Cyprianus, Epistola I, Ad Donatum (de gratia Dei)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 93)

(a) ‹AD DONATUM› · call in col 191

Ad Donatum de erroribus mundi et contemptu ejus Camb. Dun. Vict. De disciplina ad Donatum Voss. 4. de Gratia Dei. Oxon. Gold.

"To Donatus, on the errors of the world and contempt of it": Camb., Dun., Vict. "On discipline, to Donatus": Voss. 4. "On the grace of God": Oxon., Gold.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(printed under page 93)

(369) ‹EPISTOLA PRIMA› · call in col 191 (marked ¹ in the text)

Epist. I.—Hanc epistolam habent omnes editiones et plerique libri veteres. Non extat tamen in uno bibliothecae Regiae, in uno monasterii sancti Remigii Remensis, in duobus monasterii Compendiensis, in eo quem habui ex monasterio sancti Michaelis in periculo maris, neque demum in Corbeiensi. Quod ideo annotandum esse arbitratus sum quia vir doctissimus Nicolaus Rigaltius, haud dubie lapsu memoriae, vel per incogitantiam, in observationibus suis ad opera sancti Cypriani refert plures varias lectiones istius epistolae ex codice Corbeiensi, in quo ea non habetur. Primum illa locum obtinet in multis codicibus antiquis, in Veronensi nimirum omnium vetustissimo, in Seguieriano item antiquissimo, in duobus Vaticanis, in omnibus iis quibus usus est Guillelmus Morellius, in eo qui fuit Raymundi episcopi Acconensis, ut annotatum reperi manu Simonis Goulartii, qui eo usus est, et in viginti et uno eorum cum quibus ego contuli opera beati Martyris. Immo in codice sancti Eligii Attrebatensis ita scriptum vidi in calce istius epistolae : Explicit prima epistola. Illam sanctus Augustinus citat, ex eaque fragmenta refert in libro IV de Doctrina Christiana, cap. 14, et in Sermone 312, in nova editione pag. 1256. Cyprianumque graviter reprehendit quod illam spumeo verborum ambitu ornaverit ; quia nimirum putabat, ut opinor, regnum Dei, ut verbis utar Sulpitii Severi in prologo libri de Vita Sancti Martini, non in eloquentia sed in fide constare. Ego vero mecum saepenumero admiratus sum illam Augustini censuram in hac epistola, quae tota de Deo est et reprehensio morum corruptorum et depravatorum saeculi, reprehendentis gravitatem et eloquentiam sermonis, tamquam si res Dei electissimis verbis gravissimisque sententiis rhetorice ornare fas non esset. Contra, si uspiam opus est eloquentia, id vero in primis, mea quidem sententia, palam est obtinere debere in compositionibus ad majestatem et gloriam summi Dei pertinentibus, quamvis, ut ait sanctus Hilarius in libro II de Trinitate, ad ea quae Dei sunt exequenda sermo omnis infirmus sit. Item Macarius Mucius in praefatione ad carmen suum de Triumpho Crucis : Negare non ausim, inquit, eam esse divinarum rerum vim atque dignitatem, ut nullo stylo assequi possimus non tamen ita remotam censeo, ut Camoenis inaccessibilem rear. Nam, ut ait Novatianus in libro de Trinitate, ad cogitandam et ad eloquendam Dei majestatem, et eloquentia omnis merito muta est et mens exigua est. Exemplis talibus plena sunt omnia. Quis umquam reprehendit eloquentiam in sancto Joanne Chrysostomo ? quid eruditius aut acutius Apologetico Tertulliani ? qui, ut ait sanctus Hieronymus in epistola ad Magnum adversus Jovinianum, cunctam saeculi continet disciplinam : quid elegantius Octavio Minucii Felicis ? Neque Arnobio sua defuit eloquentia. Lactantii libros divinarum Institutionum omnes consentiunt Tullianam eloquentiam redolere. Etiam lucubrationes sancti Hieronymi, tamen etsi is in epistola ad Pammachium scribat dissimulandam et fugiendam esse eloquii venustatem in interpretatione ecclesiastica, quam ipse vitavit in interpretatione librorum sacrae Scripturae, rhetoricae tamen flosculis ubique abundant et ambitiosa eloquentia, et illorum qui hoc scribendi genere utuntur defensionem suscepit in eadem epistola ad Magnum. Ex quo necessario consequitur reprehensioni obnoxios esse auctores ecclesiasticos melioris ³⁷⁰ notae, si censura a sancto Augustino lata adversus hanc Cypriani epistolam justa est ac legitima. Quare amplectenda omnino mihi videtur Lactantii sententia qui (lib. V, cap. 1) ait scientiam litterarum non modo nihil nocere religioni atque justitiae, sed etiam prodesse quamplurimum si is qui eas didicerit sit virtutibus instructior et veritate sapientior. Etiam is qui anno 1483 procuravit editionem Venetam operum sancti Cy- (continues)

Ep. I.—All the editions and most of the old manuscripts have this letter. It is not found, however, in one manuscript of the Royal Library, in one of the monastery of Saint-Remi at Reims, in two of the monastery of Compiègne, in the one I had from the monastery of Mont-Saint-Michel, nor finally in the Corbie manuscript. I judged this worth noting because the most learned Nicolas Rigault, no doubt through a lapse of memory or inattention, reports in his observations on the works of Saint Cyprian several variant readings of this letter from the Corbie manuscript, in which it does not occur. It holds first place in many ancient manuscripts: in the Verona manuscript, the oldest of all; in the Séguier manuscript, likewise very old; in two Vatican manuscripts; in all those used by Guillaume Morel; in the one that belonged to Raymond, bishop of Acre, as I found noted in the hand of Simon Goulart, who used it; and in twenty-one of those with which I collated the works of the blessed martyr. Indeed, in the manuscript of Saint-Éloi at Arras I saw written at the foot of this letter: "Here ends the first letter." Saint Augustine cites it and quotes fragments of it in Book IV of On Christian Doctrine, ch. 14, and in Sermon 312 (page 1256 in the new edition). And he sharply faults Cyprian for having decked it out with a frothy sweep of words, because, I suppose, he held that the kingdom of God, to use the words of Sulpicius Severus in the prologue of his Life of Saint Martin, consists not in eloquence but in faith. I for my part have often wondered at Augustine's censure of this letter, which is wholly about God and a rebuke of the corrupt and depraved morals of the age—censure that faults the weight and eloquence of its style, as though it were not right to adorn the things of God rhetorically with the choicest words and the weightiest sentences. On the contrary, if eloquence is needed anywhere, it is plain, in my opinion at least, that it ought to hold sway above all in compositions concerning the majesty and glory of the most high God—even though, as Saint Hilary says in Book II of On the Trinity, all speech is weak for setting forth the things of God. So too Macarius Mutius in the preface to his poem On the Triumph of the Cross: "I would not dare deny," he says, "that the force and dignity of divine things are such that no style can attain them; yet I do not think them so remote as to judge them inaccessible to the Muses." For, as Novatian says in his book On the Trinity, "for conceiving and for uttering the majesty of God all eloquence is rightly mute and the mind is meagre." Everything is full of such examples. Who ever faulted the eloquence of Saint John Chrysostom? What is more learned or more acute than Tertullian's Apology, which, as Saint Jerome says in his letter to Magnus against Jovinian, contains the whole learning of the world? What is more elegant than the Octavius of Minucius Felix? Nor did Arnobius lack his own eloquence. All agree that Lactantius's books of the Divine Institutes breathe Ciceronian eloquence. Even the works of Saint Jerome—although he writes in his letter to Pammachius that the charm of eloquence should be set aside and shunned in churchly translation, and he himself avoided it in translating the books of sacred Scripture—abound everywhere in rhetorical flourishes and ambitious eloquence, and in the same letter to Magnus he took up the defence of those who use this manner of writing. From this it necessarily follows that ecclesiastical authors of the better sort lie open to reproach, if the censure Saint Augustine passed on this letter of Cyprian is just and right. Therefore I think Lactantius's opinion wholly to be embraced, who says (Book V, ch. 1) that knowledge of letters not only does no harm to religion and justice but is of the greatest benefit, if he who has learned them is the better furnished in virtues and the wiser in truth. Even the man who in 1483 saw to the Venetian edition of the works of Saint Cy- (continues)

(printed under page 93)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 94)

(a) ‹cum› · call in col 193

Quod Ar. Ben. Bod. 3. Quo Lamb. Eb. Lin. NC. 1. Spir. Thu. Foss. Vict. Quo indultis vindemiis resolutus Voss. 4.

"Quod" (because): Ar., Ben., Bod. 3. "Quo" (whereby): Lamb., Eb., Lin., NC. 1, Spir., Thu., Foss., Vict. "Quo indultis vindemiis resolutus" (whereby, released by the vintage holidays granted): Voss. 4.

(b) ‹statas anni› · call in col 194

Statutas Lam. Ben. Ebor. Lin. NC. 1. Reg. Voss. 4. Sed male. Ratas Foss. Vict.

"Statutas" (appointed): Lam., Ben., Ebor., Lin., NC. 1, Reg., Voss. 4. But wrongly. "Ratas" (ratified): Foss., Vict.

(c) ‹sortitur› · call in col 194

Sortiatur Lam. Bod. 3. Ebor. Lin. NC. 1. Ben. Foss. Vict. Voss. 4. Feriatur Thu.

"Sortiatur" (may obtain): Lam., Bod. 3, Ebor., Lin., NC. 1, Ben., Foss., Vict., Voss. 4. "Feriatur" (keeps holiday): Thu.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE (continued). The opening lines of the left foot column (the end of note 369) are read from the col 193 images (Q7); the opening lines of the right foot column (the start of the note ‹Donate›) from the col 194 images. (printed under page 94)

(369) ‹EPISTOLA PRIMA› · continued from col 191

(continued) priani ita loquitur in praefatione sua : Aequo enim satis animo ferre nequaquam possum recentiorum quorumdam novam haeresim, qui nullum orationis florem sequentes putant quod expolito limatoque tractatur eloquio rei sacrae admodum officere. Et paulo post : Nam si eloquentiam rem mediam esse agnoscunt, qua et recte uti et male possumus, quis mentis compos dicere audet non debere dogmatis christiani professores in defendenda veritate ea uti qua in extollenda falsitate omnes abusi sunt gentiles ? Ita etiam sensit Joannes Maldonatus scribens ad Petrum Madurum : Cur enim, inquit, Christus non habeat meliores oratores quam diabolus ? In eadem quoque sententia fuisse Joannem Sichardum liquet ex praefatione ejus ad libros Recognitionum sancti Clementis. Extat in volumine Orationum M. Antonii Majoragii oratio adversus eos qui ornandae orationis studium et dicendi elegantiam vituperant, eorumque opinionem vocat haeresim. Paulus quoque Cortesius in prooemio libri sui sententiarum damnat eos theologos qui disserendi elegantiam a theologia sejungunt. Et nihilominus verum est quod ait sanctus Hieronymus in epistola de Filio prodigo ad Papam Damasum, in ecclesiasticis rebus non quaeri verba sed sensus. Ita etiam sensit Faustinus episcopus in praefatione libri de Fide contra Arianos : In causa, inquit, fidei non sermonum sublimitas requirenda est, quando ipsa sola testimonia sufficiunt.

(I) ‹Bene admones› · §1, col 192 I.—Bene admones. In libro Fuxensi scriptum est : Vere admones, et in margine, Alii dicunt : Bene. Hanc porro lectionem esse meliorem, praeter auctoritatem veterum exemplarium, probatur etiam auctoritate Rufini in prologo Homiliarum Origenis in Numeros, apud Henricum Valesium in annotationibus ad Historiam Ecclesiasticam Eusebii (pag. 129), ubi sic habetur : Utor verbis tibi, frater, beati martyris. « Bene admones, Donate charissime. Nam et promisisse me memini. » Et paulo post : « Sed reddendae pollicitationi non tempestivum, ut ille ait, sed tempestuosum nobis tempus ac turbidum fuit. » Ex his interim beati Cypriani verbis colligi posse videtur illum in hac epistola respondere ei qua Donatus eum admonuerat uti promissis ac recepto suo satisfaceret. Non inde tamen colligi debet epistolium quod Pamelius invenit in codice Camberonensi, quodque nos invenimus etiam in veteri libro qui fuit Francisci Pithoei, inde, inquam, colligi non debet epistolium illud, in cujus fronte positum est nomen Donati ad Cyprianum scribentis, esse admonitionem qua permotus Cyprianus hanc epistolam ad eum dedit. Non dubitabat Pamelius quin legitimus Donati foetus esset, eamque sententiam facile amplexus est illustrissimus cardinalis Baronius in Annalibus ecclesiasticis. Alii illud ut spurium rejecerunt, quorum ego opinioni libenter accedo. Et tamen arbitror istic, uti fecere Rigaltius et episcopus Oxoniensis, esse ponendum, ne quam mihi negligentiam curiosus lector imputare possit. Sic ergo habet : Donatus Cypriano. Credo te retinere, sanctissime Cypriane, quae nobis fuerit apud oratores garrulitas, unus sensus, una cogitatio, individua dilectio. Quare non et in divina lectione ita animis roboramur, aut non ea semper nobis fuit cogitatio, sicut promittebamus, ut simul crederemus ?

I.—"You do well to remind me." The Foix manuscript reads "You truly remind me," with in the margin "Others say: well." That this reading is the better is proved, besides the authority of the old copies, also by the authority of Rufinus in the prologue to Origen's Homilies on Numbers, cited by Henri de Valois in his notes on Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History (p. 129), where it reads: "I use to you, brother, the words of the blessed martyr: 'You do well to remind me, dearest Donatus; for I remember that I promised.'" And a little after: "'But for paying the promise the time has been for us, as he says, not timely but tempestuous and troubled.'" From these words of blessed Cyprian it seems meanwhile one may gather that in this letter he is answering one in which Donatus had reminded him to make good his promises and undertaking. Yet one must not gather from this that the little letter which Pamelius found in the Cambron manuscript, and which we also found in an old book that belonged to François Pithou—one must not, I say, gather from this that that little letter, at whose head stands the name of Donatus writing to Cyprian, is the reminder which moved Cyprian to send him this letter. Pamelius did not doubt that it was the genuine offspring of Donatus, and the most illustrious Cardinal Baronius readily embraced that opinion in his Ecclesiastical Annals. Others rejected it as spurious, and I gladly side with their opinion. And yet I think it should be set down here, as Rigault and the Bishop of Oxford did, so that the curious reader may not charge me with any negligence. This, then, is how it reads: "Donatus to Cyprian. I believe you remember, most holy Cyprian, the chatter we had among the orators—one mind, one thought, an undivided love. Why are we not likewise strengthened in spirit in divine reading, or why was not our thought always, as we used to promise, that we should believe together?"

(—) ‹Donate› · §1, col 193 Donate. Donati nomen vulgatissimum erat in Africa, ut etiam scriptum est in capite tertio epistolae secundae sancti Augustini ad Eleusium, Glorium et Felices. Sequenti saeculo, Lactantius librum de Mortibus Persecutorum scripsit ad Donatum confessorem, illum ipsum, ut opinari licet, cui dicavit etiam librum de Ira Dei. Persto enim in ea sententia quam prompsi cum ederem librum de Mortibus Persecutorum. Scio virum optimum et mihi reverendum Nicolaum Le Nourry aliter sensisse, et Donatum cui inscriptus est liber de Ira Dei putasse fuisse diversum ab eo cuius nomen extat in initio libri a me editi. Diversos autem fuisse hinc se probare putavit vir optimus quod ex libro de Ira Dei manifestum sit Donatum cui dicatus est fuisse recenter conversum ad religionem Christi, quod de alio dici non posse ait. Erravit in nomine vir clarissimus. Transtulit ad Donatum ea quae pertinebant ad Demetrianum, cui dicatus est liber de Opificio Dei, ex quo constat Demetrianum rudem adhuc fuisse nostrorum mysteriorum.

"Donatus." The name of Donatus was very common in Africa, as is also written in the third chapter of the second letter of Saint Augustine, to Eleusius, Glorius and the Felixes. In the following century Lactantius wrote the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors to Donatus the confessor—the very man, one may suppose, to whom he also dedicated the book On the Wrath of God. For I hold to the opinion I put forward when I edited the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors. I know that Nicolas Le Nourry, an excellent man whom I revere, thought otherwise, and supposed that the Donatus to whom the book On the Wrath of God is inscribed was different from the one whose name stands at the beginning of the book I edited. That excellent man thought he proved them different because it is plain from On the Wrath of God that the Donatus to whom it is dedicated was newly converted to the religion of Christ, which, he says, cannot be said of the other. The most distinguished man erred in the name. He transferred to Donatus what belonged to Demetrianus, to whom the book On the Workmanship of God is dedicated, from which it is clear that Demetrianus was still unversed in our mysteries.

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(371) ‹Donate› · §1, col 193

Donate. In codice sancti Arnulphi Metensis scriptum est : Bene admones, frater charissime Donate.

"Donatus." The manuscript of Saint-Arnoul at Metz reads: "You do well to remind me, dearest brother Donatus."

(—) ‹Indulgente vindemia› · §1 Indulgente vindemia. Ennodius, lib. IX, epist. 2 : Sit inter nos felicium vindemiarum vice colloquium.

"The vintage giving leave." Ennodius, Book IX, Letter 2: "Let there be converse between us in the season of happy vintages."

(—) ‹Solemnes ac statas› · §1 Solemnes ac statas. Multum variant in hoc loco libri veteres. Quidam enim habent statutas pro ratas, alii ratas tutasque, vel ratas tantum. Unus vero habet solemnes ac ratas, et supra lineam vel statutas. Ego praefero lectionem vulgatam, quae mihi videtur optima et certissima. Nam Cicero dixit alicubi solemne et statum sacrificium. In lege III Cod. de Dilationib., legitur : Feriae sunt vel repentinae vel solemnes. Solemnes autem jurisconsulti eas esse aiunt quae sunt anniversariae ac legitimae. Recte igitur Cyprianus dixit inducias sive ferias solemnes ac statas, quas ideo statas appellari ait Festus quia certo statutoque die observantur. Vide Macrobium lib. I Saturn., caput 16, et Juretum ad Symmachum, lib. III, epist. 21, ad illum locum, et feriarum reliquiae.

"Solemn and fixed." The old books vary much at this place. Some have "statutas" (appointed) for "ratas," others "ratas tutasque," or "ratas" alone. One has "solemnes ac ratas," with "or statutas" above the line. I prefer the common reading, which seems to me the best and most certain. For Cicero said somewhere "a solemn and fixed sacrifice." In law III of the Code, On Delays, one reads: "Holidays are either sudden or solemn." The jurists say the solemn ones are those that are yearly and set by law. Rightly, then, did Cyprian speak of a truce or holidays "solemn and fixed," which Festus says are called fixed because they are kept on a certain, appointed day. See Macrobius, Saturnalia I, ch. 16, and Juret on Symmachus, Book III, Letter 21, at the passage "and the remains of the holidays."

(—) ‹Locus etiam› · §1 Locus etiam. Cicero in libro de claris Oratoribus : Sed, quo facilius sermo explicetur, sedentes, si videtur, agamus. Cum idem placuisset illis, tum in propatulo propter Platonis statuam consedimus. Hieronymus, lib. II adversus Jovinianum : Platonici quoque et Stoici in templorum locis et porticibus versabantur. Rusticus diaconus in praefatione dialogi adversus Acephalos : Silentium loci et temporis commoditas et commune constitutum et ab aliis rebus feriae nobiscum interim concurrunt simul.

"The place too." Cicero in the book On Famous Orators: "But so that the conversation may unfold more easily, let us, if you will, hold it sitting." When they had agreed, we sat down in the open by the statue of Plato. Jerome, Against Jovinian II: "The Platonists too and the Stoics spent their time in the precincts and porticoes of temples." Rusticus the deacon in the preface to his dialogue against the Acephali: "The quiet of the place and the convenience of the time and a common agreement and a holiday from other business meanwhile come together for us at once."

(—) ‹Fatiscentis› · §1 Fatiscentis. Id est fessi et labentis, ut apud Virgilium et Ovidium. Hanc lectionem, quae optima et verissima est, non inveni nisi in uno libro meo veteri optimo. Reliqui omnes et omnes editiones habent fatigantis. Lucretius, libro III, loquens de anima, cum dixisset eam ceu fumum dissolvi in altas aeris auras, addit, Simul aevo fessa fatiscit. Et lib. V dicit omnia vinci ab aevo, etiam saxa et altas turres, Et delubra deum simulacraque fessa fatisci. Similem errorem in Actis sanctarum martyrum Perpe- (continues)

"Of the flagging (year)." That is, weary and failing, as in Virgil and Ovid. This reading, which is the best and truest, I found only in one old and excellent book of mine. All the rest, and all the editions, have "fatigantis" (wearying). Lucretius, Book III, speaking of the soul, after saying that it dissolves like smoke into the high breezes of the air, adds: "at once, worn out by age, it gives way." And in Book V he says that all things are overcome by age, even rocks and high towers, "and the shrines and images of the gods, worn out, give way." A like error in the Acts of the holy martyrs Perpe- (continues)

(printed under page 94)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 95)

(a) ‹studentibus› · call in col 195

Stupentibus Vict.

"Stupentibus" (astonished): Vict.

(b) ‹colloquium› · call in col 195

Eloquium Lam. Ebor. Lin. NC. 1. Ben.

"Eloquium" (speech): Lam., Ebor., Lin., NC. 1, Ben.

(c) ‹in vites› · call in col 196

Vites videmus Eb. Ar. Pem. Lam. Reg. Vites quas videmus Bod. 3. NC. 1. Spir. Pem. Et. Man. Fossat. Videmus oblectantem prospectum Thu. Et vites Oxon.

"Vites videmus" (we see the vines): Eb., Ar., Pem., Lam., Reg. "Vites quas videmus" (the vines which we see): Bod. 3, NC. 1, Spir., Pem., Et., Man., Fossat. "Videmus oblectantem prospectum" (we see a delightful view): Thu. "Et vites" (and the vines): Oxon.

(d) ‹pascit› · call in col 196

Ut pascit Salis.

"Ut pascit" (as it feeds): Salis.

(e) ‹cura› · call in col 196

Cura nunc Mich. Vict.

"Cura nunc" (care now): Mich., Vict.

(f) ‹oculus tuus› · call in col 196

Oculos tuos fixus es Oxon.

"Oculos tuos fixus es" (you have fixed your eyes): Oxon.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(—) ‹Fatiscentis› · §1

(continued) tuae et Felicitatis annotavit Lucas Holstenius, ubi, pro eo quod legitur defatigationibus, censet legendum esse de factionibus. (Male codicum prope omnium et editionum lectioni Baluzius ex uno libro substituit fatiscentis. Fatigantis enim idem est ac jocantis, ludentis. Cf. Chr. Gfr. Mulleri obss. ad 5 loca epist. Cypr., Gerae 1776, p 2 sqq GOLDHORN.)

(—) ‹Studentibus fabulis› · §1 Studentibus fabulis. Ego semper existimavi locum hunc esse mendosum et viros doctissimos frustra hactenus laborasse in eo emendando vel explicando. Cum vero ei quaererem medicinam, occurrit mihi commutandam fortean esse vocem studentibus cum voce ludentibus, ut istic legatur ludentibus fabulis, ut apud Minucium fabulis fallentibus. Nam fabulis ludere dixit Ausonius in epistola tertia ad librum, ut eat ad Probum : Suescat peritis fabulis simul jocari et ludere. Ludentibus igitur fabulis, sed peritis et seriis, colloquium agebant Cyprianus et Donatus. Neque enim putandum est eorum sermones fuisse ludicros aut rerum colloquia leviorum, cum de rebus maximi momenti ad gloriam et religionem summi Dei pertinentibus tractaretur inter viros graves : nisi si, qui mos est dialogorum, Donatum et se ipsum locutos esse supposuit Cyprianus quae numquam locuti erant, ut de se ipso et Varrone ait Cicero in initio Academicarum Quaestionum. Julius Firmicus in praefatione librorum de Institutione Matheseos, honestas et varias sermonum fabulas serebamus.

"With studious talk." I have always thought this place corrupt, and that most learned men have so far laboured in vain to emend or explain it. While seeking a remedy for it, it occurred to me that perhaps the word "studentibus" should be exchanged for "ludentibus," so that it read "with playful talk," as in Minucius "with talk beguiling (the time)." For Ausonius spoke of "playing with talk" in his third letter, to his book, bidding it go to Probus: "Let it grow used to jest and play with skilled talk." With playful talk, then, but skilled and serious, Cyprian and Donatus held their conversation. For one must not think their discourse was frivolous or about lighter matters, since matters of the greatest moment, bearing on the glory and religion of the most high God, were being treated between grave men: unless, as is the custom of dialogues, Cyprian supposed that Donatus and he himself said things they had never said, as Cicero says of himself and Varro at the beginning of the Academic Questions. Julius Firmicus in the preface to his books on the Mathesis: "we wove honest and varied tales of conversation."

(—) ‹Erudire› · §1 Erudire. Deest hic aliquid ; sensus enim non est integer. Sed sunt pleraque istiusmodi in Cypriano. Cum videret autem Lombertus sensum non esse integrum, sic vertit hunc locum ac si Cyprianus scripsisset, conscientiam pectoris erudire juvat.

