PL 4 · cols. 543–564
Cyprianus, Liber ad Demetrianum
Editors' preface
Migne Reading Room
PL 4 · cols. 543–564
Editors' preface
<!-- Heading printed across the page: STEPH. BALUZII NOTÆ. Notes are keyed by lemma, not by call letters; the label in brackets is the lemma or section numeral as printed. The italic argumentum above the heading is not a footnote and is not set here. --> (AD DEMETRIANUM) ‹anchor: title› · lemma note, cols 543–544 AD DEMETRIANUM. — Nihil est facilius, nihil magis obvium quam reprehendere studia aliorum, cum ingenia humana, ut lib. IV Epist. XXII ait Symmachus, prompta ad arguendum esse omnibus liqueat. Cujus rei exemplum ex Augustino retulimus in initio notarum nostrarum ⁵⁶⁰ ad Cyprianum. Lactantius lib. IV, cap. 4, reprehendit seu potius, ut Hieronymi verbo utar, mordet Cyprianum quod in hac oratione, quæ scripta est adversus inimicum christianæ religionis, utatur testimoniis sacræ Scripturæ, quam ille utique vanam, fictam, commentitiamque putabat, cum potius argumentis et ratione refellendus fuisset, id est humanis testimoniis, philosophorum videlicet et historicorum, ut suis potissimum refutaretur auctoribus. Contra, Tertullianus in initio libri de Testimonio animæ ait: Magna curiositate et majore longe memoria opus est ad studendum, si quis velit ex litteris receptissimis, quibusque philosophorum vel poetarum vel quorumlibet doctrina sapientiæ sæcularis magistrorum testimonia excerpere christianæ veritatis, ut æmuli persecutoresque ejus de suo proprio instrumento et erroris in se et iniquitatis in nos rei revincantur. Exstitere qui crederent sanctum quoque Hieronymum in eadem cum Lactantio sententia fuisse, quia is in Epistola ad Magnum refert istud judicium Lactantii de hoc opere sancti Cypriani adversus Demetrianum. Verum illi vehementer, meo quidem judicio, erraverunt. Hieronymus enim non refert illud Lactantii judicium tamquam approbans, sed ut ostenderet Lactantium putasse melius facturum fuisse Cyprianum, si in refellendo Demetriano usus esset testimoniis philosophorum et poetarum, quam cum usus est testimoniis sacræ Scripturæ adversus hominem ethnicum. Id vero Hieronymus ita faciebat ut etiam testimonio Lactantii ostenderet posse scriptores ecclesiasticos uti testimoniis sæcularium litterarum in lucubrationibus suis. Idem in Epistola ad Ctesiphontem adversus Pelagianos ait posse cum paucis sententiolis Scripturarum hæreticorum et per eos philosophorum argumenta convinci. Luciferianus apud eumdem Hieronymum ait: Oro te ut philosophorum argumentatione deposita, christiana mecum simplicitate loquaris. Cæterum Baronius anno 256 optimis argumentis ostendit censuram Lactantii non esse legitimam. (Cf. D. Le Nourry dissertationem de hoc S. Cypriani opere, infra in hoc tomo ex integro recusam).
TO DEMETRIANUS. — Nothing is easier, nothing more ready to hand, than to find fault with the efforts of others, since it is plain to all that human wits, as Symmachus says in Book IV, Letter 22, are quick to censure. We gave an example of this from Augustine at the beginning of our notes [560: the page number of Baluze's edition, printed inline] on Cyprian. Lactantius, Book IV, chapter 4, finds fault with, or rather, to use Jerome's word, bites at Cyprian, because in this treatise, written against an enemy of the Christian religion, he uses the testimonies of sacred Scripture, which that man certainly thought vain, feigned and invented, when he ought rather to have been refuted by arguments and reason, that is, by human testimonies, namely those of the philosophers and historians, so that he might be refuted above all by his own authorities. Tertullian, on the contrary, says at the beginning of the book On the Testimony of the Soul: It needs great industry and a far greater memory for study, if one would gather from the most accepted writings of the philosophers or poets or any masters of the world's learning and wisdom testimonies to the Christian truth, so that its rivals and persecutors may be convicted, out of their own instrument, of error towards themselves and of injustice towards us. Some have believed that Saint Jerome too was of the same opinion as Lactantius, because in his Letter to Magnus he reports this judgement of Lactantius on this work of Saint Cyprian against Demetrianus. But they, in my judgement at least, were greatly mistaken. For Jerome does not report that judgement of Lactantius as approving it, but to show that Lactantius thought Cyprian would have done better if, in refuting Demetrianus, he had used the testimonies of philosophers and poets rather than, as he did, the testimonies of sacred Scripture against a heathen. Jerome did this to show, by Lactantius's testimony too, that church writers may use the testimonies of secular literature in their works. The same Jerome, in the Letter to Ctesiphon against the Pelagians, says that the arguments of the heretics, and through them of the philosophers, can be refuted by a few short sentences of Scripture. The Luciferian in the same Jerome says: I beg you, lay aside the reasoning of the philosophers and speak with me in Christian simplicity. For the rest, Baronius, under the year 256, shows by excellent arguments that Lactantius's censure is not justified. (Compare Dom Le Nourry's dissertation on this work of Saint Cyprian, reprinted in full below in this volume.)
(I. — Ad Demetrianum) ‹anchor: title› · lemma note, col 544 I. — Ad Demetrianum. In codice Corbeiensi sic inscriptus est hic liber: Incipit Epistola sancti Cypriani ad Demetrianum paganum episcopum. Proconsulem Africæ fuisse censuit Nicolaus Vignierius in sua historia ecclesiastica. Quis autem ille fuerit recte disputatum est in notis editionis Anglicanæ, ubi scriptum est vesimilius esse illum fuisse judicem in civitate Carthaginensi aut aliquem et consiliaris qui præsidi solebant in judiciis assistere.
I. — To Demetrianus. In the Corbie manuscript this book is headed thus: Here begins the Letter of Saint Cyprian to Demetrianus, pagan, bishop [so printed]. Nicolas Vignier, in his ecclesiastical history, held that he was proconsul of Africa. Who he was, however, is rightly discussed in the notes of the English edition, where it is written that it is more likely [vesimilius, so printed] he was a judge in the city of Carthage, or one of the counsellors [et consiliaris, so printed] who used to sit with the governor in trials.
(Nec hoc sine magisterii divini) ‹anchor: magisterii divini› · lemma note, col 544 Nec hoc sine magisterii divini. Post hæc Pamelius adjecit et nominis, quod additamentum ego reperi in tribus antiquis codicibus. Deest autem in antiquis editionibus, in XXI libris nostris, et in quatuor Anglicanis. In aliis duobus nostris legitur, sine magisterio divinæ auctoritatis. Quo etiam modo scriptum est in margine editionis quæ dicitur Gravii. Hanc vero lectionem magis probat Pamelius. Rigaltius et Angli retinuerunt in contextu additionem Pamelii. Ego delevi, quia superflua est, et major pars veterum exemplarium eam non habet.
And not without [the authority] of the divine teaching. After these words Pamelius added and name, an addition I found in three old manuscripts. It is missing, however, in the old editions, in twenty-one of our books, and in four English ones. In two others of ours one reads without the teaching of divine authority, which is also how it is written in the margin of the edition called Gravius's. Pamelius prefers this reading. Rigault and the English editors kept Pamelius's addition in the text. I have deleted it, because it is superfluous and the greater part of the old copies do not have it.
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LIBER AD DEMETRIANUM.
BOOK TO DEMETRIANUS.
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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 545
Pedibus suis Bod. 1, 2, 3, 4. Suis. Nam cum Ar. Lam. Ebor. Woss. 2.
"Pedibus suis" ("at his own feet") in Bodleian 1, 2, 3, 4. "Suis. Nam cum" in Ar., Lam., Ebor., Woss. 2.
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(b) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 545
Qui ignarus Bod. 1, 3, 4. Thu. Vict.
"Qui ignarus" ("who, unaware") in Bodleian 1, 3, 4, Thu., Vict.
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(c) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 546
Solita flagrantia Bod. 1, 2, 3, 4. Lam. Ebor. Thu. Foss.
"Solita flagrantia" ("with the usual heat") in Bodleian 1, 2, 3, 4, Lam., Ebor., Thu., Foss.
(Inculcent) ‹anchor: inculcent› · lemma note, col 545 Inculcent. Præfero hanc lectionem, quia illam inveni in antiquis editionibus et in septemdecim codicibus manuscriptis. Eam quoque prætulerunt Angli. Eo vocabulo frequenter utuntur Tertullianus et Cyprianus. Concilium Arelatense primum canone 17. Ut nullus episcopus alium episcopum inculcet. Vide Jacobi Gothofredi notas ad librum I Tertulliani ad Nationes cap. 10.
Inculcent ("trample on"). I prefer this reading, because I found it in the old editions and in seventeen manuscripts. The English editors also preferred it. Tertullian and Cyprian use this word often. The first Council of Arles, canon 17: That no bishop trample on another bishop. See Jacques Godefroy's notes on Tertullian, To the Nations, Book I, chapter 10.
(Et conversi elidant vos) ‹anchor: conversi elidant vos› · lemma note, col 545 Et conversi elidant vos. Quamvis ista exstent in omnibus editionibus et in quinque antiquis exemplaribus, facile delerem, cum desint in quindecim libris nostris et quatuor Anglicanis, tum etiam quia nullius momenti sunt ad adstruendum id quod Cyprianus insinuare volebat.
