorum esse quavis ratione asseverabantur, communionem illis impertiri exigebant. COUSTANT.
[…] the bishop speaks in Letter II, the lapsed, having obtained certificates from the martyrs, in some of which was written "let him communicate with his own", demanded that communion be granted not only to themselves but also to all who were asserted on any ground to be theirs. Coustant.
(printed under page 471)
(24) ‹anchor: Contra sacerdotes› · call in col 839 (after "contra sacerdotes")
Contra sacerdotes. Codex Fuxensis, contra Ecclesiam et sacerdotes. Sed hanc lectionem puto non esse veram et ortam esse ex temeritate cujusdam veteris librarii. BALUZ.
"Against the priests." The Foix manuscript has "against the Church and the priests". But I think this reading is not genuine and arose from the rashness of some old copyist. Baluze.
(printed under page 471)
(25) ‹anchor: Malitia consummet› · call in col 839 (after "consummet")
Malitia consummet. In vulgatis, consumment, ne. Magis placet cum mss. Colb. Corb. Vat, ac nonnullis aliis consummet, nec : ut hic inter diabolicæ malitiæ et divinæ clementiæ opus antithesis fiat. COUSTANT.
"The malice may complete." In the common editions, "consumment, ne". With the Colbert, Corbie and Vatican manuscripts and some others, "consummet, nec" pleases more, so that here an antithesis may be made between the work of the devil's malice and that of God's mercy. Coustant.
(printed under page 471)
(26) ‹anchor: Nec vulneratos› · call in col 839 (after "vulneratos")
Nec vulneratos. Vide Gronovium, cap. 14 Observationum in scriptoribus ecclesiasticis. BALUZ.
"Nor the wounded." See Gronovius, Observations on the Ecclesiastical Writers, ch. 14. Baluze.
(printed under page 471)
(27) ‹anchor: Erubuit ante vel timuit› · call in col 839 (after "timuit")
Erubuit ante vel timuit. Ita octo libri veteres. Sed vox ante non habetur in antiquis editionibus, neque in tribus libris veteribus. Pamelius primam partem hujus sententiæ ait intelligi debere de Lapsis, aliam de Libellaticis. Quintilianus lib. IX, cap. 2 : Validius bonos inhibet pudor quam metus. BALUZ.
"Blushed before, or feared." So eight old books. But the word "before" is not found in the old editions, nor in three old books. Pamelius says the first part of this sentence must be understood of the lapsed, the other of the libellatici. Quintilian, book IX, ch. 2: "Shame restrains good men more strongly than fear." Baluze.
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(28) ‹anchor: Et lamentationibus› · call above the cropped foot (col 840)
Et lamentationibus. Hæc videntur esse ex glossemate. Dicimus enim recte satisfactionibus justis Idem de lamentationibus dici posse non puto. Certe hæ duæ voces desunt in quindecim vetustis exemplaribus nostris et in quatuor Anglicanis. Lamentatio, ut ait Cicero in libro quarto Tusculanarum quæstionum, est ægritudo cum ejulatu. Alibi epitheta mæsta et lugubris adjunguntur lamentationi. Fortassis igitur in hoc loco est transpositio, ita ut reponi debeat lamentationibus et satisfactionibus justis, ut paulo post legitur deprecationibus et satisfactionibus BALUZ.
"And by lamentations." These words seem to come from a gloss. For we rightly say "by just satisfactions"; I do not think the same can be said of lamentations. Certainly these two words are missing in fifteen of our old copies and in four English ones. Lamentation, as Cicero says in the fourth book of the Tusculan Disputations, is grief with wailing; elsewhere the epithets "sorrowful" and "mournful" are joined to lamentation. Perhaps, then, there is a transposition in this place, so that "by lamentations and just satisfactions" should be restored, as a little after is read "by entreaties and satisfactions". Baluze.
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(29) ‹anchor: Pax vera› · call above the cropped foot (col 840)
Pax vera. Infra in libro de Lapsis, pag. 186 : Non est pax illa, sed bellum. Hieronymus in Dialogo adversus Luciferianos : Quod bellum servavit pax ficta non auferat. Idem in epistola ad Theophilum adversus Joannem Hierosolymitanum : Volumus et nos pacem, sed pacem in qua non sit bellum involutum. Item in epistola ad Heliodorum de laude Vitæ solitariæ : Tranquillitas ista tempestas est. Libellus precum Marcellini et Faustini : Sub vocabulo pacis impietas tegitur. Sanctus Leo Papa in sermone sexto in Epiphania : Habet pax nostra pericula sua. Cassiodorus, lib. V, cap. 39 : Sic mala pace quasi ludo corruunt quanti vix potuissent cadere sub necessitate bellorum. Tacitus in Vita Agricolæ : Famam paci circumdedit, quæ vel incuria vel tolerantia priorum haud minus quam bellum timebatur. Idem, lib. I Hist. : Bellum ipsa etiam pace sævum : et lib. IV : In pace suspecta tutius beloum T. Livius, lib. IV : Infelix bellum ignominiosæ paci præferebant. Apud Demosthenem in oratione de Corona mentio est belli quod plures commoditates præstabat quam pax. BALUZ.
"True peace." Below, in the book On the Lapsed, p. 186: "That is not peace but war." Jerome in the Dialogue against the Luciferians: "Let not a feigned peace take away what war preserved." The same in the letter to Theophilus against John of Jerusalem: "We too want peace, but a peace in which no war is wrapped up." Likewise in the letter to Heliodorus on the praise of the solitary life: "This calm is a storm." The Libellus precum of Marcellinus and Faustinus: "Under the name of peace impiety is covered." Saint Leo the Pope, in the sixth sermon on the Epiphany: "Our peace has its dangers." Cassiodorus, book V, ch. 39: "So in a bad peace, as if in play, men fall who could hardly have fallen under the stress of wars." Tacitus in the Life of Agricola: "He surrounded peace with a good name, which through the neglect or indulgence of his predecessors was feared no less than war." The same, Histories I: "a war savage even in peace itself"; and book IV: "in a suspect peace, war is safer" ("beloum", as printed). Livy, book IV: "They preferred an unlucky war to a shameful peace." In Demosthenes, in the speech On the Crown, mention is made of a war that afforded more advantages than peace. Baluze.