"To instruct." Something is missing here, for the sense is not complete. But there are many such things in Cyprian. Lombert, seeing the sense was incomplete, translated this place as if Cyprian had written "it is a pleasure to instruct the conscience of the heart."

(—) ‹Familiae strepentis› · §1 Familiae strepentis. Sanctus Hieronymus in Epistola ad Demetriadem, de virginitate servanda, eam laudat quod inter gemmas et sericum, inter eunuchorum et puellarum catervas, et adulationem et ministeriae familiae perstrepentis, et exquisitas epulas, quas amplae domus praebebat abundantia, appetisset jejuniorum laborem, asperitatem vestium, victus continentiam. Item in epistola ad Laetam, de institutione filiae, monet ne intersit nuptiis servitorum, neque familiae perstrepentis lusibus misceatur. Et in calce libri adversus Helvidium, inter incommoda matrimonii rursum numerat familiam perstrepentem.

"Of the noisy household." Saint Jerome, in the Letter to Demetrias on keeping virginity, praises her because amid jewels and silk, amid troops of eunuchs and girls, the flattery and service of a noisy household, and the choice feasts that the plenty of a great house supplied, she sought the toil of fasting, roughness of clothing, restraint in food. Likewise in the letter to Laeta on the upbringing of her daughter he warns that she should not attend the weddings of servants nor mix in the games of a noisy household. And at the end of the book against Helvidius he again counts a noisy household among the burdens of marriage.

(—) ‹Petamus hanc sedem› · §1 Petamus hanc sedem. Citat hunc locum Abaelardus in extremo libro II Theologiae Christianae.

"Let us seek this seat." Abelard cites this place at the end of Book II of the Christian Theology.

(—) ‹Erratici palmitum nexus› · §1 Erratici palmitum nexus. Cicero in libro de Senectute : « Vitis quidem, quae natura caduca est, et nisi fulta sit, ad terram fertur, eadem, ut se erigat, claviculis suis quasi manibus quicquid est nacta complectitur, quam serpentem multiplici lapsu et erratico ferro amputans coercet ars agricolarum, ne silvescat sermentis et in omnes partes fundatur. » ³⁷² Sidonius lib. V, Epist. 17 : « Hic pars sub umbra palmitis adulti quam stipitibus altatis cancellatimque pendentibus pampinis superducta texuerat. » Vide infra in notis ad librum primum Testimoniorum adversus Judaeos cap. 21, in voce cilicium.

"The straying tangles of the vine-shoots." Cicero in the book On Old Age: "The vine, which by nature droops and, unless propped, falls to the ground, likewise, to raise itself, embraces with its tendrils as with hands whatever it meets; and as it creeps in manifold and straying growth, the farmers' art checks it, pruning with the knife, lest it run wild with shoots and spread in every direction." Sidonius, Book V, Letter 17: "Here some (sat) in the shade of a grown vine which, drawn over raised stakes, had woven (a roof) with its leaves hanging in lattice-work." See below in the notes on the first book of the Testimonies against the Jews, ch. 21, at the word "cilicium."

(—) ‹Viteam porticum› · §1 Viteam porticum. Virgilius, lib. III Georgicorum : Hic noctem ludo ducunt, et pocula laeti / Fermento atque acidis imitantur vitea sorbis. Prudentius in Hamartigenia : Sepibus et densis vallentur vitea rura. Et in Hymno ante cibum : Hic ubi vitea pampineo / Brachia palmite luxuriant.

"A portico of vines." Virgil, Georgics III: "Here they pass the night in play, and gladly imitate cups of vine-drink with ferment and sour service-berries." Prudentius in the Hamartigenia: "Let the vine-lands be walled with hedges and thick (fences)." And in the Hymn before Food: "Here where the vine's arms run riot with leafy shoots."

(—) ‹Frondea tecta› · §1 Frondea tecta. Ex Virgilio, lib. IV Georgicorum, Et frondea semper / Tecta petunt. Ovidius, lib. III Fastorum, Frondea facta casa est. Arator, lib. II Actuum Apostolicorum, dixit frondeum comam veris. Sic Cicero, enarraturus sermones inter ipsum, Quintum fratrem et Titum Pomponium Atticum habitos de legibus, cum dixisset Platonem cum Clinia et cum Lacedaemonio Mogillo aestivo die in cupressetis Cnidiorum et spatiis sylvestribus de institutis rerum publicarum ac de optimis legibus disputasse, ait se et Quintum et Atticum, inter procerissimas populos, in viridi opacaque ripa inambulantes, tum autem residentes, quaesisse iisdem de rebus aliquid uberius quam forensis usus desideret. Sic Lucianus in Dialogo domus Socratem ait sub platano frondente et herba virescente et fonte limpido sedisse cum Phaedro Myrrhinusio. Vide Sirmondum in notis ad Sidonium, lib. II, Epist. 1, in verbo hyppodromus.

"Leafy roofs." From Virgil, Georgics IV: "and ever they seek leafy roofs." Ovid, Fasti III: "A leafy hut was made." Arator, Acts of the Apostles II, spoke of "the leafy tresses of spring." So Cicero, about to recount the conversations on the laws held between himself, his brother Quintus and Titus Pomponius Atticus, having said that Plato with Clinias and the Spartan Megillus on a summer's day discussed the institutions of states and the best laws among the cypress groves of the Cnidians and the woodland walks, says that he, Quintus and Atticus, walking among the tallest poplars on a green and shady bank and then sitting down, inquired into the same matters somewhat more fully than the practice of the courts requires. So Lucian in the dialogue The Hall says that Socrates sat under a leafy plane tree, on green grass, by a clear spring, with Phaedrus of Myrrhinus. See Sirmond in his notes on Sidonius, Book II, Letter 1, at the word "hyppodromus."

(—) ‹In aures› · §1 In aures. Codex Beccensis habet in auras, quod satis congruit cum his quae sequuntur.

"Into the ears." The Bec manuscript has "into the breezes," which agrees well enough with what follows.

(—) ‹Animus simul› · §1 Animus simul. Idem codex, anima simul et auditus instruitur et pascitur obtutus.

"The mind at once." The same manuscript: "the soul at once and the hearing are instructed and the gaze is fed."

(—) ‹Oculus tuus› · §1 Oculus tuus. Haec est lectio veterum editionum et plurimorum veterum codicum optimae notae. Primus omnium Rigaltius mutavit et edidit, oculos tuos fixus es. Secuta est postea editio Anglicana, quae Rigaltianam imitata est, quamvis in ea adnotatum sit lectionem quam nos revocamus extare in pluribus antiquis codicibus manuscriptis. Miror autem eam lectionem, quae latina non est, potuisse placere hominibus eruditis. Ortam illam esse manifestum est ex permutatione litterarum o et u, quas Quintilianus, lib. I, cap. 4, adnotat olim persaepe mutari solitas in scribendo, quod etiam adnotatum reperi in libro primo Prisciani. Itaque in vetustissimo epistolarum sancti Cypriani codice, 1305 bibliothecae Colbertinae, qui fuit olim Thuanae, disserte scriptum est oculos tuos fixus est, sed supra lineam littera u juncta est cum his duabus vocibus, ut sciret lector emendationem esse et eam esse veram lectionem quae superposita erat. Nam ego saepe vidi in vetustis codicibus aliorum scriptorum eumdem modum emendationis servatum, nimirum ubi per errorem scripta erat littera o superpositam esse litteram u et e converso. Confirmat autem lectionem libri Colbertini etiam ille qui fuit (continues)

"Your eye." This is the reading of the old editions and of very many old manuscripts of the best mark. Rigault was the first of all to change it, printing "you have fixed your eyes." The English edition followed afterwards, imitating Rigault's, although it notes that the reading we restore is found in several ancient manuscripts. I am surprised that a reading which is not Latin could have pleased learned men. It plainly arose from the interchange of the letters o and u, which Quintilian, Book I, ch. 4, notes were formerly very often exchanged in writing, as I also found noted in the first book of Priscian. Thus in the oldest manuscript of the letters of Saint Cyprian, no. 1305 of the Colbert library, formerly de Thou's, "oculos tuos fixus est" is written expressly, but above the line the letter u is joined to these two words, so that the reader might know it was a correction and that the reading set above was the true one. For I have often seen the same manner of correction kept in old manuscripts of other writers: where the letter o had been written in error, the letter u was set above, and the reverse. The reading of the Colbert book is also confirmed by the one that belonged (continues)

(printed under page 95)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 96)

(a) ‹—› · call in col 197

Quo ore qua Lam. Lin. NC. 1. Ebor. Voss. 2 Tam ore quam Bod. 3. Fossat. Spir. Rem. Erasm. Maen. Morell. Quo more qua mente Thu. Vict. O quam recta mente Voss. 4. Quam ore, quam mente Oxon.

"With what mouth, with what": Lam., Lin., NC. 1, Ebor., Voss. 2. "As much with the mouth as": Bod. 3, Fossat., Spir., Rem., Erasm., Maen., Morell. "With what manner, with what mind": Thu., Vict. "O with how upright a mind": Voss. 4. "Than with the mouth, than with the mind": Oxon.

(printed under page 96)

(b) ‹—› · call in col 197

Culmis Oxon.

"Stalks": Oxon.

(printed under page 96)

(c) ‹—› · call in col 197

Facultatem Ben.

"Faculty": Ben.

(printed under page 96)

(d) ‹—› · call in col 197

Metum Goul.

"Fear": Goul.

(printed under page 96)

(e) ‹—› · call in col 197

In judicii contentione Vict. Lin. Goul. Judicii concione Thu. Foss.

"In the contest of judgement": Vict., Lin., Goul. "In the assembly of judgement": Thu., Foss.

(printed under page 96) (II) ‹Exilis ingenii› · §2 II.—Exilis ingenii. Hieronymus in praefatione libri tertii in Epistolam ad Galatas : ³⁷³ Exilis ingenii rivulum vix parvo strepentem murmure sentientes. Ruricius episcopus Lemovensis, lib. I, Epist. 10 : Me sciatis laborare egestate ac sterilitate exilis ingenii. Symmachus lib. IX, Epist. 10 : Mei ingenii exilitas etiam parum miratur. Aliis verbis idem dixit Lactantius, in capite primo libri de Opificio Dei : Quantum possibilitas intelligentiae meae pervidet. Cassianus in praefatione Collationum : In quantum tenuitas nostri suffecit ingenii. Julius Firmicus in praefatione de Institutione Matheseos : In nobis tenue est ingenium. Pro quo Martialis lib. IX, epigr. 51, dixit pusillum ingenium. Hieronymus in epitaphio Nepotiani : Grandes materias ingenia parva non sustinent. Arnoldus Bonevallensis in editione Anglicana : Sublimes materias sublimium ingeniorum exigunt tractatores. Recte. Etenim magna ingenia, ut ait Velleius Paterculus, magnis adjutoribus egent. Praeclare Quintilianus in praefatione Oratoriarum Institutionum : Illud tamen in primis testandum est, nihil praecepta atque artes valere nisi adjuvante natura. Quapropter, cui deerit ingenium non magis haec scripta sunt, quam de agrorum cultura sterilibus terris. Idem, lib. VIII, cap. 4, ait ut terram cultu, sic animam disciplinis uberiorem fieri. Ammianus Marcellinus, initio libri XVI : Instrumenta omnia mediocris ingenii si suffecerint commoturus.

II.—"Of a meagre talent." Jerome in the preface to the third book on the Letter to the Galatians: "feeling the rivulet of a meagre talent scarcely sounding with a small murmur." Ruricius, bishop of Limoges, Book I, Letter 10: "Know that I labour under the poverty and barrenness of a meagre talent." Symmachus, Book IX, Letter 10: "The meagreness of my talent wonders little." Lactantius said the same in other words in the first chapter of the book On the Workmanship of God: "so far as the capacity of my understanding sees through." Cassian in the preface to the Conferences: "so far as the slenderness of our talent sufficed." Julius Firmicus in the preface to the Mathesis: "In us the talent is slender." For which Martial, Book IX, epigram 51, said "a puny talent." Jerome in the epitaph of Nepotian: "Small talents do not sustain great subjects." Arnold of Bonneval in the English edition: "Lofty subjects demand handlers of lofty talent." Rightly. For great talents, as Velleius Paterculus says, need great helpers. Quintilian finely in the preface to the Institutes of Oratory: "This must be attested above all: that precepts and arts avail nothing unless nature helps. So these things are written for one who lacks talent no more than (books) on agriculture are for barren lands." He also says, Book VIII, ch. 4, that as land by tilling, so the soul is made more fruitful by learning. Ammianus Marcellinus, at the beginning of Book XVI: "about to set in motion all the instruments of a moderate talent, if they suffice."

(—) ‹Culminibus› · §2 Culminibus. Ita omnes editiones ante Pamelianam. Consentiunt etiam vetera exemplaria. Quamquam autem vox culmis, quam Pamelius alteri substituit, bona sit et bonum sensum constituat, revocandam esse putavi veterem lectionem, quae et ipsa optima est : culmen enim significat summitatem alicujus rei. In codice Turonensi scriptum est culminibus, et supra lineam vel culmis.

"With summits." So all the editions before Pamelius's. The old copies agree too. And although the word "culmis" (stalks), which Pamelius substituted for the other, is good and makes good sense, I thought the old reading should be restored, which is itself excellent: for "culmen" means the top of anything. In the Tours manuscript "culminibus" is written, with "or culmis" above the line.

(—) ‹Non eloquentiae viribus› · §2 Non eloquentiae viribus. Hieronymus in epistola ad Pammachium pro libris suis adversus Jovinianum : Porro eloquentiam, quam pro Christo in Cicerone contemnis, in parvulis non requiras. Ecclesiastica interpretatio, etiamsi habet eloquii venustatem, dissimulare eum debet et fugere.

"Not by the powers of eloquence." Jerome in the letter to Pammachius in defence of his books against Jovinian: "Moreover, do not look in little men for the eloquence that for Christ's sake you despise in Cicero. Churchly interpretation, even if it has the charm of eloquence, ought to hide it and shun it."

(—) ‹Non diserta› · §2 Non diserta. Hieronymus in epistola ad Nepotianum de vita clericorum : Audi igitur, ut beatus Cyprianus ait, non diserta, sed fortia. Ruricius, lib. I, Epist. 17. Certi sumus quod non tam diserta cupitis audire sed fortia. Julianus Pomerius, lib. III, de vita contemplativa, cap. 34 ; Prudentibus viris non placent phalerata sed fortia.

"Not eloquent things." Jerome in the letter to Nepotian on the life of clerics: "Hear then, as blessed Cyprian says, things not eloquent but strong." Ruricius, Book I, Letter 17: "We are sure that you desire to hear not so much eloquent things as strong ones." Julianus Pomerius, On the Contemplative Life III, ch. 34: "Prudent men are not pleased by things decked out but by strong ones."

(—) ‹Nec ad audientiae› · §2 Nec ad audientiae. Codex episcopi Acconensis, nec audientiae popularis illecebra culto sermone fucata.

"Nor for the hearing." The manuscript of the bishop of Acre: "nor an enticement of the popular hearing painted with refined speech."

(printed under page 96) (III) ‹Ego cum in tenebris› · §3 III.—Ego cum in tenebris. Citat hunc locum sanctus Augustinus, Sermone 312, in nova editione. Videtur autem Sedulius ab hoc loco mutuasse quae de sua conversione ad Deum scribit in Epistola ad Macedonium. Cum saecularibus igitur studiis occupatus, inquit, vim impatientis ingenii, quod Divinitatis in me providentia generavit, non utilitati animae sed inani vitae dependerem, et litterariae solatia disciplinae lusibus infructuosi operis, non auctori, deservire, tandem misericors Deus rerum conditor clementius fabricam sui juris aspexit et stultos in me mundanae sapientiae diutius haberi sensus indoluit, ac fatuum prudentiae mortalis ingenium coelesti sale condivit. Mox ut carnis oculos interior caligo deseruit, per sentes dumosi ruris errantia in herbam florei cespitis revolvi vestigia, tutoque nisu melioris arbitrii cultum illustrati pectoris Deo dicavi. Minucius Felix de se loquens : Cum, discussa caligine, de tenebrarum profundo in lucem sapientiae et virtutis emergerem. Lucianus, presbyter Antiochenus, apud Rufinum, lib. IX, cap. 6, asserens fidem nostram adversus gentiles : Erravimus etiam nos aliquando, et simulacra quae ipsi finximus deos coeli ac terrae putabamus auctores. Commodianus, Instructione 26 : Gens et ego fui, perversa mente moratus, et vitam istius saeculi veram esse putabam. Vide etiam Instruct. 1 et 35.

III.—"While I (lay) in darkness." Saint Augustine cites this place in Sermon 312 in the new edition. Sedulius, too, seems to have borrowed from this place what he writes of his conversion to God in the Letter to Macedonius. "When, then, busied with worldly studies," he says, "I was spending the force of a restless talent, which the providence of the Godhead begot in me, not on the good of the soul but on an empty life, and making the comforts of literary learning serve the games of fruitless labour rather than their Author, at last the merciful God, maker of all things, looked more kindly on the building that was His own, and grieved that foolish senses of worldly wisdom should be kept longer in me, and seasoned the witless talent of mortal prudence with heavenly salt. As soon as the inner darkness left the eyes of the flesh, I turned back my steps, wandering through the briars of the thorny countryside, onto the grass of a flowering turf, and with the safe effort of a better choice dedicated to God the cultivation of an enlightened heart." Minucius Felix, speaking of himself: "When, the mist dispelled, I was emerging from the depth of darkness into the light of wisdom and virtue." Lucian, priest of Antioch, in Rufinus, Book IX, ch. 6, maintaining our faith against the pagans: "We too once erred, and thought the images that we ourselves fashioned to be gods, the makers of heaven and earth." Commodian, Instruction 26: "I too was a pagan, lingering in a perverse mind, and I thought the life of this world was true." See also Instructions 1 and 35.

(printed under page 96)

(f) ‹—› · call in col 197

Nobili Fab.

"Noble": Fab.

(printed under page 96)

(g) ‹—› · call in col 198

Domino et de Deo Foss. Et de Domino et de Deo Thu.

"To the Lord and concerning God": Foss. "Both concerning the Lord and concerning God": Thu.

(printed under page 96)

(h) ‹—› · call in col 198

Purae Voss. 4.

"Pure": Voss. 4.

(printed under page 96)

(i) ‹—› · call in col 198

Illecebras Ar. Lam.

"Enticements": Ar., Lam.

(printed under page 96)

(j) ‹—› · call in col 198

Fucatam Thu.

"Painted": Thu.

(printed under page 96)

(k) ‹—› · call in col 198

Ergo Pamel. nullis praesidiis posuit.

"Ergo" (therefore): Pamel., who set it on no authority.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(—) ‹Oculus tuus› · §1

(continued) Raymundi episcopi Acconensis, in quo scriptum erat oculus tuus fixus es. Quare recte mea sententia fecit Lucas Fredericus Reinhartus, qui in sua Epistolarum sancti Martyris editione veterem lectionem revocavit, et ad marginem rejecit eam quam Rigaltius substituerat. Plinius, lib. XI, cap. 37 : Animo autem videmus, animo cernimus. Oculi, ceu vasa quaedam, visibilem ejus partem accipiunt atque transmittunt.

(—) ‹Tam aure› · §1 Tam aure. Antea legebatur tam ore quam mente, pessimo sensu. Neque enim ore audimus, sed aure. Psalmo XLVIII : Auribus percipe verba oris mei, et alibi saepe. Hunc Cypriani locum ego emendaveram ex certissima conjectura. Putabam autem me primum fuisse qui illum emendasset ; verum postea deprehendi eam emendationem fuisse factam ante me a Rigaltio in observationibus suis. Neque mihi placet censura Gronovii censentis hanc Rigaltii emendationem non esse legitimam : nihil enim ad hunc locum faciunt verba Plinii, attentus et pendens, quae Gronovius, lib. III Observat., cap. 12, affert ut ostendat vocem ore non esse mutandam in aure.

"As much with the ear." Formerly one read "as much with the mouth as with the mind," in a very bad sense. For we do not hear with the mouth but with the ear. Psalm 48: "Give ear to the words of my mouth," and often elsewhere. I had emended this place of Cyprian by a most certain conjecture, and thought I was the first to have done so; but afterwards I found that the emendation had been made before me by Rigault in his observations. Nor do I like the censure of Gronovius, who holds this emendation of Rigault's not legitimate: for the words of Pliny, "attentive and hanging (on the words)," which Gronovius adduces in Observations III, ch. 12, to show that "ore" should not be changed to "aure," have nothing to do with this place.

(—) ‹Totus auditor› · §1 Totus auditor. Plinius lib. I, cap. 7, loquens de Deo : Totus est visus, totus auditus. Item Novatianus in libro de Trinitate : Caeterum ipse totus oculus, quia totus videt ; totus auris, quia totus audit. Hinc sanctus Leo papa in sermone Nativitatis Domini : Dominus tuus ubique praesens. Et Cyprianus ipse, in initio libri de Oratione Dominica (pag. 204), ait : Deum ubique esse praesentem, audire omnes et videre.

"All hearer." Pliny, Book I, ch. 7, speaking of God: "He is all sight, all hearing." Likewise Novatian in the book On the Trinity: "But He Himself is all eye, because He sees wholly; all ear, because He hears wholly." Hence Saint Leo the pope in a sermon on the Lord's Nativity: "Your Lord is everywhere present." And Cyprian himself, at the beginning of the book On the Lord's Prayer (p. 204), says that God is everywhere present, hears all and sees all.

(printed under page 96)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 97)

(a) ‹—› · call in col 199

Hujus Voss. 4.

"Of this": Voss. 4.

(printed under page 97)

(b) ‹—› · call in col 199

Forte viae Oxon.

"Perhaps 'of the way'": Oxon.

(printed under page 97)

(c) ‹—› · call in col 199

Armatus Ar. Lam. Eb.

"Armed": Ar., Lam., Eb.

(printed under page 97)

(d) ‹—› · call in col 199

Exponeret : corporis licet male impressi fere omnes et mss. Corporea Rigalt.

"Exponeret: corporis licet" (should lay aside: though of the body): nearly all the printed editions, badly, and the manuscripts. "Corporea" (bodily): Rigault.

(printed under page 97)

(e) ‹—› · call in col 199

Manente materia Thu.

"The matter remaining": Thu.

(printed under page 97)

(f) ‹—› · call in col 199

Hominem ac mentem Vict.

"The man and the mind": Vict.

(printed under page 97)

(g) ‹—› · call in col 199

Quid impossibilius aiebam, quam Pem. Lam. Eb. Reg. Quin Pem. Foss. Spir. Rem. Manu. Cui Goul. Lam. Quomodo Voss. 4.

"What more impossible, I said, than": Pem., Lam., Eb., Reg. "Quin" (why not): Pem., Foss., Spir., Rem., Manu. "Cui" (to whom): Goul., Lam. "Quomodo" (how): Voss. 4.

(printed under page 97)

(h) ‹—› · call in col 199

Genitum in sinu, nota marginalis vet. cod. Gemino situ Voss. 4. Spir. Genitum in sinu Bod. 3.

"Born in the bosom": a marginal note of an old manuscript. "In a twofold position": Voss. 4, Spir. "Born in the bosom": Bod. 3.

(printed under page 97) (IV) ‹Erroribus› · §4 IV.—Erroribus. Plerique libri veteres et editiones omnes ante Manutianam praeferunt horroribus. Et tamen multi libri habent erroribus. Quod ego puto istic esse melius. Contra paulo infra retinui horroribus in hac ipsa Epistola, ut suo loco dicetur.

IV.—"By errors." Most old books and all the editions before Manutius's give "horroribus" (by horrors). Yet many books have "erroribus." This I think the better here. On the other hand, a little below in this same letter I kept "horroribus," as will be said in its place.

(—) ‹Offavebam› · §4 Offavebam. Ita scriptum vidi in quibusdam libris veteribus, pro quo veteres editiones ante Rigaltianam adfavebam. Infra in Epistola LII, videmus offocari pro suffocari et offectura pro effectura in sententia quam in causa baptismi haereticorum protulit Munnulus a Girba in concilio Carthaginensi.

"I was favouring." So I saw it written in some old books; for this the old editions before Rigault's have "adfavebam." Below, in Letter 52, we see "offocari" for "suffocari" and "offectura" for "effectura" in the opinion Munnulus of Girba gave on the baptism of heretics in the Council of Carthage.

(printed under page 97)

(i) ‹—› · call in col 200

Et libido praecipitet Thu.

"And lust may hurl headlong": Thu.

(printed under page 97)

(j) ‹—› · call in col 200

Ego memini Ebor. Ben.

"I remember": Ebor., Ben.

(printed under page 97)

(k) ‹—› · call in col 200

Nam et ipse Lam. Ebor. Voss. 2. Vict.

"For I myself too": Lam., Ebor., Voss. 2, Vict.

(printed under page 97)

(l) ‹—› · call in col 200

Implicatus Thu. Foss.

"Entangled": Thu., Foss.

(printed under page 97)

(m) ‹—› · call in col 200

Segnis vitiis Thu.

"Sluggish in vices": Thu.

(printed under page 97)

(n) ‹—› · call in col 200

Eram desperatione Thu. Voss. Fict.

"I was, in despair": Thu., Voss., Fict.

