Cyprianus, Liber de idolorum vanitate

[Lectiones variantes] (printed under page 275)

(a) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 563

Recessum Bod. 1, 2, 3, 4. Ver.

"Recessum" (withdrawal) in Bodleian MSS 1, 2, 3, 4 and the Verona MS.

(printed under page 275)

(d) ‹per Christum salus credentibus data sit› · call in the title, cols 563-564

Quod idola dii non sint contra paganos Vict. et alii. Quod credentibus datum sit deos non esse Voss. 4. Lin. Spir. Ratum Dun. De idolis gentium Goulart.

"That idols are not gods, against the pagans" in the Victorine MS and others. "That it has been given to believers [to know] that the gods are not" in Vossius 4, Lin., Spir. "Ratum" (for "datum") in Dun. "On the idols of the nations" in Goulart.

[Variorum notae] (Variorum 1) ‹De idol. vanit.› · lemma, col 563 DE IDOL. VANIT. — Difficile est certo statuere quid in titulo istius libri posuerit Cyprianus, si quid tamen posuit, praesertim si vera sit opinio Erasmi existimantis esse tantum fragmentum majoris operis, quia incipit ex abrupto. Plures sane libri veteres, et ii quidem optimi, initium operis constituunt in his verbis; Deos non esse quos colit vulgus. Apud Angelum Politianum, cap. 34 Miscellaneorum vocatur liber de Origine et Generibus Idolorum. Posterorum diligentia titulum illi fecit DE IDOLORUM VANITATE, atque ita se invenisse in exemplaribus antiquis testatur Rigaltius. Ego, quamquam hunc titulum nuspiam repererim in (continues)

ON THE VANITY OF IDOLS. — It is hard to settle with certainty what Cyprian put in the title of this book, if indeed he put anything, especially if Erasmus's opinion is true, who judged it to be only a fragment of a larger work, because it begins abruptly. Several old books, indeed, and those the best, make the work begin with these words: That those are not gods whom the common people worship. In Angelo Poliziano, chapter 34 of the Miscellanea, the book is called On the Origin and Kinds of Idols. The care of later men gave it the title ON THE VANITY OF IDOLS, and Rigault testifies that he found it so in ancient copies. I, though I have nowhere found this title in (continues)

(printed under page 275)

- ARGUMENTUM. — Tria potissima … constare; (Pamelius's argument, editors' matter, not Cyprian's; italic on the page; set in the part, continued in col 564 and signed PAMEL. there). Restored to the part by Q2a 2026-10-21: the part had lost it.

(b) ‹esse semper et gratus› · call in col 564

Laetus et gratus Thu.

"Joyful and grateful" in the Thuanus MS.

(printed under page 275)

(c) ‹immortalitate› · call in col 564

Factus est de immortalitate Oxon.

"Has been made [secure] of immortality" in the Oxford edition.

[Steph. Baluzii notae] (Baluze 1) ‹Salutis itinera monstramus› · lemma, col 563 Salutis itinera monstramus. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Pammachium adversus Joannem Hierosolymitanum : Blasphemantibus Deum clementem porrigimus manum.

We show the ways of salvation. Jerome, in the Letter to Pammachius against John of Jerusalem: To those who blaspheme God we hold out a merciful hand.

(Baluze 2) ‹Poenitentia nulla sera› · lemma, col 563 Poenitentia nulla sera. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Laetam de Institutione filiae : Numquam est sera conversio. Joannes Saresberiensis, lib. VII Policratici, cap. 21 : Poenitentia quoque numquam sera est, si tamen vera. Seneca Agamemnone : Sera numquam est ad bonos mores via. Q. Curtius, lib. IX : Crudelitatem sera poenitentia secuta est. Symmachus, lib. X, Epist. 54 : Sera et contumeliosa est emendatio senectutis. Sanctus Ambrosius in responsione ad Relationem Symmachi : Verum certe est quia nulla aetas ad perdiscendum sera est. Erubescit senectus, quae emendare se non potest. Cicero, lib. II Epistolarum ad Familiares, Epist. VII, ait seram gratulationem reprehendi non solere.

No repentance is too late. Jerome, in the Letter to Laeta on the education of her daughter: Conversion is never too late. John of Salisbury, Policraticus book VII, chapter 21: Repentance too is never too late, provided it be true. Seneca, in the Agamemnon: The way to good conduct is never too late. Quintus Curtius, book IX: Late repentance followed the cruelty. Symmachus, book X, letter 54: The amendment of old age is late and shameful. Saint Ambrose, in his reply to the Relatio of Symmachus: It is certainly true that no age is too late for learning thoroughly. Let old age blush that cannot amend itself. Cicero, Letters to his Friends book II, letter VII, says that a late congratulation is not usually found fault with.

(Baluze 3) ‹Factus est› · lemma, col 564 Factus est. Ita omnes libri veteres praeter unum. Editio quae dicitur Gravii habet, factus est de immortalitate securus. Hoc secutus est Pamelius, et deinde Rigaltius.

Has been made. So all the old books except one. The edition called Gravius's has has been made secure of immortality. Pamelius followed this, and after him Rigault.

[Lectiones variantes — De idolorum vanitate] (printed under page 275)

- quin potius daemonum … latius prosequitur. PAMEL. (end of Pamelius's argument, editors' matter, not Cyprian's; italic on the page; begun in col 563). Restored to the part by Q2a 2026-10-21: the part had lost it.

[Lectiones variantes] (printed under page 276)

(a) ‹immolabant› · call in col 565

Sic vetustiss. codd. et edd. recentior. Bal. Lips. Quibus et immolabant Oxon. Nam et Foss. Corb. Gronov. (quibus) et Lindn.

So the oldest manuscripts and the more recent editions, Baluze, Leipzig. "Quibus et immolabant" (to whom they also sacrificed) in the Oxford edition. "Nam et" (for also) in Foss., Corbie, Gronovius; "(quibus) et" in Lindner.

(printed under page 276)

(b) ‹dando honore› · call in col 565

Honores Oxon. Lindn. Honorem Lin. Lam. Tanto honore Voss. 4. Tew. Routh. Script. eccl. opusc. 1840.

"Honores" (honours) in the Oxford edition and Lindner. "Honorem" (honour, accusative) in Lin. and the Lamoignon MS. "Tanto honore" (with so great honour) in Vossius 4, Tew., and Routh, Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum opuscula, 1840.

(printed under page 276; "Tanto ho-" ends the left foot column, "nore" opens the right) [Variorum notae] (Variorum 1) ‹De idol. vanit.› · lemma, from col 563

(continued) codicibus manuscriptis, retinui tamen propter commoditatem studiorum. In edendo autem initio ipsius libri secutus sum scripturam veterum librorum et veterum editionum. Quamquam sunt aliqui libri veteres qui incipiunt Deos non esse, priora non habent.

Pauca hujus libri mentio reperitur in scriptoribus antiquis, quippe quem nuspiam reperio citatum quam apud Hieronymum et Augustinum. Et Augustinus quidem ita scribit in libro de unico Baptismo adversus Petilianum, cap. 4 : Hujus regulae apostolicae sectator episcopus Cyprianus de uno vero Deo adversus multorum deorum falsorumque cultores disputans multa profert testimonia de libris eorum quos praeclaros auctores habent, hoc est ex illa veritate quam in iniquitate detinent. Citat etiam lib. VI, de Baptismo adversus Donatistas, cap. 44. Hieronymus autem in Epistola ad Magnum, ponens in principio [567] sermonis materiam istius libri, tamquam si titulus esset, sic scribit : Cyprianus quod idola dii non sint qua brevitate, qua historiarum omnium scientia, quorum verborum et sensuum splendore perstrinxit. Ad eumdem librum respexisse videtur quibusdam Pontius diaconus in Vita sancti Cypriani scribens per illum gentiles, repercussis in se iis quae nobis ingerunt, victos fuisse. Verum cum ista Pontii verba convenire etiam possint libro ad Demetrianum, in quo sanctus Martyr adversus gentiles ingerit querelas eorum de Christianis, non audeo affirmare verba Pontii intelligenda tantum esse de libro de Vanitate Idolorum. Potuit enim Pontius respexisse ad utrumque opus. Porro adversus cultum idolorum nihil est elegantius Jove tragoedo Luciani. BALUZ.

(continued) the manuscripts, I have nevertheless kept it for the convenience of study. But in setting out the beginning of the book itself I have followed the reading of the old books and the old editions. Though there are some old books which begin at That those are not gods, and do not have what precedes.

(Variorum 2) ‹Reges olim fuerunt› · lemma, ch. I I. — Reges olim fuerunt. Lactantius lib. VI, cap. 8 : Quomodo ergo, inquiet aliquis, dii crediti sunt? Nimirum quia reges maximi aut potentissimi fuerunt, ob merita virtutum suarum aut munerum aut artium repertarum, cum chari fuissent iis quibus imperitaverant, in memoriam sunt consecrati. Idem in libro de Ira Dei, cap. 11 : Nimirum ii omnes qui coluntur ut dii homines fuerunt, et iidem primi et maximi reges, sed eos aut ob virtutem, quia praefuerant hominum generi, divinis honoribus affectos esse post mortem, aut ob beneficia et inventa quibus humanam vitam excoluerant, immortalem memoriam consecutos quis ignorat? Ita etiam in libro Recognitionum D. Clementis. Cicero, lib. II de Natura Deorum : Perseus Zenonis auditor eos dicit habitos deos a quibus magna utilitas ad vitae cultum esset inventa, ipsasque res utiles et salutares deorum esse vocabulis nuncupatas. Et infra : Suscepit autem vita hominum consuetudoque communis ut beneficiis excellentes viros in coelum fama ac voluntate tollerent. Hinc Hercules, hinc Castor et Pollux. Horatius lib. II, Epist. 1. / Romulus et Liber pater et cum Castore Pollux / Post ingentia facta deorum in templa recepti. / Q. Curtius, lib. IX, scribit Persas non pie solum, sed etiam prudenter reges suos inter deos colere, majestatem enim imperii salutis esse tutelam. Julius Firmicus in libro de Errore profanarum Religionum : Amat enim Graecorum levitas eos qui sibi aliquid contulerunt, vel qui consilio aut virtute se juverunt, divinis appellare nominibus. Et sic ab ipsis beneficiorum gratia repensatur ut deos dicant et deos esse credant qui sibi aliquando praefuerint. Cicero in Oratione pro Milone : Graeci homines deorum honores tribuunt iis viris qui tyrannos necaverunt. Lucianus in Toxari scribit Scythas sacrificasse Oresti et Pyladi, non tamquam diis, sed tamquam viris bonis. Et Julius Firmicus ait Aegyptios Josephum, qui consuluerat eorum egestati per septem annos, venerari et adorare ut deum. Epiphanius in prologo librorum adversus Haereses, cap. 7, ait tyrannos et praestigiatores, qui inventionibus suis ac fallaciis totum orbem deceperant, divinis honoribus consecratos fuisse. Petrus a Valle in Historia Peregrinationum suarum testatur etiam nunc Indos gentiles colere ut deos reges suos et viros illustres qui praeclaris actionibus suis meruerunt honores divinos. BALUZ.

I. — There were once kings. Lactantius, book VI, chapter 8: How then, someone will say, were they believed to be gods? Plainly because they were very great or very powerful kings; for the merits of their virtues, or of their gifts, or of the arts they discovered, since they had been dear to those over whom they ruled, they were consecrated to memory. The same, in the book On the Anger of God, chapter 11: Plainly all those who are worshipped as gods were men, and the same were the first and greatest kings; but who does not know that they were endowed with divine honours after death, either for their virtue, because they had ruled over the human race, or that they attained an immortal memory for the benefits and discoveries by which they had improved human life? So too in the book of the Recognitions of Saint Clement. Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book II: Persaeus, a hearer of Zeno, says that those were held to be gods by whom some great benefit for the conduct of life had been discovered, and that the useful and healthful things themselves were called by the names of gods. And below: Human life and common custom have accepted that men excelling in benefits should be raised to heaven by fame and by goodwill. Hence Hercules, hence Castor and Pollux. Horace, Epistles book II, 1: / Romulus and Father Liber, and Pollux with Castor, / after their mighty deeds were received into the temples of the gods. / Quintus Curtius, book IX, writes that the Persians worship their kings among the gods not only piously but also wisely, for the majesty of the empire is the safeguard of its safety. Julius Firmicus, in the book On the Error of Profane Religions: For the fickleness of the Greeks loves to call by divine names those who have conferred something on them, or who have helped them by counsel or valour. And so the favour of the benefits is repaid by them in this way, that they call gods, and believe to be gods, those who once ruled over them. Cicero, in the Speech for Milo: The Greeks pay the honours of gods to those men who have slain tyrants. Lucian, in the Toxaris, writes that the Scythians sacrificed to Orestes and Pylades, not as gods but as good men. And Julius Firmicus says that the Egyptians venerated and adored as a god Joseph, who had provided for their want for seven years. Epiphanius, in the prologue to the books Against Heresies, chapter 7, says that tyrants and conjurers, who had deceived the whole world by their inventions and frauds, were consecrated with divine honours. Pietro della Valle, in the History of his Travels, testifies that even now the heathen of India worship as gods their kings and the illustrious men who by their famous deeds have earned divine honours. BALUZE.