(30)–(31) ‹notes 30 and 31 stand at the head of col 840's notes; only their first letters are visible at the right edge of the column crop; not set (gap)› (32) ‹note on the Capitol; its number and opening words stand at the head of col 840's notes, cut off at the right edge of the column crop (gap)› […] spectaculis ; Cicero vero in oratione pro Milone : Templum sanctitatis, amplitudinis, mentis consilii publici, caput orbis, aram sociorum, portum omnium gentium. Nam quamvis proprie capitolium sit in urbe Roma, amplitudinis tamen majestatisque Reipublicæ intererat ut postquam exteræ nationes e[t] gentes sub populi Romani imperium ditionemque ceciderant, moribus ejus uterentur, in easque deductæ coloniæ ex Civitate quasi propagatæ, cujus illæ (ut A. Gellius ait lib. XVI, cap. 13), effigies parvæ simulacraque esse quædam videbantur, jura institutaque omnia populi Romani acciperent, capitolia, amphitheatra, thermas, et cætera oblectamenta et solatia servitutis. Itaque multæ erant in imperio civitates quæ capitolia habebant, quarum enumeratio exstat apud Rycquium in commentario de Capitolio Romano et in Glossario latino Cangii. Cæterum, quia loca quædam sunt apud Hieronymum et alios veteres scriptores quæ dicere videntur capitolium et arcem esse rem eamdem, contra T. Livius et alii discrimen ponunt inter arcem et capitolium, præcipue vero A. Gellius, qui lib. V, cap. 12, ædem Vejovis locat inter arcem et capitolium, ego crederem istam quæ videtur repugnantiam commode posse tolli dicendo ideo facile fuisse arcem confundere cum capitolio, quia arx et capitolium erant in eodem solo, in saxo Tarpeio, et ars erat vicina capitolio. Rursum quia sacrificia gentilium fiebant in capitolio, quo ascendere jubebantur Christiani tanquam sacrificaturi diis gentium. Christiani horrebant vocabulum capitolii tanquam scopulosum et infestum, velut dæmonum domicilium, arcem et synagogam Antichristi. Itaque apud Hieronymum in dialogo adversus Luciferianos videmus Orthodoxis objectum fuisse a Luciferianis quod illi, cum ab Arianis, quos aiebant esse gentiles, susciperent episcopos, non tam episcopos recipere quam de capitolio sacerdotes videbantur, adeoque Ecclesiam catholicam Antichristi magis synagogam quam Christi Ecclesiam debere nuncupari. Et paulo post Orthodoxus ait, nisi forte homo edoctus in capitolio. Unde Cyprianus infra in hac ipsa epistola, pag. 88, ait : Quid superest nisi ut Ecclesia (the note breaks off here at the foot of col 840, the quotation unfinished)
[…] spectacles; Cicero, in the speech for Milo: "The temple of holiness, of greatness, of wisdom, of public counsel, the head of the world, the altar of the allies, the harbour of all nations." For although the Capitol is properly in the city of Rome, it concerned the greatness and majesty of the Republic that, once foreign nations and peoples had fallen under the rule and dominion of the Roman people, they should follow its customs; and that the colonies led out into them, propagated as it were from the City, of which (as Aulus Gellius says, XVI, 13) they seemed to be little likenesses and images, should receive all the laws and institutions of the Roman people: capitols, amphitheatres, baths, and the other amusements and consolations of servitude. So there were many cities in the empire that had capitols; a list of them is found in Rycquius's commentary On the Roman Capitol and in Du Cange's Latin Glossary. However, since there are some passages in Jerome and other ancient writers that seem to say that the Capitol and the citadel are the same thing, while on the contrary Livy and others distinguish between the citadel and the Capitol, especially Aulus Gellius, who in V, 12 places the temple of Vejovis between the citadel and the Capitol, I would think this apparent contradiction can conveniently be removed by saying that it was easy to confuse the citadel with the Capitol because the citadel and the Capitol stood on the same ground, the Tarpeian rock, and the citadel ("ars", as printed) was next to the Capitol. Again, because the sacrifices of the pagans were made on the Capitol, to which Christians were ordered to go up as if to sacrifice to the gods of the nations, Christians shrank from the word "Capitol" as from something rocky and hostile, the dwelling of demons, the citadel and synagogue of Antichrist. So in Jerome's dialogue against the Luciferians we see that the Orthodox were reproached by the Luciferians because, in receiving bishops from the Arians, whom they called pagans, they seemed to be receiving not so much bishops as priests from the Capitol, so that the Catholic Church ought rather to be called the synagogue of Antichrist than the Church of Christ. And a little after the Orthodox speaker says: "unless perhaps a man taught in the Capitol". Whence Cyprian, below in this very letter, p. 88, says: "What remains, except that the Church" (breaks off)
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(33) ‹anchor: Convicium faciant› · call above the cropped foot (col 840)
Convicium faciant. Duo libri veteres habent convicium et injuriam, Monasteriensis conviciorum injuriam, BALUZ.
"They make abuse." Two old books have "abuse and injury"; the Münster manuscript, "the injury of abuses". Baluze.
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(printed under page 472) (⁹⁹) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841 Prosequuntur Corb. Colb. 1, 2.
"Prosequuntur" (they pursue): Corbie and Colbert MSS 1 and 2.
(printed under page 472) (¹) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841 Illi magis patiuntur injuriam Lam. Ebor. NC. 1.
"Illi magis patiuntur injuriam" (they rather suffer the injury): Lambeth, York, New College 1.
(printed under page 472) (²) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841 Perversa mens Lam NC. 1. Ebor. Bod. 2.
"Perversa mens" (a perverse mind): Lambeth, New College 1, York, Bodleian 2.
(printed under page 472) (³) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841 Ne sequantur poenitentiam Lin.
"Ne sequantur poenitentiam" (lest they pursue penance): Lincoln MS.
(printed under page 472) (⁴) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841 Delectum Lam. Ebor. Lin. Voss. 2.
"Delectum" (choice): Lambeth, York, Lincoln, Vossius 2.
(printed under page 472) (⁵) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841 Tertius delicta diluere Vet. Innom.
"Tertius delicta diluere" (thirdly, to wash away sins): the old anonymous edition.
(printed under page 472) (⁶) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841 Et non subveniat poenitentia Oxon. sumpta sit Benev.
"Et non subveniat poenitentia" (and penance may not help): the Oxford edition; "sumpta sit" (has been taken): the Benevento MS.
(printed under page 472) (⁷) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841 Populi Dei Bod. 3.
"Populi Dei" (of the people of God): Bodleian 3.
(printed under page 472) (⁸) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841 Major incurrit Lm. N C. 2.
"Major incurrit" (the greater one incurs): Lincoln, New College 2.
(printed under page 472) (⁹) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841 Et propitianda Corb.
"Et propitianda" (and to be propitiated): Corbie MS.
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(34) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841
Illorum ipsorum. Hanc lectionem confirmant omnes veteres libri. Erasmus posuit lapsorum. BALUZ.
"Of those very persons." All the old books confirm this reading. Erasmus put "of the lapsed." Baluze.
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(35) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841
Neque enim. Citat hunc locum sanctus Hieronymus in epistola ad Marcum presbyterum Celedensem : Apud Christianos enim non qui patitur, ut ait quidam, sed qui facit contumeliam miser est. Probat autem ista auctoritas recte istic a nobis positum esse patitur pro eo quod antea legebatur audit. Emendationem nobis subministravit optimus codex. Iterum Hieronymus in epistola ad Pammachium adversus Rufinum : Quid est plus sustinere calumniam an facere? et infra ; Aut facis injuriam vel pateris. Idem in apologia adversus eumdem Rufinum : Magis volui pati injuriam quam facere. Cicero in libro de Amicitia : Hic honos veteri amicitiae tribuendus est ut is in culpa sit qui facit non qui patitur injuriam ; et lib. v Quaestionum Tusculanarum : Accipere quam facere praestat injuriam. Et lib. I Officiorum : Fortes igitur et magnanimi sunt habendi, non qui faciunt, sed qui propulsant injuriam. Boetius, lib. IV de Consolatione philosophiae scribit inferiores esse eos qui faciunt quam qui patiuntur injuriam. A. Gellius, lib. IX, cap. 12 : Injurias itidem dicimus tam illorum qui patiuntur quam qui faciunt. Vide etiam l. XII, c. 9, necnon Cassianum collat. 12, cap 13. P. Syrus : Etiam qui faciunt odio habent injuriam. Quintilianus, lib. VIII, cap. 5 : In omni certamine qui opulentior est, etiamsi accipit injuriam, quia plus potest, facere videtur. Seneca Thebaide : Quoties necesse est fallere aut falli, patiaris potius ipse quam facias scelus. BALUZ.
"For not." Saint Jerome cites this place in his letter to Marcus, presbyter of Chalcis: "For among Christians it is not he who suffers an insult, as someone says, but he who inflicts it who is wretched." That authority proves that we were right to put "suffers" here in place of the earlier reading "hears." A very good manuscript supplied the correction. Again Jerome, in the letter to Pammachius against Rufinus: "Which is more, to bear a slander or to make one?" and below: "Either you do wrong or you suffer it." The same in the apology against the same Rufinus: "I preferred to suffer wrong rather than do it." Cicero in the book On Friendship: "This honour must be paid to an old friendship, that he is at fault who does the wrong, not he who suffers it"; and in Tusculan Disputations V: "It is better to receive a wrong than to do one." And in On Duties I: "So those are to be held brave and great-souled, not who do wrong, but who repel it." Boethius, Consolation of Philosophy IV, writes that "those who do wrong are lower than those who suffer it." Aulus Gellius, IX, 12: "We likewise speak of 'injuries' both of those who suffer them and of those who do them." See also XII, 9, and Cassian, Conference 12, ch. 13. Publilius Syrus: "Even those who do wrong hate wrong." Quintilian, VIII, 5: "In every contest the wealthier man, even if he receives the wrong, seems to do it, because he has more power." Seneca, Thebais: "Whenever one must deceive or be deceived, suffer the crime yourself rather than commit it." Baluze.
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(¹⁰) ‹anchor: a non veris presbyteris› · call in col 842 Editi, a presbyteris : ope trium mss. resarciuntur.
The printed editions read "a presbyteris" (by presbyters); [the missing words] are restored with the help of three manuscripts.
(continued) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841
Ecclesia capitolio cedat. Tertullianus in libro de Spectaculis : Proinde si capitolium, si serapeum sacrificator et adorator intravero, a Deo excidam. In veteri glossario bibliothecae Regiae legitur : Arx, capitolium. Et mox : Capitolium, summum caput regionis. BALUZ.