(printed under page 97)

(o) ‹lumen› · call in col 200

Desuper se lumen deest apud Pam. Rig.

"Light from above itself" is missing in Pamelius and Rigault.

(printed under page 97)

(p) ‹tenebrosa› · call in col 200

Coeperunt add. Voss. 4.

Voss. 4 adds "began."

(printed under page 97)

(q) ‹putabatur› · call in col 200

Putabatur esse, agnoscere terrenum fuisse, quod prius ut vere Dei esse...., Lam. Et. Goul. Vict.

"Was thought to be, to recognize that what was earlier … was earthly, so as truly to be of God …": Lam., Et., Goul., Vict.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(—) ‹In nocte caeca› · §3 In nocte caeca. Id est idololatria. Hieronymus in caput tertium Jonae : Proponamus beatum Cyprianum, qui prius idololatriae assertor fuit, et in tantam gloriam crevit eloquentiae ut oratoriam quoque doceret Carthagini, audisse tandem sermonem Jonae, et ad poenitentiam conversum in tantam venisse virtutem ut Christum publice praedicaret, et pro illo cervicem gladio flecteret.

"In blind night." That is, idolatry. Jerome on the third chapter of Jonah: "Let us set before us blessed Cyprian, who was formerly a champion of idolatry and grew to such glory of eloquence that he even taught oratory at Carthage: at length he heard the preaching of Jonah, and, turned to repentance, came to such virtue that he preached Christ publicly and bowed his neck to the sword for him."

(—) ‹Renasci› · §3 Renasci. Non enim nascimur sed renascimur Christiani. Tertullianus in Apologetico : Fiunt, non nascuntur Christiani. Item Hieronymus in libro adversus Vigilantium et in Epistola ad Laetam de Institutione filiae. Apud Primasium in Prologo commentarii in Epistolas Pauli, Christiani aiunt ad Judaeos : Filios Abrahae non facit nativitas, sed fides. Vide quae de Christianorum nativitate ait Munnulus a Girba in Concilio Carthaginensi, et quae Pontius diaconus in vita Cypriani dicit de nativitate coelesti.

"To be born again." For we are not born Christians but born again. Tertullian in the Apology: "Christians are made, not born." So too Jerome in the book against Vigilantius and in the Letter to Laeta on the upbringing of her daughter. In Primasius, in the prologue to his commentary on Paul's letters, Christians say to the Jews: "Birth does not make sons of Abraham, but faith." See what Munnulus of Girba says of the birth of Christians in the Council of Carthage, and what Pontius the deacon says of the heavenly birth in the Life of Cyprian.

(—) ‹In auro … purpura› · §3 In auro... purpura. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Heliodorum de Laude vitae solitariae, et in Epistola ad Laetam de Institutione filiae, In auro atque purpura ludere. M. Cato apud A. Gellium, lib. II, cap. 18 : Fures privatorum facinorum in nervo atque in compedibus aetatem agunt, fures publici in auro atque in purpura. Sanctus Ambrosius sive quis alius, lib. III Officior., cap. 3, ait : Servorum tamen occulta furta, divitum rapinae publicae. Seneca, Epist. LXXVI : Nemo ex istis quos purpuratos vides felix est, non magis quibus sceptrum et chlamydem in scena fabulae assignant.

"In gold … purple." Jerome in the Letter to Heliodorus in praise of the solitary life, and in the Letter to Laeta on the upbringing of her daughter: "to play in gold and purple." Marcus Cato in Aulus Gellius, Book II, ch. 18: "Thieves of private crimes pass their lives in the stocks and in fetters; public thieves in gold and in purple." Saint Ambrose, or someone else, Duties III, ch. 3, says: "The thefts of slaves are hidden, the robberies of the rich are public." Seneca, Letter 76: "None of those you see clad in purple is happy, any more than those to whom the play assigns sceptre and cloak on the stage."

(—) ‹Fascibus ille› · §3 Fascibus ille. Ista Cyprianum de se scripsisse censuit Guillelmus Cave, quia putabat illum honoribus in republica functum antequam fieret christianus. Verum cum nuspiam inveniamus illum habuisse honores, magistratus, imperia, nulla nos ratio movere potest ut verba illa pertinere putemus ad Cyprianum. Rhetorem fuisse scimus, sed non proconsulem, praetorem, aut praesidem, nec ullo alio magistratu functum. Error ille hinc ortus est quod Cyprianum nostrum confudit cum Cypriano Antiocheno. Porro fascium decus et imperium dixit Columella in praefatione librorum de Agricultura.

"He, (delighted) with the fasces." William Cave judged that Cyprian wrote this of himself, because he thought he had held public honours before he became a Christian. But since we nowhere find that he held honours, magistracies or commands, no reason can move us to think those words refer to Cyprian. We know he was a rhetor, but not a proconsul, praetor or governor, nor holder of any other magistracy. That error arose because he confused our Cyprian with Cyprian of Antioch. Columella, in the preface to his books on Agriculture, spoke of "the honour and command of the fasces."

(—) ‹Officiosi agminis› · §3 Officiosi agminis. In uno ex veteribus libris meis legitur honestioris agminis... Sic etiam habebat codex episcopi Acconensis.

"Of a dutiful train." In one of my old books one reads "of a more honourable train …" So too had the manuscript of the bishop of Acre.

(—) ‹Poenam putat› · §3 Poenam putat. Vide quae de hoc argumento annotat Casaubonus ad librum tertium Suetonii in verbo : Si non dominaris.

"He thinks it a punishment." See what Casaubon notes on this subject on the third book of Suetonius, at the words "If you do not rule."

(—) ‹Illecebris› · §3 Illecebris. In editionibus Pamelii et Rigaltii additur assuetum. Angli annotant Pamelium vocem illam addidisse contra fidem omnium veterum exemplarium. Quod verum est. Ego enim illam non reperi nisi in uno regio quod fuit olim sancti Martini Turnacensis. In Divionensi, in recentiore Remigiano, et in uno meo scriptum est deditum. Quod indicare videtur adjectam hanc vocem fuisse ab eo qui putaret deesse hic aliquid. Itaque arbitratus sum recte censuisse Anglos illam esse eliminandam.

"By enticements." In the editions of Pamelius and Rigault "accustomed" is added. The English editors note that Pamelius added that word against the testimony of all the old copies. That is true. For I found it only in one royal manuscript that formerly belonged to Saint-Martin of Tournai. In the Dijon manuscript, in the more recent Saint-Remi manuscript, and in one of mine, "given over" is written. This seems to indicate that the word was added by someone who thought something was missing here. So I judged that the English were right to think it should be removed.

(—) ‹Libido praecipitet› · §3 Libido praecipitet. Seneca, Epist. X : Tunc audaciam acuit, libidem irritat, iracundiam instigat. Commodianus Instructione 63 : Libido praecipitat. Ubi interim admonendum est, quamvis res sit exigui momenti, in veteri libro Commodiani istic scriptum esse Belligerare cupis pro eo quod Rigaltius edidit Belligerare quaeris.

"Lust hurls headlong." Seneca, Letter 10: "Then it sharpens boldness, stirs lust, goads anger." Commodian, Instruction 63: "Lust hurls headlong." Where, meanwhile, it should be noted, though the matter is of small moment, that in the old book of Commodian there is written "you desire to make war" instead of what Rigault printed, "you seek to make war."

(printed under page 97)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 98)

(a) ‹—› · call in col 201

Scribere in proprias Ben. Ebor. Lam. In propriis laudibus Pem.

"To write into one's own (praises)": Ben., Ebor., Lam. "In one's own praises": Pem.

(printed under page 98)

(b) ‹—› · call in col 201

Otiosa Spir. Rem. Eras. Foss. Vict.

"Idle": Spir., Rem., Eras., Foss., Vict.

(printed under page 98)

(c) ‹—› · call in col 201

Peccatum fuerit Lam, Ar. Eb. Generis NC. 1.

"Will have been sin": Lam., Ar., Eb. "Of the race": NC. 1.

(printed under page 98)

(d) ‹—› · call in col 201

Dei omne Oxon.

"All of God": Oxon.

(printed under page 98)

(e) ‹—› · call in col 201

Sumpto vigore Voss. 4.

"Strength having been taken": Voss. 4.

(printed under page 98)

(f) ‹—› · call in col 201

Quod in mentes nostras clementer Dominus influxit Ar. Ebor. Inflixit, Ben. Lam. Bod. 3. Voss. 4. Spir. NC. 1. Pem. Eras. Manut. Inluxit Morell. Vict.

"Which the Lord graciously flowed into our minds": Ar., Ebor. "Inflixit" (struck into): Ben., Lam., Bod. 3, Voss. 4, Spir., NC. 1, Pem., Eras., Manut. "Inluxit" (shone into): Morell., Vict.

(printed under page 98) (V) ‹Viam teneas› · §5 V.—Viam teneas. Quidam libri veteres praeferunt semitam. Pamelius, a quo caeteri acceperunt, edidit : Si justitiam teneas, si illapsa firmitate vestigii tui incedas, si in Deum viribus totis etc.

V.—"If you keep to the way." Some old books give "path." Pamelius, from whom the rest took it, printed: "If you keep to justice, if you walk with the unslipping firmness of your step, if (you cleave) to God with all your strength," etc.

(—) ‹Illapsa› · §5 Illapsa. Id est, si ita firmo pede viam justitiae teneas ut ab ea non deflectas, ut non labaris : illapsa, id est, non lapsa. Libellus Precum Marcellini et Faustini : Inlapsa firmitate vestigii. Quae sunt verba Cypriani.

"Unslipping." That is, if you keep to the way of justice with so firm a foot that you do not turn aside from it, that you do not slip: "illapsa," that is, not slipped. The Petition of Marcellinus and Faustinus: "with the unslipping firmness of the step"—which are Cyprian's words.

(—) ‹Virtute sincera› · §5 Virtute sincera. Ista exciderunt in editionibus Pa- (continues)

"With sincere strength." These words have dropped out in the editions of Pa- (continues)

(printed under page 98)

(g) ‹—› · call in col 202

Justam per orationem Ben, Ar.

"Just, through prayer": Ben., Ar.

(printed under page 98)

(h) ‹—› · call in col 202

Ne cum accepta s. i. par. vetus Pem. Lam. Eb. Ben. Voss. 2 Nec recepta Foss.

"Lest, with the received …": the old Paris (edition), Pem., Lam., Eb., Ben., Voss. 2. "Nor received": Foss.

(printed under page 98)

(i) ‹—› · call in col 202

Justitiae Semitam Lin.

"The path of justice": Lin.

(printed under page 98)

(j) ‹—› · call in col 202

Teneas illapsa firmitate vestigii Lam. NC. 1. Ebor. Thu. Foss.

"Hold, with the firmness of a step that has not slipped": Lam., NC. 1, Ebor., Thu., Foss.

(printed under page 98)

(k) ‹—› · call in col 202

Vestigiis tuis Voss. 4. Morel.

"With your steps": Voss. 4, Morel.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(—) ‹In proprias laudes› · §4 In proprias laudes. Ruricius, lib. II, Epist. 1 : In propriis laudibus, sicut dicitur, est odiosa jactatio. Ita vetus codex sancti Galli, pro quo Canisius edidit jactantia. Quo verbo usum esse Cyprianum satis constat. Vera profecto est illa Cypriani sententia. Unde illud vulgatum : Laus proprio sordescit in ore. Proverbiorum XXI : Laudet te alienus, et non os tuum. Augustinus in Epistola ad Valerium Comitem : Et ideo de te narratio suavior nobis erat quia ea dicebat quae ipse non posses, ne quidem me inquirente, rescribere, ne tuarum laudum, quod sancta Scriptura prohibet, fieres praedicator. Apud Eusebium, lib. II Hist. eccles., cap. 30, multum vituperatur Paulus Samosatenus quod de se magnifice loqueretur, non ut episcopus, sed ut sophista quidam et impostor. Plinius, lib. I, Epist. VIII : Etenim, si alienae quoque laudes parum aequis auribus accipi solent, quam difficile est obtinere ne molesta videatur oratio de se aut de suis disserentis. Dionysius Halicarnasseus in initio Historiarum suarum ait non futurum se esse multum in propriis laudibus quod audientibus graves molestasque se esse sciret. Symmachus, lib. I, Epist. 1 : Nempe derides quod de me aliqua justo indulgentius praedicavi. Et haec est vera atque digna reprehensio. Omnis quippe ostentatio non caret suspicione mendacii ; quia quicquid assumitur, proprium non putatur. Dehinc jactantia avara laudis multum decoquit de pudore. Hinc fortassis illud Symmachianum a Sidonio laudatum : Ut vera laus ornat, ita falsa castigat. Cui sententiae consonat Anastasius papa in epistola ad Joannem episcopum Hierosolymitanum : Duplex enim causa me hoc poscere constringit, ne consacerdotis tui sensibus aut dolorem falsa laus ingerat, aut pudorem vera succendat. Quintilianus lib. IV, cap. 1 : Nonnumquam contingit relatio meritorum, de quibus verecundius dicendum erit sua quam aliena laudantis. Et lib. XI, cap. 1 : Omnis sui vitiosa jactatio est, affertque audientibus non fastidium modo, sed plerumque etiam odium. Ante eum Cicero dixerat in libro I Officiorum : Deforme etiam est de se ipso praedicare. Sciebat enim verum esse quod Julius Caesar ait in libro secundo Commentariorum de bello civili, libenter homines de suis laudibus praedicare : quod non factitasse illum tradit Dio Cassius lib. XXXVII. Et tamen idem Cicero putabat licere interdum de se magnifice praedicare. Ait quippe in libro Officiorum : Licet enim, Marce fili, apud te gloriari, ad quem et haereditas hujus gloriae et facinorum imitatio pertinet. Idem in Oratione de Responsis aruspicum : Potest quisquam in rebus magnis cum invidia versatus satis graviter contra inimici contumeliam sine sua laude respondere. Plautus in Amphitruone : Qui non deliquit, decet audacem esse, confidenter pro se et proterve loqui. Licet enim aliquando excurrere in proprias laudes, exemplo sancti Pauli apostoli in Epistola secunda ad Corinthios (XI, 22) : In quo quis audet, ut insipiens dico, audeo et ego. Hebraei sunt, et ego. Israelitae sunt, et ego. Ministri Christi sunt, ut minus sapiens dico, plus ego. In sudoribus plurimis, in carceribus abundantius, in plagis supra modum, in mortibus frequenter, etc. Quomodo autem se quis possit aliquando laudare explicat sanctus Augustinus in Psalmum CXLIV. Extat apud Plutarchum libellus qua quis ratione se ipsum citra invidiam laudare possit. Aristoteles de semetipso, ut Valerius Maximus tradit lib VII, cap. 3, in neutram partem loqui debere praedicabat, quoniam laudare se vani, vituperare stulti esset. Nam in se dicere non est fere nisi scurrarum, ut ait Quintilianus lib. VI, cap. 3. Vide Demosthenis orationem de Corona.

"Into one's own praises." Ruricius, Book II, Letter 1: "In one's own praises, as the saying goes, there is hateful boasting." So the old manuscript of Saint Gall, for which Canisius printed "jactantia." That Cyprian used this word is well established. That saying of Cyprian's is certainly true; whence the common one: "Praise grows foul in one's own mouth." Proverbs 21: "Let another praise you, and not your own mouth." Augustine in the Letter to Count Valerius: "And so the account of you was the sweeter to us because he told us what you yourself could not write back, even had I asked, lest you become the herald of your own praises, which holy Scripture forbids." In Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History II, ch. 30, Paul of Samosata is much blamed for speaking grandly of himself, not like a bishop but like some sophist and impostor. Pliny, Book I, Letter 8: "For if even the praises of others are usually received by ears that are scarcely fair, how hard it is to prevent the speech of one discoursing about himself or his own from seeming tiresome." Dionysius of Halicarnassus at the beginning of his Histories says he will not dwell much on his own praises, since he knew them to be heavy and tiresome to hearers. Symmachus, Book I, Letter 1: "No doubt you laugh because I have proclaimed some things of myself more indulgently than is right. And this is a true and deserved reproof. For all display is not free from the suspicion of falsehood, since whatever is assumed is not thought one's own. Then boasting, greedy of praise, wastes away much of modesty." Hence perhaps that saying of Symmachus praised by Sidonius: "As true praise adorns, so false praise chastens." With which agrees Pope Anastasius in the letter to John, bishop of Jerusalem: "For a twofold reason constrains me to ask this: lest false praise bring pain to the mind of your fellow priest, or true praise kindle his shame." Quintilian, Book IV, ch. 1: "Sometimes there falls to us a recital of merits, of which one must speak more modestly when praising one's own than another's." And Book XI, ch. 1: "All boasting of oneself is faulty, and brings on hearers not only distaste but often hatred too." Before him Cicero had said in Duties I: "It is unseemly too to proclaim oneself." For he knew the truth of what Julius Caesar says in the second book of the Commentaries on the Civil War, that men gladly proclaim their own praises—which, Dio Cassius reports in Book 37, he did not make a practice of. And yet the same Cicero thought it sometimes allowed to proclaim oneself grandly. He says in the book of Duties: "For it is permitted, Marcus my son, to glory before you, to whom belongs both the inheritance of this glory and the imitation of these deeds." Again in the Oration on the Responses of the Soothsayers: "Can anyone engaged with envy in great affairs answer an enemy's insult weightily enough without his own praise?" Plautus in the Amphitruo: "He who has done no wrong may fittingly be bold and speak for himself confidently and boldly." For it is permitted at times to run out into one's own praises, by the example of the holy apostle Paul in the Second Letter to the Corinthians (11:22): "Wherein anyone is bold—I speak as a fool—I am bold too. Are they Hebrews? So am I. Are they Israelites? So am I. Are they ministers of Christ?—I speak as one less wise—I am more: in very many labours, in prisons more abundantly, in stripes above measure, in deaths often," etc. How one may sometimes praise oneself Saint Augustine explains on Psalm 144. There is a little book in Plutarch on how one may praise oneself without envy. Aristotle, as Valerius Maximus reports in Book VII, ch. 3, taught that one should speak of oneself in neither direction, since to praise oneself was vain and to blame oneself foolish. For to speak against oneself belongs almost solely to buffoons, as Quintilian says, Book VI, ch. 3. See Demosthenes's oration On the Crown.

(—) ‹Timor innocentiae custos› · §4 Timor innocentiae custos. Columella in praefatione libri XII : Metus plurimum confert ad diligentiam custodiendi. T. Livius lib. XXXIV : Disciplina custos infirmitatis, quam inter validiores optime timor continet. Vegetius lib. IV, cap. 12 : Timor magis frangit insuetos. Tertullianus lib II, de Cultu feminarum : Timor fundamentum salutis est. In Psalmo CXVIII : Initium sapientiae timor Domini. Et alibi : Beatus vir qui timet Dominum. Lactantius in libro de Ira Dei, cap. 11, ait religionem esse non posse ubi metus nullus est. Item illud in libro III Thebaidos et apud Petronium : Primus in orbe deos fecit timor. Relatio Leonis Papae II, ad Constantinum imperatorem inserta actis sextae synodi : Pietas enim vestra fructus misericordiae est. Potestas autem custos est disciplinae. Ennodius in Vita sancti Epiphanii ait verecundiam esse matrem bonorum operum.

"Fear, the guardian of innocence." Columella in the preface to Book XII: "Fear contributes most to diligence in guarding." Livy, Book 34: "Discipline, the guardian of weakness, which among the stronger fear best maintains." Vegetius, Book IV, ch. 12: "Fear breaks the unaccustomed more." Tertullian, On the Apparel of Women II: "Fear is the foundation of salvation." In Psalm 118: "The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom." And elsewhere: "Blessed the man who fears the Lord." Lactantius in the book On the Wrath of God, ch. 11, says there can be no religion where there is no fear. So too that line in Thebaid III and in Petronius: "Fear first made gods in the world." The report of Pope Leo II to the emperor Constantine, inserted in the acts of the sixth synod: "For your piety is the fruit of mercy; and power is the guardian of discipline." Ennodius in the Life of Saint Epiphanius says that modesty is the mother of good works.

(—) ‹Ne securitas› · §4 Ne securitas. Cyprianus in libro de Lapsis p. 132 : Traditam nobis disciplinam pax longa corruperat. Secundae enim res, ut ait T. Livius libro VI, negligentiam creant ; ideoque eis non multum fidendum idem ait in libro XLII. Vide notas nostras ad librum sextum Salviani.

"Lest security." Cyprian in the book On the Lapsed, p. 132: "A long peace had corrupted the discipline handed down to us." For prosperity, as Livy says in Book 6, breeds negligence; and so, he says in Book 42, one should not trust it much. See our notes on the sixth book of Salvian.

(printed under page 98)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 99)

(a) ‹—› · call in col 203

Qualis Voss. 4.

"Such as": Voss. 4.

(printed under page 99)

(b) ‹—› · call in col 203

Munere divino Vict.

"By the divine gift": Vict.

(printed under page 99)

(c) ‹—› · call in col 203

Censura Lam. Eb. Lin.

"Censure": Lam., Eb., Lin.

(printed under page 99)

(d) ‹—› · call in col 203

Refraenatur Lam. Ben. Ebor. Thu. Vict.

"Is curbed": Lam., Ben., Ebor., Thu., Vict.

(printed under page 99)

(e) ‹—› · call in col 203

Illic fide Vict.

"There, by faith": Vict.

(printed under page 99)

(f) ‹—› · call in col 203

Sancta Ben.

"Holy": Ben.

(printed under page 99)

(g) ‹tinguere› · call in col 203

Extingui Thu.

"To be extinguished": Thu.

(printed under page 99)

(h) ‹expugnandis hominibus› · call in col 203

Ad expugnandos homines Vict.

"For assailing men": Vict.

(printed under page 99)

(i) ‹immerserint› · call in col 203

Immerserant Thu.

"Had plunged": Thu.

(printed under page 99) (VI) ‹Malorum› · §6 VI.—Malorum. Erasmus addidit blandientium. Sed haec vox neque in veteribus libris extat neque in antiquis editionibus. Infra tamen legitur malorum blandientium virus. Hinc ergo videtur Erasmus accepisse.

VI.—"Of evils." Erasmus added "flattering." But this word is found neither in the old books nor in the early editions. Below, however, one reads "the poison of flattering evils." So it seems Erasmus took it from there.

(—) ‹Operti› · §6 Operti. Nescio qua auctoritate ductus Rigaltius maluit edere opertas contra omnium veterum librorum et editionum fidem. Nam epitheton illud nullo modo convenit cum tenebris, quae semper opertae sunt. Nisi si vidit codicem sancti Arnulphi Metensis, in quo solo reperi scriptum opertas. Scio Apuleium scripsisse, noctemque et opertas exoptat ultro tenebras. Verum ejus auctoritas tanti non est ut mutari propterea debeat oratio Cypriani. Nam ipse Cyprianus in libro de Opere et eleemosynis pag. 242, dixit : Oculi superfusi nigroris tenebris et nocte contecti. Et Virgilius : Nox operit terras. Apud Ovidium ; Aemus mons opertus nubibus, .... Et fluidis adopertus nubibus aether. Palladius lib. I, de Re rustica tit. 3 : Loca nebularum noctibus absoluta. Et nihilominus Angli retinuerunt editionem Rigaltii. Miror autem eum monuisse scriptum esse operti in codice Corbeiensi, in quo certum est non haberi epistolam ad Donatum.

"Of the covered (world)." I do not know on what authority Rigault preferred to print "opertas" (the covered darkness) against the testimony of all the old books and editions. For that epithet in no way suits darkness, which is always covered. Unless he saw the manuscript of Saint-Arnoul at Metz, the only one in which I found "opertas" written. I know Apuleius wrote "and she longs for night and the covered darkness besides." But his authority is not so great that Cyprian's text should be changed on that account. For Cyprian himself in the book On Works and Alms, p. 242, said: "Eyes overspread with the darkness of blackness and covered with night." And Virgil: "Night covers the lands." In Ovid: "Mount Haemus covered with clouds," "… and the sky covered with flowing clouds." Palladius, On Agriculture I, title 3: "Places freed from the nights of mist." And nonetheless the English kept Rigault's text. I am surprised, moreover, that he noted "operti" as written in the Corbie manuscript, in which it is certain the letter to Donatus is not found.

(—) ‹In montis ardui› · §6 In montis ardui. Hieronymus in Epitaphio Nepotiani : O si possemus in talem ascendere speculam de qua universam terram sub nostris pedibus cerneremus, jam tibi ostenderem totius orbis ruinas, gentes gentibus (continues)

"On the (top of a) steep mountain." Jerome in the Epitaph of Nepotian: "O if we could climb such a watchtower from which we might see the whole earth beneath our feet, I would now show you the ruins of the whole world, nations (dashed) against nations (continues)

(printed under page 99)

(j) ‹—› · call in col 204

Sed poena Thu.

"But punishment": Thu.

(printed under page 99)

(k) ‹—› · call in col 204

Quia Oxon.

"Because": Oxon.

(printed under page 99)

(l) ‹abstersa› · call in col 204

Detersa Lam.

"Wiped away": Lam.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(—) ‹Virtute sincera› · §5

(continued) melii et Rigaltii. Extant enim in aliis et in multis antiquis codicibus. Anglicana editio reposuit.