(Variorum 3) ‹Defunctorum vultus› · lemma, ch. I Defunctorum vultus. Heic tantum annotabo me hoc loco uti ad reddendam hanc vocem Commodiano, apud quem Instructione 2, legitur defunctos deos orabant, pro quo Rigaltius posuit morientes deos. Sic etiam Instructione 20 : Adoratis enim stulti malo letho defunctos. Affero autem haec loca Commodiani prout habentur in veteri codice ms. sancti Albini Andegavensis. BALUZ.

The faces of the dead. Here I note only that I use this passage to restore this word to Commodian, in whose Instruction 2 one reads they prayed to dead gods, for which Rigault put dying gods. So too in Instruction 20: For, fools, you adore those who died an evil death. I cite these passages of Commodian as they stand in the old manuscript of Saint-Aubin at Angers. BALUZE.

(Variorum 4) ‹Et immolabant› · lemma, ch. I Et immolabant. Veteres editiones et quidam libri veteres habent : Nam et immolabant. Alii simpliciter et immolabant ; quam lectionem reperi in quindecim codicibus antiquis. Ubi duo libri veteres habent etiam pro et. Non placuerunt Pamelio hae duae lectiones. Praetulit autem eam quam invenisse se ait apud Gravium et Costerium, et scripsit quibus et immolabant. Verum vocem quibus ego non vidi in editione quae dicitur Gravii neque in codicibus manuscriptis. BALUZ.

And they sacrificed. The old editions and some old books have: For they also sacrificed. Others simply and they sacrificed; which reading I found in fifteen ancient manuscripts. Where two old books have etiam (even) for et. These two readings did not please Pamelius. He preferred the one he says he found in Gravius and Coster, and wrote to whom they also sacrificed. But I have not seen the word quibus in the edition called Gravius's nor in the manuscripts. BALUZE.

(Variorum 5) ‹Honore› · lemma, ch. I Honore. Ita scriptum vidi in tredecim libris veteribus. Quidam alii habent honores vel honorem. Ego retinui lectionem quae plurium veterum librorum auctoritate nititur, cum praesertim hoc segmentum invenerim ita distinctum in codice Tornacensi bibliothecae regiae et in Beccensi, tum etiam in Metensi sancti Arnulphi. BALUZ.

By honour. So I have seen it written in thirteen old books. Some others have honours or honour (accusative). I have kept the reading that rests on the authority of the most old books, especially since I found this clause so divided in the Tournai manuscript of the royal library and in the Bec manuscript, and also in that of Saint-Arnulf at Metz. BALUZE.

(Variorum 6) ‹Inde posteris sacra facta sunt› · lemma, ch. I Inde posteris sacra facta sunt. Minutius Felix : Similiter ac vero erga deos quoque majores nostri improvidi, creduli, rudi simplicitate crediderunt, dum reges suos colunt religiose, dum defunctos eos desiderant in imaginibus videre, dum gestiunt eorum memorias in statuis [568] detinere, sacra facta fuerunt quae fuerant assumpta solatia. Vide Fulgentium Placiadem, lib. I Mytholog., ubi agit de filio Syrophanis Aegyptii. BALUZ.

Thence rites were made for posterity. Minucius Felix: In just the same way our ancestors too, improvident and credulous, believed in the gods with untutored simplicity: while they worship their kings religiously, while they long to see them in images once dead, while they are eager to hold fast their memories in statues, what had been taken up as consolations became sacred rites. See Fulgentius Planciades, Mythologies book I, where he treats of the son of Syrophanes the Egyptian. BALUZE.

(Variorum 7) ‹Melicertes et Leucothea› · lemma, ch. II II. — Melicertes et Leucothea. Hyginus fab. II. Ino cum Melicerte filio suo in mare se praecipitavit; quam Liber Leucotheam voluit appellari : nos matrem Matutam dicimus : Melicertem autem deum Palaemonem, quem nos Portunnum dicimus. Ino autem Liberi sive Bacchi nutrix fingitur. Adde Lactantium, lib. I, cap. 21, sect. 23. CELL.

II. — Melicertes and Leucothea. Hyginus, fable II: Ino threw herself into the sea with her son Melicertes; Liber willed that she be called Leucothea: we call her Mother Matuta; and Melicertes the god Palaemon, whom we call Portunus. Ino is feigned to be the nurse of Liber, or Bacchus. Add Lactantius, book I, chapter 21, section 23. CELLARIUS.

(Variorum 8) ‹Castores› · lemma, ch. II Castores. Angli, qui post Morellium posuerunt in sua editione Castor et Pollux, admonent oportuisse heic reponi Castores, si tanti esset rem levis momenti mutare. Sed haec ratio nullius est momenti. Nam et ipsi plures mutationes fecerunt in operibus sancti Cypriani quae non sunt majoris momenti. Ego vero mutavi, quia oportet reddere Cypriano sua verba, et quia apud Minutium Felicem, ex quo Cyprianus accepisse videtur, scriptum est : Castores alternis moriuntur ut vivant. Ita etiam scriptum est in omnibus (continues)

The Castors. The English editors, who after Morel put Castor and Pollux in their edition, observe that Castores ought to have been restored here, if it were worth changing a thing of small moment. But this reason is of no moment. For they themselves made many changes in the works of Saint Cyprian which are of no greater moment. I, however, have changed it, because Cyprian's own words must be given back to him, and because in Minucius Felix, from whom Cyprian seems to have taken it, it is written: The Castors die by turns, that they may live. So too it is written in all (continues)

(printed under page 276)

[Lectiones variantes] (printed under page 276)

(c) ‹an stet haec› · call in col 566

An sit et haec Gronov. Lips. Routh. ex 2 codd. nov. Oxon. et cod. Drur.

"An sit et haec" (whether this too is) in Gronovius, Leipzig, and Routh from 2 new Oxford MSS and the Drury MS.

(printed under page 276)

[Lectiones variantes] (printed under page 277)

(a) ‹ut in Deum surgat› · call in col 567

Resurgat Gronov.

"Resurgat" (rises again) in Gronovius.

(printed under page 277)

(b) ‹Oeteis ignibus› · call in col 567

Oetae Lin. Thu.

"Oetae" (of Oeta) in Lin. and the Thuanus MS.

(printed under page 277)

(c) ‹Apollo Admeti› · call in col 567

Admeto Gronov. Routh. ex nov. Oxon. 1. 2.

"Admeto" (for Admetus) in Gronovius, and Routh from the new Oxford MSS 1, 2.

(printed under page 277)

(d) ‹in Creta visitur› · call in col 567

Videtur Thu. Foss. Dicitur Pem. Voss. 2. Visitatur Voss. 4.

"Videtur" (is seen) in the Thuanus MS and Foss.; "dicitur" (is said) in Pem. and Vossius 2; "visitatur" (is visited) in Vossius 4.

(printed under page 277)

(e) ‹fugatum esse manifestum› · call in col 567

Fugatum manifestum Pem Voss. 2. Thu. Mich. Vict.

"Fugatum manifestum" (driven out, manifest) in Pem., Vossius 2, the Thuanus MS, Mich. and the Victorine MS.

(printed under page 277)

(f) ‹de latebra› · call in col 567

Latebris Pem. Voss. 2.

"Latebris" (from hiding-places) in Pem. and Vossius 2.

(printed under page 277)

(g) ‹hic signare› · call in col 567

Et signare Gronov.

"And to stamp" in Gronovius.

(printed under page 277)

(h) ‹inde aerarium› · call in col 567

Unde Oxon.

"Whence" in the Oxford edition.

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(i) ‹rusticitatis hic› · call in col 567

Nam et rusticitatis Mich. Vict.

"For also of rusticity" in Mich. and the Victorine MS.

(printed under page 277)

(j) ‹senex pingitur› · call in col 567

Ferens pingitur Lam. Bod. 3. Voss. 2. Spir. Rem. Er. Man. Gronov. Routh. ex trib. Oxon. novis et duob. Drur. Tew. Meerm.

"Is painted carrying" in the Lamoignon MS, Bodleian 3, Vossius 2, Spir., Rem., Erasmus, Manutius, Gronovius, and Routh from three new Oxford MSS and two Drury MSS, Tew., Meerman.

(printed under page 277)

(k) ‹exceperat› · call in col 568, after the tail "rat" of the word split from col 567

Excepit Foss. Mich. Vict. Lindn.

"Excepit" (received) in Foss., Mich., the Victorine MS and Lindner.

(printed under page 277)

(l) ‹anchor in col 568› · call in col 568

Reges suos colunt Rigalt.

"They worship their kings" in Rigault.

[Variorum notae] (Variorum 8) ‹Castores› · lemma, ch. II

(continued) libris veteribus tam nostris quam Anglicanis, uno excepto Carnotensi, qui habet ut editio Morellii. Et cum ageretur de emendando Cypriano ex auctoritate veterum librorum, necesse erat eam lectionem revocare quam fere omnes libri manuscripti habent. Annotat Dio Cassius, lib. XXXVII, templum Castoris et Pollucis quod Romae erat solius Castoris dici consuevisse. Vide annotationes Erasmi in caput XXVIII Actorum. BALUZ.

(Variorum 9) ‹Aesculapius fulminatur› · lemma, ch. II Aesculapius fulminatur. Lactantius, lib. I, cap. 10, loquens de Aesculapio, a Deo meruit fulminari, Plinius, lib. XXIX, cap. 1, scribit illum fulmine ictum, quoniam Tyndaridam revocasset ad vitam. Cornelius Celsus in prooemio librorum suorum de Re medica ait Aesculapium relatum in deorum numerum, quia hanc scientiam rudem et vulgarem paulo subtilius exposuit. Tertullianus in Apologetico scribit illum fulmine vindicatum, id est deum factum. Haec enim lectio, quam praeferunt editiones Beati Rhenani et Pamelii, mihi videtur esse melior quam ea quae habet judicatum. Eodem sensu Plinius in Panegyrico ait Nervam a diis coelo vindicatum. Sic Optatus, lib. I, vocat martyrem vindicatum, id est canonizatum, ut temporum nostrorum verbo utamur, eum quem constabat pro nomine Christi tormenta perpessum et mortem subiisse. Aliud in libro de Lapsis, pag. 187, significat vox vindicatur, ut illic annotavi. Passio sancti Philippi episcopi in tomo IV Analectorum Mabillonii, pag. 140, Scolapium medicum in monte Cynusuridos fulminatum consecrationem mereri a gentibus fecit. Vide Lylium Gregorium Gyraldum Syntagmate XII Historiae Deorum. BALUZ.

Aesculapius is struck by lightning. Lactantius, book I, chapter 10, speaking of Aesculapius, he deserved to be struck by lightning from God; Pliny, book XXIX, chapter 1, writes that he was struck by lightning because he had recalled the son of Tyndareus to life. Cornelius Celsus, in the preface of his books On Medicine, says that Aesculapius was enrolled among the gods because he set out this rough and common science somewhat more subtly. Tertullian, in the Apology, writes that he was claimed by the thunderbolt, that is, made a god. For this reading, which the editions of Beatus Rhenanus and Pamelius give, seems to me better than the one that has judged. In the same sense Pliny, in the Panegyric, says that Nerva was claimed by the gods for heaven. So Optatus, book I, calls vindicatus — that is, to use a word of our own times, canonized — a martyr who was known to have suffered torments and undergone death for the name of Christ. In the book On the Lapsed, page 187, the word vindicatur means something else, as I noted there. The Passion of Saint Philip the bishop, in volume IV of Mabillon's Analecta, page 140: It caused Scolapius the physician, struck by lightning on the mountain of Cynosura, to earn consecration from the gentiles. See Lilio Gregorio Giraldi, Syntagma XII of the History of the Gods. BALUZE.

(Variorum 10) ‹Oeteis› · lemma, ch. II Oeteis. Novem libri veteres praeferunt aethnaeis. Atque ita fere scriptum est apud Arnobium in codice regio. Quamvis autem non dubitem quin haec lectio falsa sit, puto tamen mihi licere ea uti ut emendem locum Paciani in libro de Poenitentibus, in quo legitur : Aestuant indefessis flammarum globulis Aethna et Licaniculus et Vesuvius Campanus. At in veteri libro Carthusiae majoris scriptum est : Ethna Siculus et Vesevus Campanus. Recte. Quippe Aethna est in Sicilia, et Vesuvus in Campania. De Hercule exusto vide Frontonis Ducaei notas in libros Theophili Antiocheni ad Autolycum. Festiva et elegans est historia Herculis Suffectani in Epistola Augustini ad cives coloniae Suffectanae. BALUZ.

On Oeta's [fires]. Nine old books give aethnaeis (of Etna). And it is written almost so in Arnobius in the royal manuscript. But though I do not doubt that this reading is false, I think I may nonetheless use it to correct a passage of Pacian in the book On Penitents, where one reads: Etna and Licaniculus and Campanian Vesuvius seethe with unwearied balls of flame. But in the old book of the Grande Chartreuse it is written: Sicilian Etna and Campanian Vesuvius. Rightly. For Etna is in Sicily and Vesuvius in Campania. On Hercules burnt up, see Fronton du Duc's notes on the books of Theophilus of Antioch to Autolycus. The story of Hercules of Sufes in Augustine's Letter to the citizens of the colony of Sufes is lively and elegant. BALUZE.