"The Church give way to the Capitol." Tertullian in the book On the Spectacles: "So if I enter the Capitol or the Serapeum as one who sacrifices and adores, I shall fall away from God." In an old glossary of the Royal Library one reads: "Citadel, Capitol." And shortly after: "Capitol, the highest head of a region." Baluze.
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(36) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 842
Dilectum veritatis. In aliquot mss. Anglic. delectum. Retinendum cum aliis libris dilectum, hoc est dilectionem, seu, ut praefert Vulgata, charitatem. COUSTANT.
"The love of truth." In some English manuscripts "delectum" (choice). "Dilectum" is to be kept with the other books, that is "dilectio" (love), or, as the Vulgate has it, "charity." Coustant.
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Delicta cognoscere. Codex Puxensis, bonis actibus et confessionibus delicta purgare. Vetus codex a Nicolao Fabro citatus et vetus editio innominati addunt, tertius commissa diluere. At ego, cum hoc additamentum non invenerim in vetustis codicibus quibus usus sum, neque in Anglicanis, non sum ausus addere. BALUZ.
"To acknowledge sins." The Puy manuscript: "to purge sins by good deeds and confessions." An old manuscript cited by Nicolas Le Fèvre and the old edition of an anonymous editor add "thirdly, to wash away what was committed." But since I did not find this addition in the old manuscripts I used, nor in the English ones, I did not dare add it. Baluze.
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(38) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 842
Subsit. Editi cum pluribus mss. subveniat. Verior visa est lectio ms. Veron, cui favet quod in vetusto Colb. sumpsit. Unde et in aliis duobus sumpta sit substitutum est. Nec displicet quod in recentiore Colb. supersit, praesertim cum superiori verbo perdiderunt, istud apte respondeat. COUSTANT.
"Remain [beneath]." The printed editions with several manuscripts read "subveniat" (help). The reading of the Verona manuscript seemed truer, and it is supported by "sumpsit" in the old Colbert manuscript; whence in two others "sumpta sit" was substituted. Nor is the reading of the more recent Colbert manuscript, "supersit" (remain over), unwelcome, especially since it answers aptly to the earlier verb "they have lost." Coustant.
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(39) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 842
Exarmatur. Tertullianus in libro de Pudicitia : Exarmata sunt jura. BALUZ.
"Is disarmed." Tertullian in the book On Modesty: "The laws have been disarmed." Baluze.
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(40) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 842
Asserenda et procuranda. Hanc lectionem deprehendi in tribus antiquis codicibus alii quinque habent asserenda et propitianda. Veteres editiones et tres libri veteres, asserenda, propitianda, et procuranda.
"To be claimed and procured." I found this reading in three ancient manuscripts; five others have "to be claimed and propitiated." The old editions and three old books: "to be claimed, propitiated, and procured."
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(41) ‹anchor: a non veris presbyteris› · call in col 842
Pax a presbyteris. Hanc lectionem habere omnes libros manuscriptos a se visos testatur Pamelius. Ego, qui illum quoque reperi in undecim codicibus antiquis, non improbo tamen lectionem veterum editionum, quam etiam vidi confirmatam auctoritate novem librorum veterum. Ea habet : Pax a non veris presbyteris. Sentire enim potuit Cy- (continues)
"Peace by presbyters." Pamelius testifies that all the manuscripts he saw have this reading. I, who also found it in eleven ancient manuscripts, do not however reject the reading of the old editions, which I have also seen confirmed by the authority of nine old books. It reads: "Peace by presbyters who are not true." For Cy[prian] could have thought (continues)
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(continued) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 843
[...] propterea scribere constituissent pro constituisse, ut sensus constaret, quem aliter constare non posse arbitrabatur. Ego vero, qui in ea epistola emendanda usus sum septemdecim libris veteribus, nuspiam inveni vocem nisi praeterquam in Corbeiensi : qui tamen non habet constituissent, sed constituisse, ut alii. Itaque praefero cum ratione veterem lectionem, et puto sensum ita recte constare. Nam statim additur : Post ista autem, etc. BALUZ.
[...] therefore to write "constituissent" (they had decided) instead of "constituisse" (to have decided), so that the sense might hold, which he thought could not hold otherwise. But I, who used seventeen old books in correcting that letter, nowhere found the word "nisi" (unless) except in the Corbie manuscript, which however does not have "constituissent" but "constituisse," like the others. So I prefer the old reading, with reason, and I think the sense holds rightly thus. For it is added at once: "But after these things," etc. Baluze.
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A non communicantibus. Ita edit. Oxon. cum nostris mss. At in caeteris omittitur praepositio a. Pergit Cyprianus per antithesim loqui : ut quomodo dixit proxime pacem a non veris presbyteris praedicari, ita nunc communicationem a non communicantibus offerri doceat. Eadem ratione de iisdem presbyteris factionis Felicissimi Epist. XL, ad plebem loquitur : Pacem nunc offerunt, qui ipsi non habent pacem. In Ecclesiam lapsos reducere et revocare promittunt, qui de Ecclesia recesserunt. COUSTANT.
"By those not in communion." So the Oxford edition with our manuscripts; in the rest the preposition "a" (by) is omitted. Cyprian goes on speaking by antithesis: as he has just said that peace is proclaimed "by presbyters who are not true," so now he teaches that communion is "offered by those not in communion." In the same way he speaks of the same presbyters of Felicissimus's faction in Letter 40, to the people: "Now they offer peace who themselves have no peace. They promise to lead back and recall the lapsed into the Church, who have themselves withdrawn from the Church." Coustant.
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Fraudibus involutos. Sumptum istud videtur ex libro XVI Annalium Taciti : Dedit exemplum praecavendi quomodo fraudibus involutos aut flagitiis commaculatos, etc. Innocentius Papa I, in epistola ad Agapetum, Macedonum et Maximum : Modestum quemdam multis criminibus involutum. Imperator Constantinus in titulo Codicis Theodosiani de Repudiis : Restat ut si graves causas atque involutam criminibus magnis conscientiam probaverit. Cassiodorus lib. IV, epist. 23 : Basilium atque Praetextatum magicis artibus involutos.
"Entangled in frauds." This seems taken from Tacitus, Annals XVI: "He gave an example of guarding against how [men] entangled in frauds or stained with crimes," etc. Pope Innocent I, in the letter to Agapetus, Macedonius and Maximus: "a certain Modestus entangled in many crimes." The Emperor Constantine in the title of the Theodosian Code on Divorces: "It remains that, if she proves grave causes and a conscience entangled in great crimes." Cassiodorus, book IV, letter 23: "Basilius and Praetextatus entangled in magic arts."
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Exomologesin. In codice Laetiensi scriptum est antiquitus supra lineam id est confessionem. Ex similibus annotationibus ortae sunt tot discrepantiae et tot vocabula synonyma in operibus sancti Cypriani. Vide Dallaeum, lib. VII, cap. 4, 5, et 10, de Poenis et Satisfactionibus humanis. BALUZ.
"Exomologesis." In the Liessies manuscript "that is, confession" was written above the line in an old hand. From similar annotations arose so many discrepancies and so many synonyms in the works of Saint Cyprian. See Daillé, On Human Penalties and Satisfactions, book VII, chs. 4, 5 and 10. Baluze.
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(46) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 843
Ab omnibus. Restituenda mihi in hoc loco visa est lectio veterum editionum, quam confirmant novem exemplaria nostra et septem Anglicana. Manutius expunxit praepositionem. BALUZ.
"By all." It seemed to me that the reading of the old editions should be restored in this place; nine of our copies and seven English ones confirm it. Manutius struck out the preposition. Baluze.
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(47) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 843
Pseudo episcopo. Fortunato. BALUZ.
"To the false bishop": to Fortunatus. Baluze.