(—) ‹Medelam dolentium› · §5 Medelam dolentium. Ita codex monasterii Beccensis et codex episcopi Acconensis. Veronensis et unus Vaticanus medellam dolentium. Veteres editiones habebant in medulla adolescentium. Morellius posuit in medulla adolentium. In codice sancti Arnulphi Metensis scriptum est in medela adolentium. In uno regio et in uno meo, inde medela languentium. Atque hanc lectionem esse meliorem existimasse videtur Rigaltius, et vocem dolentium, quae hodie extat in vulgatis editionibus, censet esse potius ab interprete quam ab auctore. Et quia in antiquis editionibus videbat scriptum esse in medulla adolescentium, quam scripturam confirmant quaedam vetera exemplaria, hinc collegit emendatissimum fore hunc locum si scriberetur in medelam dolescentium. Verum ego hanc vocem nuspiam reperi. Itaque puto lectionem veterum librorum, quam retinui, praeferendam esse voci novae, quae nullam aliam habet originem quam conjecturam Rigaltii. In Epistola LIV, pag. 77, scriptum est : Merito trahebatur dolentium poenitentia. Porro medulla pro medela positum aliquando fuisse per errorem librariorum videre poterit lector in tomo Capitularium pag. 1011.

"A remedy of the suffering." So the manuscript of the monastery of Bec and the manuscript of the bishop of Acre. The Verona manuscript and one Vatican manuscript: "medellam dolentium." The old editions had "in the marrow of the young." Morel set "in medulla adolentium." In the manuscript of Saint-Arnoul at Metz is written "in medela adolentium." In one royal manuscript and in one of mine, "thence a remedy of the languishing." Rigault seems to have thought this reading the better, and holds that the word "dolentium," which stands today in the common editions, comes rather from an interpreter than from the author. And because he saw "in medulla adolescentium" written in the old editions, a reading some old copies confirm, he concluded that this place would be best emended by writing "in medelam dolescentium." But I have found this word nowhere. So I think the reading of the old books, which I have kept, is to be preferred to a new word that has no other origin than Rigault's conjecture. In Letter 54, p. 77, is written: "Rightly was the repentance of the sorrowing drawn out." Further, the reader may see in the volume of the Capitularies, p. 1011, that "medulla" was sometimes put for "medela" through copyists' error.

(—) ‹Venenorum› · §5 Venenorum. Duo libri veteres habent veternorum.

"Of poisons." Two old books have "of lethargies."

(—) ‹Erraticos spiritus› · §5 Erraticos spiritus. Infra in libro de Idolorum Vanitate, pag. 226, Spiritus insinceri et vagi. Ubi vide notas.

"Wandering spirits." Below, in the book On the Vanity of Idols, p. 226: "spirits impure and roving." See the notes there.

(—) ‹Ejulantes› · §5 Ejulantes. Tertullianus in Apologetico : Christum timentes in Deo et Deum in Christo subjiciuntur servis Dei et Christi. Ita de contactu atque afflatu nostro, contemplatione et repraesentatione ignis illius correpti, etiam de corporibus nostro imperio excedunt inviti et dolentes et vobis praesentibus erubescentes. Idem, adversus Scapulam : Daemones autem non tantum respuimus, verum et revincimus et quotidie traducimus et de hominibus expellimus, sicut plurimis notum est. Minucius Felix : Haec omnia sciunt plerique vestrum ipsos daemones de semetipsis confiteri quoties a nobis et tormentis verborum et orationis incendiis de corporibus exiguntur. Julius Firmicus, de Errore profanarum religionum : Sic in corpore hominum constituti dii vestri verbo Dei spiritualium flammarum igne torquentur, et qui apud vos quasi dii coluntur, apud nos religiosae fidei medela, Christi gratia, humano subjacentes imperio et tormenta repugnantes sustinent, et victi poenis ultricibus subjugantur. Lactantius lib. IV, cap. 27 : Quanto terrori sit daemonibus hoc signum sciet qui viderit, quatenus adjurati per Christum de corporibus quae obsederint fugiant. Etiam reliquiae martyrum fugabant daemones. In libello quippe Precum Marcellini et Faustini scriptum est de virtute reliquiarum Rufiniani martyris : Sciunt hoc Neapolitani in Campania, ubi reliquiae cruoris ejus in obsessis corporibus daemonia affligunt. Vide Hieronymum in libro adversus Vigilantium, ubi idem testatur de reliquiis martyrum.

"Howling." Tertullian in the Apology: "Fearing Christ in God and God in Christ, they are made subject to the servants of God and of Christ. So, at our touch and breath, seized by the thought and picture of that fire, they even leave bodies at our command, unwilling and in pain and blushing in your presence." Again, To Scapula: "Demons we not only reject, but also refute, daily expose, and drive out of men, as is known to very many." Minucius Felix: "Most of you know all this, that the demons themselves confess about themselves whenever they are driven out of bodies by us, by the torments of words and the fires of prayer." Julius Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions: "So your gods, lodged in the bodies of men, are tortured by the fire of spiritual flames at the word of God; and those who among you are worshipped as gods, among us—by the remedy of the religious faith, by the grace of Christ—lying under human command, endure torments while they resist, and, overcome, are subdued by avenging pains." Lactantius, Book IV, ch. 27: "What terror this sign is to demons he will know who has seen how, adjured through Christ, they flee the bodies they have beset." Even the relics of the martyrs put demons to flight. For in the Petition of Marcellinus and Faustinus it is written of the power of the relics of the martyr Rufinianus: "The Neapolitans in Campania know this, where the relics of his blood torment demons in possessed bodies." See Jerome in the book against Vigilantius, where he testifies the same of the relics of martyrs.

(printed under page 99)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 100)

(a) ‹—› · call in col 205

Cernes tu Ar. Pem.

"You will see": Ar., Pem.

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(b) ‹—› · call in col 205

Diffusa Ar. Lam. Ebor. Ben.

"Spread abroad": Ar., Lam., Ebor., Ben.

(printed under page 100)

(c) ‹—› · call in col 205

Vitii Lin.

"Of vice": Lin.

(printed under page 100)

(d) ‹oculos› · call in col 205

Ad urbes oculos Bod. 1.

"Your eyes to the cities": Bod. 1.

(printed under page 100)

(e) ‹—› · call in col 205

Siccum Spir. Rem.

"Dry": Spir., Rem.

(printed under page 100) STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(printed under page 100) (—) ‹In montis ardui› · §6

(continued) et regnis regna collisa. Matthaeus Bossus lib. I, Epist. I ad Philippum Parmensem; in qua disputat de mundi fuga atque contemptu : Quod tu quoque ut plene percipias, a caeteris animum oro parumper averte atque veluti in sublimi specula pone atque constitue, unde uno species et cernas intuitu quae deorsum hic inter homines miseranda et tetra geruntur. Sic Mercurius apud Lucianum in contemplantibus volens ostendere Charonti ea quae in orbe terrarum fiebant, eum in excelsum montem arboribus densum deducit, ut inde omnia videre possit.

(printed under page 100) (—) ‹Homicidium cum admittunt› · §6 Homicidium cum admittunt. Seneca : Ex senatusconsultis plebisque scitis saeva exercentur, et publice jubentur vetita privatim. In comoedia Queroli scriptum est neminem dicere verum, et falsum dicere crimen non esse, quia commune est, id est vulgo fit, et ideo licitum est. Vetus auctor altercationis Synagogae et Ecclesiae, fol. 41 : Sed quoniam mos erat, crimen non erat.

"Murder, when they commit it." Seneca: "Cruel deeds are done by decrees of the senate and resolutions of the people, and things forbidden in private are ordered in public." In the comedy Querolus it is written that no one speaks the truth, and that speaking falsely is no crime, because it is common, that is, done by everyone, and is therefore permitted. The old author of the Dispute between the Synagogue and the Church, fol. 41: "But since it was the custom, it was not a crime."

(printed under page 100) (—) ‹Virtus vocatur› · §6 Virtus vocatur. Lactantius lib. I, cap. 18 : Quo plures homines afflixerint, spoliaverint, occiderint, eo se nobiliores et clariores putant, et inanis gloriae specie capti sceleribus suis nomen virtutis imponunt. Seneca, Hercule furente : Prosperum ac felix scelus virtus vocatur. Idem, Hercule Oeteo : Vitium impotens virtus vocatur. Lucanus lib. I : Scelerique nefando nomen erit virtus. Auctor Epistolae secundae ad Amicum aegrotum inter opera Hieronymi : Injuriam fecisse virtus est.

"It is called virtue." Lactantius, Book I, ch. 18: "The more men they have afflicted, despoiled and slain, the nobler and more renowned they think themselves; and, captivated by a show of empty glory, they give their crimes the name of virtue." Seneca, Hercules Furens: "Crime that prospers and succeeds is called virtue." Again, Hercules Oetaeus: "Unbridled vice is called virtue." Lucan, Book I: "And unspeakable crime shall bear the name of virtue." The author of the second Letter to a Sick Friend, among the works of Jerome: "To have done wrong is virtue."

(printed under page 100) (VII) ‹Celebritatem› · §7 VII.—Celebritatem. Contra in Epistola Zosimi papae ad Hesychium : Monachorum solitudo omni frequentia major. Nam, ut ait Hieronymus in Epitaphio Marcellae, monachorum erat immodica multitudo. Quippe monachi, quibus interdictae erant civitates, deserta loca et vastas solitudines sequi atque habitare jubentur, ut est in Codice Theodosiano. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Rusticum monachum scripsit : Quid desideramus urbium frequentiam qui de singularitate censemur ? Sed ista disciplina, ut ferme accidit, in diversum mutata fuit sequentibus temporibus, et monachi paulatim, relictis sedibus suis, in urbes commearunt. Non damno posteriorem hanc institutionem, cum sciam, una et sola fidei regula irreformabili manente, ut Tertullianus ait, caetera conversationis et disciplinae admittere novitatem correctionis. Scio praeterea et mecum totus orbis scit ingentia commoda provenisse reipublicae christianae ex monachorum inter nos habitantium conversatione et ex studiis eorum in communem, eamque magnam, Ecclesiae utilitatem. Sed a me obtinere non possum quin damnem sarabaitas quosdam et gyrovagos qui se eremitas esse aiunt, et nihil minus sunt, cum frequentissime derelinquant solitudines suas et urbes frequentent aperte contra vitae formam quam sibi praescripserunt. Illud in primis saepe miratus sum, fuisse paulo ante hos trecentos annos unum episcopum, Joannem videlicet episcopum Giennensem, qui, dimisso episcopatu, palam et publice professus est se velle ducere vitam eremiticam, et tamen semper residebat in curia Romana, et qui secundum institutum suum procul abesse debebat a tractatione negotiorum publicorum, se totum dabat miscendis rebus in initiis nefandi illius schismatis quod post mortem Gregorii Papae XI exortum est in Ecclesia Romana.

VII.—"The crowding." On the contrary, in the Letter of Pope Zosimus to Hesychius: "The solitude of monks is greater than any crowd." For, as Jerome says in the Epitaph of Marcella, the multitude of monks was beyond measure. Indeed monks, to whom the cities were forbidden, are ordered to seek out and inhabit deserted places and vast solitudes, as is found in the Theodosian Code. Jerome wrote in the Letter to Rusticus the monk: "Why do we who are reckoned by our singleness long for the crowding of cities?" But that discipline, as almost always happens, was changed into its opposite in later times, and monks little by little left their dwellings and went into the cities. I do not condemn this later arrangement, since I know that, while the one and only rule of faith remains unalterable, as Tertullian says, the rest of conduct and discipline admits the novelty of correction. I know besides—and the whole world knows with me—that immense benefits have come to the Christian commonwealth from the life of monks dwelling among us, and from their studies, to the common and great advantage of the Church. But I cannot bring myself not to condemn certain Sarabaites and gyrovagues who call themselves hermits and are anything but, since they very often leave their solitudes and frequent the cities, openly against the form of life they prescribed for themselves. Above all I have often wondered that a little more than three hundred years ago there was a bishop, namely John, bishop of Jaén, who, having laid down his see, openly and publicly professed that he wished to lead the life of a hermit, and yet always resided at the Roman Curia; and he who by his rule ought to have kept far from the handling of public business gave himself wholly to meddling in affairs at the beginning of that abominable schism which arose in the Roman Church after the death of Pope Gregory XI.

(—) ‹Homo occiditur› · §7 Homo occiditur. Seneca Epist. VII : Nunc omissis nugis mera homicidia sunt. Idem lib. I, de Vita beata, cap. 2 : Gladiatoribus quare populus irascitur et tam inique ut injuriam putet quod non libenter pereunt ! Contemni se judicat, et vultu, gestu, ardore de spectatore in adversarium vertitur. Tertullianus in libro de Spectaculis : Certe quidem gladiatores innocentes in ludum veniunt ut publicae voluptatis hostiae fiant. Etiam qui damnantur in ludum, quale est ut de leviore delicto in homicidas emendatione proficiant. Et paulo post : Immo qui propter homicidae poenam probandam ad spectaculum venit, idem gladiatorem ad homicidium flagellis et virgis compellit invitum. Acta sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis : Cum populus illos in medio postularet ut gladio penetranti in eorum corpore oculos suos comites homicidii adjungeret, etc. Prudentius in Hamartigenia : Sanguinis humani spectacula publicus edit / Consessus. / Observant hilarem de funere plebem. Idem lib. I, adversus Symmachum : Funditur humanus latiali in funere sanguis, / Consessusque illic spectantem solvit ad aram / Platonis fera vota sui. Vide Lactantium lib. V, cap. 20 ; Cassiodorum lib. V, Epist. 42 ; et Muretum in Epistolam VII Senecae.

"A man is killed." Seneca, Letter 7: "Now, the trifles set aside, it is sheer murder." Again, On the Happy Life I, ch. 2: "Why is the people angry with gladiators, and so unjustly as to think it a wrong that they do not die willingly! It judges itself despised, and in look, gesture and heat turns from spectator to adversary." Tertullian in the book On the Spectacles: "Certainly innocent gladiators come into the school to become victims of public pleasure. Even those condemned to the school—what is it, that from a lighter offence they should advance by correction to murderers?" And a little after: "Nay, he who comes to the show to approve the punishment of a murderer himself drives the unwilling gladiator to murder with whips and rods." The Acts of Saints Perpetua and Felicity: "When the people demanded them in the middle, so that they might join their eyes as companions of the murder to the sword piercing their bodies," etc. Prudentius in the Hamartigenia: "The public assembly puts on shows of human blood … they watch a people merry at a death." Again, Against Symmachus I: "Human blood is shed at a Latian funeral, and the assembly there pays at the altar the savage vows of its watching Pluto." See Lactantius, Book V, ch. 20; Cassiodorus, Book V, Letter 42; and Muret on Seneca's Letter 7.

(—) ‹Quos nemo damnavit› · §7 Quos nemo damnavit. In editione Morellii legitur quos nemo damnavit ad bestias. Sed istud est purum glossema.

"Whom no one condemned." In Morel's edition one reads "whom no one condemned to the beasts." But that is a mere gloss.

(—) ‹Aetate integra› · §7 Aetate integra. Pacuvius apud A. Gellium lib. XIII, cap. 28 : Aetate integra, feroci ingenio, facie procera virum.

"In the prime of life." Pacuvius in Aulus Gellius, Book XIII, ch. 28: "A man in the prime of life, of fierce temper, of tall bearing."

(—) ‹Honesta forma› · §7 Honesta forma. Codex Gratianopolitanus habet venusta.

"Of comely form." The Grenoble manuscript has "charming."

(—) ‹Veste pretiosa› · §7 Veste pretiosa. Infra in libro de Habitu virginum, pag. 175 : Aut veste pretiosa, ex Paulo.

"In costly clothing." Below, in the book On the Dress of Virgins, p. 175: "or costly clothing," from Paul.

(—) ‹Viventes› · §7 Viventes. Pamelius adjecit juvenes ex codice Camberonensi. Verum cum ea auctoritas sit singularis, et non constet hic agi de juvenibus, sed de viris fortibus, haec vox sublata est in sequentibus edi- (continues)

"Living." Pamelius added "young men" from the Cambron manuscript. But since that authority stands alone, and it is not clear that young men are meant here rather than strong men, this word was removed in the following edi- (continues)

(printed under page 100)

(e) ‹—› · call in col 206

Siccum Spir. Bem.

"Dry": Spir., Bem.

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(f) ‹—› · call in col 206

Ad ruinam corporis membrorum Ben. Lam. Ebor. N C. 1. Et arvinae roris Spir. Rem. Assidui nidoris Eras.

"To the ruin of the body of the limbs": Ben., Lam., Ebor., NC. 1. "And of the dew of fat": Spir., Rem. "Of constant reek": Eras.

(printed under page 100)

(g) ‹—› · call in col 206

Peremit Foss.

"Destroyed": Foss.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(—) ‹In montis ardui› · §6

(continued) et regnis regna collisa. Matthaeus Bossus lib. I, Epist. I ad Philippum Parmensem ; in qua disputat de mundi fuga atque contemptu : Quod tu quoque ut plene percipias, a caeteris animum oro parumper averte atque veluti in sublimi specula pone atque constitue, unde uno specles et cernas intuitu quae deorsum hic inter homines miseranda et tetra geruntur. Sic Mercurius apud Lucianum in contemplantibus volens ostendere Charonti ea quae in orbe terrarum fiebant, eum in excelsum montem arboribus densum deducit, ut inde omnia videre possit.

(—) ‹Homicidium cum admittunt› · §6 Homicidium cum admittunt. Seneca : Ex senatusconsultis plebisque scitis saeva exercentur, et publice jubentur vetita privatim. In comoedia Queroli scriptum est neminem dicere verum, et falsum dicere crimen non esse, quia commune est, id est vulgo fit, et ideo licitum est. Vetus auctor altercationis Synagogae et Ecclesiae, fol. 41 : Sed quoniam mos erat, crimen non erat.

"When they commit murder." Seneca: "Cruelties are carried out by decrees of the senate and votes of the people, and things forbidden in private are commanded in public." In the comedy Querolus it is written that no one speaks the truth, and that to speak falsely is no crime because it is common, that is, done by everyone, and therefore lawful. The old author of the Dispute between the Synagogue and the Church, fol. 41: "But since it was the custom, it was not a crime."

(—) ‹Virtus vocatur› · §6 Virtus vocatur. Lactantius lib. I, cap. 18 : Quo plures homines afflixerint, spoliaverint, occiderint, eo se nobiliores et clariores putant, et inanis gloriae specie capti sceleribus suis nomen virtutis imponunt. Seneca, Hercule furente : Prosperum ac felix scelus virtus vocatur. Idem, Hercule Oeteo : Vitium impotens virtus vocatur. Lucanus lib. I : Scelerique nefando nomen erit virtus. Auctor Epistolae secundae ad Amicum aegrotum inter opera Hieronymi : Injuriam fecisse virtus est.

"It is called valour." Lactantius, Book I, ch. 18: "The more men they have afflicted, despoiled, slain, the nobler and more famous they think themselves, and, taken with the show of empty glory, they put the name of valour on their crimes." Seneca, Hercules Furens: "Prosperous and successful crime is called valour." Again, Hercules Oetaeus: "Unbridled vice is called valour." Lucan, Book I: "And unspeakable crime will have the name of valour." The author of the second Letter to a Sick Friend among the works of Jerome: "To have done wrong is valour."

(printed under page 100)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 101)

(a) ‹—› · call in col 207

Pro dolore Vict.

"O grief": Vict.

(printed under page 101)

(b) ‹—› · call in col 207

Duris sceleribus Pem. Voss. 2. Ebor. Lin. N C. 1.

"By hard crimes": Pem., Voss. 2, Ebor., Lin., NC. 1.

(printed under page 101)

(c) ‹—› · call in col 207

Oculi plerique mss. et impr.

"Eyes": most manuscripts and printed editions.

(printed under page 101)

(d) ‹—› · call in col 207

Diversa Oxon.

"Diverse": Oxon.

(printed under page 101)

(i) ‹In ultroneum funus› · §7

(printed under page 101) (i) In ultroneum funus. Id est, se ipsi sponte et ultro destinant ad mortem. Funus autem istic significat mortem, cadaver, non vero solemnia exequiarum, uti fusius ostendemus ad Epistolam XXXI Cypriani. Non cepit ergo sensum hujus loci Lombertus. Sic enim vertit : Des gens à la fleur de leur aage, bien faits, bien vestus, s'aprestent de sang froid pour faire eux-mesmes leurs funérailles.

(i) "To a self-chosen death." That is, they of their own will and accord destine themselves to death. "Funus" here means death, a corpse, not the rites of burial, as we shall show more fully on Cyprian's Letter 31. So Lombert did not grasp the sense of this place. For he translated: "People in the flower of their age, well made, well dressed, prepare in cold blood to hold their own funerals."

(—) ‹Pugnant ad bestias› · §7 Pugnant ad bestias. Rigaltius scripsit : Pugnant ad bestias bestiae. Quod ille mihi videtur accepisse ex annotatione marginali Nicolai Fabri ad editionem Pamelianam, ubi vir doctissimus scripsit : Pugnant ad bestias bestiae, non nomine, sed furore. Sed non indicavit locum unde accepit hanc lectionem. At ego inveni ita scriptum fuisse in libro Veronensi. Vocem vero bestiae, quae certe inutilis est in hoc loco, neque in aliis libris antiquis inveni neque in antiquis editionibus. Et hunc quoque locum infeliciter vertit Lombertus, non sua culpa, sed quia exprimere voluit id quod legebat in editione Rigaltii. Sic ergo vertit : Des bestes combattent ainsi contre des bestes, non pour expier leurs crimes, mais pour assouvir leur fureur. Verus sensus est iste : Pugnant gladiatores ad bestias, id est cum bestiis, non crimine, id est, non ad bestias damnati pro suis criminibus, sed furore, ut videlicet se fortes ostendant et peritos in arte gladiatoria. Recte igitur Angli sustulerunt vocem bestiae ab hoc loco, quoniam, ut ipsi aiunt, cum de hominibus agat auctor, minime putandus est illos frigido et populari convicio bestias appellasse. Ludum bestiarium et bestiariorum dixit Seneca Epist. LXVI et LXX. Vide eumdem, lib. II, de Ira Dei, cap. 8, et Symmachum lib. II, Epist. XLVI, cum notis Jureti. Caeterum admoneo Rigaltium in addendis ad observationes suas dicere scriptum esse errore pro furore in libro Nicolai Fabri. Quod verum non est.

"They fight against the beasts." Rigault wrote: "Beasts fight against the beasts." He seems to me to have taken this from a marginal note of Nicolas Le Fèvre on Pamelius's edition, where that most learned man wrote: "Beasts fight against the beasts, not in name but in fury." But he did not indicate the source of this reading. I, however, found it so written in the Verona book. The word "bestiae," which is certainly useless in this place, I found neither in the other old books nor in the old editions. Lombert too translated this place unhappily, through no fault of his own, but because he wished to render what he read in Rigault's edition. So he translated: "Beasts thus fight against beasts, not to expiate their crimes but to sate their fury." The true sense is this: the gladiators fight against the beasts, that is, with the beasts, not for a crime, that is, not condemned to the beasts for their crimes, but from fury, namely to show themselves brave and skilled in the gladiatorial art. Rightly then did the English remove the word "bestiae" from this place, since, as they say, the author is speaking of men and is by no means to be thought to have called them beasts in a cold and vulgar insult. Seneca spoke of "the beast-school" and "of the beast-fighters," Letters 66 and 70. See the same, On the Wrath of God II, ch. 8, and Symmachus, Book II, Letter 46, with Juret's notes. Moreover, I point out that Rigault, in the additions to his observations, says that "errore" is written for "furore" in Nicolas Le Fèvre's book. That is not true.

(—) ‹Non crimine› · §7 Non crimine. Arnobius lib. II : Interficere se alios nullius ob meriti causam, sed in gratam voluptatem consessorum. Rufinus lib. XI, cap. 18 : Vindictam dari non crimini sed furori.

"Not for crime." Arnobius, Book II: "That others kill one another for no cause of desert, but for the welcome pleasure of the spectators." Rufinus, Book XI, ch. 18: "That vengeance is given not to crime but to fury."

(VIII) ‹Diversi spectaculi› · §8 VIII.—Diversi spectaculi. Ita veteres libri fere omnes et veteres editiones. Pro quo Pamelius et alii post eum posuerunt diversa. Quam lectionem, ne quid dissimulem, reperi in duobus antiquis codicibus.

VIII.—"Of a different spectacle." So nearly all the old books and the old editions. For which Pamelius and others after him set "diversa." That reading, to hide nothing, I found in two ancient manuscripts.

(—) ‹Contagia› · §8 Contagia. Libenter arripio occasiones quae se offerunt emendandi loca veterum scriptorum quae mihi videntur esse depravata. In Epistola quinta Hormisdae Papae ad episcopos per Hispaniam constitutos ita vulgo scriptum est : Ab omni vos errantium communione separetis, et in margine contagione. At in vetustissimo et optimo codice bibliothecae Colbertinae legitur cognatione, et in alio item vetustissimo monasterii sancti Remigii Remensis, cognitione. Quae duae lectiones, quamvis falsae, ostendunt legendum esse contagione. Confirmant autem hanc lectionem ea quae praecedunt.