(Variorum 11) ‹Admeti pecus› · lemma, ch. II Admeti pecus. Apud Commodianum, prout editus est a Rigaltio, legitur Instruct. XI : Admeti quoque pecora pavisse fertur. At in libro sancti Albini scriptum est a primitia pro Admeti. Ovidius, lib. II, de Arte Amandi : / Cynthius Admeti vaccas pavisse per aestus / Fertur et in parva delituisse casa. BALUZ.

Admetus's flock. In Commodian, as edited by Rigault, one reads in Instruction XI: He is said to have pastured the flocks of Admetus too. But in the book of Saint-Aubin it is written a primitia for Admeti. Ovid, Art of Love book II: / The Cynthian is said to have grazed Admetus's cows through the heats / and to have lain hidden in a little hut. BALUZE.

(Variorum 12) ‹Antrum Jovis› · lemma, ch. II Antrum Jovis. Minutius Felix : Adhuc antrum Jovis visitur et sepulchrum ejus ostenditur. Virgilius, lib. IV Georgicon : Dictaeo coeli regem pavere sub antro. Ovid., lib. III Amorum, Eleg. 9. Cretes nutrito terra superba Jove. Vide Hieronymum in caput primum Epistolae ad Titum. BALUZ.

The cave of Jupiter. Minucius Felix: The cave of Jupiter is still visited, and his tomb is shown. Virgil, Georgics book IV: They fed the king of heaven under the Dictaean cave. Ovid, Amores book III, elegy 9: The land of Crete, proud of Jove whom it nursed. See Jerome on the first chapter of the Letter to Titus. BALUZE.

(Variorum 13) ‹Visitur› · lemma, ch. II Visitur. Apud Angelum Politianum, cap. 34 Miscellaneorum, scriptum est mutitur. BALUZ.

Is visited. In Angelo Poliziano, chapter 34 of the Miscellanea, it is written mutitur. BALUZE.

(Variorum 14) ‹Latium de latebra› · lemma, ch. II Latium de latebra. Minutius Felix : Itaque latebram suam, quod tuto latuisset, vocari maluit Latium. Virgilius, lib. VIII Aeneidos : Latiumque vocari maluit his quoniam latuisset tutus in oris ; Ovidius, lib. I Fastorum : Dicta fuit Latium terra latente deo. Vide Lactantium, lib. I, cap. 13. Hinc collis Latiaris apud Varonem, lib. V, de Lingua latina. BALUZ.

Latium from latebra (hiding-place). Minucius Felix: And so he preferred his hiding-place, because he had lain hid there in safety, to be called Latium. Virgil, Aeneid book VIII: and he preferred it to be called Latium, since he had lain hid safe on these shores; Ovid, Fasti book I: The land was called Latium from the god's lying hid. See Lactantius, book I, chapter 13. Hence the Latiar hill in Varro, On the Latin Language book V. BALUZE.

(Variorum 15) ‹Hic litteras imprimere, signare nummos› · lemma, ch. II Hic litteras imprimere, signare nummos. Puta vero saxis, membranis, corticibus impressisse litteras. CELL. Gron. et signare. LINDNER.

He [first taught] to print letters, to stamp coins. Understand, that he impressed letters on stones, parchments, barks. CELLARIUS. Gronovius has and to stamp. LINDNER.

(Variorum 16) ‹Hic signare› · lemma, ch. II Hic signare. Tertullianus in Apologetico : Ab ipso primum tabulae et imagine signatus nummus, et inde aerario praesidet. Vide notas Pamelii. BALUZ.

He [first taught] to stamp. Tertullian, in the Apology: From him first came tablets, and coin stamped with an image, and hence he presides over the treasury. See Pamelius's notes. BALUZE.

(Variorum 17) ‹Mauri reges colunt› · lemma, ch. II Mauri reges colunt. Tertullianus in Apologetico ait Mauritaniae regulos a populis coli ut deos. Lactantius, lib. I, cap. 15. Hac scilicet ratione Romani Caesares [569] suos consecraverunt et Mauri reges suos. Minutius Felix : Juba Mauris volentibus deus est. Valerius Maximus in praefatione : Reliquos enim deos accepimus, Caesares fecimus. Herodianus, lib. IV, ait moris esse Romanis consecrare Imperatores qui superstitibus filiis vel successoribus moriuntur, eosque qui sunt hoc honore affecti dici relatos inter divos. BALUZ.

The Moors worship kings. Tertullian, in the Apology, says that the petty kings of Mauretania are worshipped by their peoples as gods. Lactantius, book I, chapter 15: For this reason, of course, the Romans consecrated their Caesars and the Moors their kings. Minucius Felix: Juba is a god, with the Moors' consent. Valerius Maximus, in the preface: The other gods we received; the Caesars we made. Herodian, book IV, says it was the custom of the Romans to consecrate emperors who died leaving sons or successors, and that those so honoured were said to be enrolled among the gods. BALUZE.

(Variorum 18) ‹De diis› · lemma, ch. III III. — De diis. Hic locus multum varie et implicite scriptum est in exemplaribus antiquis. In editione quae dicitur Gravii legitur de his omnibus, in codice sancti Eligii Attrebatensis ab his omnibus, in Fuxensi, Turonensi, Corbeiensi, Lamoniano, et in editionibus Manutii et Morellii, tum etiam in variis lectionibus positis in margine libri quo Gravius usus erat, de diis hominibus, in Sorbonico ab his hominibus, in uno regio, in Thuano, etiam in uno meo, aliis hominibus, omissa praepositione de. In Carnotensi et in Beccensi a piis hominibus. Eligat lector ex his variis lectionibus eam quam aestimabit esse meliorem. Ego facile crederem eam esse retinendam, uti retinui, quam editiones Manutii et Morellii praeferunt, quam Rigaltius quoque servavit et Angli. BALUZ.

III. — Of gods. This passage is written in many different and confused ways in the ancient copies. In the edition called Gravius's one reads of all these, in the manuscript of Saint-Éloi at Arras by all these, in the Foix, Tours, Corbie and Lamoignon manuscripts and in the editions of Manutius and Morel, and also in the variant readings set in the margin of the book Gravius used, of gods [who were] men, in the Sorbonne manuscript by these men, in one royal manuscript, in the Thuanus, and also in one of mine, other men, the preposition de being omitted. In the Chartres and Bec manuscripts by pious men. Let the reader choose from these various readings the one he judges best. I should readily believe that the one to be kept, as I have kept it, is that which the editions of Manutius and Morel give, which Rigault also preserved, and the English editors. BALUZE.

(printed under page 277)

[Lectiones variantes]

(a) ‹ritus› · call in col 569

Colendi ritus Ver. Thu. Foss. Corb. Mich. Lin.

"Colendi ritus" ("the rite of worshipping") in Ver., the Thuanus MS, Foss., Corb., Mich. and Lin.

(printed under page 278)

(b) ‹videas› · call in col 569

Quos saepius videas Gronov.

"Whom you see more often" in Gronovius.

(printed under page 278)

(c) ‹Romanorum› · call in col 569

Romanorum haec verba ad ista : hi dii Romani uncis inclusit Rigaltius.

Rigault enclosed in brackets these words, from "Romanorum" to "hi dii Romani".

(printed under page 278)

(d) ‹provenit› · call in col 570

Hodie quoque pervenit Bod. 3. MR.

"Today also it has come" in Bodleian 3 and MR.

(printed under page 278)

(e) ‹meretrices› · call in col 570

Meretrices. Hi dii Bod. 3. Pem. Voss. 2, 3. Lam. Thu. Foss. Corb. Mich. Vic. Hinc. MR.

"Harlots. These gods" in Bodleian 3, Pem., Vossius 2 and 3, the Lamoignon MS, the Thuanus MS, Foss., Corb., Mich., Vic., Hinc. and MR.

(printed under page 278)

(f) ‹Interdum› · call in col 570

Interdum… Orbona. Haec praeter edd. Gravii, Pamel. Rigalt. et Fellis insuper reperias in recentiorib. Cellar. Lindner. Gronov. Goldhorn. qui tamen Baluzio adstipulare videtur.

"Interdum … Orbona": besides the editions of Gravius, Pamelius, Rigault and Fell, you will find these words also in the more recent ones of Cellarius, Lindner, Gronovius and Goldhorn, who nevertheless seems to side with Baluze.

(printed under page 278) [Variorum notae] (Variorum 1) ‹Quod majorum et regum memoria servata sit› · lemma, ch. III Quod majorum et regum memoria servata sit. Minutius hoc latius exsequitur, et addit eum deduxisse genus ab Urano usque ad Jovem. LINDNER.

That the memory of ancestors and kings has been preserved. Minucius pursues this more broadly, and adds that he traced the lineage from Uranus down to Jupiter. LINDNER.

(Variorum 2) ‹Aliquando dii nati sunt› · lemma, ch. III Aliquando dii nati sunt. Cicero lib. I de Natura Deorum : Si natum, nulli dii ante quam nati. Etsi ortus est deorum, interitus sit necesse est. BALUZ.

At some time the gods were born. Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book I: If born, there were no gods before they were born. And if there is a rising of the gods, there must be a perishing. BALUZE.

(Variorum 3) ‹Nisi forte Jupiter senuit› · lemma, ch. III Nisi forte Jupiter senuit. Ex Felicis cap. XXIII depromptum. Addo huic argumento judicium Plinii, lib. II, cap. VII, de Diis paganorum : Matrimonia inter deos credi, tantoque aevi ex his neminem nasci, et alios esse grandaevos semperque canos, alios juvenes atque pueros, atri coloris, aligeros, claudos, ovo editos, et alternis diebus viventes morientesque, puerilium prope deliramentorum est. Sed super omnem impudentiam, adulteria inter ipsos fingi: mox jurgia, et odia : atque etiam furtorum esse et scelerum numina. CELLAR.

Unless perhaps Jupiter has grown old. Drawn from chapter XXIII of [Minucius] Felix. I add to this argument the judgement of Pliny, book II, chapter VII, on the gods of the pagans: To believe in marriages among the gods, and that in so long an age none has been born of them, and that some are aged and always grey, others youths and boys, black in colour, winged, lame, hatched from an egg, living and dying on alternate days — this is close to childish raving. But beyond all shamelessness is the feigning of adulteries among them; then quarrels and hatreds; and even that there are gods of thefts and crimes. CELLARIUS.

(Variorum 4) ‹Pro suis› · lemma, ch. IV IV. — Pro suis. Quidam libri veteres et editio Morelliana habent prorsus. Ista lectio videtur esse bona. Viderint eruditi critici an praeferenda sit. BALUZ.

IV. — For their own. Some old books and Morel's edition have prorsus (altogether). This reading seems good. Let learned critics see whether it is to be preferred. BALUZE.

(Variorum 5) ‹Vernaculos deos› · lemma, ch. IV Vernaculos deos. Ita etiam Minutius Felix. BALUZ.

Home-born gods. So also Minucius Felix. BALUZE.

(Variorum 6) ‹Picus› · lemma, ch. IV Picus. Cujus corpus maculosum esse dixit Prudentius in libro primo adversus Symmachum. Plutarchus in Quaestionibus Romanis quaerit cur Picum Romani venerentur. BALUZ.

Picus. Whose body Prudentius said was spotted, in the first book Against Symmachus. Plutarch, in the Roman Questions, asks why the Romans venerate Picus. BALUZE.

(Variorum 7) ‹Consiliorum Deum› · lemma, ch. IV Consiliorum Deum. Hieronymus in Vita Hilarionis : Hoc siquidem in Romanis urbibus jam exinde servatur a Romulo ut propter felicem Sabinarum raptum ab ipso quoque consiliorum deo quadrigae septeno currant circuitu. Varro, lib. V, de Lingua Latina : Consualia dicta a Conso, quod tum feriae publicae ei deo et in circo ad aram ejus ab sacerdotibus fiunt ludi illi quibus virgines Sabinae raptae. Ovidius, lib. III Fastorum : Festa para Conso, Consus tibi caetera dicet. Tertullianus in libro de Spectaculis : Exinde ludi consualia dicti, qui ab initio Neptunum honorabant. Eumdem enim et Consum vocant. Et statim : Quamquam et consualia Romulo defendunt, quod ea Conso dicaverit deo, ut volunt, consilii, ejus scilicet quo tunc Sabinarum virginum raptum militibus suis in matrimonia excogitavit. Vide Dionysium Halicarnasseum, lib. I, et Valerium Maximum, lib. II, cap. 4, et Plutarchum in libro de Quaestionibus Romanis. Narrat Lilius Gregorius Gyraldus in Syntagmate V Historiae Deorum meminisse se, cum ingratis Romae aetatem tereret, ad palatii radices pone Anastasiae templum sacellum effossum fuisse quod tum plerique Consi putarunt, id est Neptuni, propter frequentes conchas marinas ibi repertas, ubi et effigies albae aquilae cum crista rubra in sacelli fornice seu testudine, quod tum plerique consilii symbolum interpretabantur, et aedem Consi subterraneam fuisse in ea regione probari ex P. Victore. BALUZ.