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Ad Petri Cathedram, atque ad Ecclesiam principalem.... non possit accessum. Mirum in modium haec palmaria D. Cypriani verba distorquent commentatores quotquot haeretici vel neoterici ut ea in protervum quisque suum sensum dissipet. Au- [...] — Episcoporum Africae concilio damnati provocaverant (schismatici). Itaque laudat (Cyprianus) Ecclesiam Romanam ad quam illi navigaverant cum libello appellationis. Subinde autem schismaticis perfidiae crimen inurit, quo magis faciat invisos Romanis fide praestantibus. Nam et hunc sensum Paulinis verbis accommodat. Ad eos vero perfidiam accessum habere ullum non debere, nec posse, ait. Subjicit, appellantes minime esse audiendos, causa semel cognita, dictaque sententia. Mox et auctoritatem episcoporum in provincia sua tuetur. Statutum esse omnibus Episcopis ; sed et aequum esse pariter et justum, ut causa non alibi disceptetur, quam ubi est crimen admissum. Singulis pastoribus Episcopis portionem gregis esse adscriptam, quam regat unusquisque, actus sui sive administrationis suae rationem redditurus, non Romae, sed in coelis : non Cornelio, sed Christo. Pulchre igitur et prudenter laudato Cornelio, de praedicata Ecclesiae principalis auctoritate, sive praerogativa, negat ullas ejus esse partes in causa Novatiani, peracta jam in Africa cognitione damnati. Hieronymus adversus Rufinum : Scito Romanam fidem, Apostolica voce laudatam, istiusmodi praestigias non recipere. Sic omnes fere Latini Patres Pauli ad Romanos verba acceperunt, quasi rectior et sincerior fuisset apud Romanos fides : cum hoc tantum dicat Apostolus, agere se gratias Deo, quod ubique passim fama sit, etiam Romanos, rerum dominos, fidem Christianam suscepisse. Quod certe ob dignitatem Urbis, quae totius orbis erat caput et gentium domina, valde ad fidei Christianae propagationem conducebat. Caeterum fidem Romanorum Paulo scribente non usquequaque fuisse probabilem, ostendunt ipsa Pauli verba. Quod etiam observavit Ambrosius prooemio Commentarior. in Epistolam ad Rom., et in haec ipsa quidem Pauli quae citantur a Cypriano. Fidem Romanorum ait non fuisse tunc secundum regulam traditae ab auctoribus veritatis. Tamen quia, quod ab uno Deo erat, interposito Christi nomine, coeperant venerari, gratulatur illis Apostolus, sciens illos posse proficere. Tum quia fama fidei illorum erat profectus multorum. Tum certe quia qui non crediderant, poterant credere horum exemplo. Facile enim, inquit, facit inferior, quod fieri viderit a potiore. Denique ipse Hieronymus, (continues)
"To the chair of Peter and to the principal Church.... could have no access." It is wonderful how all the commentators, heretics or moderns, twist these crowning words of Saint Cyprian, so that each scatters them into his own wanton sense. Au- [...] — (the schismatics), condemned by a council of the bishops of Africa, had appealed. So (Cyprian) praises the Roman Church, to which they had sailed with a petition of appeal. Then he brands the schismatics with the charge of faithlessness, to make them the more hateful to the Romans, who excel in faith; for he fits this sense too to Paul's words. He says that faithlessness ought not and cannot have any access to them. He adds that appellants are by no means to be heard once a case has been tried and sentence given. Next he defends the authority of the bishops in their own province: it has been decreed by all the bishops, and it is fair and just as well, that a case be argued nowhere but where the crime was committed. To each shepherd-bishop a portion of the flock has been assigned, which each is to rule, and he will give account of his conduct or administration not at Rome but in heaven, not to Cornelius but to Christ. So, having finely and prudently praised Cornelius on the proclaimed authority, or prerogative, of the principal Church, he denies that it has any part in the case of Novatian, already condemned after the trial completed in Africa. Jerome against Rufinus: "Know that the Roman faith, praised by the Apostle's voice, does not admit such conjuring tricks." Thus nearly all the Latin Fathers took Paul's words to the Romans as if the faith had been more correct and sincere among the Romans, when the Apostle says only that he gives thanks to God that it is reported everywhere that even the Romans, the masters of the world, had received the Christian faith. This, because of the dignity of the City, which was the head of the whole world and mistress of the nations, certainly did much for the spread of the Christian faith. But that the faith of the Romans, when Paul wrote, was not in every respect commendable, Paul's own words show. Ambrose also observed this in the preface to his Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, and on these very words of Paul cited by Cyprian. He says that the faith of the Romans was not then according to the rule of the truth handed down by its authors. Yet because they had begun to venerate what came from the one God, with the name of Christ set between, the Apostle congratulates them, knowing that they could advance; and also because the report of their faith was the advancement of many; and certainly also because those who had not believed could believe by their example. "For the lower," he says, "readily does what he has seen done by the stronger." Finally Jerome himself, (continues)
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Unitas sacerdotalis. Hanc doctrinam frequenter inculcat Cyprianus, praesertim in libro de Unitate Ecclesiae. Sic etiam Optatus Milevitanus, BALUZ.
"Priestly unity." Cyprian frequently inculcates this teaching, especially in the book On the Unity of the Church. So also Optatus of Milevis. Baluze.
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Quorum fides. Id est Romanorum. Hieronymus in prooemio libri secundi commentariorum in Epistolam ad Galatas : Romae urbis laudatur fides. Non quod aliam habeant Romani fidem nisi hanc quam omnes Christi Ecclesiae, sed quod devotio in eis major sit et simplicitas ad credendum. Bacharius in apologia sua seu Catholicae fidei formula edita in tomo secundo Analectorum Muratorii : Si pro culpa unius totius provinciae anathematizanda generatio est, damnetur et illa beatissima discipula, hoc est Roma, de qua nunc non una, sed duae vel tres aut eo amplius haereses pullularunt, et tamen nulla earum cathearum Petri hoc est sedem fidei aut tenere potuit aut movere. BALUZ.
"Whose faith": that is, the Romans'. Jerome in the preface to the second book of his commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians: "The faith of the city of Rome is praised; not that the Romans have any other faith than that of all the Churches of Christ, but because there is greater devotion in them and simplicity in believing." Bachiarius in his apology, or formula of the Catholic faith, published in the second volume of Muratori's Analecta: "If for the fault of one man the generation of a whole province is to be anathematized, let that most blessed disciple too be condemned, that is, Rome, from which now not one but two or three heresies or even more have sprouted; and yet none of them could either hold or shake the chair of Peter, that is, the seat of faith." Baluze.
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Contra episcopum. In vulgatis, contra episcopos, quae verba absunt a Corb. In vetusto Colb. [...] runt. Sed tropicae hujusmodi locutioni minus congruere videtur hic locus. COUSTANT.
"Against the bishop." In the printed texts, "against the bishops"; the words are absent from the Corbie manuscript. In the old Colbert manuscript [...] But this passage seems to suit such a figurative expression less well. Coustant.
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Ab omnibus. In vulgatis desideratur praepositio ab, quam nostri mss. cum octo Anglic. exhibent. Hic decretum communi Afrorum consensu constitutum notatur. COUSTANT. — Nam cum statutum. Baronius, qui similem sententiam legebat in epistola tertia Fabiani Papae ad Hilarium episcopum, non dubitabat quin ad hanc epistolam respiceret Cyprianus cum ista scribebat. In quo certe falsus est vir doctissimus. Certum quippe est epistolam illam Fabiani prorsus incognitam fuisse sancto martyri. Apud Gratianum 3, q. 6, cap. Peregrina, tribuitur Sixto Papae in antiquis editionibus. Correctores Romani addiderunt, sumptum esse ex epistola Sixti Papae III, ad episcopos orientales BALUZ.
"By all." In the printed texts the preposition "ab" (by) is missing; our manuscripts with eight English ones show it. A decree established by the common consent of the Africans is noted here. Coustant. — "For since it has been decreed." Baronius, who read a similar statement in the third letter of Pope Fabian to bishop Hilarius, did not doubt that Cyprian had this letter in view when he wrote these words. In this the most learned man was certainly mistaken; for it is certain that that letter of Fabian was entirely unknown to the holy martyr. In Gratian, [Causa] 3, q. 6, ch. "Peregrina," it is ascribed to Pope Sixtus in the old editions. The Roman correctors added that it was taken from the letter of Pope Sixtus III to the eastern bishops. Baluze.
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Causa illic audiatur. Quippe Afri censebant, uti postea ipsi scripsere ad Coelestinum Papam, quaecunque negotia in suis locis ubi orta sunt finienda, nec unicuique provinciae gratiam sancti Spiritus defuturam. Imperatores Valentinianus et Valens, l. X Cod. Theodos. de accusat. et inscriptionibus : Ultra provincia terminos accusandi licentia non progrediatur. Oportet enim illic criminum judicia agitari ubi facinus dicitur admissum ; et l. XIII. Extra provinciae terminos accusatori non erit licentia progredi, quia oportet illic criminum judicia fieri ubi facinus dicitur admissum. Vide Julianum antecessorem cap. 210. BALUZ.