"Contagions." I gladly seize the occasions that present themselves of emending passages of the old writers that seem to me corrupt. In the fifth Letter of Pope Hormisdas to the bishops established throughout Spain, it is commonly written: "Separate yourselves from all communion of those in error," with "contagion" in the margin. But in the very old and excellent manuscript of the Colbert library one reads "cognatione" (kinship), and in another, likewise very old, of the monastery of Saint-Remi at Reims, "cognitione" (knowledge). These two readings, though false, show that "contagione" should be read. And what precedes confirms this reading.

(—) ‹Parricidiis› · §8 Parricidiis. Ita scriptum vidi in editione Morelliana et in tredecim codicibus antiquis. Sic etiam in suo se legisse testatur Gronovius cap. 3 Observationum suarum in Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis. Aliae editiones et decem libri veteres habent parricidis. Illud quoque addam, quamvis fortasse sit extra rem : Hieronymum in Dialogo adversus Pelagianos parricidam vocare eum qui cum possit hominem de morte liberare non liberat, et in libro II adversus Jovinianum parricidas ex sententia Pythagoreorum qui abietem quemcumque succiderint. Optatus autem in libro VII adversus Donatistas ait illum esse homicidam qui nulla necessitate cogente, nulla jussione, nulla potestate, sed furore adactus, de voluntate sua fecerit quod prohibent leges. Widus monachus in Epistola ad Heribertum archiepiscopum in libro I. Miscellaneorum nostrorum pag. 412 : Fraternae mortis crimen incurrit quisquis, cum potest, fratrem a morte minime defendit. Apuleius lib. VII, Metamorphoseon : An ignoras eos etiam qui morituris auxilium salutare denegarint, quia contra bonos mores id ipsum fecerint, solere puniri ?

"By parricides (the crimes)." So I saw it written in Morel's edition and in thirteen ancient manuscripts. Gronovius too attests that he read it so in his, in ch. 3 of his Observations on the Ecclesiastical Writers. Other editions and ten old books have "by parricides" (persons). I will add this too, though perhaps it is beside the point: Jerome in the Dialogue against the Pelagians calls him a parricide who could free a man from death and does not, and in Against Jovinian II, by the doctrine of the Pythagoreans, calls parricides those who cut down any fir tree. Optatus in Book VII against the Donatists says that he is a murderer who, under no compulsion of necessity, no command, no authority, but driven by fury, has of his own will done what the laws forbid. Wido the monk in the Letter to Archbishop Heribert, in Book I of our Miscellanea, p. 412: "Whoever, when he can, does not defend his brother from death incurs the guilt of his brother's death." Apuleius, Metamorphoses VII: "Or do you not know that even those who have denied saving help to the dying are usually punished, because they did this very thing against good morals?"

(—) ‹Horror› · §8 Horror. Retinui hanc vocem, quamvis Angli, auctoritate sumpta ex codice Gronovii, illam expunxerint et ejus loco scripserint error, quam lectionem reperi etiam in libro Fuxensi. Sed in omnibus aliis antiquis, qui sunt numero duo et viginti, et in antiquis editionibus scriptum est horror. Itaque non audeo mutare contra tot auctoritates, praesertim cum certum sit hanc lectionem constituere bonum sensum. Sic apud Ciceronem in oratione pro Milone scribi debere afferunt tamen oratori horroris aliquid, non vero terroris, observat Dionysius Lambinus. Apud Avitum Viennensem Epist. VI, legitur : Quis ergo mihi persuadere conetur post errores funerum sepulchrum posse mundari ? pro quo scriptum est horrores in codice Marnaesii. Contra in libello Precum Marcellini et Faustini, cum in editione vulgata legatur quod moveat ad horrorem, in quibusdam vetustis codicibus scriptum est quod moveat ab errore. Hic interim locus utilis esse poterit ad emendandos similes errores ubi defuerit auctoritas veterum exemplarium.

"Horror." I kept this word, although the English, on the authority of Gronovius's manuscript, struck it out and wrote "error" in its place, a reading I also found in the Foix book. But in all the other ancient ones, twenty-two in number, and in the old editions, "horror" is written. So I do not dare change it against so many authorities, especially since it is certain that this reading makes good sense. So Denis Lambin observes that in Cicero's speech For Milo one should write "yet they bring the orator something of horror," not "of terror." In Avitus of Vienne, Letter 6, one reads: "Who then would try to persuade me that after the errors of funerals a tomb can be cleansed?"—for which "horrores" is written in Marnef's manuscript. Conversely, in the Petition of Marcellinus and Faustinus, where the common edition reads "which moves to horror," some old manuscripts have "which moves from error." This place may meanwhile be useful for emending similar errors where the authority of the old copies is lacking.

(—) ‹Magisterio› · §8 Magisterio. Prima fronte mihi videbatur mendum esse in hoc loco et emendandum ita esse ut legeretur magisterium. Nam ita scriptum vidi in duobus antiquis codicibus. Verum omnes alii repugnant, itemque omnes editiones. Denique penitius inspicienti quid dicere voluerit Cyprianus persuasum mihi fuit illum scripsisse magisterio, ita ut dicere voluerit delectari multitudinem cum videt mimos actitare turpitudines, et histriones flagitia repraesentare. Id quod fieri ait turpitudinum magisterio, id est, magisterio (continues)

"By the schooling." At first sight there seemed to me to be a fault in this place, to be emended so as to read "magisterium." For I saw it so written in two ancient manuscripts. But all the others are against it, and likewise all the editions. In the end, looking more deeply into what Cyprian meant, I was persuaded that he wrote "magisterio," so that he meant the crowd is delighted when it sees mimes acting out shameful things and actors representing outrages. This, he says, is done "by the schooling of shameful things," that is, by the schooling (continues)

(printed under page 101)

(e) ‹—› · call in col 208

Prisco carmine Bod. 3. Facinora carminum Lam. Ebor. Lin. NC. 1. Ben. Thu. Vict. Prisca carminum facinora Oxon.

"In ancient song": Bod. 3. "The crimes of the songs": Lam., Ebor., Lin., NC. 1, Ben., Thu., Vict. "The ancient crimes of the songs": Oxon.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(—) ‹Viventes› · §7

(continued) tionibus. Quamquam lectio quae juvenes habet potest confirmari ex iis veterum locis quae refert Bulengerus in libro de Venatione circi, cap. 3.

(printed under page 101)

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE (continued). The foot images begin below the top of the page; the opening lines of col 209's notes are set here from the column images (Q5a); the opening lines of col 210's notes are not in the images and are not set here. No variant series is visible in the images. (—) ‹Magisterio› · §8

(continued) impudicae artis, ut in Epistola LXI ad Euchratium, arte quae magistra est turpitudinum docendarum, quod mimi magistri sint ostendendarum turpitudinum. Nam aetas lasciva magnam voluptatem capiebat ex illa licentia theatrorum. Inde est quod cum castiores esse oporteat ludos spectante censore, ut ait Flavius Vopiscus in Carino, cum M. Porcius Cato, ut lib. II, cap. 10 testatur Valerius Maximus, ludos florales spectaret, populus ut mimae nudarentur postulare erubuit, et eo discedente, mox laetitia publica subsecuta est. In celebratione enim ludorum floralium, ut tradit Lactantius, feminae nudabantur ad lasciviam juvenum hominum oculis explendam. Quod etiam in Epistola LXXIX testatur Seneca. Hinc ergo illustratur locus Cypriani paulo obscurior.

(—) ‹Adulterium discitur› · §8 Adulterium discitur. Seneca Epist. VII : Homines cum docent discunt. Certum est ludos florales fuisse ludos impudentiae, et licentiam theatralem fuisse immoderatam et infinitam apud Romanos, multas illic turpitudines criminosas, multas in spectaculis impuritates, ut Salviani verbis utar, committi consuevisse. In theatrorum impudicitiam sic invehitur Tertullianus lib. de Spectact., c. 17 : Similiter impudicitiam omnem, inquit, amoliri jubemur. Hoc igitur modo etiam a theatro separamur, quod est privatum consistorium impudicitiae ubi nihil probatur, quam quod alibi non probatur. Ita summa gratia ejus de spurcitia plurimum concinnata est, quam Atellanus gesticulator, quam mimus etiam per mulieres repraesentat sexum pudoris exterminans, ut facilius domi quam in scena erubescant ; quam denique Pantomimus a pueritia patitur in corpore, ut artifex esse possit. Ipsa etiam prostibula publicae libidinis hostiae in scena proferuntur, plus miserae in praesentia feminarum, quibus solis latebant, perque omnis aetatis, omnis dignitatis ora transducuntur, locus, stipes, elogium, etiam quibus opus non est, praedicatur. Taceo de reliquis, ea quae in tenebris et speluncis suis delitescere decebat, ne diem contaminarent. Erubescat senatus, erubescant ordines omnes. Ipsae illae pudoris sui interemptrices de gestibus suis ad lucem et populum expavescentes semel anno erubescunt. Quod si nobis omnis impudicitia execranda est, cur liceat audire quae loqui non licet ? Cum etiam scurrilitatem et omne vanum verbum judicatum a Deo sciamus, cur aeque liceat videre quae facere flagitium est ? Insitus erat ethnicorum animis tantus amor theatrorum, ut plures, teste Tertulliano, a Christianorum secta magis periculum voluptatis, quam vitae avocaret. Nec deerant qui Christianos existimarent, expeditum morti genus, ad hanc obstinationem abdicatione voluptatum erudiri, quo facilius vitam contemnant, amputatis quasi retinaculis ejus (Ibid., cap. 1 et 2). Quamvis autem impermissa essent Christianis spectacula, nec hujus Religionis hac in re severitas ethnicos ipsos lateret ; residebant tamen interdum in nonnullis Christianis hujus vitii, id est, spectaculorum amoris, veluti quaedam fibrae in quibus evellendis non segniter Sancti Patres elaborarunt. Inter rationum momenta, quibus uti solebant, videtur illud memorabile quod ex promissionibus Baptismi ducebant, ut ex duobus locupletibus testibus perspici potest, Tertulliano et Cyrillo Hierosolymitano, quorum primus sic loquitur in libro de Baptismo cap. 24 : Quot adhuc modis perorabimus, inquit, nihil ex his quae spectaculis deputantur, placitum Deo esse, aut congruens Dei servis, quod Domino placitum non sit, si omnia propter diabolum instituta, et ex diaboli rebus instructa monstravimus ? nihil enim non diaboli est, quidquid Dei non est, vel Deo displicet : hoc erit pompa diaboli, adversus quam in signaculo fidei ejeramus. Quod autem ejeramus, neque facto, neque dicto, neque visu, neque prospectu participare debemus Caeterum nonne ejeramus et rescindimus signaculum, [… lines at the top of col 210 not visible …] Pacem, opinor, habebit in animo contendens pro auriga, pudicitiam ediscet, attonitus in mimos. Immo in omni spectaculo nullum magis scandalum occurret, quam ipse ille mulierum et virorum accuratior cultus : ipsa consensio, ipsa in favoribus aut conspiratio aut dissensio, inter se de commercio scintillas libidinum conflabellant. Nemo denique in spectaculo ineundo prius cogitat, nisi videri et videre. Sed tragoedo vociferante exclamationes ille alicujus Prophetae retractabit. Inter effeminationis modos Psalmum secum comminiscetur, et cum athletae agent, ille dicturus est repercutiendum non esse ; poterit et de misericordia moveri defixus in morsus ursorum, et spongias retiariorum. Avertat Deus a suis tantam voluptatis exitiosae cupiditatem. Quale est enim de Ecclesia Dei in diaboli ecclesiam tendere ? de coelo, quod aiunt, in coenum ? illas manus quas ad Dominum extuleris, postmodum laudando histrionem fatigare ? ex ore quo Amen in sanctum protuleris, gladiatori testimonium reddere, Εἰς αἰῶνας alii omnino dicere nisi Deo Christo ? Sic etiam Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus in Cateches. mystag. I, docet Christianos spectaculis renuntiasse, cum in Baptismo pompis diaboli renuntiarunt. Postea dicis, inquit, ET OMNI POMPAE ILLIUS. Pompa vero diaboli, theatrorum insaniae, equorum cursus in hippodromis, venationes in circo, et reliqua hujuscemodi vanitas, de qua liberari se postulans sanctus Deo dicit : Averte oculos meos, ne videant vanitatem (Psal. CXVIII, 37). Ne tibi studio et cordi sit theatri insania, ubi conspicias mimorum petulantias omni contumelia et dedecore abundantes, atque effeminatorum virorum furoris et amentiae plenas saltationes. Neque illa eorum qui in circensibus venationibus sese feris exponunt, ut infelicem alvum demulceant ; qui ut ventrem alimentis deliniant, ipsi revera ventris immitium ferarum pabulum fiunt : atque ut rectius dicam, pro ventre quem unum Deum noverunt, propriam vitam in praecipitium singularibus certaminibus abjiciunt. Fuge etiam equorum curricula, quod prorsus insanum est supinasque animas dejicit spectaculum. Haec enim omnia diaboli pompae existunt. Nec omittenda quae leguntur in libro de Spectaculis, qui S. Cypriano adscribitur : Sed ut de hoc scenae inquinamento inverecundo transitum faciam, inquit auctor p. 341 : Pudet referre quae dicuntur, pudet etiam accusare quae fiunt, argumentorum strophas, adulterorum fallacias, mulierum impudicitias, scuriles jocos, parasitos sordidos, ipsos quoque patresfamilias togatos modo stupidos, modo obscenos, in omnibus stolidos, in omnibus inverecundos. Et cum nulli hominum aut generi aut professioni ab improborum istorum sermone parcatur, ab omnibus tamen ad spectaculum convenitur. Commune dedecus delectat, videre vel recognoscere otia vel discere. Concurritur illic ad pudorem publicum lupanaris, ad obscenitatis magisterium, ne quid secreto minus agatur quam quod in publico discitur ; et inter ipsas leges docetur quidquid legibus interdicitur. Quid inter haec Christianus fidelis facit, cui vitia non licet nec cogitare, quid oblectatur simulacris libidinis, ut in ipsis deposita verecundia audacior fiat ad crimina ? Discit et facere dum consuescit videre.

"Adultery is learned." Seneca, Letter 7: "Men learn while they teach." It is certain that the Floralia were games of shamelessness, and that theatrical licence among the Romans was unrestrained and boundless, and that, to use Salvian's words, many criminal shames were wont to be committed there, many impurities at the shows. Tertullian inveighs thus against the indecency of the theatres, On the Spectacles, ch. 17: "We are bidden likewise," he says, "to put away all indecency. In this way, then, we are cut off from the theatre too, which is the private council-chamber of indecency, where nothing wins approval but what wins none elsewhere. So its highest charm is mostly contrived from filth: what the Atellan clown gestures, what the mime even acts through women, banishing the sex of modesty, so that they blush more easily at home than on the stage; what, finally, the pantomime suffers in his body from boyhood that he may become an artist. The very harlots too, victims of public lust, are brought out on the stage, the more wretched in the presence of women, from whom alone they were hidden, and are paraded before the faces of every age and every rank; their address, their price, their record are proclaimed, even to those who have no need of it. I say nothing of the rest, things that ought to lie hidden in their darkness and their dens, lest they defile the day. Let the senate blush, let all the orders blush. Even those women, the murderesses of their own modesty, blush once a year, shrinking from their own gestures before the light and the people. But if all indecency is to be abhorred by us, why should it be allowed to hear what it is not allowed to speak? Since we know that buffoonery and every idle word are judged by God, why is it equally allowed to see what it is a crime to do?" So great a love of the theatres was planted in the minds of the pagans that, by Tertullian's witness, the danger to pleasure kept more people away from the Christian sect than the danger to life. Nor were there lacking those who thought that Christians, "a race made ready for death," were trained to this obstinacy by renouncing pleasures, so as to despise life the more easily, its moorings, as it were, cut away (ibid., chs. 1 and 2). Although the shows were forbidden to Christians, and the severity of this religion on this point was not hidden even from the pagans, there nonetheless remained at times in some Christians certain fibres, as it were, of this vice, the love of shows, which the holy Fathers laboured not idly to root out. Among the weighty reasons they used to employ, a notable one seems to be the one they drew from the promises of Baptism, as may be seen from two rich witnesses, Tertullian and Cyril of Jerusalem. The first speaks thus in the book On Baptism, ch. 24: "In how many more ways shall we plead," he says, "that nothing of what is assigned to the shows is pleasing to God or fitting for the servants of God, since it is not pleasing to the Lord, if we have shown that all were instituted for the devil's sake and furnished from the devil's things? For whatever is not of God, or displeases God, is wholly the devil's: this will be the pomp of the devil, which we renounce in the seal of faith. And what we renounce we must share in neither by deed, nor by word, nor by sight, nor by looking on. Besides, do we not renounce and tear up the seal, [… lines at the top of col 210 not visible …] He will have peace in his mind, I suppose, while striving for a charioteer; he will learn modesty, spellbound at the mimes. Nay, at every show no greater stumbling block will meet him than that very over-careful dress of the women and the men: the very agreement, the very combining or quarrelling in their partisanship, fan among them sparks of lust from the intercourse. In short, no one going to a show thinks first of anything but to be seen and to see. But while the tragedian bellows, that man will be recalling the cries of some prophet! Amid the strains of the effeminate he will be composing a psalm to himself, and while the athletes are at it he will be about to say that one must not strike back! He will be able to be moved to mercy too, fixed on the bites of bears and the sponges of the net-fighters! May God turn away from his own so great a craving for ruinous pleasure. For what is it to go from the Church of God to the church of the devil? From heaven, as they say, into the mud? To weary with applauding an actor those hands you have raised to the Lord? From the mouth with which you uttered Amen over the Holy, to bear witness to a gladiator, to say 'For ever and ever' to anyone at all but God and Christ?" So too Cyril of Jerusalem, in Mystagogical Catechesis I, teaches that Christians renounced the shows when in Baptism they renounced the pomps of the devil. "Then you say," he says, "'AND ALL HIS POMP.' The pomp of the devil is the madness of theatres, horse races in the hippodromes, hunts in the circus, and the rest of such vanity, from which the holy man, asking to be freed, says to God: 'Turn away my eyes, lest they see vanity' (Ps. 118:37). Let not the madness of the theatre be your passion and delight, where you would see the wantonness of mimes, overflowing with every insult and disgrace, and the dances of effeminate men, full of frenzy and folly; nor the madness of those who in the circus hunts expose themselves to wild beasts in order to soothe their wretched belly—who, to pamper their stomach with food, themselves in truth become food for the stomachs of savage beasts; and, to speak more rightly, for the belly, which they know as their only god, they fling their own life headlong in single combats. Flee too the horse races, a show utterly mad, which casts down souls laid on their backs. For all these things are the pomp of the devil." Nor should one omit what is read in the book On the Spectacles ascribed to Saint Cyprian: "But to pass on to this shameless defilement of the stage," says the author, p. 341: "I am ashamed to tell what is said; I am ashamed even to denounce what is done: the twists of the plots, the deceits of adulterers, the indecencies of women, scurrilous jokes, sordid parasites, even fathers of families in the toga, now stupid, now obscene, foolish in everything, shameless in everything. And though no person, no class, no profession is spared by the talk of these wretches, everyone nonetheless gathers at the show. The common disgrace delights; to see or recognize, or to learn, (the ways of) idleness. People run there to the public shame of the brothel, to the schooling of obscenity, so that nothing less be done in secret than is learned in public; and amid the very laws is taught whatever the laws forbid. What does a faithful Christian do among these things, he who may not even think of vices? Why does he take pleasure in images of lust, so that, modesty laid aside in them, he may become bolder for crimes? He learns to do while he grows used to seeing."

(—) ‹Matrona› · §8 Matrona. Mulier quae in matrimonium cum viro convenit, ut ait A. Gellius, sed in primis nobilis et primi ordinis, non e plebe. Unde in libro Tertulliani (continues)

"The matron." A woman who has entered marriage with a husband, as Aulus Gellius says, but especially one noble and of the first rank, not of the common people. Whence in the book of Tertullian (continues)

(printed under page 102)

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(printed under page 102) (—) ‹Adulterium discitur› · §8 (continued; this stretch stands at the head of the notes in col 210 and fills the gap marked "[… lines at the top of col 210 not visible …]" in n209, between "rescindimus signaculum," and "Pacem, opinor") rescindendo testationem ejus ? Numquid ergo superest ut ab ipsis ethnicis responsum flagitemus ? Illi jam nobis renuntient, an liceat Christianis spectaculo uti. Atqui hinc vel maxime intelligunt factum christianum de repudio spectaculorum. Itaque negat manifeste qui, per quod agnoscitur, tollit. Quid autem spei superest in hujusmodi homine ? Nemo in castra hostium transit, nisi projectis armis suis, nisi destitutis signis et sacramentis principis sui, nisi pactus simul perire. An ille recogitavit eo tempore de Deo, positus illic ubi nihil est de Deo ?

(continued) …by rescinding its testimony? Is it left for us, then, to demand an answer from the pagans themselves? Let them tell us now whether Christians may make use of the show. Yet it is from this above all that they recognize that a man has become a Christian: from his repudiation of the shows. So he plainly denies who takes away that by which he is recognized. And what hope remains in such a man? No one goes over to the enemy's camp without throwing away his own arms, without deserting the standards and the oath of his commander, without agreeing to perish with them. Did that man give a thought to God at that time, set down there where there is nothing of God?

(printed under page 102)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 103)

(a) ‹—› · call in col 211

Incitamenta Vict.

"Incitements": Vict.

(printed under page 103)

(b) ‹—› · call in col 211

Legemque nascendi Voss. 4.

"And the law of being born": Voss. 4.

(printed under page 103)

(c) ‹—› · call in col 211

Et laudem consequitur Vict.

"And gains praise": Vict.

(printed under page 103)

(d) ‹—› · call in col 211

Eo peritior Bod. 3.

"The more skilled": Bod. 3.

(printed under page 103)

(e) ‹—› · call in col 211

Libenter admittitur Voss. 4.

"Is gladly admitted": Voss. 4.

(printed under page 103)

(f) ‹albescere› · call in col 211

Florescere Spir. Rem.

"To blossom": Spir., Rem.

(printed under page 103)

(g) ‹Deos› · call in col 211

Cnm deos Voss. 4.

"Since the gods": Voss. 4.

(printed under page 103) (IX) ‹Quasi conscientia› · §9 IX.—Quasi conscientia. Tres libri veteres praeferunt, quasi conscientiam suam non posse effugere satis non sit.

IX.—"As if conscience." Three old books give: "as if it were not enough not to be able to escape one's conscience."

(—) ‹Hujusmodi. Ore illo› · §9 Hujusmodi. Ore illo. Antea legebatur hujusmodi ore illo. Quaedam vetera exemplaria me docuerunt hunc locum ita esse constituendum et interpungendum. Et ita ante me monuerat Gronovius lib. III. Dis- (continues)

"Of this kind. With that mouth." Formerly one read "of this kind with that mouth." Some old copies taught me that this place should be set out and punctuated thus. And Gronovius had already pointed this out before me in Book III of the Dis- (continues)

(printed under page 103)

(h) ‹—› · call in col 212

Miseris religiosa Bod. 3.

"Religious for the wretched": Bod. 3.

(printed under page 103)

(i) ‹—› · call in col 212

Mens Lam. N C. 1. Ebor.

"Mind": Lam., NC. 1, Ebor.

(printed under page 103)

(j) ‹—› · call in col 212

Gementes Spir. Rem. Eras.

"Groaning": Spir., Rem., Eras.

(printed under page 103)

(k) ‹—› · call in col 212

Illis ipsis Pam.

"To those very ones": Pam.

(printed under page 103)

(l) ‹admiserint› · call in col 212

Et alios cum admiserint Mor.

"And others, when they have committed": Mor.

(printed under page 103)

(m) ‹faciens› · call in col 212

Pro conviciis faciens Eras. Favens Lam. Ben. Ebor. Conviciis faciens Spir. Rem.

"Doing (it) in place of reproaches": Eras. "Favouring": Lam., Ben., Ebor. "Doing (it) with reproaches": Spir., Rem.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(—) ‹Matrona› · §8

(continued) de Pallio legimus matronas sine stola redargutas, quia stola erat insigne matronarum, quam mariti dabant novis nuptis, ut docet etiam Cicero in secunda Philippica : et in Libro secundo ejusdem Tertulliani ad Uxorem notatur dives matronae nomine inflata. Et apud Rufinum lib. I in Oseam : Mulier quae matronalibus illustratur insignibus. In Actis passionis sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis ita scriptum est : Ubia Perpetua honesta liberaliter instituta, matrona licet nupta, habens patrem et matrem. In hoc loco intelligendo laboravit Lucas Holstenius, vitio nimirum interpunctionis, cum sit legendum : matrona, licet nupta, habens patrem et matrem. Hinc matronalis sedulitas apud Columellam in Praefatione libri duodecimi ; apud Plinium lib. V, Epist. 16, matronalis gravitas ; in libro secundo Tertulliani de Cultu feminarum, matronalia decoramenta, et feriae matronales in libro de Idololatria. Lampridius in Heliogabalo : Facta sunt S. C. ridicula de legibus matronalibus. Elegans est et dignus referri locus Columellae de maritis ad villas suas proficisci cupientibus. Sic ergo ait lib. I, cap. 4 : Jucundius itaque viro si etiam matrona comitetur, cujus ut sexus, ita animus est delicatior. Quamobrem amoenitate aliqua demerenda erit, quo patientius moretur cum viro. In libello Precum Marcellini et Faustini scriptum est Damasum papam in tantum a matronis dilectum fuisse ut earum auriscalpius diceretur. Sed haec scribebantur ab adversariis ejus. Apud Ovidium lib. II Metamorph., et lib. XVI Fastorum, tum etiam apud Silium Italicum, Juno vocatur matrona tonantis. Vide Lambinum ad Horatium lib. III, od. 2.