The god of counsels. Jerome, in the Life of Hilarion: For this has been observed in Roman cities ever since Romulus, that because of the happy rape of the Sabine women, in honour of the very god of counsels, the four-horse chariots run a sevenfold circuit. Varro, On the Latin Language book V: The Consualia are named from Consus, because then there is a public holiday for that god, and in the circus at his altar the priests hold those games at which the Sabine maidens were carried off. Ovid, Fasti book III: Prepare the feast for Consus; Consus will tell you the rest. Tertullian, in the book On the Shows: Thence the games called Consualia, which from the beginning honoured Neptune; for they call him Consus too. And at once: Though they also defend the Consualia for Romulus, because he dedicated them, as they will have it, to Consus, the god of counsel — namely of that counsel by which he then devised the rape of the Sabine maidens as wives for his soldiers. See Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book I, and Valerius Maximus, book II, chapter 4, and Plutarch in the book of Roman Questions. Lilio Gregorio Giraldi relates, in Syntagma V of the History of the Gods, that he remembered, when he was spending his life unrewarded at Rome, a chapel being dug up at the foot of the Palatine behind the church of Anastasia, which most people then thought to be that of Consus, that is of Neptune, because of the many sea-shells found there; where also there was the image of a white eagle with a red crest on the chapel's vault or arch, which most then took for a symbol of counsel; and that it is proved from P. Victor that there was an underground temple of Consus in that district. BALUZE.

(Variorum 8) ‹Cloacinam› · lemma, ch. IV Cloacinam. Lactantius, lib. I, cap. 20 : Cloacinae simulachrum in cloaca maxima repertum Tatius consecravit, et quia cujus esset effigies ignorabat, ex loco illi nomen imposuit. De Cloacina et de deabus quae sequuntur vide Epistolam Augustini ad Maximum Madaurensem. BALUZ.

Cloacina. Lactantius, book I, chapter 20: Tatius consecrated the image of Cloacina found in the Great Sewer, and because he did not know whose likeness it was, he gave it a name from the place. On Cloacina and the goddesses that follow, see Augustine's Letter to Maximus of Madaura. BALUZE.

(Variorum 9) ‹Pavorem atque pallorem› · lemma, ch. IV Pavorem atque pallorem. Lactantius ibidem : Pavorem palloremque Tullus Hostilius figuravit et coluit. Sanctus Augustinus, lib. XX contra Faustum, cap. 9 : Nam et corporalium vitiorum simulachra Romani consecraverunt, sicut palloris et febris. BALUZ.

Fear and Pallor. Lactantius in the same place: Tullus Hostilius made images of Fear and Pallor and worshipped them. Saint Augustine, Against Faustus book XX, chapter 9: For the Romans consecrated images even of bodily ills, such as pallor and fever. BALUZE.

(Variorum 10) ‹Febris› · lemma, ch. IV Febris. Octavianus Horatianus, lib. IV, cap. 1 : Hinc est et quod Romani febri aedem statuerunt. Prudentius in Hamartigenia : / Par furor illorum quos tradit fama dicatis / Consecrasse deas febrem scabiemque sacellis. / Cicero, lib. II de Legibus : Araque vetus stat in palatio febris. Vide Valerium Maximum, lib. II, cap. 5, et Lilium Gregorium Gyraldum Syntagmate primo Historiae Deorum.

Fever. Octavianus Horatianus, book IV, chapter 1: Hence it is too that the Romans set up a temple to Fever. Prudentius, in the Hamartigenia: / Equal the madness of those whom report says / consecrated Fever and Scab as goddesses in dedicated shrines. / Cicero, On the Laws book II: And an old altar of Fever stands on the Palatine. See Valerius Maximus, book II, chapter 5, and Lilio Gregorio Giraldi, first Syntagma of the History of the Gods.

(Variorum 11) ‹Flora› · lemma, ch. IV Flora. In ejus honorem instituti sunt ludi florales. Cicero Actione V in Verrem dixit : Floram matrem populo plebique R. ludorum celebritate placandam. Lactantius, lib. I, cap. 20 : Flora, cum magnas opes ex arte meretricia quaesivisset, populum scripsit haeredem, certamque pecuniam reliquit cujus ex annuo foenore suus natalis dies celebraretur editione ludorum quos appellant floralia. Ubi vide notas Josephi Isaei. Arnobius, lib. VII, Existimatur [570] tractari honorifice Flora, si quis in ludis flagitiosas conspexerit res agi et migrari ab lupanaribus in theatra. Sanctus Augustinus in una Epistolarum quas de negotio Calamensi scripsit ad Nectarium, quae est XCI, in nova editione : Horum plane florum non terra fertilis, non aliqua opulens virtus, sed illa dea Flora digna mater inventa est, cujus ludi scenici tam effusiore et licentiore turpitudine celebrantur ut quivis intelligat quale daemonium sit quod placari aliter non potest nisi illic non aves, non quadrupedes, non denique sanguis humanus, sed multo scelestius pudor humanus tamquam immolatus intereat. Plinius, lib. XVIII, cap. 29, tradit Numam instituisse floralia IV. Kal. Maii. Ovidius, lib. IV Fastorum : Exit et in Maias festum florale Kalendas. Suetonius in Galba : Praetor commissione ludorum floralium novum spectaculi genus elephantos funambulos edidit. Ubi vide commentarium Philippi Beroaldi. Tacitus, lib. II, Annalium, tradit aedem Florae ab Lucio et Marco Publiciis aedilibus constitutam juxta circum maximum. Vide Justinum, lib. XLIII. Velleium Paterculum, lib. I, Martialem lib. I, Epigr. 92, et Lilium Gregorium Gyraldum Syntagmate primo Historiae Deorum. Fulgentius Placiades, lib. I Mytholog., dixit virgunculam lascivientem florali petulantia. Vide quae de ludis floralibus diximus in notis ad Epistolam ad Donatum, pag. 379. BALUZ.

Flora. In her honour the Floral games were instituted. Cicero, in the fifth Action against Verres, said: Mother Flora, to be appeased for the Roman people and plebs by the throng of the games. Lactantius, book I, chapter 20: Flora, having gained great wealth by the harlot's trade, made the people her heir and left a fixed sum of money, from whose yearly interest her birthday should be celebrated by the giving of games, which they call the Floralia. On which see the notes of Joseph Isaeus. Arnobius, book VII: Flora is thought to be honourably treated if one sees shameful things done at the games, and a migration from the brothels to the theatres. Saint Augustine, in one of the Letters he wrote to Nectarius about the affair at Calama, which is XCI in the new edition: Of these flowers plainly no fertile earth, no rich power, but that goddess Flora has been found the worthy mother, whose stage games are celebrated with so profuse and licentious a foulness that anyone may understand what kind of demon it is that cannot be appeased otherwise than if there perish, as though sacrificed, not birds, not four-footed beasts, not even human blood, but — far more wickedly — human modesty. Pliny, book XVIII, chapter 29, relates that Numa instituted the Floralia on the fourth day before the Kalends of May. Ovid, Fasti book IV: The feast of Flora runs out even into the Kalends of May. Suetonius, in the Galba: As praetor, at the opening of the Floral games, he gave a new kind of show, rope-walking elephants. On which see Filippo Beroaldo's commentary. Tacitus, Annals book II, relates that the temple of Flora was built by the aediles Lucius and Marcus Publicius beside the Circus Maximus. See Justin, book XLIII, Velleius Paterculus, book I, Martial, book I, epigram 92, and Lilio Gregorio Giraldi, first Syntagma of the History of the Gods. Fulgentius Planciades, Mythologies book I, spoke of a little girl wanton with Floral petulance. See what we said about the Floral games in the notes on the Letter to Donatus, page 379. BALUZE.

(Variorum 12) ‹Meretrices› · lemma, ch. IV Meretrices. Quae sequuntur in editione quae dicitur Gravii, in Pameliana, Rigaltiana, et Anglicana, nos sustulimus, quia ea in nullo veterum exemplarium reperimus quibus usi sumus, quia desunt in pluribus Anglicanis, quia non exstant in antiquis editionibus, neque in Minutio, et quia sensum, ut Rigaltius ait, abrumpunt. BALUZ.

Harlots. What follows in the edition called Gravius's, in Pamelius's, Rigault's and the English, we have removed, because we found it in none of the old copies we used, because it is lacking in most of the English ones, because it is not found in the ancient editions, nor in Minucius, and because, as Rigault says, it breaks off the sense. BALUZE.

(Variorum 13) ‹Perfidia provenit› · lemma, ch. V Perfidia provenit. Processit eventu prospero. RIGALT.

Faithlessness prospered. It went forward with a prosperous outcome. RIGAULT.

(printed under page 278)

[Lectiones variantes] (printed under page 279)

(a) ‹ascensibus dictus› · call in col 571

Dictus abest a Gronov.

"Dictus" (called) is absent from Gronovius.

(printed under page 279)

(b) ‹orbitatibus Orbona› · call in col 571

Suburbana mss. et impr. passim.

"Suburbana" (suburban) in manuscripts and printed editions here and there.

(printed under page 279)

(c) ‹et victi penates› · call in col 571

Victi Grav. Vincti Camb.

"Victi" (conquered) in Gravius; "vincti" (bound) in the Cambridge MS.

(printed under page 279)

(d) ‹Medi et Persae› · call in col 571

Syri et Persae Lin. Ebor. Lam. Bod. 3. Thu. Foss. Mich. Et Tyri Ver. Voss. 4. Syrius codd. Veron. et Atreb. Et medi omitt. ed. princeps Routh. ex mss.

"Syrians and Persians" in Lin., the York MS, the Lamoignon MS, Bodleian 3, the Thuanus MS, Foss., Mich. "And Tyrians" in the Verona MS and Vossius 4. "Syrius" in the Verona and Arras manuscripts. "And Medes" is omitted by the first edition and by Routh from the manuscripts.

(printed under page 279)

(e) ‹rex ipse› · call in col 572

Ita mss. In aliis expulsa est vox prima Nunc. Deest in Lindn.

So the manuscripts. In others the first word, "Nunc" (now), has been driven out. It is lacking in Lindner.

(printed under page 279)

(f) ‹matrimonium faciat› · call in col 572

Faciunt Veron. Quod convenit cum conseqq. Rapiunt.

"Faciunt" (they make) in the Verona MS, which agrees with the following "Rapiunt" (they seize).

(printed under page 279)

(g) ‹et victus› · call in col 572

Et victus transtulit edit. Baluzii, omisit Routh.

"And was conquered": Baluze's edition brought it into the text; Routh omitted it.

[Variorum notae] (Variorum 1) ‹Viduus deus› · lemma, ch. IV Viduus deus. Quis omnia ridicula deorum nomina enarrabit? Talis et Scansus est, qui subsequitur, tales caeteri divi divaeque. Multos et pene innumeros narrarunt alii, Arnobius, lib. IV. Lactantius, lib. I, cap. 20, Augustinus, Civ. Dei lib. IV, cap. 8 ; nec vero complecti omnes potuerunt. CELLAR.

The widowing god. Who will recount all the ridiculous names of the gods? Such too is Scansus, who follows, and such are the other gods and goddesses. Others have recounted many and almost innumerable ones — Arnobius, book IV; Lactantius, book I, chapter 20; Augustine, City of God book IV, chapter 8; and yet they could not take in all. CELLARIUS.

(Variorum 2) ‹Et Forculus a foribus, et Limentinus› · lemma, ch. IV Et Forculus a foribus, et Limentinus. Augustinus de Civ., Dei lib. IV, cap 8, extremo : Unumquisque domui suae ponit ostiarium, et quia homo est, omnino sufficit. Tres deos isti posuerunt, Forculum foribus, Cardeam cardini, Limentinum limini. Ita non potuit Forculus simul fores et cardinem limenque servare. Adde Tertullian. de Corona, cap. 13, extrem. CELL.

And Forculus from the doors, and Limentinus. Augustine, City of God book IV, end of chapter 8: Each man sets one doorkeeper at his house, and because he is a man, he is quite sufficient. These people set three gods: Forculus for the doors, Cardea for the hinge, Limentinus for the threshold. So Forculus could not guard the doors and the hinge and the threshold all at once. Add Tertullian, On the Crown, end of chapter 13. CELLARIUS.

(Variorum 3) ‹Ab orbitatibus Orbona› · lemma, ch. IV Ab orbitatibus Orbona. Plinius, lib. II, cap. 7 : Fanum dicatum est Orbonae ad aedem Larium, et ara Malae Fortunae Exquiliis. Et Arnobius, lib. IV, clarius : In tutela sunt Orbonae orbati liberis parentes : in Naeniae, quibus extrema sunt tempora. CELLAR.

Orbona from bereavements. Pliny, book II, chapter 7: A shrine was dedicated to Orbona at the temple of the Lares, and an altar of Ill Fortune on the Esquiline. And Arnobius, book IV, more clearly: Parents bereaved of children are in the keeping of Orbona; those whose last moments are at hand, in that of Naenia. CELLARIUS.

(Variorum 4) ‹Victi Penates› · lemma, ch. IV Victi Penates. Virgilius de Aenea, lib. I, 72. Ilium in Italiam portans victosque Penates. LINDN.

The conquered Penates. Virgil, of Aeneas, book I, 72: bearing Ilium and its conquered Penates into Italy. LINDNER.

(Variorum 5) ‹Venus calva› · lemma, ch. IV Venus calva. Lactantius, lib. I, cap. 20. Urbe a Gallis occupata, obsessi in capitolio Romani, cum ex mulierum capillis tormenta fecissent, aedem Veneri calvae consecrarunt. BALUZ.

Bald Venus. Lactantius, book I, chapter 20: When the city had been seized by the Gauls, the Romans besieged on the Capitol, having made the cords of their engines from the women's hair, consecrated a temple to Bald Venus. BALUZE.