"Let the case be heard there." For the Africans held, as they themselves later wrote to Pope Celestine, that all matters must be settled in the places where they arose, and that the grace of the Holy Spirit would not be lacking to any province. The emperors Valentinian and Valens, Theodosian Code, On Accusations and Inscriptions, law 10: "Let the licence to accuse not go beyond the bounds of the province. For the trials of crimes must be conducted where the deed is said to have been committed"; and law 13: "The accuser will have no licence to go outside the bounds of the province, because the trials of crimes must take place where the deed is said to have been committed." See Julian the law-professor, ch. 210. Baluze.
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Paucis desperatis et perditis. Hoc est, Felicissimo et aliis qui cum illo Romam convocarant, postquam Fortunatum pseudoepiscopum constituissent, et de quibus Afri sententiam dixerant. A Cypriani igitur mente aberrat Oxoniensis editor, cui beato illo Martyre judice pro DESPERATIS ET PERDITIS habendi sunt, quibus minor videtur auctoritas episcoporum in Africa ; quam vel Cornelii ipsius in Petri cathedra Romae sedentis. Imo nec Felicissimus ac socii ideo quod Romam provocassent, sed propter schisma aliaque infanda crimina desperati et perditi appellantur. Cyprianus igitur cum Africanis episcopis non Cornelium, sed Privatum, Felicem, Jovinum et Maximum, adversus quos Africanorum judicia paulo ante recensuerat conferens ait : Nisi forte episcoporum in Africa constitutorum auctoritas paucorum illorum desperatorum auctoritate minor videatur. COUSTANT.
"To a few desperate and abandoned men." That is, to Felicissimus and the others who had sailed to Rome with him after setting up Fortunatus as false bishop, and on whom the Africans had pronounced sentence. The Oxford editor therefore strays from Cyprian's meaning when he says that "in the judgement of that blessed Martyr those are to be held DESPERATE AND ABANDONED to whom the authority of the bishops in Africa seems less than that even of Cornelius himself, seated in Peter's chair at Rome." On the contrary, Felicissimus and his companions are called "desperate and abandoned" not because they had appealed to Rome, but because of their schism and other unspeakable crimes. So Cyprian, comparing with the African bishops not Cornelius but Privatus, Felix, Jovinus and Maximus, against whom he had just recounted the judgements of the Africans, says: "Unless perhaps the authority of the bishops established in Africa seems less than the authority of those few desperate men." Coustant.
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(printed under page 476) (¹⁸) ‹anchor: aut fratres› · call in col 849 Aut fratribus Lam. Bod. 2. Ebor. NC. 1.
"Aut fratribus" (or to the brethren): Lambeth, Bodleian 2, York, New College 1.
(printed under page 476) (¹⁹) ‹anchor: cum scandalo› · call in col 849 Non possunt, nisi cum scandalo Lam. Bod. 1. 2. 3. Ebor. NC. 1.
"Non possunt, nisi cum scandalo" (they cannot, except with scandal): Lambeth, Bodleian 1, 2, 3, York, New College 1.
(printed under page 476) (²⁰) ‹anchor: sic putamina› · call in col 849 Putramiaa Ver. fragmina Lam. Ben. Bod. 1, 2, 3. Lin. NC. 2. <!-- Misprint kept as printed: the first word prints "Putramiaa" (for "Putramina", the form used in notes 56 and 58). -->
"Putramina" [printed "Putramiaa"] (rotten parts): Verona MS; "fragmina" (fragments): Lambeth, Benevento, Bodleian 1, 2, 3, Lincoln, New College 2.
(printed under page 476) (²¹) ‹anchor: et contactas› · call in col 849 Contractas Compend. mss. Idem habuit et Corb., sed subinde in eo littera r expuncta est.
"Contractas" (drawn together): the Compiègne manuscripts. The Corbie manuscript also had the same, but afterwards the letter r was struck out in it.
(printed under page 476) (²²) ‹anchor: tione contaminet› · call in col 849 Non attendas (60) numerum illorum. Melior est enim unus timens, quam mille filii impii, sicut locutus est Dominus per prophetam (61) dicens : Fili, ne jucunderis in filiis impiis, si multiplicentur tibi, cum non fuerit timor Dei in ipsis. Foss.
"Do not look to their number. For one who fears [God] is better than a thousand ungodly sons, as the Lord spoke through the prophet, saying: 'Son, take no delight in ungodly sons if they be multiplied to you, when the fear of God is not in them.'" Vossius MS.
(printed under page 476) (²³) ‹anchor: isti et perversi› · call in col 849 Subversi Benev.
"Subversi" (overthrown): Benevento MS.
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Vinctam. Erasmus in margine suae editionis monuit alibi legi involutam. Sic etiam habuisse scio codicem Veronensem. Eadem lectio reperitur in codice Corbeiensi et in Turonensi. Lactantius, lib. IV, c. 17, involutum pectus. BALUZ.
"Bound." Erasmus noted in the margin of his edition that elsewhere "involutam" (wrapped) is read. I know the Verona manuscript had it too. The same reading is found in the Corbie and Tours manuscripts. Lactantius, IV, 17: "a wrapped-up breast." Baluze.
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Non possint. In sex mss. Anglic. hic adjicitur nisi : quod abest a nostris mss. Mox totidem praeferunt fragmina pro voce putamina, cujus loco mss. Veron., duo Calb., necnon Corb. a prima manu exhibent putramina. COUSTANT.
"They cannot." In six English manuscripts "nisi" (unless) is added here, which is absent from our manuscripts. Shortly after, as many have "fragmina" (fragments) for the word "putamina" (husks), in place of which the Verona manuscript, two Colbert manuscripts, and the Corbie in the first hand show "putramina" (rotten parts). Coustant.
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Nisi cum scandalo. Vocem nisi, quae videbatur deesse in hoc loco, reposuimus secuti auctoritatem quatuor veterum exemplarium. BALUZ.
"Except with scandal." The word "nisi," which seemed to be missing in this place, we have restored, following the authority of four old copies. Baluze.
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Putramina. Infra in libro de Lapsis, pag. 186, putraminibus amputatis. Quidquid alii sentiant, ego puto hanc lectionem esse retinendam, cum reperiatur in omnibus antiquis exemplaribus et in antiquis editionibus. In codice Lamonii legitur, vel fragmenta, vel sputamina. BALUZ.
"Rotten parts." Below, in the book On the Lapsed, p. 186: "the rotten parts having been cut away." Whatever others think, I believe this reading should be kept, since it is found in all the old copies and the old editions. In Lamoignon's manuscript one reads "either fragments or spittle." Baluze.
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Colligenda. Illustrissimus episcopus Oxoniensis putabat scribi debere colliganda. Verum omnes libri veteres et omnes editiones repugnant. Reinhartus posuit collidenda, forte per errorem typographi, BALUZ.
"To be gathered." The most illustrious bishop of Oxford thought it should be written "colliganda" (to be bound up). But all the old books and all the editions are against it. Reinhart put "collidenda" (to be crushed), perhaps by a printer's error. Baluze.
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Non attendas. Retinuimus hanc pericopen, quia illam invenimus in antiquis editionibus et in decem libris veteribus. Praeterea Rigaltius admonet se illam invenisse in uno exemplari editionis Manutianae in quo ea addita fuerat ex quodam libro veteri. Et tamen eam non posuit in contextu, sed inter observationes. Manutius eam rejecerat, laudatus propterea a Pamelio, tum quia, ut ille ait, desideratur in manuscriptis omnibus, tum quod nihil hoc loco ad institutum facere videtur. Mutasset forte sententiam suam Pamelius, si scivisset illam exstare in decem antiquis codicibus et in eo quem citat Rigaltius. Morellius non probavit quod factum fuerat a Manutio. Et enim hoc segmentum retinuit in editione sua. Angli omiserunt. Caeterum silendum non illud desiderari in tredecim libris veteribus. BALUZ.