(—) ‹Revertitur impudica› · §8 Revertitur impudica. Infra in libro de Habitu Virginum pag. 179 : Quantum a proposito suo virgo deficit quando pudica quae venerat impudica discedit ? Salvianus lib. VI, cap. 3 : Itaque in illis imaginibus fornicationum omnis plebs animo fornicatur, et qui forte ad spectaculum puri venerant, ac theatro adulteri revertuntur.

"She returns unchaste." Below, in the book On the Dress of Virgins, p. 179: "How far does a virgin fall from her purpose when she who came chaste goes away unchaste?" Salvian, Book VI, ch. 3: "So in those images of fornication the whole people fornicates in mind, and those who perhaps came to the show pure return from the theatre adulterers."

(—) ‹Evirantur mares› · §8 Evirantur mares. Codex Laetiensis, Hebetatur maris honor in hominibus, et vigor, etc.

"Males are unmanned." The Liessies manuscript: "The honour of the male is dulled in men, and the vigour," etc.

(—) ‹Virum in feminam fregerit› · §8 Virum in feminam fregerit. Infra Epist. LXI, docens quo modo masculus frangatur in feminam. Salvianus lib. VII, cap. 19 : Cum enim muliebrem habitum viri sumerent, et magis quam mulieres gradum frangerent. Arnobius lib. II, vigorem virilitatis exponere et in habitum feminarum deliciasque mollire. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Heliodorum : Histrio fractus in feminam. Tertullianus in Libro de Spectaculis : Quae privata et propria sunt scenae, de gestu et flexu corporis mollitiae Veneris et Liberi immolant. Lactantius lib. VI, cap. 20 : Histrionum quoque impudici motus quid aliud nisi libidines docent et instigant, quorum enervata corpora et in muliebrem incessum habitumque mollita impudicas feminas inhonestis gestibus mentiuntur ? Sanctus Ambrosius in Epistola ad Sabinum episcopum : Quid utique tam deforme visibili spectaculo quam histrionicos sinuare gestus et femineo usu mollire membra ? Prudentius in Hamartigenia : Turpe semivirorum membra theatrali spectat vertigine ferri. Et infra : Cernas mollescere cultu heroas vetulos. Columella in Praefatione Librorum de Agricultura ait aetatem suam miratam fuisse gestus effeminatorum, quod a natura sexum viris denegatum muliebri motu mentirentur, deciperentque oculos spectantium. Vide Quintilianum lib. II, cap. 1.

"Has broken a man into a woman." Below, Letter 61: "teaching how a male is broken into a woman." Salvian, Book VII, ch. 19: "For when men took on women's dress and minced their step more than women." Arnobius, Book II: "to cast off the vigour of manhood and soften it into the dress and dainties of women." Jerome in the Letter to Heliodorus: "an actor broken into a woman." Tertullian in the book On the Spectacles: "What is private and proper to the stage, they offer up, in the gesture and bending of the body, to the softnesses of Venus and Liber." Lactantius, Book VI, ch. 20: "The shameless movements of actors, too—what do they teach and incite but lusts? Their unnerved bodies, softened to a woman's gait and dress, counterfeit unchaste women with indecent gestures." Saint Ambrose in the Letter to Bishop Sabinus: "What indeed so unseemly in a visible show as to twist the body in actors' gestures and soften the limbs in a woman's way?" Prudentius in the Hamartigenia: "It watches the limbs of half-men whirled shamefully in the theatre's spin." And below: "You may see old heroes grow soft in their dress." Columella, in the preface to the books on Agriculture, says his age marvelled at the gestures of the effeminate, because by a woman's movement they counterfeited the sex nature denied to men and deceived the eyes of the onlookers. See Quintilian, Book II, ch. 1.

(—) ‹Eo peritior quo turpior› · §8 Eo peritior quo turpior. Phaedra Hippolyto apud Ovidium. Pejor adulterio turpis adulter obest.

"The more skilled the more shameful." Phaedra to Hippolytus in Ovid: "A base adulterer does more harm than the adultery."

(—) ‹Religiosa delicta› · §8 Religiosa delicta. Lactantius lib. I, cap. 20 : Quid mirum si ab hac gente universa flagitia manaruut apud quam ipsa vitia religiosa sunt ?

"Religious crimes." Lactantius, Book I, ch. 20: "What wonder if all outrages have flowed from this people, among whom vices themselves are religious?"

(printed under page 103)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 104)

(a) ‹—› · call in col 213

Publico aere praefixo Pem. Lam. Eb. N C. 1. Voss. 2. Publica Voss. 4. Praefixa Spir. Rem.

"The public fee being fixed beforehand": Pem., Lam., Eb., NC. 1, Voss. 2. "Publica": Voss. 4. "Praefixa": Spir., Rem.

(printed under page 104)

(b) ‹—› · call in col 213

Proscripta. Man.

"Proscribed": Man.

(printed under page 104)

(c) ‹—› · call in col 213

Patronus scilicet Voss. 4.

"The advocate, namely": Voss. 4.

(printed under page 104)

(d) ‹—› · call in col 213

Judex sententiam Voss. 4.

"The judge (sells) his sentence": Voss. 4.

(printed under page 104)

(e) ‹—› · call in col 213

Inimicus insimulat, calumniatur, impugnat testes, infamat verum, ubique grassatur Vict.

"The enemy accuses, slanders, attacks the witnesses, defames the truth, rages everywhere": Vict.

(printed under page 104) (—) ‹Hujusmodi. Ore illo› · §9

(continued) sertat. cap. 12. Praeterea hae duae postremae voces perperam conjunguntur cum antecedentibus in vulgatis editionibus, cum quae supra dicuntur nullam cum his vocibus connexionem habeant. Nihil enim illic scriptum est de ore. Erasmus, Manutius, et Pamelius ediderunt ore illo polluto. Sed hanc postremam vocem neque veteres libri, si unum excipias, agnoscunt, neque veteres editiones.

(X) ‹Inter leges ipsas› · §10 X.—Inter leges ipsas. Hieronymus lib. I, pag. 4, adversus Jovinianum : Quotidie moechorum sanguis effundetur, adulteria damnantur, et inter leges ipsas et secures ac tribunalia flagrans libido dominatur. Symmachus Lib. II, Epist. 52 : Nos legum inane nomen vocamus. Valerius Maximus Lib. IX, cap. 1, Legum victrix audacia. Seneca Hercule furente ait arma vincere leges. Et apud Ciceronem in Oratione pro Milone : Silent leges inter arma. Ovidius lib. V, Tristium : Non metuunt leges, sed cedit viribus aequum, / Victaque pugnaci jura sub ense jacent. In Tito Livio vero lib. X : Jam regi leges, non regere. Seneca lib. IX de Beneficiis cap. 28 : Legum praesidio qui plurimum in illas peccaverunt proteguntur. Tacitus lib. I Annalium, Invalido legum auxilio. et infra : Victa est sine dubio lex. Citat porro hunc Cypriani locum Agobardus, sed valde decurtatum, ut assolet.

X.—"Amid the very laws." Jerome, Against Jovinian I, p. 4: "Daily the blood of adulterers will be shed, adulteries are condemned, and amid the very laws and axes and tribunals burning lust holds sway." Symmachus, Book II, Letter 52: "We call on the empty name of the laws." Valerius Maximus, Book IX, ch. 1: "Boldness, victor over the laws." Seneca in Hercules Furens says that arms conquer laws. And in Cicero, in the speech For Milo: "Laws are silent amid arms." Ovid, Tristia V: "They do not fear the laws, but right yields to force, and justice lies conquered beneath the warring sword." In Livy, Book X: "Now laws are ruled, they do not rule." Seneca, On Benefits IX (sic), ch. 28: "Those who have most sinned against the laws are protected by the laws' defence." Tacitus, Annals I: "the help of the laws being weak," and below: "The law was beyond doubt overcome." Agobard, moreover, cites this place of Cyprian, but much cut down, as is his habit.

(—) ‹Inter togas› · §10 Inter togas. Infra in Libro adversus Demetrianum pag. 219 : Hostem quereris exurgere, quasi et si hostis desit, esse pax inter ipsas togas possit. Seneca lib. II de Ira cap. 7 : Inter istos quos togatos vides nulla pax est. Tertullianus in libro de Pallio : Plus togae laesere republicam quam loricae. Florus lib. IV, cap. 12 . Togas et saeviora armis jura viderunt. Illud quoque admoneri non incongruum est, in codice Tornacensi bibliothecae regiae scriptum esse, Inter reges pace rupta, et supra lineam, vel togas. Sed etiam lectionem constat esse falsissimam, itemque eam quae extat in libro Fuxensi, inter treugas pace rupta, nondum invento vocabulo treugarum.

"Amid the togas." Below, in the book Against Demetrianus, p. 219: "You complain that the enemy rises up, as if, even if the enemy were lacking, there could be peace among the very togas." Seneca, On Anger II, ch. 7: "Among those whom you see in togas there is no peace." Tertullian in the book On the Pallium: "Togas have harmed the state more than breastplates." Florus, Book IV, ch. 12: "They saw togas, and laws fiercer than arms." It is also not out of place to note that in the Tournai manuscript of the royal library is written "amid kings, peace broken," with "or togas" above the line. But that reading is plainly quite false, as is the one in the Foix book, "amid truces, peace broken"—the word "truce" not yet having been invented.

(—) ‹Quam membra› · §10 Quam membra. Aliae editiones habent quam membra sunt. Sic etiam legitur in quinqne libris veteribus. At cum vox illa ultima non extet in reliquis exemplaribus antiquis quibus usus sum nec in pluribus Anglicanis, et dictio sit elegantior absque voce illa, quam puto esse ex glossemate, eam sustuli. Infra Epist. VIII, pag. 16 : Quamvis torquerentur in servis Dei jam non membra sed vulnera.

"Than the limbs." Other editions have "than the limbs are." So too one reads in five old books. But since that last word is not found in the other ancient copies I used, nor in most of the English ones, and the phrase is more elegant without it, I removed it, thinking it comes from a gloss. Below, Letter 8, p. 16: "Although in the servants of God it was no longer limbs but wounds that were tortured."

(—) ‹Testamentum subjicit› · §10 Testamentum subjicit. Quidam codices habent subducit, alii substituit, id est, supponit. Valerius Maximus lib. IX, cap. 4 : Cum falsum testamentum quidam in Graecia subjecissent. A. Gellius lib. V, cap. 9 : Sortem nominis falsam subjici. Julius Paulus lib. IV : Sentent. tit. 7 : Non tantum is qui testamentum snbjecit. Cicero in Paradoxis, Testamenta subjecta. Arnobius lib. II : Idcirco animas misit ut viarum aliae infestarent meatus, aliae circumscriberent nescios testamenta supponerent falsa. Lactantius Lib. V, cap. 9 : Non enim de nostro sed de illorum numero semper existunt qui haereditates captant, testamenta supponunt. Testamentorum insidias dixit Plinius lib. XXIX, cap. 1.

"Forges a will." Some manuscripts have "subducit," others "substituit," that is, "supponit" (substitutes falsely). Valerius Maximus, Book IX, ch. 4: "When certain men in Greece had forged a will." Aulus Gellius, Book V, ch. 9: "that a false lot of name be substituted." Julius Paulus, Sentences IV, title 7: "Not only he who forged a will." Cicero in the Paradoxes: "forged wills." Arnobius, Book II: "Did he send souls for this, that some should infest the roads, others defraud the unwitting and forge false wills?" Lactantius, Book V, ch. 9: "For it is always from their number, not ours, that those come who hunt legacies and forge wills." Pliny, Book XXIX, ch. 1, spoke of "the snares of wills."

(—) ‹Nullus de legibus metus› · §10 Nullus de legibus metus. Cassiodorus in Praefatione Variarum : Deinde mores pravos corrigis auctoritate rectoris, audaciam frangis, timorem legibns reddis. T. Livius lib. II dixit jus vi obrutum. Horatius lib. I, sat. 3 : Jura inventa metu injusti fateare necesse est.

"No fear of the laws." Cassiodorus in the preface to the Variae: "Then you correct depraved morals by the authority of a ruler, you break boldness, you restore fear to the laws." Livy, Book II, spoke of "right overwhelmed by force." Horace, Satires I, 3: "You must confess that laws were invented from fear of injustice."

(—) ‹De quaesitore› · §10 De quaesitore, qui quaestionum judicia exercet, qui capitalibus judiciis praeest, ut loquitur Pomponius lib. II, D. de Origine juris. Ammianus Marcellinus lib. XXIX, ait quaesitoris iniquitatem omnibus esse criminibus graviorem. Prudentius in Carmine de sancto Hippolyto : Inde furens quaesitor ait : Jam, tortor, ab uno / Desine. Si vana est quaestio, morte agitur. Aliud est officium quaesitoris apud Julianum antecessorem.

"Of the investigator"—who conducts the trials of inquiry, who presides over capital trials, as Pomponius puts it, Digest, On the Origin of Law, Book II. Ammianus Marcellinus, Book XXIX, says that the unjustness of an investigator is graver than all crimes. Prudentius in the Poem on Saint Hippolytus: "Then the raging investigator says: 'Now, torturer, leave off from this one. If the inquiry is vain, let it be settled by death.'" The office of the investigator in Julian the professor is something different.

(—) ‹Quod potest redimi› · §10 Quod potest redimi. In lege Salica tit. LV, manus quae praecidi debuerat secundum legem redimitur pretio. Et Lib. III. Capitularium, cap. 10, poena constituitur adversus perjurum ut perdat manum vel redimat. Vide Notas ad Reginonem pag. 593. Et tamen erant quaedam peccata quae non redimebantur, veluti si quis perjurium fecisset lib. V, Capitularium, cap. 196. Si quis post pacem factam cum inimico suo eum occiderit lib. VI, cap. 272. Illi enim manum perdere debent, neque eis licet eam redimere.

"What can be bought off." In the Salic Law, title 55, a hand that ought by law to be cut off is redeemed for a price. And in the Capitularies III, ch. 10, the penalty set against a perjurer is that he lose his hand or redeem it. See the Notes on Regino, p. 593. And yet there were certain sins that were not redeemed, as if someone had committed perjury, Capitularies V, ch. 196; if someone killed his enemy after making peace with him, Book VI, ch. 272. For these must lose the hand, and they may not redeem it.

(—) ‹Malos quisquis› · §10 Malos quisquis. Tacitus Lib. IV Annalium : Etiam gloria ac virtus infensos habet, ut nimis ex propinquo diversa arguens. Castigare enim videtur (ut (continues)

"Whoever (does not imitate) the wicked." Tacitus, Annals IV: "Even glory and virtue have enemies, as reproving their opposites from too close at hand." For he seems to rebuke (as (continues)

(printed under page 104)

(f) ‹—› · call in col 214

Criminis Rig. Pem. Bod. 3. Voss. 2. Lin. Spir. Rem. Man. Mor.

"Of the crime": Rig., Pem., Bod. 3, Voss. 2, Lin., Spir., Rem., Man., Mor.

(printed under page 104)

(g) ‹pereunt› · call in col 214

Cum nocentibus innocentes pereunt Lam. Ben. Ar. NC. 1.

"The innocent perish with the guilty": Lam., Ben., Ar., NC. 1.

(printed under page 104)

(h) ‹crimen est› · call in col 214

Criminis est Oxon.

"It is (a matter) of crime": Oxon.

(printed under page 104)

(i) ‹imitatur› · call in col 214

Malus quisquis dum non imitatur Ebor. Lam.

"Whoever, while he does not imitate, (offends) the wicked": Ebor., Lam.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(—) ‹Hujusmodi. Ore illo› · §9

(continued) sertat. cap. 12. Praeterea hae duae postremae voces perperam conjunguntur cum antecedentibus in vulgatis editionibus, cum quae supra dicuntur nullam cum his vocibus connexionem habeant. Nihil enim illic scriptum est de ore. Erasmus, Manutius, et Pamelius ediderunt ore illo polluto. Sed hanc postremam vocem neque veteres libri, si unum excipias, agnoscunt, neque veteres editiones.

(printed under page 104)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 105)

(a) ‹—› · call in col 215

Soli ubi Lam. Ebor. An. Thu. Eras. Morel. Voss. 4.

"Alone, where": Lam., Ebor., An., Thu., Eras., Morel., Voss. 4.

(printed under page 105)

(b) ‹—› · call in col 215

Sed videamus Lam. Ebor. NC. 1. Nos videamus. Bod. 3. Manut. Morel.

"But let us see": Lam., Ebor., NC. 1. "Let us see": Bod. 3, Manut., Morel.

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(c) ‹—› · call in col 215

Rigalt. omnia per interrog. repetitas sextulit.

Rigault sets everything out as repeated questions. (The print's "sextulit" is as printed, presumably for "extulit.")

(printed under page 105)

(d) ‹—› · call in col 215

Magistratibus — Principatibus NC. 1. Eb. Lam.

"Magistracies" — "principalities": NC. 1, Eb., Lam.

(printed under page 105)

(e) ‹et› · call in col 215

Et omitt. Oxon.

Oxon. omits "and."

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(f) ‹abstrusae› · call in col 215

Calamitatis abstrusae Pem. Voss. 2, sed omiss.

"Of hidden calamity": Pem., Voss. 2, but omitted (elsewhere).

(printed under page 105) (—) ‹Malos quisquis› · §10

(continued) aiunt Lactantius Lib. V, cap. 9 ; et Hieronymus in Epistola ad Virginem exulem) quisquis ab ejus conversatione dissentit. Sculp. Severus Lib. II, sacrae Historiae : Quippe semper inimica virtutibus vitia sunt, et optimi quique ab improbis quasi exprobrantes aspiciuntur. Est enim, ut Lib. II, cap. 12; et Lib. III, cap. 7, ait Quintilianus, quaedam virtutum vitiorumque vicinia. Et Seneca, Epist. XLV, ait vitia sub virtutum nomine obrepere et illis immixta trahere secum illas. Vereque dixit T. Livius mala bonis adhaerere et in animis hominum potentiora esse. Vide A. Gellium Lib. VI, cap, 1.

(—) ‹Coepit licitum esse› · §10 Coepit licitum esse. Tertullianus in libro de Corona : Sed quod non prohibetnr ultro permissum est. Immo prohibetur quod non ultro permissum est. Sanctus Ambrosius in Epistola ad Paternum : Praetendis enim in litteris tuis quia permissum hoc divino jure connubium hujusmodi pignoribus existimatur eo quod non prohibitum. Ego autem et prohibitum assero. Et paulo post : Quod si ideo permissum putas quia specialiter non est prohibitum, nec illud prohibitum sermone legis reperias ne pater filiam suam accipiat uxorem... Numquid ideo licet quod non est prohibitum. Ex indulgentia enim est quodcumque permittitur, ut ait Tertullianus in libro de Exhortatione Castitatis. In comoedia Queroli scriptum est falsum dicere non esse crimen, quia commune est, et adulterium quoque crimen non esse, et ideo licitum esse quia nec permitti nec prohiberi potest. Vetus auctor Altercationis synagogae et Ecclesiae : Pro magno crimine objiciuntur Jacob quatuor uxores. Sed quoniam mos erat, crimen non erat. Nunc autem crimen est, quia mos non est.

"It has begun to be lawful." Tertullian in the book On the Crown: "But what is not forbidden is freely permitted. Nay, what is not freely permitted is forbidden." Saint Ambrose in the Letter to Paternus: "For you claim in your letter that a marriage of this kind is thought permitted by divine law to such offspring, because it is not forbidden. But I assert that it is even forbidden." And a little later: "But if you think it permitted because it is not specifically forbidden, neither will you find it forbidden by the word of the law that a father should take his daughter to wife... Is it then lawful because it is not forbidden?" For whatever is permitted is of indulgence, as Tertullian says in the book On the Exhortation to Chastity. In the comedy Querolus it is written that to tell a lie is no crime, because it is common, and that adultery too is no crime, and so is lawful, because it can be neither permitted nor forbidden. The old author of the Dispute between the Synagogue and the Church: "Jacob's four wives are charged against him as a great crime. But since it was the custom, it was not a crime. Now, however, it is a crime, because it is not the custom."

(XI) ‹Epota res est› · §11 XI.—Epota res est. Multum variant in hoc loco libri veteres et veteres editiones. In quibusdam enim legitur epota est. in aliis epotata, epotaris, epotatum est, immo etiam epotandum. Cum autem lectio quam nos praeferimus reperiatur in multo pluribus antiquis codicibus quam aliae, confirment etiam illam codex Segnierianus et editiones quae Pamelianam antecesserunt, existimavimus illam esse revocandam. Caeterum quia Pamelius, ut editioni suae adderet auctoritatem alicujus vetustioris, adnotavit Gravium ita restituisse hunc locum : monendus est lector istud non esse verum. Nam in editione quae dicitur Gravii aperte scriptum est, epota res est, et in margine, epotavimns. Gronovius, lib III, Observat. cap. 24, monet se in Fuxensi codice vidisse scriptum, epota res est. Quod verum est.

XI.—"The thing is drunk up." The old books and old editions vary much at this place. In some one reads "epota est," in others "epotata," "epotaris," "epotatum est," and even "epotandum." Since the reading we prefer is found in many more ancient manuscripts than the others, and the Séguier manuscript and the editions that preceded Pamelius's also confirm it, we thought it should be restored. Further, because Pamelius, to give his edition the authority of an older one, noted that Gravius had restored the place so, the reader must be warned that this is not true. For in the edition called Gravius's it is plainly written "epota res est," with "epotavimus" in the margin. Gronovius, Observations III, ch. 24, notes that he saw "epota res est" written in the Foix manuscript. That is true.

(—) ‹Matutinus salutator› · §11 Matutinus salutator. Virgilius lib. II, pag. 5, Georgicorum : Si non ingentem foribus domus alta superbis / Mane salutantum totis vomit aedibus undam. Martialis lib. X, Epigr. 10 : Mane salutator limina mille teras. Ideo Horatius Epodon XI, scripsit, Superba civium potentium limina. Claudianus lib. I, in Rufinum : Turba salutantum latas ibi perstrepit aedes. Eo autem processerat ambitio salutationum matutinarum ut qui cupiebant esse primi salutantes noctem vigilem ducerent ante januas eminentium potestatum, ut docet Symmachus lib. IV, Epist. XLI. Adnotat Suetonius Caligulam natura timidum ac diffidentem salutatoribus scrutatores semper opposuisse acerbissimos, sed eam consuetudinem omissam esse a Vespasiano. Aelius Lampridius, in Vita Alexandri Severi scribit illum admisisse salutatores quasi unum de senatoribus, patente velo, admissionalibus remotis, cum antea salutare principem non liceret, quod eos videre non poterat. Salutatus autem, inquit idem auctor, consessum obtulit omnibus senatoribus ; atque ideo nisi honestos et bonae famae homines ad salutationem non admisit, jussitque ut nemo ingrediatur nisi qui se innocentem noverit. Per praeconem edixit ut nemo salutaret principem qui se furem esse nosset. Contra Maximinus junior, ut tradit Julius Capitolinus, in salutationibus superbissimus erat, et manum porrigebat, et genua sibi osculari patiebatur, nonnumquam etiam pedes. Simile quid apud Lucianum in Necromantia, ubi irridet eos qui, cum in potestate constituti essent, felices et beatos salutantes se facturos putarent, si pectus dextramve porrigentes darent osculandam. De honore et jure salutationum multae extant constitutiones in Codice Theodosiano. Plura de hoc argumento dici possent ; sed ista sufficiunt. Vide nihilominus Senecam Epist. XCI ; et A. Gellium Lib. IV, et Lib. XX, cap. 1 ; et sanctum Augustinum Lib. VI, Confess. cap. 1.

"The morning caller." Virgil, Georgics II, p. 5: "If no lofty house with proud doors pours out from all its halls in the morning a huge wave of callers." Martial, Book X, Epigram 10: "In the morning, a caller, you wear out a thousand thresholds." So Horace, Epode 11, wrote: "the proud thresholds of powerful citizens." Claudian, Against Rufinus I: "There a crowd of callers fills the broad halls with din." The ambition of morning calls had gone so far that those who wished to be first to greet would spend the night awake before the doors of eminent officials, as Symmachus teaches, Book IV, Letter 41. Suetonius notes that Caligula, timid and distrustful by nature, always set the harshest searchers against his callers, but that the custom was dropped by Vespasian. Aelius Lampridius, in the Life of Alexander Severus, writes that he received callers as if he were one of the senators, with the curtain open and the ushers removed, whereas before it had not been allowed to greet the emperor, because he could not see them. "When greeted," says the same author, "he offered a seat to all the senators; and so he admitted to the greeting only men of honour and good repute, and ordered that no one should enter but one who knew himself innocent. He proclaimed by herald that no one who knew himself a thief should greet the emperor." By contrast the younger Maximinus, as Julius Capitolinus reports, was most arrogant at receptions, held out his hand, and let his knees, sometimes even his feet, be kissed. There is something similar in Lucian's Necromantia, where he mocks those who, placed in power, thought they would make their callers happy and blessed if they offered their breast or right hand to be kissed. Many constitutions on the honour and right of greetings survive in the Theodosian Code. More could be said on this subject, but this suffices. See nonetheless Seneca, Letter 91; Aulus Gellius, Book IV and Book XX, ch. 1; and Saint Augustine, Confessions VI, ch. 1.