And turning, dash you down. Although these words stand in all the editions and in five old copies, I would readily delete them, both because they are missing in fifteen of our books and in four English ones, and because they add nothing to establishing what Cyprian meant to convey.
(II. — Patientia vici) ‹anchor: patientia vici› · lemma note, col 545 II. — Patientia vici. Sic Hieronymus in Epistola ad Pammachium adversus Joannem Hierosolymitanum: Noluimus tibi occasionem dare. Videbamus enim strophum dilectionis tuæ. Injuriam patientia vicimus.
II. — I have overcome by patience. So Jerome in the Letter to Pammachius against John of Jerusalem: We did not wish to give you an occasion. For we saw the trick of your affection. We overcame the injury by patience.
(Quod bella crebrius) ‹anchor: bella crebrius› · lemma note, col 545 Quod bella crebrius. Prudentius, lib. II adverus Symmachum: Et sunt qui nobis bella exprobrare sinistra / Non dubitant postquam templorum sprevimus aras.
That wars more often. Prudentius, Against Symmachus, Book II [adverus, so printed]: "And there are some who do not hesitate to reproach us with ill-starred wars since we scorned the altars of the temples."
(Imbres et pluvias) ‹anchor: imbres et pluvias› · lemma note, col 545 Imbres et pluvias. Novella Theodosii de Judæis et Samaritanis: An diutius perferimus mutari temporum vices, irata cœli temperie, quæ paganorum exacerbata pefidia nescit naturæ libramenta servare? Unde enim ver solitam gratiam abjuravit, unde æstas messe jejuna laboriosum agricolam in spe destituit aristarum, unde hyemis intemperata ferocitas ⁵⁶¹ ubertatem terrarum penetrabili frigore sterilitatis læsione damnavit, nisi quia ad impietatis vindictam transit lege sua naturæ decretum?
Showers and rains. The Novel of Theodosius on the Jews and Samaritans: Shall we any longer endure the changing of the seasons' course, with the temper of the sky angered, which, provoked by the perfidy [pefidia, so printed] of the pagans, does not know how to keep nature's balance? For why has spring forsworn its wonted grace, why has summer, fasting from harvest, abandoned the toiling farmer in his hope of the ears, why has the untempered fierceness of winter [561: the page number of Baluze's edition, printed inline] condemned the fruitfulness of the land with piercing cold and the injury of barrenness, unless because nature's decree passes beyond its own law to avenge impiety?
(Serena longa) ‹anchor: serena longa› · lemma note, cols 545–546 Serena longa. Matthæi XVI: Serenum erit, rubicundum est enim cœlum. Hieronymus lib. II contra Pelagianos, in sereno patimur tempestatem. Prudentius, lib. I adversus Symmachum: Turbidus aer ponebat liquidum ex arca serenum. Idem in hymno matutino: Hæc lux serenum conferat.
Long fair weather. Matthew 16: It will be fair weather, for the sky is red. Jerome, Against the Pelagians, Book II: in fair weather we suffer a storm. Prudentius, Against Symmachus, Book I: The murky air laid down clear fair weather from its store. The same, in the morning hymn: May this light bring fair weather.
(Verecundiæ) ‹anchor: verecundiae› · lemma note, col 546 Verecundiæ. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Theophilum Alexandrinum; Macte virtute, macte zelo fidei. Ostendisti quod huc usque taciturnitatis dispensatio fuit, non consensus. Idem, lib. I adversus Rufinum: Et ostendam quod huc usque silentium modestiæ fuerit, non malæ conscientiæ. Sanctus Ambrosius, in Epistola adversus relationem Symmachi, dissimulationem pro consensu interpretantes.
Of modesty. Jerome, in the Letter to Theophilus of Alexandria: Well done for your courage, well done for your zeal for the faith! You have shown that your silence until now was a matter of prudent management, not consent. The same, Against Rufinus, Book I: And I will show that my silence until now was of modesty, not of a bad conscience. Saint Ambrose, in the Letter against the report of Symmachus: interpreting reticence as consent.
(Respondeo) ‹anchor: respondeo› · lemma note, col 546 Respondeo. Codex sancti Arnulphi et editio Morelliana Respondemus.
I answer. The manuscript of Saint-Arnoul and Morel's edition have We answer.
(III. — Quod dii vestri) ‹anchor: quod dii vestri› · lemma note, col 546 III. — Quod dii vestri. Lactantius lib. V, cap. 8. Discite igitur homines ideo malos esse quia dii coluntur.
III. — That your gods. Lactantius, Book V, chapter 8: Learn, then, that men are wicked for this reason, that gods are worshipped.
(Vernante temperie) ‹anchor: vernante temperie› · lemma note, col 546 Vernante temperie. Antea legebatur verna de temperie sua sata læta sunt. Veram lectionem invenimus in quatuor antiquis exemplaribus, eamque se in antiquo libro invenisse scribit Morellius. Etiam falsa ostendit istam esse veram. Nam cum habeat verna de temperie, manifestum est errorem ortum esse ex voce vernante, quam librarius non intelligens posuit vernade unico vocabulo pro vernante. Supra, Epist. XV, pag. 25: Successit hiemi verna temperies.
With springlike mildness. Formerly the text read verna de temperie sua sata læta sunt. We found the true reading in four old copies, and Morel writes that he found it in an old book. The false reading itself shows that this one is true. For since it has verna de temperie, it is plain that the error arose from the word vernante, for which a copyist who did not understand it wrote vernade as a single word. Above, Letter 15, page 25: Springlike mildness has followed winter.
(Arvis) ‹anchor: arvis› · lemma note, col 546 Arvis. Tametsi sciam lectionem vulgatam, quæ habet agris, esse optimam, istam præfero, quia illam inveni in quindecim libris nostris, etiam in Seguieriano, et in quatuor Bodleianis. Sic etiam habebat Veronensis. Ita etiam editio Morelliana.
Ploughlands. Although I know that the common reading, which has agris ("fields"), is very good, I prefer this one, because I found it in fifteen of our books, including the Séguier manuscript, and in four Bodleian ones. The Verona manuscript also had it so. So too Morel's edition.
(Juventa) ‹anchor: juventa› · lemma note, col 546 Juventa. Facile est præferre hanc lectionem, cum illam habeant viginti libri nostri et sex Anglicani, tum etiam omnes editiones Pameliana antiquiores. Pamelius posuit juventute, professus se ita invenisse in quatuor antiquis codicibus. Memoriæ autem lapsu factum est ut monuerit Morellium ita quoque posuisse.
Youth (juventa). It is easy to prefer this reading, since twenty of our books and six English ones have it, as do all the editions older than Pamelius's. Pamelius set juventute, declaring that he found it so in four old manuscripts. But it was by a slip of memory that he stated that Morel had also set it so.
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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 547
Accendunt Ar. Ben.
"Accendunt" ("they kindle") in Ar., Ben.
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(b) ‹anchor: et ne incitetis› · call in col 548
Irritetis NC. 2.
"Irritetis" ("provoke") in NC. 2.
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(c) ‹anchor: et terra subtrahet› · call in col 548
Retrahet Ar.
"Retrahet" ("will withdraw") in Ar.
(IV. — Quod minuantur singula) ‹anchor: minuantur singula› · lemma note, cols 547–548 IV. — Quod minuantur singula. Et tamen eadem mala evenisse in imperio Romano ante quam christiana religio in eo fundata esset certum est et facile probari posset. Utar tamen ad eam rem probandam testimonio unius Columellæ, qui vicinus erat nostrorum temporum. Is ergo in præfatione librorum suorum de Re rustica ait sæpenumero civitatis Romanæ principes culpasse sua ætate modo agrorum infœcunditatem, modo cœli per multa jam tempora noxiam frugibus intemperiem, quosdam etiam prædictas querimonias velut ratione certa mitigasse, quod existimarent ubertate nimia prioris ævi defatigatum et effœtum solum nequire pristina benignitate præbere mortalibus alimoniam; idque lib. II, cap. 1, ait non ex fatigatione terræ, quemadmodum plurimi crediderunt, sed hominum inertia evenisse. Et hæc quidem ante fundatam religionem Christi: quæ cum introducta esset in rempublicam, et gravis odiosaque esset gentilibus, illi eas calamitates imputabant nostris hominibus, ob eam rationem quod ab illis dii eorum non colerentur. Apud Rufinum lib. IV, cap. 13, refertur rescriptum Anonini Pii ad Asianos pro Christianis, in quo Imperator ait: De motibus autem terræ qui vel facti sunt vel etiam nunc fiunt absurdum non erit mærorem vestrum justa commonitione solari, quoniam quidem comperi quod in hujusmodi rebus ad illorum invidiam communes casus transfertis. Postea cum desiisset idololatria, suscepta apud omnes ubique gentes Dei religio, et tota respublica facta esset christiana, cum ea mala eveniebant quæ nobis gentiles imputare solebant, ut est humana natura prompta ad arguendum et accusandum, sequentibus sæculis ea translata sunt alio, ut ævo Theodosii A. imputabantur Judæis, Samaritis, et Paganis, ut patet ex Novella ejus tertia, et ævo Karoli M. Tempestariis, adversus quos exstat liber Agobardi archiepiscopi Lugdunensis. At sequentibus temporibus ea imputabantur culpis sacerdotum in Dania. Hujus rei testis est Gregorius Papa VII qui, lib. I Epist., XXI, scribens ad regem et gentem Danorum ait: Illud interim non prætereundum, sed magnopere apostolica interdictione prohibendum videtur quod de gente vestra nobis innotuit, scilicet vos intemperiem temporum, corruptiones aeris, quascumque molestias corporum ad sacerdotum culpas transferre.