"Do not look." We have kept this passage because we found it in the old editions and in ten old books. Besides, Rigault notes that he found it in one copy of the Manutius edition, in which it had been added from some old book; and yet he did not put it in the text but among his observations. Manutius had rejected it, and was praised for this by Pamelius, both because, as he says, it is missing in all the manuscripts and because it seems to do nothing for the purpose of this place. Pamelius might perhaps have changed his opinion if he had known that it exists in ten ancient manuscripts and in the one Rigault cites. Morel did not approve what Manutius had done, for he kept this segment in his edition. The English omitted it. But it must not be passed over that it is missing in thirteen old books. Baluze.
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Per prophetam In uno libro meo vetere, per Salomonem. Recte. Nam ista sumpta sunt ex libro Ecclesiastici. BALUZ.
"Through the prophet." In one old book of mine, "through Solomon." Rightly; for these words are taken from the book of Ecclesiasticus. Baluze.
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(²⁴) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 850 Obtendente Bod. 3.
"Obtendente" (pretending): Bodleian 3.
(printed under page 476) (²⁵) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 850 Fuerunt, qui nec fidem Lam. Ebor. Bod. 2. NC 1.
"Fuerunt, qui nec fidem" (there were those who not even faith): Lambeth, York, Bodleian 2, New College 1.
(printed under page 476) (²⁶) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 850 Testis ejus peccatorum Bod. 2.
"Testis ejus peccatorum" (witness of his sins): Bodleian 2.
(printed under page 476) (²⁷) ‹anchor: nec audent venire› · call in col 850 Ita nostri mss. At editi, nec nos audent adire.
So our manuscripts. But the printed editions: "nor do they dare approach us."
(printed under page 476)
(printed under page 477) (²⁸) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 851 Editi clauditur : refragantibus mss. Deinde in recentior Colb. nec episcopo, in quibusdam Anglic. nec episcopatus.
The printed editions read "clauditur" (is closed), against the manuscripts. Then in the more recent Colbert MS "nec episcopo" (nor to the bishop); in some English ones "nec episcopatus" (nor of the episcopate).
(printed under page 477) (²⁹) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 851 Episcopatus Benev. Voss. 2. Bod. 3,
"Episcopatus" (of the episcopate): Benevento, Vossius 2, Bodleian 3.
(printed under page 477) (³⁰) ‹anchor: fidei Zacharia› · call in col 851 Virtutis acris Zacharias Bod. 3.
"Virtutis acris Zacharias" (Zechariah of keen virtue): Bodleian 3.
(printed under page 477) (³¹) ‹anchor: et lapidatione› · call in col 851 Lapidationibus Lam NC. 1. Bod. 2, 3. Ebor.
"Lapidationibus" (by stonings): Lambeth, New College 1, Bodleian 2, 3, York.
(printed under page 477) (³²) ‹anchor: Haec dicit Dominus› · call in col 851 Sic Bod. 1, 2, 3. Lam. Ebor. N C. 1, 2. dixit Impr.
So Bodleian 1, 2, 3, Lambeth, York, New College 1, 2; "dixit" (said): the printed editions.
(printed under page 477) (³³) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 851 Sic Lam Ebor. Lin. relinquet Oxon.
So Lambeth, York, Lincoln; "relinquet" (will leave): the Oxford edition.
(printed under page 477) (³⁴) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 851 Coelestes thesauros Lam. Ebor. Bod. 1, NC.
"Coelestes thesauros" (heavenly treasures): Lambeth, York, Bodleian 1, New College.
(printed under page 477) (³⁵) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 851 Dereliquerunt Bod. 3.
"Dereliquerunt" (they forsook): Bodleian 3.
(printed under page 477) (³⁶) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 851 Quam ad Voss. 2. Lam. Ebor. NC. 1. 2, quam quod, Imp.
"Quam ad" (than to): Vossius 2, Lambeth, York, New College 1, 2; "quam quod" (than that): the printed editions.
(printed under page 477) (³⁷) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 851 De episcopo haeretici Corb. mss. cum recentiore Col. et Ver. — Constituti haeretici. Voss. 2.
"De episcopo haeretici" (of the heretic's bishop): the Corbie manuscripts with the more recent Colbert and the Verona. — "Constituti haeretici" (of the established heretic): Vossius 2.
(printed under page 477) (³⁸) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 851 De altari Domini Fab.
"De altari Domini" (from the altar of the Lord): Le Fèvre's MS.
(printed under page 477)
(62) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 851
Colligendae fraternitatis Codex Gratianopolitanus, unitatis. Sed alia loctio melior. Ista tamen non erat negligenda BALUZ.
"Of gathering the brotherhood." The Grenoble manuscript: "of unity." But the other reading is better. Still, this one was not to be neglected. Baluze.
(printed under page 477)
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Cum vera poenit. Codex Fuxensis, necdum veram ad poenitentiam. BALUZ.
"With true penance." The Foix manuscript: "not yet to true penance." Baluze.
(printed under page 477)
(64) ‹anchor: occidi potest› · call in col 851
Occidi potest. Infra epist. LVI, p. 91 : Nec vereamur occidi, quos constat quando occidimur coronari ; et epistola LVII, pag. 95 : Intellexit milites Christi vinci non posse, mori posse. Hieronymus in calce libri de Vita Malchi monachi ait, Hominem Christo deditum posse mori, non posse superari. Tertullianus in Apologetico : Vincimus cum occidimur. Prudentius in carmine de Romano martyre : / Si vos sinatis, incruente vivimus. / At si cruente puniamur, vincimus / Sulpitius Severus in epistola ad Eusebium scribit justos, id est martyres, omnia tormenta patientes semper invictos, tanto fortius vicisse quanto gravius pertulissent. Idem lib. II Historiae sacrae : Neque majore unquam triumpho vicimus quam cum decem annorum stragibus vinci non potuimus. Agobardus in libro adversus legem Gundobadi, cap. 9 : Quando erat publica contentio de veritate religionis, cum alii putarent colendam pro Deo creaturam quamlibet, alii dicerent solum Creatorem colendum, illi fuerunt victores qui occisi sunt, non qui occiderunt. Seneca, cap. 27, de Vita Beata : Assilite, faciae impetum. Ferendo vos vincam. Idem in consolatione ad Polybium : Intelligit laedi me posse, vinci non posse. Vide infra pag. 463. BALUZ.
"He can be killed." Below, Letter 56, p. 91: "Let us not fear to be killed, who, it is certain, are crowned when we are killed"; and Letter 57, p. 95: "He understood that the soldiers of Christ cannot be conquered, can die." Jerome at the end of the Life of Malchus the monk says "that a man given to Christ can die, cannot be overcome." Tertullian in the Apology: "We conquer when we are killed." Prudentius in the poem on the martyr Romanus: "If you let us, we live without blood; but if we are punished with blood, we conquer." Sulpicius Severus in the letter to Eusebius writes that the just, that is, the martyrs, enduring every torment, were ever unconquered, and conquered the more strongly the more heavily they had suffered. The same, Sacred History II: "Never did we conquer with a greater triumph than when ten years of slaughter could not conquer us." Agobard in the book against the law of Gundobad, ch. 9: "When there was public contention over the truth of religion, when some thought any creature might be worshipped as God and others said the Creator alone was to be worshipped, the victors were those who were killed, not those who killed." Seneca, On the Happy Life, ch. 27: "Leap at me, make your assault. By bearing I shall conquer you." The same in the Consolation to Polybius: "He understands that I can be hurt, cannot be conquered." See below, p. 463. Baluze.
<!-- (62) "loctio" and (64) "Gundobali"/"faciae" as printed: "loctio" set as printed; the king's name prints "Gundobali" (set above as "Gundobadi" in error?) — the scan reads "Gundoba li"; "faciae" as printed. --> (printed under page 477)
(65) ‹anchor: identidem› · call in col 851
Identidem. In codice Sancti Michaelis scriptum est antiquitus supra lineam, id est similiter. Lubenter interdum annoto ista levicula, quia ex iis aut similibus fontibus orti sunt plerique errores qui exstant in codicibus operum sancti Cypriani et aliorum veterum scriptorum. BALUZ.
"Again and again." In the manuscript of Saint-Michel, "that is, likewise" was written above the line in an old hand. I gladly note such trifles now and then, because from these or similar sources have arisen most of the errors found in the manuscripts of the works of Saint Cyprian and of other ancient writers. Baluze.
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Auctoritas ac potestas. Duo postrema vocabula desunt in uno codice Regio. Fortassis igitur istud referendum est inter synonyma quibus abundant opera sancti Martyris. BALUZ.