(—) ‹Auceps temporum› · §11 Auceps temporum. Qui tempus aucupatur, ut ait Cicero in Oratione pro Roscio Amerino. Id vero facere palpatores id est adulatores constat. In aliquot antiquis codicibus et editionibus legitur anceps.

"Fowler of the times." One who lies in wait for the moment, as Cicero says in the speech For Roscius of Ameria. That flatterers—that is, fawners—do this is well known. In some ancient manuscripts and editions one reads "anceps" (wavering).

(—) ‹Assecla foedavit› · §11 Assecla foedavit. Id est, nudum latus reliquit, (continues)

"The hanger-on has disgraced." That is, he left the side bare, (continues)

(printed under page 105)

(g) ‹—› · call in col 216

Cujusdam Voss. 2.

"Of a certain": Voss. 2.

(printed under page 105)

(h) ‹—› · call in col 216

Quibus hic Voss. 4.

"To whom here": Voss. 4.

(printed under page 105)

(i) ‹—› · call in col 216

Prius omittit Voss.

Voss. omits "before."

(printed under page 105)

(j) ‹—› · call in col 216

Quae tumentum Bod. Spir. Ren. Foss.

"Which (are) of the swelling": Bod., Spir., Ren., Foss.

(printed under page 105)

(k) ‹—› · call in col 216

Contumeliosis vestigiis Ar. Ben. Lam. Ebor.

"With insulting footsteps": Ar., Ben., Lam., Ebor.

(printed under page 105)

(l) ‹—› · call in col 216

Stipatus clientium Spir. Eras. Cuneis, Oxon.

"Thronged by (wedges) of clients": Spir., Eras. "By wedges": Oxon.

(printed under page 105)

(m) ‹—› · call in col 216

Salutantium Lamb. Eras.

"Of the greeters": Lamb., Eras.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(—) ‹Malos quisquis› · §10

(continued) aiunt Lactantius Lib. V, cap. 9 ; et Hieronymus in Epistola ad Virginem exulem) quisquis ab ejus conversatione dissentit. Sculp. Severus Lib. II, sacrae Historiae : Quippe semper inimica virtutibus vitia sunt, et optimi quique ab improbis quasi exprobrantes aspiciuntur. Est enim, ut Lib. II, cap. 12 ; et Lib. III, cap. 7, ait Quintilianus, quaedam virtutum vitiorumque vicinia. Et Seneca, Epist. XLV, ait vitia sub virtutum nomine obrepere et illis immixta trahere secum illas. Vereque dixit T. Livius mala bonis adhaerere et in animis hominum potentiora esse. Vide A. Gellium Lib. VI, cap, 1.

(—) ‹Coepit licitum esse› · §10 Coepit licitum esse. Tertullianus in libro de Corona : Sed quod non prohibetnr ultro permissum est. Immo prohibetur quod non ultro permissum est. Sanctus Ambrosius in Epistola ad Paternum : Praetendis enim in litteris tuis quia permissum hoc divino jure connubium hujusmodi pignoribus existimatur eo quod non prohibitum. Ego autem et prohibitum assero. Et paulo post : Quod si ideo permissum putas quia specialiter non est prohibitum, nec illud prohibitum sermone legis reperias ne pater filiam suam accipiat uxorem... Numquid ideo licet quod non est prohibitum. Ex indulgentia enim est quodcumque permittitur, ut ait Tertullianus in libro de Exhortatione Castitatis. In comoedia Queroli scriptum est falsum dicere non esse crimen, quia commune est, et adulterium quoque crimen non esse, et ideo licitum esse quia nec permitti nec prohiberi potest. Vetus auctor Altercationis synagogae et Ecclesiae : Pro magno crimine objiciuntur Jacob quatuor uxores. Sed quoniam mos erat, crimen non erat. Nunc autem crimen est, quia mos non est.

"It has begun to be lawful." Tertullian in the book On the Crown: "But what is not forbidden is freely permitted. Nay, what is not freely permitted is forbidden." Saint Ambrose in the Letter to Paternus: "For you allege in your letter that such a marriage between offspring of this kind is thought permitted by divine law because it is not forbidden. But I assert that it is even forbidden." And a little after: "But if you think it permitted because it is not specifically forbidden, neither will you find it forbidden in the words of the law that a father should take his own daughter to wife… Is a thing lawful merely because it is not forbidden?" For whatever is permitted is by indulgence, as Tertullian says in the book On the Exhortation to Chastity. In the comedy Querolus it is written that to speak falsely is no crime because it is common, and that adultery too is no crime, and so is lawful, because it can be neither permitted nor forbidden. The old author of the Dispute between the Synagogue and the Church: "Jacob's four wives are objected as a great crime. But since it was the custom, it was not a crime. Now, however, it is a crime, because it is not the custom."

(printed under page 105)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 106)

(a) ‹—› · call in col 217

Exhausta Spir. Rem. Eras.

"Drained": Spir., Rem., Eras.

(printed under page 106)

(b) ‹—› · call in col 217

Jactatio Pem. Voss. 2.

"Boasting": Pem., Voss. 2.

(printed under page 106)

(c) ‹—› · call in col 217

Quod Pem. Mor.

"Which" / "that": Pem., Mor.

(printed under page 106)

(d) ‹—› · call in col 217

Securus Lam. Ebor. Spir. Rem. Eras. Securos Voss. 2. Mor. Securum Voss. 4.

"Secure" (nom. sing.): Lam., Ebor., Spir., Rem., Eras. "Securos" (acc. pl.): Voss. 2, Mor. "Securum" (acc. sing.): Voss. 4.

(printed under page 106) (XII) ‹Bibat gemma› · §12 XII.—Bibat gemma. Virgilius Lib. II, Georgicon, Ut gemma bibat ; et lib. I Aeneidos : Hic regiua gravem gemmis auroque poposcit / Implerique mero pateram. Seneca cap. 3 de Providentia : Quanto magis huic invidendum est quam illis quibus gemma ministratur. Julius Capitolinus in Aelio Vero : Data etiam aurea atque argentea pocula et gemmata. Item in Galieno, Gemmata vasa fecit. Martialis Lib. XII, Epigr. 12 : Te potare decet gemma, id est in vase gemmato, in vase gemmis ornato. Juvenalis Sat. X : Cum pocula sumes gemmata. Idem in Satira V ait parasito, si ei propinetur in convivio vas aureum, custodem dari qui numeret gemmas. Propertius lib. III, Eleg. 3 : Nec bibit a gemma divite nostra suis. Silius Italicus lib. XIII : Poculaque Eoa luxum irritantia gemma. Statius lib. I Thebaidos : Nec cura mero committere gemmas. Aelius Spartianus scribit Zenobiam usam esse vasis aureis gemmatis ad convivia. Latinus Pacatus Drepanius in Panegyrico Theodosii : Nisi aestivam in gemmis capacibus glaciem flamma fregissent. Sidonius Lib. II, Epist. 13 : Fumarent falerno gemmae capaces. Idem in Carmine 2 : Gemmatam pateram rex ipse retenta. Lucianus in Cataplo memorat pocula gemmis distincta, et Apuleius, Lib. II, Metamorphoseon, gemmas formatas in pocula vini. Hieronymus in Vita Pauli eremitae : Vos gemma bibitis, ille concavis naturae manibus satisfecit. Idem in Epistola ad Paulum de Alphabeto Hebraico : Habeant sibi caeteri, si velint, suas opes, gemma bibant. Seneca Epist. CXIX : Utrum sit aureum poculum, an crystallinum, an murrhinum, an Tiburtinus calix, an manus concava, nihil refert. Caeterum hic admonendum est Rigaltium edidisse bibat gemmas, et ideo Lombertum, qui illius editione utebatur, male vertisse, ils boivent des perles et de l'ambre gris. Addidit tamen Lombertus hanc postremam vocem, cum nihil simile extet apud Cyprianum. Sunt qui putant hoc genus liquoris fuisse incognitum antiquis. Alii tamen aiunt esse succinum, de quo vide Diodorum Siculum lib. V.

XII.—"Let him drink from a jewel." Virgil, Georgics II: "that he may drink from a jewel"; and Aeneid I: "Here the queen called for a bowl heavy with jewels and gold and bade it be filled with wine." Seneca, On Providence, ch. 3: "How much more is he to be envied than those who are served from a jewel." Julius Capitolinus in the Aelius Verus: "Gold and silver cups set with jewels were given too." Likewise in the Gallienus: "He made jewelled vessels." Martial, Book XII, Epigram 12: "It befits you to drink from a jewel"—that is, from a jewelled vessel, a vessel adorned with jewels. Juvenal, Satire 10: "when you take up jewelled cups." The same in Satire 5 says that if a golden vessel is passed to a parasite at a banquet, a guard is set to count the jewels. Propertius, Book III, Elegy 3: "Nor does our (girl) drink from a rich jewel for her own." Silius Italicus, Book XIII: "and cups provoking luxury with Eastern jewel." Statius, Thebaid I: "Nor care to commit jewels to the wine." Aelius Spartianus writes that Zenobia used golden jewelled vessels at banquets. Latinus Pacatus Drepanius in the Panegyric of Theodosius: "Unless the flame had broken the summer ice in capacious jewels." Sidonius, Book II, Letter 13: "Capacious jewels would steam with Falernian." Again in Poem 2: "The king himself, holding a jewelled bowl." Lucian in the Cataplus mentions cups studded with jewels, and Apuleius, Metamorphoses II, jewels shaped into wine cups. Jerome in the Life of Paul the Hermit: "You drink from a jewel; he satisfied (nature) with the hollow hands of nature." Again in the Letter to Paula on the Hebrew Alphabet (printed "Paulum"): "Let others keep their wealth, if they will, and drink from a jewel." Seneca, Letter 119: "Whether it be a golden cup, or crystal, or murrhine, or a Tibur goblet, or the hollow hand, makes no difference." It must also be noted here that Rigault printed "bibat gemmas," and that therefore Lombert, who used his edition, translated badly: "they drink pearls and ambergris." Lombert added this last word, though nothing like it stands in Cyprian. Some think this kind of substance was unknown to the ancients. Others, however, say it is amber, on which see Diodorus Siculus, Book V.

(—) ‹Vigilat in pluma› · §12 Vigilat in pluma. Seneca in Libro de Providentia cap. 3 : Tam vigilabit in pluma quam ille in cruce. Martialis Lib. IX, Epigr. 94 : Pervigil in pluma Caius ecce jacet. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Marcellam de Aegrotatione Blesillae : Illo tempore plumarum quoque dura mollities videbatur, et in extructis thoris jacere vix poterat. Seneca Hercule Oetaeo : Aurea numquam tecta quietem, vigilesque trahit purpura noctes. Prudentius in Hamartigenia : At nos delicias plumarum et linea texta sternimus. Rigaltius scripsit vigilat tamen in pluma contra omnium veterum librorum et editionum fidem. Puto autem illum addidisse vocem tamen ex exemplari editionis Pamelianae quo Nicolaus Faber utebatur, in cujus margine vir doctissimus eam posuerat sua manu, nulla mentione loci ubi invenerat. Certe non extat in veteri libro monasterii Fossatensis cum quo ille contulit plurima loca sancti Cypriani. Eam tamen vocem retinuit editio Anglicana. Reinhartus explosit. Certe non est necessaria.

"He lies awake on down." Seneca, On Providence, ch. 3: "He will lie awake on down as much as that man on the cross." Martial, Book IX, Epigram 94: "Look, Caius lies sleepless on down." Jerome in the Letter to Marcella on the illness of Blesilla: "At that time even the softness of feathers seemed hard, and she could scarcely lie on piled-up couches." Seneca, Hercules Oetaeus: "Golden roofs never (bring) rest, and purple draws out wakeful nights." Prudentius in the Hamartigenia: "But we spread the luxuries of feathers and woven linen." Rigault wrote "yet he lies awake on down," against the testimony of all the old books and editions. I think he added the word "yet" from the copy of Pamelius's edition that Nicolas Le Fèvre used, in whose margin that most learned man had written it in his own hand, with no mention of where he had found it. Certainly it is not in the old book of the monastery of Saint-Maur-des-Fossés with which he collated very many places of Saint Cyprian. The English edition nevertheless kept the word. Reinhart threw it out. It is certainly not necessary.

(—) ‹Possideri magis› · §12 Possideri magis. Infra in Libro de Lapsis pag. 185 : Possidere se credunt qui potius possidentur. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Paulinum de Institutione Monachi : Crates ille Thebanus, homo quondam ditissimus, cum ad philosophandum Athenas pergeret, magnum auri pondus abjecit : non putavit se simul posse et virtutes et divitias possidere. Item in Libro secundo adversus Jovinianum et in Epistola consolatoria ad Julianum : Crates ille Thebanus, projecto in mare non parvo auri pondere, Abite, inquit, pessum, malae cupiditates. Ego vos mergam, ne ipse mergar a vobis. Projiciens autem opes suas in mare, ut docet Gregorius Nazianzenus Oratione in Laudem Basilii, dixit : Crates cratetem Thebanum libertate donat. Sed illum propterea culpatum esse ab Apollonio Tyanaeo refert Philostratus in Vita ejus lib. II, cap. 10. Seneca cap. 22 de Vita beata : Divitiae meae sunt, tu divitiarum es. Item Epist. CXV : Majore tormento pecunia possidetur quam quaeritur. Item Epist. CXIX : Nam quod ad illos pertinet quos falso divitiarum nomen invasit occupata paupertas, sic divitias habent quomodo habere dicimur febrem, cum illa nos habeat. E contrario dicere debemus : Febris illum tenet. Eodem modo dicendum est : Divitiae illum tenent. Valerius Maximus lib. IX, cap. 4 : Procul dubio is non possidet divitias, sed a divitiis possessus est. Simile quid apud Philostratum in Vita Apollonii Tyanaei lib. V, cap. 8.

"Rather to be possessed." Below, in the book On the Lapsed, p. 185: "They think they possess who are rather possessed." Jerome in the Letter to Paulinus on the Training of a Monk: "Crates the Theban, once a very rich man, when he set out for Athens to study philosophy, threw away a great weight of gold: he did not think he could possess both virtues and riches at once." Likewise in Against Jovinian II and in the Letter of Consolation to Julian: "Crates the Theban, having thrown no small weight of gold into the sea, said: 'Go to the bottom, evil desires. I will drown you, lest I myself be drowned by you.'" And casting his wealth into the sea, as Gregory Nazianzen teaches in the Oration in Praise of Basil, he said: "Crates sets Crates the Theban free." But Philostratus reports, in his Life of Apollonius of Tyana II, ch. 10, that Apollonius blamed him for this. Seneca, On the Happy Life, ch. 22: "Riches are mine; you belong to your riches." Likewise Letter 115: "Money is possessed with greater torment than it is sought." Likewise Letter 119: "For as for those whom busy poverty has seized under the false name of riches, they have riches in the way we are said to have a fever, when it has us. On the contrary we ought to say: 'The fever holds him.' In the same way one should say: 'Riches hold him.'" Valerius Maximus, Book IX, ch. 4: "Beyond doubt he does not possess riches but is possessed by riches." There is something similar in Philostratus, Life of Apollonius of Tyana V, ch. 8.

(—) ‹Atque opes› · §12 Atque opes. Has duas voces, quas non inveni in antiquis editionibus neque in ullo eorum veterum exemplarium quibus utor, quae a Pamelio adjectae sunt, et Gronovius lib. III Observat. cap. 12 monuit esse delendas, ego quoque putaveram omitti debere, cum praesertim viderem Ciceronem in Libro de Amicitia ponere discrimen inter divitias et opes. Ait enim : Divitiae, ut utare ; opes, ut colare. Verum (continues)

"And wealth." These two words, which I did not find in the ancient editions nor in any of the old copies I use, which were added by Pamelius and which Gronovius, Observations III, ch. 12, advised deleting, I too had thought should be omitted, especially as I saw that Cicero in the book On Friendship distinguishes between riches and wealth. For he says: "Riches, that you may use them; wealth, that you may be courted." But (continues)

(printed under page 106)

(e) ‹—› · call in col 218

Condat Lam. Ebor. Lin. Ben. Condidit.

"May store up": Lam., Ebor., Lin.; Ben. "has stored up."

(printed under page 106)

(f) ‹—› · call in col 218

Divitias. O detestabilis Ebor. Lin. Atque adeo detest. Lam. Instabilis Mor. NC. 1. Ebor. sensu procedente. Opes. O detest. Oxon. Divitias atque o detest. Gold.

"Riches. O detestable": Ebor., Lin. "And so detestable": Lam. "Unstable": Mor., NC. 1, Ebor., as the sense proceeds. "Wealth. O detestable": Oxon. "Riches, and O detestable": Gold.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(—) ‹Assecla foedavit› · §11

(continued) uti recte explicatum est in Editione Anglicana. Quod evenisse Aggippinae matri Neronis notat Tacitus Lib. XIII Annalium, ubi ait desertam illam fuisse a turba salutantium postquam et excubias militares et Germanos custodes Nero removit. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Furiam de Viduitate servanda : Nec procurator calamistratus, nec formosus collactaneus, nec candidus et rubicundus assecla adhaereat lateri tuo. Arcadius et Honorius AA. in Constitutione lata adversus Eutropium eunuchum in l. XVII ; Cod. Theodos. de Poenis : Divinum praemium consulatus lutulentum prodigium contagione foedavit. Hinc illud vulgatum : Omnia cesserunt ennucho Consule monstra.

(printed under page 106)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 107)

(a) ‹—› · call in col 219

Participatio, portio Lam. Eb. Ben. M. A.

"Sharing, portion": Lam., Eb., Ben., M. A.

(printed under page 107)

(b) ‹septus› · call in col 219

Septum Bod. 3.

"Hedged" (acc.): Bod. 3.

(printed under page 107)

(c) ‹facit› · call in col 220

Quam facit Aod. 3.

"Which he makes": Aod. 3 (as printed; presumably Bod. 3).

(printed under page 107)

(d) ‹—› · call in col 220

Fallat extollit Pem. Voss. 2.

"Let it deceive; it lifts up": Pem., Voss. 2.

(printed under page 107)

(d) ‹—› · call in col 220 (letter printed d again; the next in series would be e)

Oculos tollit Voss. 2.

"Lifts the eyes": Voss. 2.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(—) ‹Atque opes› · §12

(continued) nihil mutare volui, quia video receptam esse hanc lectionem. Potest enim adjuvari ex discrimine quod Cicero ponit inter divitias atque opes. Lombertus ita vertit hunc locum ac si voces illae non essent Cypriani, quia divitiae et opes eodem vocabulo exprimuntur apud Gallos.

(XIII) ‹Tam ille timere› · §13 XIII.—Tam ille timere. Cicero in libro primo de Officiis : Etenim qui se metui volunt a quibus metuuntur, eosdem metuant ipsi necesse est. Idem in Libro de Amicitia : Quis enim aut eum diligit quem metuit, aut eum a quo se metui putat ? Seneca lib. I, de Clementia cap. 9 : Tantum enim necesse est timeat quantum timeri voluit. Idem Epist. 105 : Adjice nunc quod qui timetur timet. Idem lib. IV de Beneficiis cap. 19 : Nec quisquam amat quos timet. Non potest enim (ut idem ait in Epistola 47) amor cum timore misceri. Seneca Oedipo : Qui sceptra duo saevus imperio regit, timet timentes. Idem Agamemnone : Metui cupiunt, metuique timent. Elegans est in Octavia ejusdem auctoris Dialogus inter Neronem et Senecam. Nero ait : Ferrum tuetur principem. Seneca respondet : Melius fides. Reponit Nero : Decet timeri Caesarem. Seneca vero : At plus diligi. Recte profecto. Adnotat enim Velleius Paterculus Caesarem, quem Dio Cassius lib. XXXVIII et XLII scribit natura placidum et mansuetissimum et nequaquam iracundum fuisse, itemque Augustum, ita a patre, ut idem Dio Lib. XLVII testatur, edoctum, adnotat inquam Velleius Caesarem, cum ei Pansa et Hirtius consulerent ut principatum armis quaesitum armis teneret, respondisse, amari se quam timeri malle, diversum nimirum a Maximino, cui, ut ait Julius Capitolinus, persuasum erat nisi crudelitate imperium non teneri. Nam amari, coli, diligi majus imperio esse scripsit Symmachus Lib. X, Epist. 54, sive in Relatione ad Imperatores. Laudat Sidonius Lib. II, Epist. 3, regem Gothorum Theodoricum, et ponit inter praecipuas ejus laudes : Dicam quod sentio. Timet timeri. Et tamen aliquando timor signum est amoris, et Martialis dicit lib. X, epigr. 59 ; res est imperiosa timor. Vulcatius Gallicanus ait de Avidio Cassio : Meruit timeri quia non metuit. Id ipsum dixerat Lucanus Lib. V : Meruitque timeri non metuens. Ammianus Marcellinus Lib. XV adnotat Julianum Imperatorem dilectum arctissime dum timeretur, et lib. XXVII, Praetextatum praefectum Urbi, cum timeretur, amorem non perdidisse civium ; quia maximo amori, ut ait Mamertinus, maximus timor junctus est. Contra Flavius Vopiscus queritur de Infelicitate principis Aureliani, qui cum esset optimus, timebatur quidem, sed non amabatur. Sunt enim aliquando subjecti protervi et contumaces, quia, ut ait Xenophon in Libro V de Paedia Cyri, metus et lex satis sunt ad amorem inhibendum. Sunt enim aliquando principes ita parum amantes subjectos ut se ab illis amari non curent, uti de Alexandro M. testatur Seneca lib. I de Beneficiis, c. 15, aiens illum summum bonum duxisse terrori esse cunctis mortalibus. Sane justum est ut populi obediant principibus eosque timeant. Alioqui corruit respublica. Sed tamen principes omni ope niti decet ut se plus amari diligant quam timeri, uti faciebat Titus Imperator, ob hoc vocatus Deliciae generis humani. Sic se tutos praestabunt adversus insidias et conspirationes, et se liberabunt a metu. Nam verum est quod multi prodidere, necesse esse ut multos timeat quem multi timent. Nemo enim potest terribilis esse securus, ut ait Seneca Epist. CV.

XIII.—"He is forced to fear as much." Cicero in Duties I: "For those who wish to be feared by those by whom they are feared must themselves fear those same people." Again in the book On Friendship: "For who either loves one he fears, or one by whom he thinks himself feared?" Seneca, On Clemency I, ch. 9: "For he must fear as much as he wished to be feared." Again, Letter 105: "Add now that he who is feared fears." Again, On Benefits IV, ch. 19: "Nor does anyone love those he fears." For love cannot (as he says in Letter 47) be mixed with fear. Seneca in the Oedipus: "He who cruelly rules sceptres by command fears those who fear." Again in the Agamemnon: "They desire to be feared, and fear to be feared." In the Octavia of the same author there is an elegant dialogue between Nero and Seneca. Nero says: "The sword guards the prince." Seneca answers: "Loyalty better." Nero replies: "It befits Caesar to be feared." But Seneca: "And more to be loved." Rightly indeed. For Velleius Paterculus notes that Caesar—whom Dio Cassius, Books 38 and 42, writes was by nature placid, most gentle and not at all irascible, and Augustus too, so taught by his father, as the same Dio attests in Book 47—Velleius notes, I say, that Caesar, when Pansa and Hirtius advised him to hold by arms the principate won by arms, answered that he preferred to be loved rather than feared: unlike Maximinus, who, as Julius Capitolinus says, was convinced that rule could not be held except by cruelty. For Symmachus wrote, Book X, Letter 54, or in the Relatio to the Emperors, that to be loved, honoured and cherished is greater than command. Sidonius, Book II, Letter 3, praises Theodoric, king of the Goths, and puts among his chief praises: "I will say what I think: he fears to be feared." And yet sometimes fear is a sign of love, and Martial says, Book X, Epigram 59: "Fear is a commanding thing." Vulcatius Gallicanus says of Avidius Cassius: "He deserved to be feared because he did not fear." Lucan had said the very same, Book V: "and, not fearing, he deserved to be feared." Ammianus Marcellinus notes in Book XV that the emperor Julian was most closely loved while he was feared, and in Book XXVII that Praetextatus, prefect of the City, though feared, did not lose the love of the citizens; because, as Mamertinus says, the greatest fear is joined to the greatest love. On the other hand Flavius Vopiscus complains of the misfortune of the emperor Aurelian, who, though excellent, was feared but not loved. For subjects are sometimes insolent and stubborn, because, as Xenophon says in Book V of the Education of Cyrus, fear and law are enough to check love. For princes are sometimes so little loving towards their subjects that they do not care to be loved by them, as Seneca attests of Alexander the Great, On Benefits I, ch. 15, saying that he held it the highest good to be a terror to all mortals. It is certainly right that peoples obey princes and fear them; otherwise the state collapses. But princes ought to strive with all their power to prefer being loved to being feared, as the emperor Titus did, who was for this called the Delight of the human race. So they will keep themselves safe against plots and conspiracies, and will free themselves from fear. For what many have handed down is true: he whom many fear must fear many. For no one can be terrible and secure, as Seneca says, Letter 105.