IV. — That each thing is diminished. And yet it is certain, and could easily be proved, that these same evils befell the Roman Empire before the Christian religion was founded in it. To prove it, however, I will use the testimony of Columella alone, who lived near our times [nostrorum, so printed]. He says, then, in the preface to his books On Agriculture, that the leading men of the Roman state in his day often blamed now the barrenness of the fields, now a weather harmful to the crops for a long time past, and that some even softened these complaints with a seemingly sure reason: they thought the soil, wearied and exhausted by the excessive fertility of an earlier age, could no longer provide mortals with food with its former bounty; and in Book II, chapter 1, he says this came about not from the exhaustion of the earth, as very many have believed, but from men's idleness. And this was before the religion of Christ was founded; when it had been brought into the state and was burdensome and hateful to the pagans, they laid those calamities on our people, for the reason that their gods were not worshipped by them. In Rufinus, Book IV, chapter 13, is reported the rescript of Antoninus Pius [Anonini, so printed] to the people of Asia on behalf of the Christians, in which the emperor says: As to the earthquakes, which have happened or are happening even now, it will not be out of place to console your grief with a just admonition, since I have learned that in matters of this kind you shift the common misfortunes on to them, to bring odium on them. Later, when idolatry had ceased, the religion of God having been received among all nations everywhere and the whole state having become Christian, when the evils happened that the pagans used to lay on us, human nature being quick to blame and accuse, in the following centuries they were shifted elsewhere: in the age of Theodosius Augustus they were laid on the Jews, Samaritans and pagans, as is clear from his third Novel; and in the age of Charles the Great on the "storm-makers", against whom there is a book by Agobard, archbishop of Lyons. And in later times they were laid on the faults of priests in Denmark. Witness to this is Pope Gregory VII, who, in Book I of the Letters, 21, writing to the king and people of the Danes, says: Meanwhile this must not be passed over, but seems to need forbidding most strongly by apostolic interdict, which has come to our knowledge about your people: that you shift bad weather, corruptions of the air and any bodily ills on to the faults of priests.
(Ætas incipit a senectute) ‹anchor: aetas … senectute› · lemma note, col 548 Ætas incipit a senectute. Seneca Epist. XIII: Quid est autem turpius quam senex vivere incipiens? Item Epist. XXIII: Male vivunt qui semper vivere incipiunt. Quidam vivere incipiunt cum desinendum est. Item cap. 4 de Brevitate vitæ: Audio plerosque dicentes, a quinquagesimo in otium succedam, sexagesimus annus ab officiis me dimittet. Quam serum ⁵⁶² est tunc vivere incipere, cum desinendum est. Censorinus, cap. XIV, ait anno sexagesimo tunc primum senescere corpus incipere. Et Cicero in Oratione pro Roscio Amerino ait: Senes sexagenarii more majorum de ponte in Tyberim dejiciebantur. Tacitus ait Agricolam, qui anno quinquagesimo sexto ætatis suæ extinctus est, medio in spatio integræ ætatis ereptum fuisse. Idem alibi ait quindecim annos esse grande mortalis ævi spatium.
Life begins from old age. Seneca, Letter 13: What is more shameful than an old man just beginning to live? Also Letter 23: They live badly who are always beginning to live. Some begin to live when they must stop. Also On the Shortness of Life, chapter 4: I hear many saying, "From my fiftieth year I shall retire into leisure; my sixtieth year will release me from duties." How late it is [562: the page number of Baluze's edition, printed inline] to begin to live just when one must stop! Censorinus, chapter 14, says that the body first begins to grow old in the sixtieth year. And Cicero, in the speech for Roscius of Ameria, says: By ancestral custom old men of sixty were thrown from the bridge into the Tiber. Tacitus says that Agricola, who died in the fifty-sixth year of his age, was snatched away in the middle span of a full life. The same writer says elsewhere that fifteen years is a great span of mortal life.
(V. — Deus omnino nec quæritur) ‹anchor: nec quaeritur› · lemma note, col 548 V. — Deus omnino nec quæritur. In codice Seguieriano scriptum est colitur.
V. — God is not even sought at all. In the Séguier manuscript it is written colitur ("worshipped").
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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 549
Unam Lam Ebor. Pem. Lin. NC. 1. Woss. 2. Bod. 1, 2, 3, 4.
"Unam" ("one") in Lam., Ebor., Pem., Lin., NC. 1, Woss. 2, Bodleian 1, 2, 3, 4.
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(b) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 549
Exacerbetur offensis Pem. Voss. 2.
"Exacerbetur offensis" ("is provoked by offences") in Pem., Voss. 2.
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(c) ‹anchor: nec voluerunt accipere› · call in col 549
Et non accipiunt Bod. 3.
"Et non accipiunt" ("and they do not receive") in Bodleian 3.
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(d) ‹anchor: nulla formido est› · call in col 549
Nulla cunctatio est Voss. 1, 2. Grav.
"Nulla cunctatio est" ("there is no hesitation") in Voss. 1, 2, Grav.
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(e) ‹anchor: neque agnitio Dei› · call in col 550
Neque auditio Dei NC. 2.
"Neque auditio Dei" ("nor hearing of God") in NC. 2.
(VII. — Nec voluerunt accipere) ‹anchor: nec voluerunt accipere› · lemma note, col 549 VII. — Nec voluerunt accipere. Veteres editiones, etiam Manutiana, et quatuor libri veteres addunt nec voluerunt credere nec accipere disciplinam. Verum omnes alii libri veteres habent uti nos edidimus.
VII. — Nor were they willing to receive. The old editions, including Manutius's, and four old books add nor were they willing to believe nor to receive discipline. But all the other old books have it as we have printed it.
(Facinorum impunitate) ‹anchor: facinorum impunitate› · lemma note, col 549 Facinorum impunitate. Cicero in Oratione pro Milone: Quid, quod caput audaciæ est, judices, quis ignorat maximam illecebram esse peccandi impunitatis spem. Vide notas nostras ad Lupum Ferrariensem, pag. 472.
By impunity for crimes. Cicero, in the speech for Milo: What of this, which is the fountainhead of audacity, judges: who does not know that the greatest lure to sin is the hope of impunity? See our notes on Lupus of Ferrières, page 472.
(VIII. — Tu enim Deo servis) ‹anchor: tu enim Deo› · lemma note, col 549 VIII. — Tu enim Deo servis. Ita tredecim libri veteres. Alii et vetustiores editiones præferunt Deo non servis, Gratianopolitanus Domino non servis.
VIII. — For you serve God. So thirteen old books. Others and the older editions offer you do not serve God; the Grenoble manuscript you do not serve the Lord.
(Famularis) ‹anchor: famularis› · lemma note, col 549 Famularis. Hæc est scriptura novemdecim veterum exemplarium. Eamdem habet editio Morelliana. Vetustiores et quinque vetera exemplaria: Tu non famularis.
You are in service. This is the reading of nineteen old copies. Morel's edition has the same. The older editions and five old copies: You are not in service.
(Animarum ratio communis) ‹anchor: animarum ratio communis› · lemma note, col 549 Animarum ratio communis. Vide Vettii Prætextati dissertationem de Servis apud Macrobium lib. I Saturnal., cap. 11.
The nature of souls is common. See the discourse of Vettius Praetextatus on Slaves in Macrobius, Saturnalia, Book I, chapter 11.
(Ipse dominatum) ‹anchor: ipse dominatum› · lemma note, cols 549–550 Ipse dominatum. Hæc tantum veteres editiones, viginti et duo libri nostri, et decem Anglicani. Ita etiam legit Goulartius in libro episcopi Acconensis. Manutius primus omnium invexit lectionem quæ habet ipse in homine dominatum. Retinuit illam Pamelius, admonens tamen solum Manutium habere has voces in homine, et malle se legi in hominem. Joannes Saresberiensis, lib. VIII Policratici, cap. 12: Domi enim nobis animos induimus tyrannorum, et non quantum decet, sed quantum licet, exercere volumus in servos. Juvenalis Satira VI: Pone crucem servo. Meruit quo crimine servus / Supplicium? Quis testis adest, quis detulit? Audi. / Nulla unquam de morte hominis cunctatio longa est. / O demens, ita servus homo est? Nil fecerit, esto. / Hoc volo, sic jubeo, sit pro ratione voluntas.
You yourself [exercise] lordship. Only this much in the old editions, twenty-two of our books and ten English ones. So too Goulart read in the book of the bishop of Acre. Manutius was the first of all to bring in the reading you yourself [exercise] lordship over a man. Pamelius kept it, though noting that only Manutius has the words in homine, and that he would rather read in hominem. John of Salisbury, Policraticus, Book VIII, chapter 12: For at home we put on the minds of tyrants, and wish to exercise over our slaves not as much as is fitting but as much as is allowed. Juvenal, Satire 6: "Crucify the slave." "By what crime has the slave deserved punishment? What witness is there, who informed? Listen: no delay is ever too long over a man's death." "Fool, so a slave is a man? Suppose he did nothing. This I will, so I command; let my will stand in place of reason."
(IX. — Manet postmodum) ‹anchor: manet postmodum› · lemma note, col 550 IX. — Manet postmodum. Tres libri veteres, manet ergo necesse est postmodum. Ita etiam legisse se in duobus libris antiquis tradit Morellius.
IX. — Afterwards remains. Three old books: it must therefore remain afterwards. Morel reports that he read it so in two old books as well.