"Authority and power." The last two words are missing in one Royal manuscript. Perhaps, then, this should be counted among the synonyms in which the holy Martyr's works abound. Baluze.
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De Christiano. Codex Veronensis, de episcopo. Ita etiam Fuxensis. Vox Christiano non habetur in codice Regio neque in Thuano. In Gratianopolitano est catholico. BALUZ.
"Of a Christian." The Verona manuscript: "of a bishop." So also the Foix. The word "Christian" is not in the Royal manuscript nor in de Thou's. In the Grenoble it is "catholic." Baluze.
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Ecclesia Capitolio cedat. Hieronymus in Dialogo adversus Luciferianos dixit : Homo jam edoctus in Capitolio. BALUZ.
"The Church give way to the Capitol." Jerome in the Dialogue against the Luciferians said: "A man already taught in the Capitol." Baluze.
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Congestum. Ego non dubito quin lectio v[ul]gata, quae habet consessum, multo melior videa[tur] quam ista. Verum cum antiquae editiones et oc[to]decim vetera exemplaria habeant nostram, n[on] absque ratione eam praefero. Facile autem fieri p[o]tuit ut ea vox, quae aliam significationem habet pura latinitate, deflexerit apud Afros, ut multa al[ia] vocabula. Primus Erasmus posuit concessum, fo[r]tassis ex conjectura. BALUZ.
"Heap." I do not doubt that the common reading, which has "consessum" (assembly), seems much better than this. But since the old editions and eighteen old copies have ours, I prefer it not without reason. It could easily happen that this word, which has another meaning in pure Latin, shifted among the Africans, like many other words. Erasmus was the first to put "concessum" (granted), perhaps by conjecture. Baluze.
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(printed under page 478) (³⁹) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 853 In faciem nos Edit. Oxon. ex codd. Vos. 2. Lam. Ebor. Bod. 1, 2. Lin. NC. 1, 2. Thu. Mic. Vict. Vetustior ms. Colb. cum aliis a Pamelio appellatis, in facie. Subnexa postulant in pace : quod et caeteri e nostris mss. exhibent.
"In faciem nos" (us to the face): the Oxford edition from the manuscripts Vossius 2, Lambeth, York, Bodleian 1, 2, Lincoln, New College 1, 2, de Thou, Saint-Michel, Saint-Victor. The older Colbert manuscript, with others cited by Pamelius: "in facie" (in the face). The words following require "in pace" (in peace), which the rest of our manuscripts also show.
(printed under page 478) (⁴⁰) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 853 Et qui verbis perfidis Lam. Bod. 2.
"Et qui verbis perfidis" (and who with faithless words): Lambeth, Bodleian 2.
(printed under page 478) (⁴¹) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 853 Ad sanitatem mentes Ver.
"Ad sanitatem mentes" (minds to soundness): Verona MS.
(printed under page 478) (⁴²) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 853 Pectora obsessa Bod. 3. Lin. Benev. ut peccatorum et delictorum Fab. ut pectora delictorum tenebris soluta Bod. 1.
"Pectora obsessa" (besieged hearts): Bodleian 3, Lincoln, Benevento; "ut peccatorum et delictorum" (as of sins and offences): Le Fèvre's MS; "ut pectora delictorum tenebris soluta" (that hearts freed from the darkness of offences): Bodleian 1.
(printed under page 478) (⁴³) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 853 Domino protegente Bod. 3. Voss. 2.
"Domino protegente" (with the Lord protecting): Bodleian 3, Vossius 2.
(printed under page 478) (⁴⁴) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 853 Quando percamus. Pam. Bod. 1. Vetustior ms. cum duobus Anglic. Pereamus. <!-- "percamus" as the scan shows it (likely worn "pereamus"); set as printed. -->
"Quando pereamus" (when we may perish): Pamelius, Bodleian 1. The older manuscript with two English ones: "Pereamus" (let us perish).
(printed under page 478) (⁴⁵) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 853 Sic Lam. Bod. 1. Voss. 2· lamentanda consensio Lin. NC. 2. conditio, Thu. Corb. flenda potius et lamentanda. Benev.
So Lambeth, Bodleian 1, Vossius 2; "lamentanda consensio" (a lamentable agreement): Lincoln, New College 2; "conditio" (condition): de Thou, Corbie; "flenda potius et lamentanda" (rather to be wept over and lamented): Benevento.
(printed under page 478) (⁴⁶) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 853 Habemus Ver.
"Habemus" (we have): Verona MS.
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Antichristus minatur. Multi multa et varia de Antichristo dixerunt. Saepe creditum est illum adventare, imo natum esse. Fuere, uti diximus ad librum Lactantii de Mortibus persecutorum, qui credebent Neronem non esse mortuum, sed adhuc vivere, et venturum ante saeculi finem, et ipsum fore Antichristum. Vide Catechesim 15 Cyrilli Hierosolymitani. BALUZ.
"Antichrist threatens." Many have said many and various things about Antichrist. It has often been believed that he was approaching, indeed that he had been born. There were those, as we said on Lactantius's book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, who believed that Nero had not died but was still alive, and would come before the end of the world and would himself be Antichrist. See the fifteenth Catechesis of Cyril of Jerusalem. Baluze.
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Peremptorum. Duo libri veteres, perditurum. BALUZ.
"Who will destroy." Two old books: "who will lose." Baluze.
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Sanitatem mentis. Theodosius imp. l. I, de Judaeis, Samaritanis, etc. : Quos si ad sanitatem mentis egregiae lege medica revocare conemur. Julius Caesar, lib. VII de bello Gallico : Ad sanitatem reverti pudeat. A. Hirtius in libro de bello Africo : Aliqua ratione perduci ad sanitatem. Lactantius cap. 34, de Mortibus persecutorum : Ut etiam Christiani ad bonas mentes redirent. Juvenalis : Optandum est ut sit mens sana in corpore sano. BALUZ.
"Soundness of mind." The emperor Theodosius, law 1, On Jews, Samaritans, etc.: "If we try to recall them by a healing law to the soundness of an excellent mind." Julius Caesar, Gallic War VII: "Let them be ashamed to return to soundness." Aulus Hirtius in the book on the African War: "To be brought by some means to soundness." Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 34: "That the Christians too might return to a good mind." Juvenal: "One should pray for a sound mind in a sound body." Baluze.
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Pectora operta. Ita Manutius, haud scio an ulla auctoritate. Eum tamen Pamelius et Oxon. editor secuti sunt. Morellius cum uno ms. Anglic. : pectora a delictorum tenebris soluta. Tres alii mss. Anglic., pectora obsessa delictorum tenebris. Notat Pamelius in aliis excusis et scriptis circumferri, peccatores a delictorum tenebris. His concinunt mss Comp., recentior Colb. et Corb., nisi quod in hoc non exstat praepositio a ante vocem delictorum. In vetustiore Colb. legimus, pectora delictorum tenebris. Integra esset haec lectio, si loco vocis pectora, restitueretur praepositio pro. COUSTANT. — Operta. Vetus codex Regius habet obruta ; unus Bodleianus, obsessa. Sic etiam editio Morellii. In codice Sancti Arnulphi scriptum est, pectora excussis delictorum tenebris : in Beccensi, ut recedentes a delictorum tenebris. BALUZ.
"Hearts covered." So Manutius, with what authority I do not know; yet Pamelius and the Oxford editor followed him. Morel, with one English manuscript: "hearts freed from the darkness of offences." Three other English manuscripts: "hearts besieged by the darkness of offences." Pamelius notes that in other printed and written copies "sinners from the darkness of offences" is in circulation. With these agree the Compiègne manuscripts, the more recent Colbert and the Corbie, except that in the latter the preposition "a" (from) is absent before the word "of offences." In the older Colbert we read "hearts ... the darkness of offences." This reading would be complete if, in place of the word "pectora" (hearts), the preposition "pro" (for) were restored. Coustant. — "Covered." The old Royal manuscript has "obruta" (overwhelmed); one Bodleian, "obsessa" (besieged). So also Morel's edition. In the manuscript of Saint-Arnoul is written "hearts, the darkness of offences shaken off"; in that of Bec, "as withdrawing from the darkness of offences." Baluze.
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(⁴⁷) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 854 Tecum praesenti Lam. Ebor. NC. 1. Bod. 2.
"Tecum praesenti" (with you present): Lambeth, York, New College 1, Bodleian 2.
(printed under page 478) (⁴⁸) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 854 Sincera dilectione Lam. Bod. 2.