(—) ‹Protectum latus› · §13 Protectum Latus. Hinc orta dignitas Protectorum inclinante imperio Romano, qui ita dicti sunt quod principis latus protegerent. Imperatores Honorius et Theodosius l. IX Cod. Theodos. de Domesticis et Protectoribus : Devotissimos Protectores, qui armatam militiam subeuntes, non solum defendendi corporis sui, verum etiam protegendi lateris nostri sollicitudinem patiuntur, unde etiam Protectorum nomen sortiti sunt, inglorios esse non patimur.

"A guarded side." Hence arose the dignity of the Protectors as the Roman empire declined, so called because they guarded the prince's side. The emperors Honorius and Theodosius, law 9, Theodosian Code, On the Domestics and Protectors: "We do not allow the most devoted Protectors to be without honour, who, entering armed service, bear the care not only of defending their own body but also of guarding our side, whence too they received the name of Protectors."

(—) ‹Arridet ut saeviat› · §13 Arridet ut saeviat. Infra in libro de Habitu Virginnm pag. 130 : Hic diabolus blanditur ut fallat, arridet ut noceat, illicit ut occidat. Ruricius lib. II, Epist. XII : Blanditur ut capiat, famulatur ut teneat, illicit ut occidat.

"It smiles that it may rage." Below, in the book On the Dress of Virgins, p. 130: "Here the devil flatters that he may deceive, smiles that he may harm, entices that he may kill." Ruricius, Book II, Letter 12: "It flatters that it may catch, serves that it may hold, entices that it may kill."

(—) ‹Honorum› · §13 Honorum. Miror auctorem editionis quae dicitur Gravii, Pamelium, Rigaltium, et Anglos maluisse scribere bonorum. Et enim omnes editiones antiquae et omnia vetera exemplaria quibus usus sum habent honorum vel honoris. In uno tamen Regio, qui fuit olim monasterii sancti Martini Tornacensis, mendose scriptum est bonorum.

"Of honours." I am surprised that the author of the edition called Gravius's, Pamelius, Rigault and the English preferred to write "bonorum" (of goods). For all the old editions and all the old copies I used have "honorum" or "honoris." In one royal manuscript, however, which formerly belonged to the monastery of Saint-Martin of Tournai, "bonorum" is wrongly written.

(printed under page 107) (XIV) ‹Et perpetua› · §14 XIV.—Et perpetua. Ista desunt in duodecim vetustis exemplaribus optimis. Extant tamen in septem. Si ratio habenda esset numeri ad numerum, expungenda essent. Videntur autem esse ex glossemate.

XIV.—"And perpetual." These words are missing in twelve very good old copies. They are found, however, in seven. If account were to be taken of number against number, they would have to be struck out. But they seem to come from a gloss.

(printed under page 107) (—) ‹Fundatus› · §14 Fundatus. Ita reposuimus secuti auctoritatem optimorum librorum et veterum editionum pro eo quod (continues)

"Grounded." So we have restored it, following the authority of the best books and of the old editions, in place of what (continues)

(printed under page 107)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 108)

(a) ‹—› · call in col 221

Bonis affluens Goul. Morel.

"Abounding in goods": Goul., Morel.

(printed under page 108)

(b) ‹—› · call in col 221

Videre Mor. Videri Lam.

"To see": Mor. "To be seen": Lam.

(printed under page 108)

(c) ‹—› · call in col 221

Manu Lin.

"By hand": Lin.

(printed under page 108)

(d) ‹—› · call in col 221

Et gratuitum Voss. 2. Munus religiosa mente concipitur Voss.

"And free": Voss. 2. "The gift is conceived with a religious mind": Voss.

(printed under page 108)

(e) ‹—› · call in col 221

Facile est. Sponte Lam. Eb.

"It is easy. Of its own accord": Lam., Eb.

(printed under page 108)

(f) ‹altior› · call in col 221

Solo altior Oxon.

"Higher than the ground": Oxon.

(printed under page 108)

(g) ‹cum› · call in col 221

Nunc tu cum Ar. Eb. Lam. Ben.

"Now you with": Ar., Eb., Lam., Ben.

(printed under page 108)

(h) ‹fecerit› · call in col 221

Mandatorum suorum fecerit Pem. Voss 2. Fab.

"Has made (rich) in his commandments": Pem., Voss. 2, Fab.

(printed under page 108)

(i) ‹pectus› · call in col 221

Cum semel pectus Ar. Pem.

"When once the breast": Ar., Pem.

(printed under page 108)

(j) ‹excolendum› · call in col 222

Esse excolendum Vos 2. Lin.

"Is to be cultivated": Voss. 2 (printed "Vos"), Lin.

(printed under page 108)

(k) ‹luminemus› · call in col 222

Illuminemus Pam. Rig.

"Let us illumine": Pam., Rig.

(printed under page 108) (XVI) ‹Feriata nunc quies› · §16 XVI.—Feriata nunc quies. Ego puto errare eos qui ex his verbis et ex iis quae statim sequuntur collegerunt Cyprianum frequentasse adhuc forum eo tempore quo scripsit hanc Epistolam. Nam cum constet illam scriptam esse postquam Cyprianus amplexus est fidem Christi, probabile non est illum forum, adversus quod fortiter declamat, frequentasse cum illam scripsit. Adde quod Pontius in Vita ejus ait illum presbyterium et sacerdotium statim accepisse. Denique nuspiam invenitur illum fuisse senatorem ac forum frequentasse.

XVI.—"Now the rest is a holiday." I think those are wrong who have gathered from these words and from those that follow at once that Cyprian was still frequenting the forum at the time he wrote this letter. For since it is certain that it was written after Cyprian embraced the faith of Christ, it is not likely that he was frequenting the forum, against which he declaims so strongly, when he wrote it. Add that Pontius says in his Life that he received the presbyterate and the priesthood at once. Finally, it is nowhere found that he was a senator or frequented the forum.

(—) ‹Hora convivii› · §16 Hora convivii. Tertullianus in Apologetico : Si honesta causa est convivii, reliquum ordinem aestimare qui sit de religionis officio. Nihil vilitatis, nihil immodestiae admittit. Non prius discumbatur quam oratio ad Deum praegustetur. Aeque oratio convivium dirimat. Optatus lib. VII : Omnis tractatus in Eccelesia a nomine Dei incipiatur et ejusdem Dei nomine terminetur. Hieronymus in Epistola de vitando suspecto Contubernio : Personabit interim aliquis lector ad mensam et inter Psalmos dulci modulamine aure etc. Idem in Epistola ad Marcellam qua eam invitat ut commigret Bethleem : Ambrosius noster refert se numquam cibum Origene praesente sine lectione sumpsisse, numquam inisse somnum nisi unus e fratribus sacris litteris personaret, hoc diebus egisse et noctibus, ut et lectio orationem exciperet et oratio lectionem. Ambrosii istius, qui amicus erat Origenis, praeclaram mentionem, ut id quoque obiter dicam, facit Eusebius lib IV, cap. 18. Iterum Hieronymus in Epistola ad Eustochium de acceptis ab ea Munusculis ait : Ita tibi semper comedendum est ut cibum et oratio subsequatur et lectio. Item in Libro adversus Vigilantium : Inter phialas philosophatur, et ad placentas liguriens Psalmorum modulatione mulcetur. Vide quae de hoc argumento ex Clemente Alexandrino et Eusebio Caesariensi adnotavit doctissimus et optimus amicus noster Domnus Bernardus a Montefalcone in Notis ad librum Philonis de Vita contemplativa pag. 129.

"The hour of the meal." Tertullian in the Apology: "If the cause of the meal is honourable, judge the rest of its order by the duty of religion. It admits nothing base, nothing immodest. They do not recline until prayer to God has first been tasted. Prayer likewise ends the meal." Optatus, Book VII: "Let every treatment in the Church begin from the name of God and end with the name of the same God." Jerome in the Letter on Avoiding Suspect Cohabitation: "Meanwhile let some reader sound at table, and amid the psalms (delight) the ear with sweet melody," etc. Again in the Letter to Marcella inviting her to move to Bethlehem: "Our Ambrose relates that, with Origen present, he never took food without reading, never went to sleep unless one of the brothers was sounding the sacred writings, and that he did this by day and by night, so that reading followed prayer and prayer reading." This Ambrose, who was Origen's friend, is honourably mentioned—to say this too in passing—by Eusebius, Book VI (printed "IV"), ch. 18. Again Jerome, in the Letter to Eustochium on the little gifts received from her, says: "You should always eat in such a way that both prayer and reading follow the food." Likewise in the book against Vigilantius: "He philosophizes among the cups, and, licking at cakes, is soothed by the melody of the psalms." See what our most learned and excellent friend Dom Bernard de Montfaucon has noted on this subject from Clement of Alexandria and Eusebius of Caesarea in his Notes on Philo's book On the Contemplative Life, p. 129.

(printed under page 108)

(l) ‹auro› · call in col 222

Pigmentum parietis auro Lam. Ebor. Lin. NC. 1.

"The paint of the wall with gold": Lam., Ebor., Lin., NC. 1.

(printed under page 108)

(m) ‹possessionis› · call in col 222

Possessionibus Pem. Lam. Bod. 3.

"By possessions": Pem., Lam., Bod. 3.

(printed under page 108)

(n) ‹manet› · call in col 222

Firmitatem. Manet Voss. 3.

"Firmness. It remains": Voss. 3.

(printed under page 108)

(o) ‹patientiam› · call in col 222

Si facile — de bonitate patientiae Voss. 2.

"If easily — of the goodness of patience": Voss. 2.

(printed under page 108)

(p) ‹solidam› · call in col 222

Mentem in Deum solidam Ar. Pem. Lin.

"A mind firm towards God": Ar., Pem., Lin.

(printed under page 108)

(q) ‹Deo› · call in col 222

In Domino Lin. Deo Oxon.

"In the Lord": Lin. "To God": Oxon.

(printed under page 108)

(r) ‹dicenda› · call in col 222

In dicendo Fab. In Deo Spir. Rem. Man. Morel. Desunt in Rig. et Pamel.

"In speaking": Fab. "In God": Spir., Rem., Man., Morel. They are missing in Rigault and Pamelius.

(printed under page 108)

(s) ‹collocuturi› · call in col 222

Locuturi Lin. Voss. 2. Ebor. Impressi fere omnes.

"About to speak": Lin., Voss. 2, Ebor., and nearly all the printed editions.

(printed under page 108)

(t) ‹inclinato› · call in col 222

Inclinante Voss.

"Declining": Voss.

(printed under page 108)

(u) ‹psalmos› · call in col 222

Psalmus Voss.

"A psalm": Voss.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(—) ‹Fundatus› · §14

(continued) Rigaltius edidit fundetur. Et tamen ea quoque lectio reperitur in quibusdam codicibus antiquis.

(—) ‹Gratuitum de Deo munus› · §14 Gratuitum de Deo munus. Eam sententiam, inquit Morellius, cum quidam non intelligerent, verba alia interseruerunt ; itaque imprimendum curarunt gratuitum de Deo munus religiosa mente concipitur et facile est. Notat editionem Erasmi.

"A free gift from God." "Since some did not understand this sentence," says Morel, "they inserted other words, and so had it printed: 'a free gift from God is conceived with a religious mind and is easy.'" He is pointing at Erasmus's edition.

(—) ‹Veritatem› · §14 Veritatem. Ita codex Seguierianus et alii veteres etiam ille quo Florus utebatur. Pro quo Rigaltius omnium primus posuit firmitatem, ex libro, ut opinor, Nicolai Fabri cujus supra feci mentionem. Miror autem eam lectionem, quam ipse Rigaltius ait arbitrari se esse falsissimam, ab eo tamen positam fuisse in textu Cypriani. Rigaltianam editionem secuti sunt Angli et Reinhartus.

"Truth." So the Séguier manuscript and other old ones, including the one Florus used. For this Rigault, first of all, set "firmness," from the book, I suppose, of Nicolas Le Fèvre, whom I mentioned above. I am surprised that a reading which Rigault himself says he thinks utterly false was nonetheless set by him in Cyprian's text. The English and Reinhart followed Rigault's edition.

(—) ‹Dies luminat› · §14 Dies luminat. Haec extant in omnibus editionibus ante Rigaltianam et in plerisque codicibus manuscriptis, etiam in Seguieriano et in eor quo Florus utebatur, tum etiam in iis quos Angli viderunt. Et tamen illi quoque ea omiserunt in sua editione. Illa etiam in sua versione omisit Lombertus, non aliam ob causam quam quia non extabat in editione Rigaltii. Reinhartus posuit dies illuminat.

"Day gives light." These words are in all the editions before Rigault's and in most of the manuscripts, including the Séguier manuscript and the one Florus used, and also in those the English saw. And yet they too omitted them in their edition. Lombert also left them out of his translation, for no other reason than that they were not in Rigault's edition. Reinhart set "dies illuminat."

(printed under page 108)

Note on this page: the letter to Donatus ends on this page and Epistle II begins. Only the notes on the letter to Donatus are set here. Variants (c) and (d) and the Baluze notes from Epist. II onward belong to Epistle II (next unit) but still stand set below as the page prints them, because the removal tool does not reach notes files. They are to be moved to the Epistle II unit in the editorial pass. LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 109)

(a) ‹—› · call in col 223

Ex ore tuo magis Morel. Magis enim Fab.

"From your mouth rather": Morel. "For rather": Fab.

(printed under page 109)

(b) ‹—› · call in col 223

Pasces : sit Lam. Ebor. Bod. Lin. NC. 1.

"You will feed: let it be": Lam., Ebor., Bod., Lin., NC. 1.

(printed under page 109)

(c) ‹—› · call in Epistle II

Colluctandi causa, simul cum Val. 1.

"For the sake of wrestling," together with Val. 1.

(printed under page 109)

(d) ‹—› · call in Epistle II

Portaverit Oxon.

"Has carried": Oxon.

(printed under page 109) STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

(printed under page 109) (—) ‹Mulcedo› · col 223 Mulcedo. A. Gellius lib. XIX, cap. 9 : Ejusque linguae exercitationes doceret quae multas voluptates nullamque mulcedinem Veneris atque Musae haberet. Sanctus Hieronymus, seu quis alius, in Epistola ad Amicum aegrotum : Pars est enim procul dubio maximarum medelarum fraterni consolaminis fructus et fomes dictorum mulcedine consolationis levamen fessis animis introduxit. Boetius Lib. II de Consolatione philosophiae : Jam cantum illa finierat cum me audiendi avidum stuporem arrectisque adhuc auribus carminis mulcedo defixerat. Sidonius Lib. V, Epist. XVII : Cultu peracto vigiliarum, quas alternante mulcedine monachi clericique psalmicines concelebraverant, quisque in diversa secessimus. Mulcebritatem ante hos ducentos annos dixit quidam frater Bertholdus ordinis fratrum Praedicatorum in opusculo quod inscriptum est Horologium devotionis. Inter jocos Andreae Arnaldi extat sequens distichum incerti auctoris : Quos anguis dirus tristi dulcedine pavit, Hos sanguis mirus Christi dulcedine lavit.

"Sweetness" (mulcedo). Aulus Gellius, Book XIX, ch. 9: "and that he taught the exercises of a tongue which had many pleasures and no sweetness of Venus and the Muse." St Jerome, or whoever else it was, in the Letter to a Sick Friend: "For beyond doubt the fruit of brotherly consolation is a part of the greatest remedies, and the kindling of words has brought relief to weary minds by the sweetness of consolation." Boethius, On the Consolation of Philosophy, Book II: "She had already finished her song, when the sweetness of the song had held me fixed, eager to hear, in wonder, and with ears still pricked." Sidonius, Book V, Letter XVII: "When the rite of the vigils was over, which the psalm-singing monks and clerics had celebrated together in alternating sweetness, we each withdrew in different directions." "Mulcebritas" was used some two hundred years ago by a certain Brother Berthold of the Order of Friars Preachers, in a little work entitled The Clock of Devotion. Among the jests of Andreas Arnaldus stands the following distich by an unknown author:

(printed under page 109) (—) ‹Epist. II› · Epistle II title EPIST. II. — Istius Epistolae duo vetera exemplaria habuimus, unum e bibliotheca nostra, aliud ex urbe Gratianopolitana. Angli unum habuere ex bibliotheca Bodleiana. Guillelmus Morellius, qui primus illam edidit admonuit in titulo scriptam esse a Celerino ad Lucianum, haud dubie quia in veteri codice ex quo is eam descripsit sequebatur, ut in uno meo veteri in Gratianopolitano, et in 199 Vaticano, post epistolam Luciani ad Celerinum. Pamelius vero, qui videbat illam non esse scriptam ab uno aliquo, sed a pluribus, neque ad unum Lucianum, qui presbyter non fuit, sed ad plures presbyteros conscriptam, titulum hunc mutare non est veritus, potissimum cum ex vicinitate literarum error potuerit contingere ut pro eo quod erat cleri Romani substitutum sit a quopiam Celerini. Atque hanc Pamelii emendationem, quia bona est, secutae sunt posteriores editiones. Itaque in veteri libro meo legitur : Incipit Epistola rescripta ad Cyprianum a clero Romano. Quod est aliquanto melius quam in editione Morellii. At in codice Gratianopolitano scriptum est : Celerini responsio ad Lucianum de cura pastoris et ad obviandam idololatriam. Nescio autem quam ob causam Angli inscriptionem istius Epistolae rejecerunt ad marginem. Nam docendus erat primo intuitu lector a quibus et ad quos scripta erat Epistola. Iidem refutant Rigaltium, qui scripserat cleri vocem perperam trahi ad personas ecclesiasticas hominesque sacris ordinibus institutos designandos. Sane verum est Rigaltii observationem admodum prolixam esse verum paralogismum, in quo nihil sani, nihil veri scriptum est. Tertullianus in libro de Exhortatione castitatis : Differentiam inter ordinem et plebem constituit Ecclesiae auctoritas. Vide Opuscula Petri de Marca pag. 72 ubi agit de Discrimine clericorum et laicorum ex jure divino.

LETTER II. — Of this letter we had two old copies, one from our own library, the other from the city of Grenoble. The English had one from the Bodleian Library. Guillaume Morel, who first published it, noted in the title that it was written by Celerinus to Lucian, no doubt because in the old manuscript from which he copied it, it followed Lucian's letter to Celerinus, as it does in my one old manuscript, in the Grenoble manuscript, and in Vatican 199. But Pamelius, who saw that it was written not by one person but by several, and addressed not to Lucian alone, who was not a presbyter, but to several presbyters, did not hesitate to change this title, especially since, from the likeness of the letters, an error could have arisen whereby someone put "Celerini" in place of what was "cleri Romani." And because this emendation of Pamelius is good, the later editions followed it. So in my old book it reads: "Here begins the letter written back to Cyprian by the Roman clergy." This is somewhat better than in Morel's edition. But in the Grenoble manuscript is written: "Celerinus's reply to Lucian, on the pastor's charge and on resisting idolatry." I do not know for what reason the English relegated the heading of this letter to the margin. For the reader needed to be taught at first glance by whom and to whom the letter was written. They likewise refute Rigault, who had written that the word "clergy" is wrongly drawn to designate ecclesiastical persons and men established in holy orders. Indeed it is true that Rigault's observation, very long-winded, is a real paralogism, in which nothing sound, nothing true is written. Tertullian, in the book On the Exhortation to Chastity: "The authority of the Church has established the difference between the order and the people." See the Opuscula of Pierre de Marca, p. 72, where he treats of the distinction between clerics and laity by divine law.

(printed under page 109) (I) ‹Benedictum› · Epistle II §1 I.—Benedictum. Non est cognomen hoc loco Benedictus, ut observavit Sirmondus ad Sidonium, sed epithetum quo christianos viros plerique ornabant. Exemplis a viro doctissimo allatis addo ego Tertullianum in libro de Pudicitia Zephyrinum vocare benedictum Papam.

I.—"Blessed." "Benedictus" is not a surname in this place, as Sirmond observed on Sidonius, but an epithet with which many honoured Christian men. To the examples that most learned man brought, I add that Tertullian, in the book On Modesty, calls Zephyrinus "the blessed Pope."

(—) ‹Papam› · Epistle II §1 Papam. Vetus codex meus, Papatem. Sic etiam in codicibus in editione Anglicana laudatis et in annotationibus Morellii. Sic etiam legebat Latinus Latinius in libris suis veteribus. Vide Epist. XVI et XL.

"Pope." My old manuscript: "Papatem." So too in the manuscripts cited in the English edition and in Morel's notes. So too Latino Latini read it in his old books. See Letters 16 and 40.

(—) ‹Crementio› · Epistle II §1 Crementio. Ita codex meus et editio Morellii. Quo etiam modo nominatum illum invenio in plerisque libris antiquis. Puto autem eam esse veram lectionem. Nam et Crementii martyris mentio est in martyrologio Romano XVI Kal. Maii.

"Crementius." So my manuscript and Morel's edition. And that is how I find him named in most of the ancient books. I think this is the true reading. For the martyr Crementius is also mentioned in the Roman Martyrology on the sixteenth day before the Kalends of May.

(—) ‹Propterea quod› · Epistle II §1 Propterea quod. Haec duo vocabula, quae deerant in editione Rigaltii, nos revocavimus, quia exstant in editionibus Morellii et Pamelii et in uno codice meo optimo. Rigaltius nullum vetus exemplar habuit istius Epistolae cujus auctoritate uteretur ad mutandam hanc lectionem. Latinius putabat vocem quod esse delendam.

"For the reason that." These two words, which were missing in Rigault's edition, we have restored, because they stand in the editions of Morel and Pamelius and in one excellent manuscript of mine. Rigault had no old copy of this letter whose authority he could use to change this reading. Latini thought the word "quod" should be deleted.

(—) ‹Persona insignis› · Epistle II §1 Persona insignis. Id est cui debeatur reverentia, ut ait Quintilianus lib. VI, cap. 1 ; quam ideo honoratiorem personam vocat Childebertus rex in constitutione edita a Sirmondo. In capitulari Metensi Pipini regis cap. 2 : De ecclesiasticis vero qui supradicta facinora commiserint, si bona persona fuerit, id est insignis, ut planum est ex iis quae sequuntur. AUTHENTICAM personam pro INSIGNI dixit Philippus episcopus Firmanus apostolicae Sedis legatus in capite 26 Concilii quod apud Budam celebravit anno 1279. Vide t. IV Capitularium pag. 1030 extrema.

"A distinguished person." That is, one to whom reverence is due, as Quintilian says, Book VI, ch. 1; whom King Childebert, in a constitution published by Sirmond, therefore calls "a more honoured person." In King Pepin's capitulary of Metz, ch. 2: "But concerning churchmen who have committed the aforesaid crimes, if he is a good person"—that is, distinguished, as is plain from what follows. Philip, bishop of Fermo, legate of the Apostolic See, in ch. 26 of the Council he held at Buda in 1279, said "an AUTHENTIC person" for "a DISTINGUISHED one." See vol. IV of the Capitularies, end of p. 1030.

(—) ‹Qui videmur praepositi› · Epistle II §1 Qui videmur praepositi. Nimirum quia post mortem episcopi Romani cura illius ecclesiae incumbebat Clero urbico. Ne quis ista cum Baronio, Binio, Papebrochio transferat ad praerogativam illius Ecclesiae, ad quam sede vacante pertineat sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum, adeoque clericis Romanis, quod Petri Ecclesiae essent administri, universalis gregis cura mandata : nam etiam nostris temporibus, quamvis constet Sedis Apostolicae auctoritatem et potestatem valde explicatam et amplificatam fuisse, cardinales tamen, qui successerunt clericis urbicis, penes quos est regimen Ecclesiae Romanae vacante sede, curam et sollicitudinem suam nullatenus extendunt ad alias ecclesias, ut etiam testatur Guillelmus de Montelauduno in cap. Ubi majus, de Elect., in Sexto. Item Alvarus Pelagius lib. I de Planctu Ecclesiae cap. 20, ubi diserte scribit quod vacante papatu nullus succedit Papae in jurisdictione, etiam coetus cardinalium, nisi in minimis. Vide etiam Jacobatium lib. IV, art. 5 ; et Augustinum de Anchona, quaest. III, art. 8, de potestate ec- (continues)

"We who seem to be set over (it)." Namely because after the death of the Roman bishop the care of that church fell to the clergy of the City. Let no one, with Baronius, Binius and Papebroch, transfer these words to a prerogative of that Church, as though the care of all the churches belonged to it when the see was vacant, and so the care of the universal flock had been entrusted to the Roman clerics because they were ministers of Peter's Church. For even in our own times, although it is certain that the authority and power of the Apostolic See have been greatly unfolded and enlarged, the cardinals—who succeeded the clergy of the City and in whose hands lies the government of the Roman Church when the see is vacant—in no way extend their care and concern to other churches, as William of Montlauzun also attests on the chapter "Ubi majus," On Elections, in the Sext. Likewise Álvaro Pelayo, On the Lament of the Church I, ch. 20, where he writes expressly that when the papacy is vacant no one succeeds the Pope in jurisdiction, not even the college of cardinals, except in the smallest matters. See also Jacobazzi, Book IV, art. 5; and Augustine of Ancona, question 3, art. 8, on the power of the Ch- (continues)

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