(Cum volucribus) ‹anchor: cum volucribus› · lemma note, col 550 Cum volucribus. Veteres editiones et quinque vetera exemplaria legunt cum volucribus et volatilibus. Fuxense, cum volatilibus. Sed hæc desiderantur in omnibus aliis veteribus et in iis quos Morellius vidit et in Osee.
With the birds. The old editions and five old copies read with the birds and the winged creatures; the Foix manuscript, with the winged creatures. But these words are missing in all the other old copies, in those Morel saw, and in Hosea.
(Et irasci) ‹anchor: et irasci› · lemma note, col 550 Et irasci. Ista exstabant in antiquis editionibus. Manutiana sustulit. Morelliana reposuit. Rursum Pamelius expunxit. Ego reposui, quia quamvis desint in multis libris veteribus, habentur tamen in septemdecim. Nam Cyprianus paulo ante dixit: Indignatur ecce Dominus et irascitur.
And to be angry. These words stood in the old editions. Manutius's edition removed them; Morel's restored them; Pamelius struck them out again. I have restored them, because although they are missing in many old books, they are found in seventeen. For Cyprian said a little before: Behold, the Lord is indignant and angry.
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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 551
Togas, cultum pacis Bod. 1
"Togas, cultum pacis" ("togas, the dress of peace") in Bodleian 1.
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(b) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 551
Potest disciplinam Ar. Ben.
"Potest disciplinam" in Ar., Ben.
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(c) ‹anchor: metus nullus› · call in col 552
Nullus, quod potest redimi non timetur Bod. 3.
"Nullus, quod potest redimi non timetur" ("none, since what can be bought off is not feared") in Bodleian 3.
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(d) ‹anchor: rei veritas promitur› · call in col 552
Cernitur Bod. 2. MR.
"Cernitur" ("is seen") in Bodleian 2, MR.
(X. — Metus) ‹anchor: metus› · lemma note, col 551 X. — Metus. Hanc vocem nos addidimus ex uno codice regio. Fuxensis habet locus vel pudor. Morellius ait se in uno antiquo legisse pavor. Quamquam vero codex Fuxensis dissentiat a regio, indicat tamen deferi istic aliquid. In uno veteri legitur metus vel pudor. In codice sancti Arnulphi vel pudor tantum absque metus. Sic etiam editio Morelliana. Quod indicat deesse heic aliquid.
X. — Fear. We have added this word from one royal manuscript. The Foix manuscript has place or shame. Morel says he read dread in one old copy. And although the Foix manuscript differs from the royal one, it still shows that something is missing [deferi, so printed] there. In one old copy one reads fear or shame. In the manuscript of Saint-Arnoul only or shame, without fear. So too Morel's edition. This shows that something is missing here.
(In pœnas) ‹anchor: in poenas› · lemma note, col 551 In pœnas. Editio quæ dicitur Gravii et duo libri veteres præferunt in plagas. Sic etiam habebat Veronensis. Paulo supra scriptum est magis et magis in plagas generis humani censuram Dei indignantis accendi.
To punishments. The edition called Gravius's and two old books offer to blows. The Verona manuscript also had it so. A little above it is written that the censure of an indignant God is kindled more and more to blows upon the human race.
(Sterilitate ac fame) ‹anchor: sterilitate ac fame› · lemma note, cols 551–552 Sterilitate ac fame. Prudentius lib. II, adversus Symmachum: Hinc ait et steriles frugescere rarius agros / Et tristem sævire famem, totumque per orbem / Mortales pallere inopes ac panis egenos. Dixerat enim Symmachus: Secuta est fames publica et spem provinciarum omnium messis ægra decepit. Contra cum sub imperio Maximini magna fertilitas evenisset in republica, ⁵⁶³ gentiles illam referebant ad deorum benignitatem testantium sibi placere quæ fiebant adversus Christianos. Hinc gloriam captans Maximinus constitutionem edidit qua hanc ubertatem jactanter satis ac superbe, ut ait Rufinus, extollebat. Et mox sævitum est atrociter in Christianos. Sed statim Deus famem et pestem vehementissimas et acerrimas immisit in rempublicam, ut constaret bona quæ in ea eveniebant non ideo tribui a diis velut præmium persecutionum, sed contra Deum Christianorum vindicare eos qui pro nomine ejus injusta patiebantur. Vide Eusebium, lib. IX, cap. 7, 8.
By barrenness and famine. Prudentius, Against Symmachus, Book II: "Hence, he says, the barren fields bear crops more seldom, and grim famine rages, and throughout the world mortals grow pale, destitute and wanting bread." For Symmachus had said: A public famine followed, and a sickly harvest cheated the hope of all the provinces. On the other hand, when under the rule of Maximinus a great fertility came about in the state, [563: the page number of Baluze's edition, printed inline] the pagans ascribed it to the kindness of the gods, who were testifying that what was being done against the Christians pleased them. Seeking glory from this, Maximinus issued an edict in which he extolled this plenty boastfully and proudly enough, as Rufinus says. And soon savage cruelty was used against the Christians. But at once God sent upon the state a most violent and bitter famine and plague, so that it might be clear that the good things happening in it were not granted by the gods as a reward for the persecutions, but that, on the contrary, the God of the Christians was avenging those who suffered injustice for his name. See Eusebius, Book IX, chapters 7, 8.
(XI. — Nulla cunctatio) ‹anchor: nulla cunctatio› · lemma note, col 552 XI. — Nulla cunctatio. Postea Pamelius adjecit ex codice Camberonensi, nulla formido est. At ego delevi, quia additamentum hoc nuspiam inveni nisi in codice Beccensi. Qua in re secutus sum exemplum Pamelii; qui cum in editione quæ dicitur Gravii videret scriptum esse nulla cunctatio pro eo quod ipse posuit trepidatio nulla, id se expunxisse ait quia manuscripti non habent. Sane hæc duo vocabula quæ a me expuncta sunt exstant in editione illa, sed minutiore charactere cusa, ut daretur intelligi dubitari posse an sint Cypriani. Cæterum vetustiores editiones præferunt: Prædandi simulatio nulla, nulla cunctatio est. Pro quo in codice Pithœano et in quibusdam aliis, in editione etiam Erasmi et in Manutiana, legitur dissimulatio. Vocem trepidatio, quam huic lectioni substituit Pamelius, nuspiam inveni. Neque ipse annotat ubi invenerit.
XI. — No hesitation. After this Pamelius added, from the Cambron manuscript, there is no fear. But I have deleted it, because I found this addition nowhere except in the Bec manuscript. In this I followed Pamelius's own example: when he saw in the edition called Gravius's no hesitation written where he himself set no trembling, he says he struck it out because the manuscripts do not have it. Indeed the two words I have struck out do stand in that edition, but printed in smaller type, to signal that it may be doubted whether they are Cyprian's. For the rest, the older editions offer: There is no pretence in plundering, no hesitation. For which, in the Pithou manuscript and some others, and also in Erasmus's edition and Manutius's, one reads dissimulatio ("concealment"). The word trepidatio, which Pamelius substituted in this reading, I found nowhere. Nor does he note where he found it.
(Veneunt judicaturi) ‹anchor: veneunt judicaturi› · lemma note, col 552 Veneunt judicaturi. Ita ediderunt Erasmus, Manutius et Morellius; hancque lectionem inveni in undecim codicibus antiquis. Aliam quæ habet veniunt, inveni in tredecim. Et in tribus istorum tredecim legitur perversi veniunt judicaturi. In codice sancti Arnulphi scriptum primo fuit veneunt. Sed manus recentior emendavit ut veniunt legeretur.
Those who are to judge are for sale. So Erasmus, Manutius and Morel printed it, and I found this reading in eleven old manuscripts. The other, which has veniunt ("come"), I found in thirteen. And in three of those thirteen one reads the perverse come to judge. In the manuscript of Saint-Arnoul veneunt was written first, but a later hand corrected it to read veniunt.
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(a) ‹anchor: et lapides› · call in col 553
Et liberides Bod. 3.
"Et liberides" in Bodleian 3 [so printed].
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(b) ‹anchor: not found in col 553's text; presumably in col 554, between calls a and c› · call not in col 553
Semotis Bod. 3.
"Semotis" ("set apart") in Bodleian 3.
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(c) ‹anchor: et deos vestros› · call in col 554
Et deos et deas Bod. 1.
"Et deos et deas" ("both gods and goddesses") in Bodleian 1.
(XII. — Unde nobis vobiscum) ‹anchor: unde nobis vobiscum› · lemma note, col 553 XII. — Unde nobis vobiscum. Veteres editiones ante Pamelianam et tredecim libri veteres habent unde nobiscum maxime sermo est. Pamelius posuit unde nobis vobiscum ex quatuor manuscriptis suis et uno Morelliano. Gronovius, cap. 14, Observationum suarum in Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, ait ita scribendum esse hunc locum, unde nobis cummaxime sermo est. Scio cummaxime apud veteres auctores qui latine scripserunt sumi solere pro valde. Et tamen ego puto editionem Pamelii, quæ nititur auctoritate plurium veterum librorum, esse præferendam conjecturæ Gronovii.
XII. — Whence [the discussion] between us and you. The old editions before Pamelius's and thirteen old books have whence the discussion is chiefly with us. Pamelius set whence between us and you from four manuscripts of his own and one of Morel's. Gronovius, in chapter 14 of his Observations on the Church Writers, says this passage should be written whence our discussion is most especially. I know that cummaxime is commonly used by the old authors who wrote in Latin for "very much". And yet I think Pamelius's text, which rests on the authority of several old books, is to be preferred to Gronovius's conjecture.