(Variorum 6) ‹Assyrii› · lemma, ch. V V. — Assyrii. Ita veteres editiones et quidam libri veteres, tum etiam Minutius. Alii veteres praeferunt Syri. Alii XXVI omittunt mentionem Medorum. Sed alii quatuor illam habent, itemque Minutius. Praeterea codex Veronensis et codex sancti Eligii Attrebatensis addunt Tyrios. Medorum regni mentio deest etiam in editionibus Manutii et Morellii. Assyrii qui primo dicti sunt, postea Syri sunt appellati. Vide Renati Massueti dissertationes ad Irenaeum, pag. 71, § 142. Arbactus imperium ab Assyriis ad Medos transtulit, et postea translatum est ad Persas. Ita docet Justinus, lib. I et XLI. BALUZ.

V. — The Assyrians. So the old editions and some old books, and Minucius too. Other old ones give Syrians. Twenty-six others omit the mention of the Medes. But four others have it, and so does Minucius. Besides, the Verona manuscript and the manuscript of Saint-Éloi at Arras add the Tyrians. The mention of the kingdom of the Medes is lacking also in the editions of Manutius and Morel. Those who were first called Assyrians were afterwards called Syrians. See René Massuet's dissertations on Irenaeus, page 71, § 142. Arbaces transferred the empire from the Assyrians to the Medes, and afterwards it was transferred to the Persians. So Justin teaches, books I and XLI. BALUZE.

(Variorum 7) ‹Romulus parricida› · lemma, ch. V Romulus parricida. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Rusticum monachum : Roma ut condita est duos fratres simul reges habere non potuit et parricidio dedicatur. Lucanus, lib. I : Fraterno primi maduerunt sanguine muri. BALUZ.

Romulus the parricide. Jerome, in the Letter to Rusticus the monk: Rome, as soon as it was founded, could not have two brothers as kings together, and it is dedicated by a parricide. Lucan, book I: The first walls were wet with a brother's blood. BALUZE.

(Variorum 8) ‹Filio interficit Brutus› · lemma, ch. V Filio interficit Brutus. L. Junius Brutus, primus consul. Adi Livium, lib. II, cap. 5. Etiam Virgilius attingit lib. VI, vers. 819 : / Consulis imperium hic primus saevusque secures / Accipiet ; natosque pater nova bella moventes, / Ad poenam pulchra pro libertate vocabit / Infelix. CELL.

Brutus kills his son. Lucius Junius Brutus, the first consul. Go to Livy, book II, chapter 5. Virgil too touches on it, book VI, line 819: / He first shall receive the consul's power and the cruel axes; / and the father, unhappy, shall call his sons, / who stir up new wars, to punishment for the sake of fair liberty. CELLARIUS.

(Variorum 9) ‹Tempus certo fine› · lemma, ch. V Tempus certo fine ad tempus idem est, quod certo fine. Ergo alterum alterius glossa. Possis etiam subaudire tempus imperandi acceptum a Deo custodiunt seu retinent certo fine, quo appropinquante ab iis auferetur. LINDNER.

A time with a fixed end: for a time is the same as with a fixed end. So the one is a gloss on the other. You may also understand: they keep or hold, with a fixed end, the time of ruling received from God, which will be taken from them as that end approaches. LINDNER.

(Variorum 10) ‹Regulus› · lemma, ch. V Regulus. Haec et quae sequuntur ad verbum fermo sumpta sunt ex Minutio. BALUZ.

Regulus. This and what follows are taken almost word for word from Minucius. BALUZE.

(Variorum 11) ‹Et victus› · lemma, ch. V Et victus. Addidi istud ex libro Fuxensi. Audaciam istam mihi fecit Minutius, apud quem ita legitur : Mancinus religionem tenuit, et sub signum missus est et deditus. Pro eo quod Minutius dixit deditus, liber Fuxensis habet victus. BALUZ.

And was conquered. I added this from the Foix book. Minucius gave me this boldness, in whom one reads: Mancinus kept religion, and was sent under the standard and surrendered. Where Minucius said surrendered, the Foix book has conquered. BALUZE.

(Variorum 12) ‹Pullos edaces› · lemma, ch. V Pullos edaces. Duo libri veteres habent vultures. Sed ea lectio non convenit cum historia. Ea admodum festiva est. Referam autem illam ex Valerio Maximo, lib. I, cap. 4. P. Claudius bello Punico primo, cum praelium navale committere vellet, auspiciumque more majorum petiisset, et pullarius non exire cavea pullos nuntiasset, abjici eos in mare jussit dicens : Quia esse nolunt, bibunt. Suetonius in Tiberio : Claudius Pulcher apud Siciliam non pascentibus in auspicando pullis, ac per contemptum religionis mari demersis ut biberent quando esse nollent, praelium navale iniit ; superatusque, cum dictatorem dicere a senatu juberetur, Hicium viatorem suum dedit. Hinc joci Pauli apud Martialem, lib. I, Epigr. 29. Similem ferme historiam de C. Flaminio consule narrat Cicero in libro primo de Divinatione. Haec sunt ejus verba : *Idem cum tripudio auspicaretur, pullarius diem praelii committendi differebat. Tum Flaminius ex eo quaesivit, si ne postea quidem pulli pascerentur, quid faciendum censeret, cum ille quiescendum respondisset, Flaminius, praeclara vero auspicia, si esurientibus pullis res geri poterit, saturis nihil geretur. Itaque signa convelli et se sequi jussit. Quo tempore cum signifer primi hastati signum non posset movere loco, nec quicquam [571] proficeret, plures (continues)

Greedy chickens. Two old books have vultures. But that reading does not agree with the history, which is very amusing. I shall give it from Valerius Maximus, book I, chapter 4: Publius Claudius, in the First Punic War, when he wished to join a sea battle and had sought the auspices in the ancestral manner, and the chicken-keeper reported that the chickens would not come out of the coop, ordered them thrown into the sea, saying: Since they will not eat, let them drink. Suetonius, in the Tiberius: Claudius Pulcher, off Sicily, when the chickens would not feed at the taking of the auspices, plunged them into the sea in contempt of religion, so that they might drink since they would not eat, and joined a sea battle; and being defeated, when ordered by the senate to name a dictator, he named Hicius, his messenger. Hence the jests of Paulus in Martial, book I, epigram 29. Cicero tells an almost similar story of the consul Gaius Flaminius in the first book On Divination. These are his words: The same man, when taking the auspices by the feeding of the chickens, the chicken-keeper put off the day for joining battle. Then Flaminius asked him what he thought should be done if the chickens would not feed even later; when he answered that they must keep still, Flaminius said: Fine auspices indeed, if a thing can be done when the chickens are hungry, and nothing will be done when they are full! And so he ordered the standards to be pulled up and the men to follow him. At which time, when the standard-bearer of the first company of hastati could not move his standard from its place, and made no progress, many (continues)

(printed under page 279)

[Lectiones variantes] (printed under page 280)

(a) ‹navigia› · call in col 573

Nauta Corb.

"Nauta" (sailor) in the Corbie MS.

(printed under page 280)

(b) ‹perditi perdere› · call in col 573

Perditi abest à Gronov.

"Perditi" (abandoned) is absent from Gronovius.

(printed under page 280)

(c) ‹angelos veros› · call in col 574

Nostros var. lect. Oxon. Servos fortasse olim legebatur. Routh.

"Nostros" (ours) is a variant reading in the Oxford edition. "Servos" (slaves) was perhaps once read. Routh.

(printed under page 280)

(d) ‹imaginibus consecrati› · call in col 574

Congregati Lam. Consecratis Routh.

"Congregati" (gathered) in the Lamoignon MS; "consecratis" (to the consecrated) in Routh.

(printed under page 280)

(e) ‹spiritus in corporibus› · call in col 574

In corporibus Wophen. in Misc. crit. vol. X, t. 1, ad cap. 26. Minutii, particulam tollendam opinatur.

"In corporibus" (in bodies): Wopkens, in the Miscellanea critica vol. X, part 1, on chapter 26 of Minucius, thinks the particle should be removed.

[Variorum notae] (Variorum 1) ‹Pullos edaces› · lemma, ch. V

(continued) cum accederent, Flaminius renuntiata suo more neglexit. Itaque tribus horis concisus exercitus, atque ipse interfectus est. Vide Valerium Maximum, lib. I, cap. 6. Iconem caveae et pullorum ex antiquis monumentis refert Rosinus, lib. III, cap. 10, Antiquitatum Romanarum. BALUZ.

(Variorum 2) ‹Credulum› · lemma, ch. VI VI. — Credulum. Ita scribendum esse arbitratus sum, quia ita scriptum inveni in tribus codicibus et in editione quae dicitur Gravii pro eo quod editiones et quidam libri veteres habent prodigum. Etiam falsa lectio libri Turonensis, quae habet crudelem, ostendit istam esse veram. Vulgatissimum est inveniri frequenter in veteribus libris manuscriptis crudelem pro credulo et e converso, crudelitatem etiam pro credulitate et e converso, ut monui jam, pag. 483. Vide tom. II Capitularium, pag. 1119. In Corbeiensi, stultum et crudelem, quod profecto depravatum est ex aliqua vetere scriptura, quae habuisse videtur credulum. Illud vero, prodigum, unde irrepserit, non habeo dicere : nisi scriptum olim fuisse perditum ; deque illo perditum factum ab imperitis proditum, ac deinde prodigum. Perditi homines dicuntur scelerati ac nefarii. RIGALT.

VI. — Credulous. I judged it should be written so, because I found it so written in three manuscripts and in the edition called Gravius's, where the editions and some old books have prodigal. Even the false reading of the Tours book, which has crudelem (cruel), shows this one to be true. It is very common to find in old manuscripts crudelis for credulus and the reverse, and crudelitas for credulitas and the reverse, as I noted already, page 483. See volume II of the Capitularies, page 1119. In the Corbie manuscript, foolish and cruel, which is surely corrupted from some old writing that seems to have had credulous. But as for prodigal, where it crept in from I cannot say: unless perditum was once written, and from that perditum the unskilled made proditum, and then prodigum. Perditi is said of wicked and abominable men. RIGAULT.

(Variorum 3) ‹Spiritus insinceri› · lemma, ch. VI Spiritus insinceri. Supra in Epistola ad Donatum, pag. 5 : Immundi et erratici spiritus. Minutius : Spiritus sunt insinceri, vagi, a coelesti vigore terrenis labibus et cupiditatibus degravati. Lactantius, lib. II, cap. 14 : Spiritus contaminati ac perditi per omnem terram vagantur. BALUZ.

Insincere spirits. Above, in the Letter to Donatus, page 5: Unclean and wandering spirits. Minucius: They are insincere, wandering spirits, weighed down from their heavenly vigour by earthly stains and desires. Lactantius, book II, chapter 14: Defiled and lost spirits wander over all the earth. BALUZE.

(Variorum 4) ‹Vagi› · lemma, ch. VI Vagi. Commodianus, Instruct. IV : Unde modo vagi subvertunt corpora multa. Item. Instruct. XXII : Daemones in mundo vagi. Ita in veteri codice sancti Albini. Pro quo Rigaltius posuit vagari. Prudentius in Carmine de sancto Vincentio ; Adsunt et illic spiritus vagi, impotentes, sordidi. BALUZ.

Wandering. Commodian, Instruction IV: Whence now, wandering, they overthrow many bodies. Also Instruction XXII: Demons wandering in the world. So in the old manuscript of Saint-Aubin; for which Rigault put vagari (to wander). Prudentius, in the poem on Saint Vincent: There too are present wandering spirits, unbridled, filthy. BALUZE.

(Variorum 5) ‹Hostanes› · lemma, ch. VI Hostanes. Veteres editiones et omnes fere libri veteres habent Sosthenes. Manutius posuit Ostanes, Pamelius Hostanes. At ego Ostanes vidi scriptum in tribus antiquis codicibus, Hostanes in Turonensi. In uno meo veteri scriptum primo fuerat Ostanes, sed postea sic emendatum est antiquitus ut ostenderetur scribendum esse Sostanes. Quo modo scriptum est etiam in Gratianopolitano. In Apologia Apuleii vocatur Hostanes. Citat hunc locum sanctus Augustinus, lib. VI de Baptismo contra Donatistas, cap. 44. Vide Seldenum, lib. V, cap. 11, de Jure naturali et Gentium. BALUZ.— Plin., lib. XXX, c. 1. Primus exstat (ut quidem invenio) commentatus de eo Ostanes, Xerxem regem Persarum, bello, quod is in Graeciam intulit, comitatus ; ac velut semina artis portentosae sparsit, obiter infecto, quacumque commeaverat, mundo. Hic maxime Ostanes ad rabiem, non aviditatem modo scientiae ejus, Graecorum populos egit. RIGALT.

Hostanes. The old editions and almost all the old books have Sosthenes. Manutius put Ostanes, Pamelius Hostanes. But I have seen Ostanes written in three ancient manuscripts, Hostanes in the Tours one. In one old book of mine Ostanes had first been written, but afterwards it was corrected in ancient times so as to show that Sostanes should be written; which is how it is written also in the Grenoble manuscript. In Apuleius's Apology he is called Hostanes. Saint Augustine cites this passage, book VI On Baptism against the Donatists, chapter 44. See Selden, On the Law of Nature and of Nations book V, chapter 11. BALUZE. — Pliny, book XXX, chapter 1: The first (so far as I find) to have written about it was Ostanes, who accompanied Xerxes, king of the Persians, in the war he brought upon Greece; and he scattered, as it were, the seeds of the monstrous art, infecting the world along the way wherever he had passed. It was this Ostanes above all who drove the peoples of the Greeks not merely to an eagerness but to a frenzy for that knowledge. RIGAULT.