"Sincera dilectione" (with sincere love): Lambeth, Bodleian 2.
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Domini protegentis. Codex Corbeiensis, Deo protegente. Sic etiam in uno Bodleiano et in uno Vossiano scriptum esse testatur editio Anglicana. BALUZ.
"Of the protecting Lord." The Corbie manuscript: "with God protecting." The English edition testifies that it is so written also in one Bodleian and one Vossian manuscript. Baluze.
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Conditio. Ita Erasm. cum codice Cambron., quod et duo mss. Colb. et Corb. confirmant. In uno et altero Anglic. exstat consensio, in caeteris autem libris concisio : quam lectionem ideo sibi magis placere notat Pamelius, quia Cyprianum alludere putet ad illud Pauli Philip. III, 2 : Videte canes, videte malos operarios, videte concisionem. Sed ibi concisio circumcisionem seu Judaeos sonat : unde proxime sequitur : Nos enim sumus circumcisio, qui spiritu servimus Deo, et gloriamur in Christo Jesu, et non in carne, etc. Hujusmodi autem intelligentia hic locum non habet. COUSTANT. — Concisio. Sic habent veteres editiones et omnia fere vetera exemplaria. In uno libro meo legitur concisio et supra lineam vel conditio. Hinc ergo, id est ex aliquo simili exemplari, prodiit scriptura quam praeferunt quatuor libri veteres et editiones Erasmi, Manutii, et Morellii, in quibus scriptum est conditio. Duo vetera in editione Anglicana laudata habent consensio. Unus meus vetus et Gratianopolitanus conscientia. Sic variant libri veteres. Atque ut varia sunt hominum ingenia et diversae opiniones, Pamelius meliorem putavit lectionem quae habet concisio, Rigaltius eam quae praefert conditio. Et tamen idem Rigaltius retinuit in editione sua lectionem Pamelii. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Pammachium et Oceanum : Miro odio aversor concisionem. BALUZ.
"Condition." So Erasmus with the Cambron manuscript, which two Colbert manuscripts and the Corbie also confirm. In one or two English manuscripts there is "consensio" (agreement), but in the other books "concisio" (cutting), a reading which Pamelius notes pleases him more because he thinks Cyprian alludes to Paul's words, Philippians 3:2: "Beware of dogs, beware of evil workers, beware of the concision." But there "concision" means circumcision, that is, the Jews; whence there follows at once: "For we are the circumcision, who serve God in the spirit, and glory in Christ Jesus, and not in the flesh," etc. Such an understanding has no place here. Coustant. — "Cutting." So the old editions and almost all the old copies. In one book of mine one reads "concisio" and above the line "or conditio." From here, then, that is, from some similar copy, came the text that four old books and the editions of Erasmus, Manutius and Morel present, in which "conditio" is written. Two old manuscripts cited in the English edition have "consensio." One old manuscript of mine and the Grenoble one have "conscientia" (conscience). So the old books vary. And as men's minds vary and their opinions differ, Pamelius thought the reading "concisio" better, Rigault the one with "conditio." And yet the same Rigault kept Pamelius's reading in his edition. Jerome in the Letter to Pammachius and Oceanus: "With a strange hatred I turn from the concision." Baluze.
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Florentissimo. Epithetum istud recte illustrat vir clarissimus Joannes Mabillonius in praefatione ad tomum II Musaei Italici, pag. 13. BALUZ.
"Most flourishing." The most distinguished Jean Mabillon rightly illustrates this epithet in the preface to volume II of the Museum Italicum, p. 13. Baluze.
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Detractionis. Baluz. : detrectationem. Ita vidi scriptum in pluribus antiquis codicibus. Hanc ergo (continues)
"Of detraction." Baluze: "detrectationem" (refusal). So I have seen it written in several ancient manuscripts. This, therefore, (continues)
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(printed under page 479) (⁴⁹) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 855 Hujusmodi, cum sciens peccat NC. 2.
"Hujusmodi, cum sciens peccat" (such a one, since he sins knowingly): New College 2.
(printed under page 479) (⁵⁰) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 855 Per semetipsum. Benev.
"Per semetipsum" (by himself): Benevento MS.
(printed under page 479) (⁵¹) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 855 In ore suo portat perversa, perditionis suae ignem condens Lam. Bod. 2. NC. Ebor. 1. Mic. Vict. Compend. In ore suo portat verbum perditionis suae Fab.
"In ore suo portat perversa, perditionis suae ignem condens" (he carries perverse things in his mouth, storing up the fire of his own perdition): Lambeth, Bodleian 2, New College, York 1, Saint-Michel, Saint-Victor, Compiègne. "In ore suo portat verbum perditionis suae" (he carries in his mouth the word of his own perdition): Le Fèvre's MS.
(printed under page 479) (⁵²) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 855 Sic Pem. Bod. 1. Voss. 2. NC. 2. Lin. Thu. Foss.
So Pamelius ("Pem." as printed), Bodleian 1, Vossius 2, New College 2, Lincoln, de Thou, Fossés.
(printed under page 479) (⁵³) ‹anchor: de Ecclesia profugi› · call in col 855 Sunt isti ab Ecclesia profugi Ver. Ben.
"Sunt isti ab Ecclesia profugi" (these are fugitives from the Church): Verona, Benevento.
(printed under page 479) (⁵⁴) ‹anchor: et beatus Apostolus› · call in col 855 Apostolus Paulus Lam. Ebor. NC. 1.
"Apostolus Paulus" (the Apostle Paul): Lambeth, York, New College 1.
(printed under page 479) (⁵⁵) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 855 Non est, adversarius Christi est Lam. Ebor. Bod. 2. Lin. NC. 1.
"Non est, adversarius Christi est" (he is not; he is Christ's adversary): Lambeth, York, Bodleian 2, Lincoln, New College 1.
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Portat perditionem. Duae sunt istius loci lectiones in libris veteribus. Earum una haec est : Perversus, inquit, in ore suo portat perditionem, et in labiis suis ignem condit. Alia vero sic : Perversus, inquit, in ore suo perversa portat, et in labiis perditionis suae ignem condit vel condens. Utramque habet Fossatensis. Florus in suo codice legebat, portat perversa, perditionis suae ignem condens. Sic etiam codex Beccensis. Gratianopolitanus, portat perditionis suae ignem et condit. In libro Proverbiorum cap. XVI, legitur : Vir impius fodit malum, et in labiis ejus ignis ardescit. BALUZ.
"He carries perdition." There are two readings of this place in the old books. One of them is this: "The perverse man," he says, "carries perdition in his mouth, and stores up fire on his lips." The other runs thus: "The perverse man," he says, "carries perverse things in his mouth, and on his lips stores up" (or "storing up") "the fire of his own perdition." The Fossés manuscript has both. Florus read in his manuscript "he carries perverse things, storing up the fire of his own perdition." So too the Bec manuscript. The Grenoble: "he carries the fire of his own perdition and stores it." In Proverbs, ch. 16, one reads: "The ungodly man digs up evil, and on his lips a fire burns." Baluze.
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Quod quanquam. Non satis intelligo quid in hoc loco faciat vocabulum quod. Manutius addidit, Morellius expunxit, Pamelius reposuit. Scio illud reperiri in novem libris veteribus. Sed desideratur in omnibus aliis. Ego lubenter illud delerem. Non video enim cum quo vocabulo hujus periodi possit jungi, quo respiciat. Sic Hieronymus in Epistola ad Algasiam de undecim quaestionibus Novi Testamenti, cap. 10, referens locum ex capite III Epistolae Pauli ad Colossenses, quae sunt QUIDEM rationem habentia sapientiae, ait : Hoc loco quidem conjunctio superflua est, quod in plerisque locis propter imperitiam artis grammaticae Apostolum fecisse reperimus. BALUZ.
"Which although." I do not well understand what the word "quod" (which) is doing in this place. Manutius added it, Morel struck it out, Pamelius restored it. I know it is found in nine old books, but it is missing in all the others. I would gladly delete it, for I do not see with which word of this sentence it can be joined, to what it refers. So Jerome in the Letter to Algasia on eleven questions of the New Testament, ch. 10, citing the passage from Colossians ch. 3 [2:23], "which things indeed have a show of wisdom," says: "In this place the conjunction 'indeed' is superfluous, as we find the Apostle has done in very many places through inexperience in the art of grammar." Baluze.
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