(Persecutionibus fatigatis) ‹anchor: persecutionibus fatigatis› · lemma note, col 553 Persecutionibus fatigatis. In quatuor antiquis exemplaribus scriptum est flagitatis et supra lineam vel fatigatis. Sed fatigatis tantum est in aliis septem et in quibusdam ex illis quæ Pamelius vidit. Ipse edidit agitatis absque ullius libri veteris mentione. In duobus veteribus legitur flagitatis tantum. Infra in hoc ipso libro, pag. 222: Per ipsa quæ nos cruciant et fatigant probari et corroborari nos scimus.
Wearied by persecutions. In four old copies flagitatis ("importuned") is written, with or fatigatis above the line. But fatigatis alone stands in seven others and in some of those Pamelius saw. He himself printed agitatis ("harassed") without mentioning any old book. In two old copies flagitatis alone is read. Below, in this very book, page 222: We know that we are proved and strengthened by the very things that torment and weary us.
(XIII. — Dolore corporis exprimatur) ‹anchor: dolore corporis exprimatur› · lemma note, cols 553–554 XIII. — Dolore corporis exprimatur. Minutius Felix: Exercentes in his perversam quæstionem, non quæ verum erueret, sed quæ mendacium cogeret. Hieronymus in Epistola de Muliere septies icta: Dum dolor quæreret veritatem. Cyprianus in extremo libro de Vanitate Idolorum, pag. 228: Dolor, qui veritatis testis est, admovetur. Quintilianus, lib. V, cap. 4: Sicut in tormentis quoque, qui est locus frequentissimus, cum pars altera quæstionem vera fatendi necessitatem vocet, altera sæpe etiam causam falsa dicendi, quod aliis patientia facile mendacium faciat, aliis infirmitas necessarium. Item cap. 10: Mentietur in tormentis qui dolorem pati potest, mentietur qui non potest. Apuleius, lib. III Metamorphoseon: Tormentis veritas eruenda, ut per quæstionem sceleris sui participes indicet. Q. Curtius, lib. VII: Si certiora oraculis creditis esse tormenta, ne hanc quidem exhibendæ vanitatis fidem deprecor. Cæterum tormenta interdum extorquere pro veritate mendacium pluribus exemplis ostensum a nobis est in notis ad Vitas Paparum Avenionensium, pag. 599, et hujus rei exstat aliud exemplum memorabile in capite X Matthæi Bossi de gerendo Magistratu, aliud etiam apud Petramellarium continuatorem, Onuphrii Panvinii, pag. 225, ubi agit de Paulo Aretio. Vide etiam Simonem Goulartium in Thesauro Historiarum memorabilium, tom. I, pag. 293.
XIII. — Be wrung out by bodily pain. Minucius Felix: Applying to them a perverse inquisition, not one that would dig out the truth but one that would force a lie. Jerome, in the Letter on the Woman Struck Seven Times: While pain sought the truth. Cyprian at the end of the book On the Vanity of Idols, page 228: Pain, which is the witness of truth, is applied. Quintilian, Book V, chapter 4: So too with tortures, which is a very common topic: one side calls the inquisition a compulsion to confess the truth, the other often a cause of saying what is false, since endurance makes lying easy for some, and weakness makes it necessary for others. Also chapter 10: He who can bear pain will lie under torture; he who cannot will lie. Apuleius, Metamorphoses, Book III: The truth must be dug out by torture, so that under inquisition he may name the sharers of his crime. Quintus Curtius, Book VII: If you believe tortures more certain than oracles, I do not even beg off this proof of displaying my falsehood. For the rest, that tortures sometimes extort a lie in place of the truth we have shown by several examples in the notes on the Lives of the Avignon Popes, page 599; and another memorable example of this stands in chapter 10 of Matteo Bossi's On Conducting Magistracy, and another again in Petramellarius, the continuator of Onofrio Panvinio, page 225, where he treats of Paolo Aretio. See also Simon Goulart, in the Treasury of Memorable Histories, volume I, page 293.
(Cum sponte confitear) ‹anchor: cum sponte confitear› · lemma note, col 554 Cum sponte confitear. Cicero in Oratione pro Milone: Id quod tormentis invenire vis id fateor.
Since I confess of my own accord. Cicero, in the speech for Milo: What you wish to find out by torture, that I confess.
(Prædicatione) ‹anchor: clara et publica praedicatione› · lemma note, col 554 Prædicatione. Ita editiones Manutii et Morellii et sexdecim libri veteres. Editiones antiquæ et octo alii præferunt præconatione, et unus præconizatione. Vide glossarium latinum Cangii.
By proclamation. So the editions of Manutius and Morel and sixteen old books. The ancient editions and eight others offer præconatione, and one præconizatione (both "by a herald's proclamation"). See Du Cange's Latin glossary.
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(a) ‹anchor: loquetur› · call in col 555
Ipsi loquentur Bod. 1, 3.
"Ipsi loquentur" ("they themselves will speak") in Bodleian 1, 3.
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(b) ‹anchor: obsedit› · call in col 555
Obsident Ibid.
"Obsident" ("they besiege") in the same.
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(c) ‹anchor: not in col 555's text› · call in col 556
Illis, dicit Dominus NC. 1. Lam. Ebor. Bod. 2.
"Illis, dicit Dominus" ("to them, says the Lord") in NC. 1, Lam., Ebor., Bodleian 2.
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(d) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 556
Deum, suum Lam. Ebor. Voss. 1. Bod. 1, 2, 3. Thu. Foss.
"Deum, suum" ("God, his own") in Lam., Ebor., Voss. 1, Bodleian 1, 2, 3, Thu., Foss.
(XIV. — Timeri ut Dominus) ‹anchor: timeri ut Dominus› · lemma note, col 555 XIV. — Timeri ut Dominus. Ista primus in contextum Cypriani intulit Pamelius ⁵⁶⁴ ex observationibus Morellii, qui ita se invenisse ait in bono codice. Ego quoque idem additamentum inveni in quinque antiquis codicibus. Non exstat tamen in Seguieriano. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Nepotianum de Vita Clericorum: Amare filiorum, timere servorum est. Idem in Epistola ad Rusticum monachum: Præpositum monasterii timeas ut dominum, diligas ut parentem. Rufinus in Psal. XXVII: Servus est qui servit ex timore, filius est qui obedit ex amore. Lactantius, cap. 26 Epitomes in antiquis editionibus: Quid enim tam justum quam Deum agnoscere ut parentem, eumque metuere ut dominum. Pro quo Pfaffius edidit metuere ut deum, quia ita legebat in codice Taurinensi. Sed præterquam quod necesse est retinere vocem dominum ut sensus constet, idem Lactantius in capite 59 ejusdem Epitomes scribit: Primum autem justitiæ officium est Deum agnoscere ut parentem, metuere ut dominum. Recte profecto. Sic enim loqui amat Lactantius, ut patet ex libro IV, cap. 4, et lib. V, cap. 19. Eucherius episcopus Lugdunensis in Epistola ad Valerianum; Dominum, quia dominum vocas, metue, quia patrem, dilige. Primasius in Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos: Qui timet servus est, qui autem diligit filius. Vettius Prætextatus apud Macrobium, lib. I Saturnal. cap. 11: Colant ergo te potius servi quam timeant. Joannes Saresberiensis, lib. VIII Policratici, cap. 12: Colant te potius servi tui quam timeant. Ennodius in Panegyrico ad Theodoricum: Habes hanc Deo inspirante mansuetudinem ut te plus credas posse diligentia quam timore. Excellentia bona sunt gloriæ tuæ inserta monumentis ut cum te reges metuant, ament famuli. Adnotat Velleius Paterculus Cæsarem dixisse amari se quam timeri malle. Cicero in libro de Senectute ita scribit de Appio: Metuebant eum servi, verebantur liberi. Vide supra notas in Epistolam ad Donatum, pag. 384.
XIV. — To be feared as Lord. Pamelius was the first to bring these words into Cyprian's text [564: the page number of Baluze's edition, printed inline], from the observations of Morel, who says he found them so in a good manuscript. I too found the same addition in five old manuscripts. It does not stand, however, in the Séguier manuscript. Jerome, in the Letter to Nepotian on the Life of Clerics: To love belongs to sons, to fear to slaves. The same, in the Letter to Rusticus the monk: Fear the superior of the monastery as a master, love him as a parent. Rufinus on Psalm 27: He is a slave who serves from fear; he is a son who obeys from love. Lactantius, Epitome, chapter 26, in the old editions: For what is so just as to acknowledge God as parent and to fear him as master? For which Pfaff printed to fear him as God, because he read it so in the Turin manuscript. But besides the fact that the word dominum must be kept for the sense to stand, the same Lactantius writes in chapter 59 of the same Epitome: But the first duty of justice is to acknowledge God as parent, to fear him as master. Rightly indeed. For Lactantius likes to speak so, as is clear from Book IV, chapter 4, and Book V, chapter 19. Eucherius, bishop of Lyons, in the Letter to Valerian: Fear the Lord, because you call him Lord; love him, because you call him Father. Primasius on Paul's Letter to the Romans: He who fears is a slave, but he who loves is a son. Vettius Praetextatus in Macrobius, Saturnalia, Book I, chapter 11: Let your slaves, then, respect you rather than fear you. John of Salisbury, Policraticus, Book VIII, chapter 12: Let your slaves respect you rather than fear you. Ennodius, in the Panegyric to Theodoric: By God's inspiration you have this gentleness, that you believe you can do more by diligent care than by fear. Excellent goods are set among the monuments of your glory, so that while kings fear you, your servants love you. Velleius Paterculus notes that Caesar said he preferred to be loved rather than feared. Cicero, in the book On Old Age, writes thus of Appius: His slaves feared him, his children revered him. See the notes above on the Letter to Donatus, page 384.