(Variorum 6) ‹Formam veri Dei› · lemma, ch. VI Formam veri Dei. Plinius, lib. II, cap. 7 : Effigiem Dei formamque credere imbecillitatis humanae reor. Apuleius in Apologia : Deus paucis cogitabilis, nemini effabilis. Attalus martyr apud Rufinum. lib. V, cap. 3, interrogatus quod nomen haberet Deus respondit : Qui plures sunt nominibus discernuntur. Qui unus est non indiget nomine. Marius Victorinus initio libri de Generatione Divina : De Deo dicere supra hominem audacia est. Cicero, lib. I de Natura Deorum, ait speciem Dei perspici cogitatione, non sensu. Lucretius, lib. I : Deus animi vix mente videtur. Lactantius in libro de Ira Dei, cap. 11 : Apud Xenophontem Socrates disputans ait formam Dei non oportere conquiri. Arnobius, lib. I : Si veram vultis audire sententiam, aut nullam habet Deus formam, aut si informatus est aliqua, ex qua sit profecto nescimus. Dio Cassius, lib. XXXVII, agens de Deo Judaeorum ait illos Deum suum ineffabilem invisibilemque existimasse. Cassianus Collat. X, cap. 4, disputat adversus eorum simplicitatem qui incomprehensibilem veri numinis majestatem sub circumscriptione alicujus aestimant adorandam. Vide eumdem lib. VIII de Habitu Monachorum, cap. 4. Sulpitius Severus, lib. II Sacrae Historiae : Responsum est formam Dei mortalibus oculis perspici non posse. Apud Juvencum, lib. II. Hist. Evangel. Christus loquens de petra ait : / Hujus enim vocem numquam comprehendere quistis, / Nec speciem propriam concessit visere vobis. / Rufinus lib. I. Apologiarum : Nec enim, ut quidam putant, natura Dei aliquibus visibilis est et aliis invisibilis. Vide Tertulliani Apologeticum et librum Novatiani de Trinitate. Vide etiam scholia Jacobi Billii in Orationem Gregorii Nazianzeni de Plaga grandinis. BALUZ.

The form of the true God. Pliny, book II, chapter 7: I think it a mark of human weakness to believe in an image and form of God. Apuleius, in the Apology: God, conceivable by few, utterable by none. Attalus the martyr, in Rufinus book V, chapter 3, asked what name God had, answered: Those who are many are distinguished by names. He who is one needs no name. Marius Victorinus, at the beginning of the book On the Divine Begetting: To speak of God is a daring beyond man. Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book I, says that the appearance of God is perceived by thought, not by sense. Lucretius, book I: God is scarcely seen by the mind's understanding. Lactantius, in the book On the Anger of God, chapter 11: In Xenophon, Socrates, disputing, says that the form of God ought not to be sought out. Arnobius, book I: If you wish to hear the true opinion, either God has no form, or if He is formed in some way, we certainly do not know of what kind it is. Dio Cassius, book XXXVII, treating of the God of the Jews, says they held their God to be ineffable and invisible. Cassian, Conference X, chapter 4, argues against the simplicity of those who think the incomprehensible majesty of the true Godhead is to be adored under some circumscription. See the same, book VIII On the Dress of Monks, chapter 4. Sulpicius Severus, Sacred History book II: The answer was that the form of God cannot be perceived by mortal eyes. In Juvencus, Gospel History book II, Christ speaking of the Father says: / For you have never been able to grasp His voice, / nor has He granted you to see His own appearance. / Rufinus, Apologies book I: For the nature of God is not, as some think, visible to some and invisible to others. See Tertullian's Apology and Novatian's book On the Trinity. See also Jacques de Billy's scholia on Gregory Nazianzen's Oration On the Plague of Hail. BALUZE.

(Variorum 7) ‹Falsa veris involvunt› · lemma, ch. VII VII. — Falsa veris involvunt. Imitatum ex libro sexto Aeneidos, obscuris vera involvens. Sanctus Ambrosius, lib. I Officior., cap. 16, obscuris vera involvere. Comoedia Queroli : Istud plane est quod saepe audivi, obscuris vera involvere. Minutius Felix : Sortes regunt, oracula efficiunt falsis pluribus involuta. Tertullianus, lib. I ad Nationes, ut non falsa veris intexant. Sulpitius Severus, lib. II Sacrae Historiae loquens de Bagua spadone ait : Intaminata ab ore corrupto et falsis vera miscente. BALUZ.

VII. — They wrap the false in the true. Imitated from the sixth book of the Aeneid, wrapping truths in obscurities. Saint Ambrose, On Duties book I, chapter 16: to wrap truths in obscurities. The comedy Querolus: This is plainly what I have often heard — to wrap truths in obscurities. Minucius Felix: They govern the lots, they produce oracles wrapped in many falsehoods. Tertullian, To the Nations book I: so that they may not weave false things into true. Sulpicius Severus, Sacred History book II, speaking of the eunuch Bagoas, says: undefiled by a corrupt mouth mixing truths with falsehoods. BALUZE.

(Variorum 8) ‹Irrepentes etiam spiritus› · lemma, ch. VII Irrepentes etiam spiritus. Ita veteres editiones ante Manutianam, in qua resecta et omissa est vox spiritus. Eam tamen exhibent XXII vetera exemplaria. BALUZ.

Spirits too, creeping in. So the old editions before Manutius's, in which the word spiritus was cut out and omitted. Yet twenty-two old copies show it. BALUZE.

(Variorum 9) ‹Occulte mentem terrent› · lemma, ch. VII Occulte mentem terrent. Ex Veronensi optimo. Vulgo (continues)

They secretly terrify the mind. From the excellent Verona manuscript. Commonly (continues)

(printed under page 280)

[Lectiones variantes] (printed under page 281)

(a) ‹morbos lacessunt› · call in col 575

Morbis NC. 2. Routh.

"Morbis" (by diseases) in NC. 2, Routh.

(printed under page 281)

(b) ‹errore participes› · call in col 575

Terrore NC. 3. Routh.

"Terrore" (by terror) in NC. 3, Routh.

(printed under page 281)

(c) ‹voce et operatione› · call in col 575

Voce et oratione Bod. 3. Lam. Thu Foss. Mich. Lin. Corb. Lin. Spir.

"By voice and prayer" in Bodleian 3, the Lamoignon MS, the Thuanus MS, Foss., Mich., Lin., the Corbie MS, Lin., Spir.

(printed under page 281)

(d) ‹omnium dominus est Deus› · call in col 575

Dominus unus est Deus Gronov.

"God is the one Lord" in Gronovius.

(printed under page 281)

(e) ‹anchor not visible› · call in cols 575-576 (column not visible)

Theban. fratrum Ver. quod glossema videtur Cellar.

"Of the Theban brothers" in the Verona MS, which seems a gloss to Cellarius.

(printed under page 281)

(e) ‹Thebanorum germanitas› · call in col 576

Theban. fratrum Ver. quod glossema videtur Cellar.

"Of the Theban brothers" in the Verona MS, which seems a gloss to Cellarius.

(printed under page 281)

(f) ‹possit Deus› · call in col 576

Dei Oxon.

"Dei" (of God) in the Oxford edition.

(printed under page 281)

(g) ‹homo latius› · call in col 576

Laxius fort. Routh.

"Laxius" (more spaciously), perhaps, Routh.

[Variorum notae] (Variorum 1) ‹Occulte mentem terrent› · lemma, ch. VII

(continued) mentes. Quamquam et Minutius, cap. XXVII, sect. 3, unde haec transcripta videntur, mentes habet. CELLAR.

(Variorum 2) ‹Illorum cessat› · lemma, ch. VII Illorum cessat. In duodecim libris antiquis legitur : Cum illorum cultorum cessat injuria vel insania. BALUZ.

Their … ceases. In twelve ancient books one reads: When the wrong (or the madness) of those worshippers ceases. BALUZE.

(Variorum 3) ‹Cum sint ipsi poenales› · lemma, ch. VII Cum sint ipsi poenales, poena digni. Salvianus de Gubern. Dei, lib. VI, pag. 220, scelera poenaliora. Nec veteri auctoritate verbum caret. Plinius, lib. XVIII, cap. 11 : Tunditur alica pilo, vinctorum poenali opera, id est opera quae poenae loco est. Sic Prudentius in Laurentio, vers. 193, dixit poenalis labor, de damnatis in metalla. CELLAR.

Since they themselves are penal, that is, deserving of punishment. Salvian, On the Government of God book VI, page 220: more penal crimes. Nor does the word lack ancient authority. Pliny, book XVIII, chapter 11: Spelt is pounded with the pestle by the penal labour of men in chains, that is, labour that serves as a punishment. So Prudentius, on Laurence, line 193, said penal toil of those condemned to the mines. CELLARIUS.

(Variorum 4) ‹Nostra voce› · lemma, ch. VII [575] Nostra voce. Codex Veronensis, non nostra voce, sed operatione. BALUZ.

By our voice. The Verona manuscript: not by our voice, but by our working. BALUZE.

(Variorum 5) ‹Imitari possint› · lemma, ch. VII Imitari possint. Quamvis haec lectio constans sit in omnibus veteribus libris et in omnibus editionibus, etiam apud Minutium, puto tamen vocem possint non congruere huic loco et reponendam esse aliam quae significet paganos timuisse ne cogerentur vel impellerentur imitari Christianos. Nisi si vox illa tollenda est ab hoc loco, ut legatur simpliciter, ne cognitos aut imitari aut damnare non possint. Seneca, Epist. VII : Necesse est aut imiteris aut oderis. BALUZ.

They may be able to imitate. Although this reading is constant in all the old books and in all the editions, even in Minucius, I nevertheless think the word possint does not suit this place, and that another should be restored which would mean that the pagans feared they would be forced or driven to imitate the Christians. Unless that word is to be removed from this place, so that one reads simply, lest, once they knew them, they should be unable either to imitate or to condemn them. Seneca, Letter VII: You must either imitate or hate. BALUZE.

(Variorum 6) ‹Thebanorum Germanitas› · lemma, ch. VIII VIII. — Thebanorum Germanitas. Vide Rigaltii observationes ad Minutium, pag. 189. BALUZ.

VIII. — The brotherhood of the Thebans. See Rigault's observations on Minucius, page 189. BALUZE.

(Variorum 7) ‹Rogis dissidentibus› · lemma, ch. VIII Rogis dissidentibus. Eteocles et Polynices cum mutuis vulneribus expirassent, illius quidem corpus concremandum rogo imponebatur ; hujus vero corpus Creon, Menoeci filius, sepulturae tradi vetuit, quod patriam oppugnatum venerit. Neque tamen eo secius Antigona soror et Argia conjux, clam noctu Polynicis corpus sublatum, in eadem pyra, qua Eteocles imposuerunt. Refert hoc Hyginus Fab. LXXII. Obiter adhuc noto, ibidem Fab. LXXI, Thebis funus separatur legi debere, non fumus. Nam funus certe a Thebanis separatum, non item fumus e rogo ascendens. Siquidem pietas sororis et uxoris obstitit, quominus id fieret. CELLAR.

By pyres at variance. When Eteocles and Polynices had died of wounds given to each other, the body of the one was laid on a pyre to be burned; but Creon, son of Menoeceus, forbade the body of the other to be given burial, because he had come to attack his fatherland. Nonetheless Antigone his sister and Argia his wife, having secretly taken up the body of Polynices by night, laid it on the same pyre as Eteocles. Hyginus relates this, Fable LXXII. I note in passing that in the same place, Fable LXXI, one should read at Thebes the funeral is separated, not the smoke. For the funeral was certainly separated by the Thebans, but not so the smoke rising from the pyre; for the piety of sister and wife prevented that from happening. CELLARIUS.

(Variorum 8) ‹Rex unus est apibus› · lemma, ch. VIII Rex unus est apibus. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Rusticum monachum ; Etiam muta animalia et ferarum greges ductores sequuntur suos. In apibus principes sunt. Varro, lib. III, cap. 16, de Re rustica : Regem suum sequuntur quocumque it, et fessum sublevant, et si nequit volare, succollant. Vide Lactantium, lib. III, cap. 10 ; Senecam, l. I de Clementia, cap. 9 ; Ovidium, lib. III Fastorum, et Dionem Chrysostomum, Orat. IV et XLVIII. BALUZ.

The bees have one king. Jerome, in the Letter to Rusticus the monk: Even dumb animals and herds of wild beasts follow their leaders. Among bees there are chiefs. Varro, On Agriculture book III, chapter 16: They follow their king wherever he goes, and when he is tired they hold him up, and if he cannot fly they carry him on their shoulders. See Lactantius, book III, chapter 10; Seneca, On Clemency book I, chapter 9; Ovid, Fasti book III; and Dio Chrysostom, Orations IV and XLVIII. BALUZE.

(Variorum 9) ‹Et cum homo latius maneat› · lemma, ch. IX Et cum homo latius maneat. Minutius cap. 32 : Cum homo laxius maneam. Sic ibi cum Fulvio Ursino expressimus, quia Cicero, quem imitari solet Minutius, habitare laxe, pro domo sua cap. 44 dixit. Codices vero omnes Cypriani, si transcripsit Felicem, prae se latius ferunt, ut dubitare incipiam, an nec prior ille latius, ut Sabaeus et Fr. Balduinus legunt, scripserit. CELLAR.