(XV. — Verborum tormentis) ‹anchor: verborum tormentis› · lemma note, col 555 XV. — Verborum tormentis. Sic apud Petronium lego fabulosum sententiarum tormentum [?].
XV. — By the tortures of words. So in Petronius I read a fabulous torture of sentences [reading uncertain in the scan].
(Quos tu times) ‹anchor: quos tu times› · lemma note, cols 555–556 Quos tu times. Nescio cur hæc omissa sint in posterioribus editionibus. Nam licet desint in plurimis antiquis exemplaribus, exstant in pluribus aliis optimis, et præterea optimum sensum constituunt. Manutius primus expunxit. Angli reposuerunt.
Whom you fear. I do not know why these words were left out in the later editions. For although they are missing in very many old copies, they stand in several other excellent ones, and besides they make an excellent sense. Manutius was the first to strike them out. The English editors restored them.
(XVI. — Quid te ad falsos Deos) ‹anchor: ad falsos Deos› · lemma note, col 556 XVI. — Quid te ad falsos Deos. Ista Claudius episcopus Taurinensis tamquam sua, alicubi tamen immutata, protulit scribens ad Theodemirum abbatem Casinensem. Nam pro eo quod Cyprianus dixit falsos deos, Claudius inepte posuit falsas imagines, quia contendebat nullum honorem deberi imaginibus Sanctorum. Quia vero ille hæc scripserat tamquam sua, nulla Cypriani mentione, Jonas episcopus Aurelianensis illum monuit esse beatissimi Cypriani martyris.
XVI. — Why [do you bow] yourself to false gods. Claudius, bishop of Turin, put these words forward as his own, though changed in places, writing to Theodemir, abbot of Monte Cassino [so printed]. For where Cyprian said false gods, Claudius ineptly set false images, because he maintained that no honour is owed to the images of the saints. And because he had written these words as his own, with no mention of Cyprian, Jonas, bishop of Orléans, pointed out to him that they belonged to the most blessed martyr Cyprian.
(Captivum) ‹anchor: captivum› · lemma note, col 556 Captivum. Ita omnes libri veteres, si Moyssiacensem excipias, in quo scriptum est captiva, et omnes veteres editiones. Pamelius, cujus editionem secutus est Rigaltius, posuit captiva, quia videbat in libro Jonæ episcopi Aurelianensis de Cultu imaginum, ubi locus iste refertur a Claudio Taurinensi, legi captiva, per errorem videlicet. Nam apud Dungalum, ubi refertur etiam hic locus, recte scriptum est captivum.
Captive. So all the old books, except the Moissac manuscript, in which captiva is written, and all the old editions. Pamelius, whose edition Rigault followed, set captiva, because he saw that in the book of Jonas, bishop of Orléans, On the Veneration of Images, where this passage is quoted from Claudius of Turin, captiva is read, plainly by mistake. For in Dungal, where this passage is also quoted, captivum is rightly written.
(Incurvas) ‹anchor: incurvas› · lemma note, col 556 Incurvas. Ita etiam in editione fragmentorum Epistolæ Claudii. Sed in veteri libro legitur inclinas. Habeo enim exemplar horum fragmentorum cum codice ms. collatum manu viri clarissimi Joannis Cordesii, ubi legitur inclinas. Quo etiam modo scriptum est in codice Gratianopolitano.
You bend. So also in the edition of the fragments of Claudius's Letter. But in an old book one reads inclinas ("you incline"). For I have a copy of these fragments collated with a manuscript in the hand of the most distinguished Jean de Cordes, where inclinas is read. It is also written so in the Grenoble manuscript.
(Animalia prona) ‹anchor: animalia prona› · lemma note, col 556 Animalia prona. Notum est illud Ovidii ex libro I Metamorphoseon: Pronaque cum spectent animalia cætera terram, / Os homini sublime dedit, cœlumque tueri / Jussit et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus. Cicero, lib. II de Legibus: Nam cum cæteras animantes abjecisset ad pastum, solum hominem erexit, ad cœlique quasi cognationis domiciliique pristini conspectum excitavit. Prudentius, lib. II adversus Symmachum: Condideram perfectum hominem, spectare superna / Mandaram, totis conversum sensibus in me, / Recto habitu, celsoque situ, et sublime tuentem. Possent plurima loca similia proferri. Sed ista sufficiunt. Vide Maximum Tyrium, Dissert. XXXVIII, et (continues)
Creatures bent down. Well known is this from Ovid, Metamorphoses, Book I: "And while the other animals bend down and look at the earth, he gave man a lifted face, and bade him look at heaven and raise his upturned countenance to the stars." Cicero, On the Laws, Book II [so printed]: For while he cast the other living things down to their feeding, he raised man alone upright and roused him to behold heaven, as if his kindred and his former home. Prudentius, Against Symmachus, Book II: "I had made man perfect, I had bidden him look at things above, turned towards me with all his senses, upright in bearing, lofty in posture, and gazing on high." Very many similar passages could be brought forward, but these suffice. See Maximus of Tyre, Dissertation 38, and (continues)
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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 557
Non teneamus Vet. innom.
"Non teneamus" ("let us not hold") in an unnamed old copy.
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(b) ‹anchor: sed pro nobis› · call in col 557
Pro vobis Bod. 1.
"Pro vobis" ("for you") in Bodleian 1.
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(c) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 557 or 558
In iis quæ Voss. 1.
"In iis quæ" ("in those things which") in Voss. 1.
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(d) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 557 or 558
Incursione Bod. 1, 2, 3, 4.
"Incursione" ("by the onset") in Bodleian 1, 2, 3, 4.
(printed under page 272)
(e) ‹anchor: nullus iis dolor› · call in col 558
Nullus hic dolor Bod. 3, 4. His Bod. 1, 2.
"Nullus hic dolor" ("no pain here") in Bodleian 3, 4; "His" in Bodleian 1, 2.
(printed under page 272)
(f) ‹anchor: quae nos› · call in col 558
Vos cruciant Oxon.
"Vos cruciant" ("torment you") in Oxon.
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(g) ‹anchor: turbines stabilis› · call in col 558
Mens stabilis Voss. 3. Stabile Vict. 3.
"Mens stabilis" ("a steadfast mind") in Voss. 3; "Stabile" in Vict. 3.
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(h) ‹anchor: generi humano› · call in col 558
Separari humanitus Pem. Voss. 2.
"Separari humanitus" ("to be separated humanly") in Pem., Voss. 2.
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(Animalia prona, continued) ‹anchor: animalia prona› · lemma note, col 557
(continued) notas nostras ad librum Lupi Ferrariensis de tribus Quæstionibus.
(Pater misit) ‹anchor: Pater misit› · lemma note, col 557 ⁵⁶⁵ Pater misit. Pamelius interserit Filium ex quinque codicibus et ex uno quem laudat Morellius. Ego quoque ita inveni scriptum in quinque antiquis. Glossema certo est, quod desideratur in viginti et uno libris nostris et in octo Anglicanis.
[565: the page number of Baluze's edition, printed inline] The Father sent. Pamelius inserts the Son from five manuscripts and from one that Morel cites. I too found it written so in five old ones. It is certainly a gloss, since it is missing in twenty-one of our books and in eight English ones.
(XVII. — Ruinis rerum) ‹anchor: ruinis rerum› · lemma note, cols 557–558 XVII. — Ruinis rerum. Ita omnia fere vetera exemplaria, etiam Veronense. Nonnulla tamen habent regum, manifesto errore. Itaque supervacanea est eorum cura qui has regum ruinas referunt ad tempora Deciana. Similis error sublatus olim a nobis est apud Agobardum in Epistola Gregorii IV papæ. Sic in Epistola sancti Ambrosii ad Chromatium, primo scriptum fuit in vetustissimo codice Ecclesiæ Lugdunensis, dat consilium rei dicens, sed statim emendatum est supra lineam et positum regi. Item pro eo quod in tomo IV Conciliorum Labbei, pag. 920, in Epistola episcoporum Phœniciæ maritimæ ad Leonem Imp. legitur hujus rei gratia, quæ est vera lectio, vetustissimi codices Ecclesiæ Bellovacensis et monasterii Corbeiensis habent hujus regi gratia. Vide etiam Notas ad Capitularia, pag. 1060, 1105. Addam quoque alia loca similia, ut ea usui esse possint hominibus eruditis cum in libros inciderint in quibus iidem errores fuerint, et in quibus emendandis defuerit auctoritas librorum veterum. In Epistola Cœlestini papæ ad Clerum et Plebem CP. pro eo quod editiones recte habent cum a se commissa sibi rei ratio requiretur, codex ecclesiæ Bellovacensis habet regi. In eodem codice cum refertur Epistola papæ Vigilii ad Aurelianum episcopum Arelatensem, et illic legitur Dignum est et catholico rei conveniens, cum legendum sit regi, ut in editionibus. Ex eodem fonte fluxit quod in canone 40 concilii Meldensis, ubi laudatur canon synodi Arvernensis, regiculam scriptum est in veteri codice Aurelianensi, cum legendum sit reiculam. In capite 8 libri Agobardi contra Legem Gundobaudi legebatur olim resculas pro reiculas, ut illic monui. In tomo II Capitularium, pag. 1426, in Præcepto Ludovici Pii scriptum est rex pro res.
XVII. — By the ruin of things. So almost all the old copies, including the Verona one. Some, however, have regum ("of kings"), an obvious error. So the trouble taken by those who refer these "ruins of kings" to the times of Decius is wasted. A similar error was once removed by us in Agobard, in the Letter of Pope Gregory IV. So too in the Letter of Saint Ambrose to Chromatius, the very old manuscript of the Church of Lyons first had dat consilium rei dicens, but it was at once corrected above the line and regi put. Again, where in volume IV of Labbe's Councils, page 920, in the Letter of the bishops of coastal Phoenicia to the Emperor Leo, one reads hujus rei gratia ("for the sake of this matter"), which is the true reading, the very old manuscripts of the Church of Beauvais and of the monastery of Corbie have hujus regi gratia. See also the Notes on the Capitularies, pages 1060, 1105. I will add other similar places too, so that they may be of use to scholars when they come upon books in which the same errors occur and for whose correction the authority of old books is lacking. In the Letter of Pope Celestine to the Clergy and People of Constantinople, where the editions rightly have cum a se commissa sibi rei ratio requiretur ("when account is required of him for the matter entrusted to him"), the Beauvais manuscript has regi. In the same manuscript, where the Letter of Pope Vigilius to Aurelian, bishop of Arles, is given, one reads there Dignum est et catholico rei conveniens, when regi should be read, as in the editions. From the same source flowed the fact that in canon 40 of the Council of Meaux, where a canon of the synod of Clermont is cited, regiculam is written in the old Orléans manuscript, when reiculam ("small property") should be read. In chapter 8 of Agobard's book against the Law of Gundobad one formerly read resculas for reiculas, as I pointed out there. In volume II of the Capitularies, page 1426, in a precept of Louis the Pious, rex is written for res.
(XVIII. — Mussitamus) ‹anchor: mussitamus› · lemma note, col 558 XVIII. — Mussitamus. Veteres quidam libri et veteres editiones habent musitamus. Atque ego putabam ita scribi debere, quia legebam apud Juvencum: Nec inter sese musitanti voce volabant. Sed postea deprehendi hoc vocabulum descendere ex verbo mussare, adeoque scribendum esse credidi mussitanus, uti scriptum est in codice Seguieriano. Nam et apud Sidonium, lib. VI, (continues)
XVIII. — We mutter. Some old books and old editions have musitamus. And I thought it ought to be written so, because I read in Juvencus: Nor did they fly among themselves with muttering voice. But later I found that this word comes from the verb mussare, and so I judged it should be written mussitanus [so printed], as it is written in the Séguier manuscript. For in Sidonius too, Book VI, (continues)
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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 559
Oleæ Bod. 1. Voss. 1. Thu. Vict. Grav. Morell.
"Oleæ" ("olive trees") in Bodleian 1, Voss. 1, Thu., Vict., Grav., Morell.
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(b) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 559
A stabulo Foss. Spir. Vet. Innomb. Grav. Morell.
"A stabulo" ("from the stall") in Foss., Spir., an unnamed old copy [Innomb., so printed], Grav., Morell.
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(c) ‹anchor: futura prospectant› · call in col 559
Fortiter tolerando, bona et prospera futura expectant Lam. Ebor. Dum bona Oxon. ex 4. cod. Voss. 1. Thu. Foss. Vict.
"Fortiter tolerando, bona et prospera futura expectant" ("by bearing bravely, they await good and prosperous things to come") in Lam., Ebor.; "Dum bona" in Oxon. from four manuscripts, Voss. 1, Thu., Foss., Vict.
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(d) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 559 or 560
Nobis Voss. 2. Ar. Bod. 1, 2, 4.
"Nobis" ("for us") in Voss. 2, Ar., Bodleian 1, 2, 4.
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(e) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 560
Et apostolica Pem.
"Et apostolica" ("and apostolic") in Pem.
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(f) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 560
Et retributio Ar.
"Et retributio" ("and recompense") in Ar.
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(g) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 560
Ignis Voss. 1.
"Ignis" ("fire") in Voss. 1.
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(h) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 560
Ut stipula Bod. 3. Quasi Ar. Lam. Bod. 2. NC. 1.
"Ut stipula" ("like stubble") in Bodleian 3; "Quasi" in Ar., Lam., Bodleian 2, NC. 1.
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(i) ‹anchor: transi per mediam› · call in col 560
Transi mediam Lam. Ebor. NC. 2. Voss. 2.
"Transi mediam" ("pass through the midst", without "per") in Lam., Ebor., NC. 2, Voss. 2.
(XVIII. — Mussitamus, continued) ‹anchor: mussitamus› · lemma note, col 559
(continued) Epist. 16, reperitur versus iste sapphicus: Mussitans quamquam chorus invidorum. Grammatici præterea afferunt multas auctoritates quæ facile probant ita scribendum esse uti ego scripsi.
(XIX. — Videas æqualiter) ‹anchor: videas aequaliter› · lemma note, col 559 XIX. — Videas æqualiter. Ita veteres editiones. Quo etiam modo legitur in novem codicibus antiquis. Manutius expunxit æqualiter. Ita etiam Morellius et editio Anglicana. Non video autem cur expungi debuerit. Sane videtur eam vocem non esse necessariam. Sed non est propterea tollenda. Nam Cyprianus dixit paulo ante: Putatis nos adversa vobiscum æqualiter perpeti. Et mox: Carnis incommoda vobiscum pariter incurrimus. Et tamen vox æqualiter deest istic in septemdecim libris veteribus.
XIX. — You may see equally. So the old editions. It is also read so in nine old manuscripts. Manutius struck out æqualiter. So too Morel and the English edition. But I do not see why it had to be struck out. True, the word does not seem necessary; but it is not on that account to be removed. For Cyprian said a little before: You think that we suffer adversities equally with you. And soon after: We incur the ills of the flesh alike with you. And yet the word æqualiter is missing there in seventeen old books.
(XX. — Non erunt nascentia) ‹anchor: non erunt nascentia› · lemma note, cols 559–560 XX. — Non erunt nascentia. Veteres editiones et sex libri veteres habent non erit generatio. Lectionem sumptam ex editione quæ dicitur Gravii, quam Manutius et alii post eum secuti sunt, quam nos etiam retinuimus, præferunt novemdecim exemplaria manuscripta. Morellius posuit nascentiæ, forte per errorem typographi. Nam hic scribendi modus non est latinus. Et tamen ea scriptura multum placuit Pamelio. In libro Fuxensi et in Lamoniano legitur non erit nascentia. Vide glossarium latinum Cangii.
XX. — There will be no produce. The old editions and six old books have there will be no generation. The reading taken from the edition called Gravius's, which Manutius and others after him followed and which we too have kept, is offered by nineteen manuscript copies. Morel set nascentiæ, perhaps by a printer's error, for this form is not Latin. And yet that spelling greatly pleased Pamelius. In the Foix book and in Lamoignon's one reads non erit nascentia. See Du Cange's Latin glossary.
(Cibum) ‹anchor: cibum› · lemma note, col 560 Cibum. Veteres editiones et novem libri veteres præferunt frumentum. Alii duo et quinque Anglicani escam. Sed major pars codicum manuscriptorum habet lectionem quam ego retinui.
Food (cibum). The old editions and nine old books offer frumentum ("grain"). Two others and five English ones escam ("food"). But the greater part of the manuscripts have the reading I have kept.
(XXII. — Senioris aut juvenis) ‹anchor: senioris aut juvenis› · lemma note, col 560 XXII. — Senioris aut juvenis. Retinui hanc lectionem, quam inveni in aliquot antiquis exemplaribus, propter rationes allatas a Pamelio, qui vere adnotat mire variare codices. In quibusdam enim legitur ut istic, alibi seniori aut juveni, alibi senioribus atque junioribus, alibi seniores et juvenes, denique alibi seniorum neque juvenum et virginum. Vide lib. II Testimoniorum, cap. 22.
XXII. — Of old man or young. I have kept this reading, which I found in several old copies, for the reasons given by Pamelius, who rightly notes that the manuscripts vary remarkably. For in some one reads as here, elsewhere on old man or young, elsewhere on elders and juniors, elsewhere old men and young, and finally elsewhere of old men nor of young men and virgins. See Testimonies, Book II, chapter 22.
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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 561
Erit hic sanguis Voss. 1. In signum Lam. Ebor. Foss. Vict.
"Erit hic sanguis" ("this blood will be") in Voss. 1; "In signum" ("for a sign") in Lam., Ebor., Foss., Vict.
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(b) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 561
Ibi eritis Bod. 1, 2, 4. Habitaveritis Lin.
"Ibi eritis" ("there you will be") in Bodleian 1, 2, 4; "Habitaveritis" ("you will have dwelt") in Lin.
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(c) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 561
Inter injustos et immites Bod. 3, 4.
"Inter injustos et immites" ("among the unjust and the harsh") in Bodleian 3, 4.
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(d) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 561
Sic 4 codd. Angl. Sciatis iram Dei Oxon.
So four English manuscripts. "Sciatis iram Dei" ("know the wrath of God") in Oxon.
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(e) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 562
Pœna decerpet Voss. 1.
"Pœna decerpet" ("punishment will pluck off") in Voss. 1.
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(f) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 562
Carnis Pem. Voss. 2.
"Carnis" ("of the flesh") in Pem., Voss. 2.
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(g) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 562
Per angustiam Lam. Ver.
"Per angustiam" ("through anguish") in Lam., Ver.
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(h) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 562
In derisu Ar. Lam. Vict. Val. In risu Manut.
"In derisu" ("in derision") in Ar., Lam., Vict., Val.; "In risu" ("in laughter") in Manut.