And when man dwells more widely. Minucius, chapter 32: When I, a man, dwell more spaciously. So we printed it there with Fulvio Orsini, because Cicero, whom Minucius usually imitates, said to dwell spaciously in the speech For his House, chapter 44. But all the manuscripts of Cyprian, if he copied Felix, show latius, so that I begin to doubt whether the earlier writer too did not write latius, as Sabaeus and François Baudouin read. CELLARIUS.

(Variorum 10) ‹Includam› · lemma, ch. IX IX. — Includam. Ita omnes veteres editiones et omnia vetera exemplaria, Pithoeano et Metensi exceptis, in quibus scriptum est includam. Hanc lectionem praetulit Manutius, et alii post eum. In Beccensi scriptum est includatur. In Fuxensi, intra unam aediculam vim tantae majestatis concludi aestimas. Sane apud Minutium legitur, intra unam aediculam vim tantae majestatis includam. Sed illic alia est constructio verborum. Novatianus in libro de Trinitate cap. 6 : Nec tamen Deus intra tabernaculum clusus continetur. Cicero, lib. II de Legibus : Patrum delubra esse in urbibus nosco ; nec sequor magos Persarum, quibus auctoribus Xerxes inflammasse templa Graeciae dicitur, quod parietibus includerent deos, quibus omnia deberent esse patentia et libera, quorumque hic mundus omnis templum esset et domus. Tacitus ita de Germanis scribit : Caeterum nec cohibere parietibus deos neque in ullam humani oris speciem assimilare ex magnitudine coelestium arbitrantur. Aelius Lampridius in Alexandro Severo : Adrianus templa in omnibus civitatibus sine simulachris jusserat fieri. Sanctus Augustinus, lib. VIII Confess., c. 2 : Ergo parietes faciunt Christianos. BALUZ.

IX. — Shall I shut in. So all the old editions and all the old copies, except the Pithou and Metz ones, in which includam is written. Manutius preferred this reading, and others after him. In the Bec manuscript includatur (is shut in) is written. In the Foix: do you think the power of so great a majesty is shut up within one little shrine. Indeed in Minucius one reads, shall I shut in the power of so great a majesty within one little shrine. But there the construction of the words is different. Novatian, in the book On the Trinity, chapter 6: Yet God is not contained shut up within a tabernacle. Cicero, On the Laws book II: I recognise that there are shrines of our fathers in the cities; nor do I follow the Magi of the Persians, at whose instigation Xerxes is said to have burned the temples of Greece, because they shut up within walls the gods, to whom all things ought to be open and free, and whose temple and home is this whole world. Tacitus writes thus of the Germans: Moreover, they judge it unfitting to the greatness of heavenly beings either to confine the gods within walls or to liken them to any form of human face. Aelius Lampridius, in the Alexander Severus: Hadrian had ordered temples without images to be built in all the cities. Saint Augustine, Confessions book VIII, chapter 2: So then, do walls make Christians? BALUZE.

(Variorum 11) ‹In nostra dedicandus› · lemma, ch. IX In nostra dedicandus. Lactantius, cap. 23, de Ira Dei : Sit nobis Deus non in templis, sed in corde nostro consecratus. Idem lib. V. Institut., cap. 8, ait Dei templum non esse in lapidibus aut luto, sed hominem ipsum qui figuram Dei gestat. BALUZ.

He is to be dedicated in our [breast]. Lactantius, On the Anger of God, chapter 23: Let God be consecrated for us not in temples, but in our heart. The same, Institutes book V, chapter 8, says that the temple of God is not in stones or clay, but is man himself, who bears the image of God. BALUZE.

(printed under page 281)

[Lectiones variantes] (printed under page 282)

(a) ‹Nec nomen Deo› · call in col 577

Dei Thu. Foss. Mich. Vict.

"Dei" (of God) in the Thuanus MS, Foss., Mich. and the Victorine MS.

(printed under page 282)

(b) ‹totus diffusus est› · call in col 577

Ubique ipse diffusus Pem. Thu. Foss. Ver. Bod. 3.

"Himself spread everywhere" in Pem., the Thuanus MS, Foss., the Verona MS and Bodleian 3.

(printed under page 282)

(c) ‹religionibus obediebant› · call in col 577

Obediebant. Sed Cam.

"They obeyed. But" in the Cambridge MS.

(printed under page 282)

(d) ‹et generis› · call in col 577

Genere Man. Mon.

"Genere" (in race) in Manutius and Mon.

(printed under page 282)

(e) ‹melioris obsequii› · call in col 578

Et melioris obsequii haec verba in nonnullis edd. desunt, in Gronov. adsunt. Meliores obsequio et fide fortiores ed. Lips. Routhio placuit. ex codd. nov. Ox. 1, 2. Tew. Drur. Melioris obsequii et fidei fortioris.

"And of better obedience": these words are lacking in some editions; in Gronovius they are present. "Better in obedience and stronger in faith" in the Leipzig edition; Routh preferred, from the new Oxford MSS 1, 2, Tew. and Drury, "of better obedience and of stronger faith."

(printed under page 282)

(f) ‹muneribus haurirent› · call in col 578

Haurirent, hujus Thu. Mich. Vict.

"They would draw; of this" in the Thuanus MS, Mich. and the Victorine MS.

(printed under page 282)

(g) ‹Hujus› · call in col 578

Indulgentiae, gratiae, disciplinaeque arbiter Oxon. Pamel. Rigalt. Lindner. Indulgentiae igitur et gratiae arbiter Lips.

"Arbiter of pardon, of grace and of discipline" in the Oxford edition, Pamelius, Rigault and Lindner. "Arbiter, then, of pardon and of grace" in the Leipzig edition.

(printed under page 282)

(h) ‹praedicabatur› · call in col 578

Praedicatur Thu. Vict. Mich. Deductor. N.C. 1, 2. Drur. 1. Tew. Cellar. Gronov. Lindner. Routh.

"Praedicatur" (is proclaimed) in the Thuanus MS, the Victorine MS and Mich. "Deductor" (guide) in N.C. 1, 2, Drury 1, Tew., Cellarius, Gronovius, Lindner, Routh.

(printed under page 282)

(i) ‹in virginem illabitur› · call in col 578

Delabitur Pem. Lam. Ver. Tew. Drur. Meerm. tres nov. Oxon. Cellar. Lindn. Routh.

"Delabitur" (glides down) in Pem., the Lamoignon MS, the Verona MS, Tew., Drury, Meerman, three new Oxford MSS, Cellarius, Lindner, Routh.

(i bis) ‹arbiter› · call in col 578 [The call "i" printed after arbiter in col 578 has no separate note visible; the note above is lettered i once only.]

[Editorial remark: Migne prints the call "i" twice in col 578 (after arbiter and after illabitur); only one note i is printed.]

[Variorum notae] (Variorum 1) ‹Nec nomen Deo quaeras› · lemma, ch. IX Nec nomen Deo quaeras. Sic optimus Veronensis : et Minutiani quidam libri, cap. 18, quamquam ibi Dei scripsimus, Meursium secuti ; qui vero lectione Cypriani, quae dubia est, ut vidimus, praecipue nitebatur. CELLAR.

Nor seek a name for God. So the excellent Verona manuscript; and some books of Minucius, chapter 18, although there we wrote Dei (of God), following Meursius, who however relied chiefly on the reading of Cyprian, which is doubtful, as we have seen. CELLARIUS.

(Variorum 2) ‹Deus nomen est illi› · lemma, ch. IX Deus nomen est illi. Infra lib. II. Testimonior., cap. 7, ex Isaia : Ego Dominus Deus, hoc mihi nomen est. Et in Psalmo LXVII. Deus nomen illi. BALUZ.

God is his name. Below, Testimonies book II, chapter 7, from Isaiah: I am the Lord God, this is my name. And in Psalm LXVII: God is his name. BALUZE.

(Variorum 3) ‹Dei vocabulum› · lemma, ch. IX Dei vocabulum. Pamelius posuit Deus. Sic etiam Rigaltius et editio Anglicana. At omnes fere libri veteres et editiones Manutii et Morellii habent Dei. Quod certe melius esse facile animadvertet qui rem attente consideraverit. BALUZ.

The word "God." Pamelius put Deus. So too Rigault and the English edition. But almost all the old books and the editions of Manutius and Morel have Dei. Anyone who considers the matter attentively will easily see that this is certainly better. BALUZE.

(Variorum 4) ‹Judaeis primum› · lemma, ch. X X. — Judaeis primum. Tertullianus in Apologetico : Judaeis erat apud Deum gratia ob insignem justitiam et fidem originalium auctorum. BALUZ.

X. — To the Jews first. Tertullian, in the Apology: The Jews were in favour with God because of the outstanding justice and faith of their original founders. BALUZE.

(Variorum 5) ‹Negligentes› · lemma, ch. X Negligentes. Multum variant in hoc loco vetera exemplaria. Eorum nonnulla et veteres editiones habent negligentes disciplinae superbi postmodum facti. Alia omittunt vocem negligentes et vocem superbi, habent autem tantum et indisciplinati postmodum. Fuxense, sed illi negligentes disciplinam postmodum inobedientes facti. BALUZ. — Indisciplinati. Usus hoc verbo est etiam Vulgatus interpres Sapientiae libri, c. 17, comm. I. Gloss. vet. indisciplinatus, ἀμαθής. LINDNER.

Neglectful. The old copies vary much in this place. Some of them, and the old editions, have neglectful of discipline, afterwards became proud. Others omit the word neglectful and the word proud, and have only and afterwards undisciplined. The Foix copy: but they, neglecting discipline, afterwards became disobedient. BALUZE. — Undisciplined. The Vulgate translator of the book of Wisdom also used this word, chapter 17, verse 1. An old glossary: indisciplinatus, ἀμαθής (unlearned). LINDNER.

(Variorum 6) ‹Multo fideliores› · lemma, ch. XI XI. — Multo fideliores. Tertullianus in Apologetico loquens de Judaeis, qui culpa sua amiserant gratiam Dei, cum coeli et soli sui extorres essent, ait sanctas voces illis praenuntiasse uti sub extremis curriculis saeculi ex omni gente et populo et loco cultores sibi adlegeret Deus multo fideliores. Lactantius, cap. XLIII Epitomes, aliam sibi plebem fideliorem de exteris gentibus congregaret. Plures libri veteres et editiones heic apud Cyprianum praeferunt multo meliores. In Fuxensi legitur, multo meliores obsequio et fide fortiores. In Burgundico, in Tornacensi, et in Gratianopolitano, multo melioris obsequii et fidei fortioris. Atque ita se legisse in antiquo exemplari testatur Rigaltius in Observationibus suis ad Apologeticum Tertulliani. Alii tres antiqui, multo fidelioris et melioris obsequii. Turonensis, multo fidei fortiores. Carnotensis, multo faciliores. At feliciores pro faciliores scriptum est in codice sancti Arnulphi. BALUZ.

XI. — Far more faithful. Tertullian, in the Apology, speaking of the Jews, who by their own fault had lost the favour of God when they were exiles from their sky and soil, says that holy voices had foretold to them that in the last courses of the age God would choose for himself, out of every nation and people and place, worshippers far more faithful. Lactantius, Epitome chapter XLIII: that he would gather to himself another, more faithful people from foreign nations. Several old books and editions here in Cyprian give far better. In the Foix manuscript one reads, far better in obedience and stronger in faith. In the Burgundian, the Tournai and the Grenoble manuscripts, of far better obedience and stronger faith. And Rigault testifies in his Observations on Tertullian's Apology that he read it so in an ancient copy. Three other ancient ones: of far more faithful and better obedience. The Tours manuscript: far stronger in faith. The Chartres manuscript: far readier. But feliciores (happier) is written for faciliores in the manuscript of Saint-Arnulf. BALUZE.

(Variorum 7) ‹Quam acceptam› · lemma, ch. XI Quam acceptam. Codex Fuxensis, qua et accepta Judaei et contempta majestate ejus perdiderunt indulgentiam. Igitur ob istius gratiae disciplinam arbiter, etc. In codice sancti Arnulphi et in Beccensi desunt ista, quam acceptam Judaei contemptis religionibus perdidissent. BALUZ.

Which, having received. The Foix manuscript: which the Jews both received and, having despised his majesty, lost the pardon. Therefore, because of the discipline of this grace, the arbiter, etc. In the manuscript of Saint-Arnulf and in the Bec manuscript these words are lacking: which the Jews, having received it, had lost by despising its observances. BALUZE.

(Variorum 8) ‹Illuminator et doctor› · lemma, ch. XI [573] Illuminator et doctor. Vide Tertullianum loco mox laudato, BALUZ. — Sic antiquissimo quoque libro manu exarato legitur : Vulgaribus doctor. Sed praestat, quod antiquius, quia ex Tertulliani Apologetico hausta verba, quo eadem hoc ordine cap. 21 leguntur : Hujus igitur gratiae disciplinaeque arbiter et magister, illuminator atque deductor generis humani Filius Dei annuntiabatur. LINDNER.

Enlightener and teacher. See Tertullian in the passage just cited. BALUZE. — So it is read too in the most ancient handwritten book; in the common ones, doctor (teacher). But the older reading is better, because the words are drawn from Tertullian's Apology, where the same are read in this order in chapter 21: The arbiter and master, therefore, of this grace and discipline, the enlightener and guide of the human race, the Son of God, was announced. LINDNER.