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(i) ‹anchor: not visible in crop› · call in col 562
Et ambulavimus Lam. Ebor. Bod. 1, 2, 3, 4.
"Et ambulavimus" ("and we walked") in Lam., Ebor., Bodleian 1, 2, 3, 4.
(XXIV. — Addictos) ‹anchor: cremabit addictos› · lemma note, col 561 XXIV. — Addictos. Id est judicatos, damnatos. Apud Optatum, lib. I, addictus significat subjectum, subditum, sicut addictus glebæ in jure civili. Utar autem hac occasione ut moneam videri mihi optimam emendationem fuisse tentatam a Guillelmo Fornerio, lib. VII, Epistola ultima Cassiodori, ubi Mariangelus Accursius edidit: Non dici potest proprium quod liberare dominum non videtur additum; pro quo Fornerius conjecit ponendum esse ⁵⁶⁶ addictum, monens interim se legisse in veteri manuscripto a debito. Conjectura Fornerii hinc bona esse censeri potest quod bona debitoris addicta sunt creditori, adeoque etiam ipse debitor.
XXIV. — The condemned (addictos). That is, those judged, condemned. In Optatus, Book I, addictus means subject, subordinate, as with one bound to the soil in civil law. I will take this occasion to note that a very good emendation seems to me to have been attempted by Guillaume Fournier in Cassiodorus, Book VII, the last letter, where Mariangelo Accursio printed: What is not seen to be added to free the owner cannot be called one's own; for which Fournier conjectured that addictum should be set [566: the page number of Baluze's edition, printed inline], noting meanwhile that he had read a debito in an old manuscript. Fournier's conjecture can be judged good from the fact that a debtor's goods were assigned (addicta) to the creditor, and so too the debtor himself.
(Servabuntur cum corporibus) ‹anchor: servabuntur cum corporibus› · lemma note, col 561 Servabuntur cum corporibus. Vide notas nostras ad librum III Salviani de Gubernatione Dei.
Will be kept with their bodies. See our notes on Salvian, On the Government of God, Book III.
(Subitatione) ‹anchor: subitatione› · lemma note, cols 561–562 Subitatione. Sic etiam in eodem capite Epistolæ ad Fortunatum. Pontius diaconus in Vita sancti Cypriani: Proconsulis jussu ad hostes ejus cum militibus suis princeps repente subitavit. A. Gellius, lib. IX, cap. 15, dixit subitariam dictionem. Quo verbo usus est etiam T. Livius. Boëtius, lib. II, de Consolatione Philosophiæ: Verum omnis subita mutatio rerum non sine quodam fluctu contigit animorum. Vide notas ad Epistolam LVII, pag. 466.
By suddenness. So too in the same chapter of the Letter to Fortunatus. Pontius the deacon, in the Life of Saint Cyprian: By the proconsul's order the officer came suddenly upon him with his soldiers, to his enemies [so printed]. Aulus Gellius, Book IX, chapter 15, spoke of a sudden (subitaria) speech. Titus Livius also used this word. Boethius, On the Consolation of Philosophy, Book II: But every sudden change of things comes about not without a certain surge of the mind. See the notes on Letter 57, page 466.
(Pœnitentiam habentes) ‹anchor: poenitentiam habentes› · lemma note, col 562 Pœnitentiam habentes. Ita reposuimus pro eo quod in vulgatis editionibus habetur agentes, quia ita invenimus scriptum in quindecim libris nostris et in quatuor Anglicanis. Vide Epistolam ad Fortunatum de Exhortatione Martyrii, cap. 12.
Having repentance. So we have restored it, where the common editions have agentes ("doing"), because we found it written so in fifteen of our books and in four English ones. See the Letter to Fortunatus On the Exhortation to Martyrdom, chapter 12.
(XXV. — De profundo) ‹anchor: de profundo› · lemma note, col 562 XXV. — De profundo. Coactus sum ita scribere propter auctoritatem veterum editionum. Pamelius posuit de profunda et tenebrosa nocte superstitionis, quia videbat Morellium monuisse vetustum librum ita habere. At Morellius non posuit hanc lectionem in editione sua, sed eam quam ego revocavi. Lectionem Pamelii non reperi nisi in tribus libris.
XXV. — From the depth. I was compelled to write it so on the authority of the old editions. Pamelius set from the deep and dark night of superstition, because he saw that Morel had noted that an old book had it so. But Morel did not put this reading in his edition, but the one I have brought back. Pamelius's reading I found in only three books.
(Odiis vestris) ‹anchor: odiis vestris› · lemma note, col 562 Odiis vestris. Prosper in calce libri contra Collatorem: Nobis Deo adjuvante sit studium quieta modestaque patientia odiis dilectionem reddere.
For your hatreds. Prosper, at the end of the book against the Collator: With God's help let our endeavour be to return love for hatred with quiet and modest patience.
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(a) ‹anchor: excessum fuerit› · call in col 563
Recessum Bod. 1, 2, 3, 4. Ver.
"Recessum" ("withdrawal") in Bodleian 1, 2, 3, 4 and Ver.
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(Salutis itinera monstramus) ‹anchor: salutis itinera monstramus› · lemma note, col 563 Salutis itinera monstramus. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Pammachium adversus Joannem Hierosolymitanum: Blasphemantibus Deum clementem porrigimus manum.
We point out the ways of salvation. Jerome, in the Letter to Pammachius against John of Jerusalem: To those who blaspheme God we stretch out a merciful hand.
(Pœnitentia nulla sera) ‹anchor: poenitentia nulla sera› · lemma note, cols 563–564 Pœnitentia nulla sera. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Lætam de Institutione filiæ: Numquam est sera conversio. Joannes Saresberiensis, lib. VII Policratici, cap. 21: Pœnitentia quoque numquam sera est, si tamen vera. Seneca Agamemnone: Sera numquam est ad bonos mores via. Q. Curtius, lib. IX: Crudelitatem sera pœnitentia secuta est. Symmachus, lib. X, Epist. 54: Sera et contumeliosa est emendatio senectutis. Sanctus Ambrosius in responsione ad Relationem Symmachi: Verum certe est quia nulla ætas ad perdiscendum sera est. Erubescit senectus, quæ emendare se non potest. Cicero, lib. II Epistolarum ad Familiares, Epist. VII, ait seram gratulationem reprehendi non solere.
No repentance is too late. Jerome, in the Letter to Laeta on the Education of her Daughter: Conversion is never too late. John of Salisbury, Policraticus, Book VII, chapter 21: Repentance too is never too late, provided it be true. Seneca, Agamemnon: The road to good conduct is never too late. Quintus Curtius, Book IX: A late repentance followed the cruelty. Symmachus, Book X, Letter 54: Late and shameful is the amendment of old age. Saint Ambrose, in his reply to the Memorial of Symmachus: It is certainly true that no age is too late for learning thoroughly. Old age that cannot amend itself should blush. Cicero, Letters to Friends, Book II, Letter 7, says that a late congratulation is not usually found fault with.
(Factus est) ‹anchor: factus est› · lemma note, col 564 Factus est. Ita omnes libri veteres præter unum. Editio quæ dicitur Gravii habet, factus est de immortalitate securus. Hoc secutus est Pamelius, et deinde Rigaltius.
He has become. So all the old books except one. The edition called Gravius's has he has become secure of immortality. Pamelius followed this, and after him Rigault.
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(d) ‹anchor: credentibus data sit (title)› · call in col 563
Quod idola dii non sint contra paganos Vict. et alii. Quod credentibus datum sit deos non esse Voss. 4. Lin. Spir. Ratum Dun. De idolis gentium Goulart.
"That idols are not gods, against the pagans" in Vict. and others. "That it is given to believers that they are not gods" in Voss. 4, Lin., Spir. "Ratum" in Dun. "On the idols of the nations" in Goulart.
(De idol. vanit.) ‹anchor: title› · lemma note, cols 563–564 DE IDOL. VANIT. — Difficile est certo statuere quid in titulo istius libri posuerit Cyprianus, si quid tamen posuit, præsertim si vera sit opinio Erasmi existimantis esse tantum fragmentum majoris operis, quia incipit ex abrupto. Plures sane libri veteres, et ii quidem optimi, initium operis constituunt in his verbis; Deos non esse quos colit vulgus. Apud Angelum Politianum, cap. 34 Miscellaneorum vocatur liber de Origine et Generibus Idolorum. Posterorum diligentia titulum illi fecit DE IDOLORUM VANITATE, atque ita se invenisse in exemplaribus antiquis testatur Rigaltius. Ego, quamquam hunc titulum nuspiam repererim in (continues)
ON THE VANITY OF IDOLS. — It is hard to settle with certainty what Cyprian put in the title of this book, if indeed he put anything, especially if Erasmus's opinion is true, who judges it to be only a fragment of a larger work, because it begins abruptly. Several old books, indeed, and those among the best, make the work begin with these words: That they are not gods whom the common people worship. In Angelo Poliziano, Miscellanea, chapter 34, the book is called On the Origin and Kinds of Idols. The care of later men gave it the title ON THE VANITY OF IDOLS, and Rigault testifies that he found it so in old copies. I, although I have found this title nowhere in (continues)
(printed under page 275)
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(b) ‹anchor: laetus esse semper et gratus› · call in col 564 (text set under col 563's rail)
Lætus et gratus Thu.
"Lætus et gratus" ("joyful and thankful") in Thu.
(printed under page 275)
(c) ‹anchor: immortalitate securus› · call in col 564 (text set under col 563's rail)
Factus est de immortalitate Oxon.
"Factus est de immortalitate" ("has become [secure] of immortality") in Oxon.
(printed under page 275)