(Variorum 9) ‹Carnem spiritus› · lemma, ch. XI Carnem spiritus. Ita Rigaltius in prima sua libri istius editione emissa cum Minutio Felice, atque ita habere ait vetustiora exemplaria. Nonnulli veteres libri et vulgatae editiones habent, carnem Spiritu sancto cooperante induitur. Deest illud cooperante in libro Beccensi. Codices Remigianus, Divionensis, recens Victorinus et unus Regius habent, carne Spiritu sancto induitur. Sic etiam emendatum est ex libro veteri in margine editionis Lugdunensis anni 1544. Sic etiam scriptum erat in libro Flori. Codex antiquus Sangermanensis optimae notae sic habet : Carne Spiritus sanctus induitur. Quam scripturam Pamelius reperit in quatuor mss. Erasmus retinuit vulgatam lectionem, sed in margine posuit, carnem Spiritus sanctus induitur. Praeferenda haec lectio, tum quia nititur veteribus libris, tum quia vox illa cooperante videtur esse glossema. Est autem antiquis Patribus familiare Christum vocare Spiritum sanctum. Hermas, lib. III, Similit. 5, sic loquitur de Christi corpore : Hoc ergo corpus, in quod inductus est Spiritus sanctus. Justinus Apolog. II : Spiritum ergo ac virtutem Dei nefas est aliud intelligi, nisi verbum, etc. Irenaeus, lib. V, cap. 1, postquam dixit, Spiritus sanctus descendit in Mariam, statim subjicit : Verbum Patris (continues)

The Spirit … flesh. So Rigault in his first edition of this book, issued with Minucius Felix, and he says the older copies have it so. Some old books and the common editions have, he puts on flesh by the cooperation of the Holy Spirit. That cooperante is lacking in the Bec book. The Reims, Dijon, recent Victorine and one royal manuscript have, he is clothed with flesh by the Holy Spirit. So too it was corrected from an old book in the margin of the Lyons edition of 1544. So too it was written in the book of Florus. The ancient Saint-Germain manuscript, of the best quality, has thus: The Holy Spirit is clothed with flesh. Pamelius found this text in four manuscripts. Erasmus kept the common reading, but put in the margin, the Holy Spirit puts on flesh. This reading is to be preferred, both because it rests on old books and because that word cooperante seems to be a gloss. It is, moreover, familiar to the ancient Fathers to call Christ the Holy Spirit. Hermas, book III, Similitude 5, speaks thus of Christ's body: This body, then, into which the Holy Spirit was brought. Justin, Apology II: It is wrong, then, to understand the Spirit and the Power of God as anything other than the Word, etc. Irenaeus, book V, chapter 1, after saying, The Holy Spirit came down upon Mary, at once adds: The Word of the Father (continues)

(printed under page 282)

[Lectiones variantes] (printed under page 283)

(a) ‹anchor not visible› · call in cols 579-580 (column not visible)

Hoc illis Pem. Vir. Gronov. Monentibus 7 codd. edit. princ. Routh.

"Hoc illis" (this to them) in Pem., Vir., Gronovius. "Monentibus" (warning) in seven manuscripts, the first edition and Routh.

(printed under page 283)

(b) ‹anchor not visible› · call in cols 579-580 (column not visible)

Fateretur. Non Lindn.

"He would confess. Not" in Lindner.

(printed under page 283)

(c) ‹anchor not visible› · call in cols 579-580 (column not visible)

Accensa ira et indignatione provocata Thu. Foss. Vict. Mich. Lindn.

"Their anger kindled and their indignation roused" in the Thuanus MS, Foss., the Victorine MS, Mich. and Lindner.

(printed under page 283)

(d) ‹anchor not visible› · call in cols 579-580 (column not visible)

Insecuti sunt et addiderunt Bal. et Routh., qua de causa nescio. inquit Goldhorn.

"They pursued, and": Baluze and Routh added these words, "for what reason I do not know," says Goldhorn.

(printed under page 283)

(e) ‹anchor not visible› · call in cols 579-580 (column not visible)

Suffragiis pertinacibus. Caetera rejiciunt Pem. Thu. Foss. Mich. Vict. Corb. ; uncis includit Lindner.

"By obstinate votes." Pem., the Thuanus MS, Foss., Mich., the Victorine MS and the Corbie MS reject the rest; Lindner encloses it in brackets.

(printed under page 283)

(f) ‹anchor not visible› · call in cols 579-580 (column not visible)

Flagitarent Lam. Vict.

"Flagitarent" (they demanded) in the Lamoignon MS and the Victorine MS.

(printed under page 283)

(g) ‹anchor not visible› · call in cols 579-580 (column not visible)

Sic Thu. Foss. Vict. Corb. Mich. Lam. Voss. 3. Spir. Rem. Er. Man. Routh. Lips. Tantum mortem Oxon. [Tantum] Lindn.

So the Thuanus MS, Foss., the Victorine, Corbie, Mich., Lamoignon MSS, Vossius 3, Spir., Rem., Erasmus, Manutius, Routh, the Leipzig edition. "Only death" in the Oxford edition; Lindner brackets [Tantum].

(printed under page 283)

(h) ‹discipulis suis talis› · call in col 580

Talis omitt. Routh. ex NC. 2, 3. Talis ut fuerat NC. 1. Drur. 1. Tew. Meerm.

"Talis" (such) is omitted by Routh from NC. 2, 3. "Such as he had been" in NC. 1, Drury 1, Tew. and Meerman.

(printed under page 283)

(i) ‹simul vinctus› · call in col 580

Junctus Oxon. Junctis MR. Veron. Lindn. Routh. Goldhorn.

"Junctus" (joined) in the Oxford edition. "Junctis" in MR., the Verona MS, Lindner, Routh and Goldhorn.

[Variorum notae] (Variorum 1) ‹Carnem spiritus› · lemma, ch. XI

(continued) et Spiritus Dei adunitus antiquae substantiae plasmationis Adae, viventem et perfectum effecit hominem. Tertullianus, lib. de Carne Christi, n. 18 : Sic denique homo cum Deo, dum caro hominis cum Spiritu Dei. Plura vide apud doctissimum Petrum Coustant monachum Benedictinum in praefatione ad opera sancti Hilarii episcopi Pictaviensis, § 57. Caeterum heic addo theologos scholasticos disputare an Spiritus sanctus dici possit pater Jesu Christi. Vide Thomam de Argentina, lib. III, dist. 4, art. 4. BALUZ. (Cf. Nourrii observ. ad h. l. Dissert., tom. praeced. et in Lump. Hist. PP. t. XI, p. 116 et seqq.). — Sic e Beneventano codice : caeteri, carnem Spiritus sanctus induitur, quae si genuina scriptura Cypriani est, Spiritus ipse λόγος intelligatur oportet. Vulgatis insertum cooperante, quod abest a scriptis : Tres insignes delabitur : alii, illabitur. LINDNER.

(Variorum 2) ‹Sciebant et Judaei› · lemma, ch. XII XII. — Sciebant et Judaei. Ista et quae sequuntur ferme sumpta sunt omnia ex capite XII Apologetici Tertulliani. BALUZ.

XII. — The Jews too knew. This and what follows are taken almost entirely from chapter XII of Tertullian's Apology. BALUZE.

(Variorum 3) ‹Sapientiae› · lemma, ch. XII Sapientiae. In codice Burgundico scriptum est insipientiae caecitate multati. BALUZ.

Of wisdom. In the Burgundian manuscript is written punished with the blindness of folly. BALUZE.

(Variorum 4) ‹Crediderant hominem tantum› · lemma, ch. XIII XIII. — Crediderant hominem tantum. Rufinus in Psal. II de Christo adversum Judaeos : Quia hunc in carne humilem viderunt, superbo corde et caeco contempserunt. Item in Psal. XIII. Contempsistis humilem adventum filii Dei. BALUZ.

XIII. — They had believed him only a man. Rufinus, on Psalm 2, of Christ against the Jews: Because they saw him lowly in the flesh, they despised him with a proud and blind heart. Likewise on Psalm 13: You despised the lowly coming of the Son of God. BALUZE.

(Variorum 5) ‹Syriam procurabat› · lemma, ch. XIII Syriam procurabat. Bene, procurabat, quia Tacitus Pontium Pilatum procuratorem dixit, lib. XV, cap. 44 : minus autem vere Syriam, quae sub legato consulari erat, nominavit ; Pilatus enim Palaestinae tantum, nec illi omni, sed Archelai ethnarchiae in provinciam redactae, sive Judaeae et Samariae, praefectus fuit. Josephus, lib. II de Bello, cap. 14 ineunte : Πεμφθεὶς δὲ εἰς Ἰουδαίαν ἐπίτροπος ὑπὸ Τιβερίου Πιλᾶτος, Missus autem a Tiberio Pilatus in Judaeam procurator. CELLAR. Erat noster cum Tertulliano, ecclesiae Carthaginensis presbytero, quem sequitur, in Apol., cap. 21, sic dicentem : Ad doctrinam ejus primores Judaeorum ita exasperabantur..... ut postremo oblatum Pontio Pilato Syriam tunc ex parte Romana procuranti violentia suffragiorum in crucem Jesum dedi sibi extorserint. LINDNER. [Greek blurred at this resolution; accents uncertain.]

He was procurator of Syria. Rightly procurabat, for Tacitus called Pontius Pilate procurator, Annals book XV, chapter 44; but he less truly named Syria, which was under a consular legate; for Pilate was governor only of Palestine, and not of all of it, but of the ethnarchy of Archelaus reduced to a province, that is, Judaea and Samaria. Josephus, Jewish War book II, beginning of chapter 14: "Pilate, sent by Tiberius to Judaea as procurator" — Pilate was sent by Tiberius into Judaea as procurator. CELLARIUS. Our author agreed with Tertullian, presbyter of the church of Carthage, whom he follows, who says in the Apology, chapter 21: The leading men of the Jews were so exasperated at his teaching ..... that at last, having brought Jesus before Pontius Pilate, who was then governing Syria on the Roman side, they extorted by the violence of their votes that he be given up to them for the cross. LINDNER.

(Variorum 6) ‹Non ut sentiret tantum mortem› · lemma, ch. XIV Non ut sentiret tantum mortem. Illud tantum in plurimis mss. non exstat. Sic sentire mortem erit ἰδεῖν διαφθοράν ut Graeci interpretes Psal. XVI, 10, et cum iis Lucas, Act. II, 31, reddiderunt. LINDNER.

Not merely that he might feel death. That tantum (merely) is not found in most manuscripts. So to feel death will be ἰδεῖν διαφθοράν, "to see corruption," as the Greek translators rendered Psalm 16:10, and Luke with them, Acts 2:31. LINDNER.

(Variorum 7) ‹Apparuit discipulis suis talis, ut ante fuerat› · lemma, ch. XIV Apparuit discipulis suis talis, ut ante fuerat. Sic exhibuit Gronovius, quia vocem penultimam fatetur Rigaltius vitiose excidisse ex editione sua ; et quartam vocem praebet Oxoniensis. LINDNER.

He appeared to his disciples such as he had been before. So Gronovius printed it, because Rigault confesses that the second-to-last word had faultily dropped out of his edition; and the Oxford edition supplies the fourth word. LINDNER.

(Variorum 8) ‹Vinctus› · lemma, ch. XIV XIV. — Vinctus. Hanc lectionem, quam puto esse meliorem, exhibent novem libri veteres. Alii quidam habent junctus. Unus vetus et quaedam veteres editiones habent victus. Quod ostendere potest scriptum fuisse vinctus ; sed postea emendatum est antiquitus ut legi deberet victus. Videtur itaque ea lectio melior esse quae habet vinctus, tamquam si Christus discipulis suis apparuisset cum fasciis et institis in quibus corpus ejus positum fuerat in sepulchro, cum sindone in qua Joseph ab Arimathaea corpus illius involverat. Nam et incredulis ostendit manus suas et pedes in quibus impressa erant signa clavorum, quae ostendit etiam Thomae incredulo, ut est in capite XX Evangelii secundum Joannem. BALUZ.

XIV. — Bound. This reading, which I think the better, is given by nine old books. Certain others have junctus (joined). One old book and some old editions have victus. Which may show that vinctus had been written, but afterwards it was corrected in ancient times so as to be read victus. So the reading that has vinctus seems better, as though Christ had appeared to his disciples with the bands and wrappings in which his body had been laid in the tomb, with the linen cloth in which Joseph of Arimathea had wrapped his body. For to the unbelieving he also showed his hands and feet, in which the marks of the nails were imprinted, which he showed also to unbelieving Thomas, as is in chapter XX of the Gospel according to John. BALUZE.

(Variorum 9) ‹Ad dies quadraginta› · lemma, ch. XIV Ad dies quadraginta : Istud est certissimum ; et non admonerem, nisi vidissem in capite 47 Epitomes Lactantii scriptum esse quinquagesimo die in editione Pfaffii. Nam et ipse Lactantius, lib. IV, cap. 21, posuit quadraginta. BALUZ.

For forty days. This is most certain; and I would not remark on it had I not seen on the fiftieth day written in chapter 47 of Lactantius's Epitome in Pfaff's edition. For Lactantius himself, book IV, chapter 21, put forty. BALUZE.

(Variorum 10) ‹In coelum sublatus› · lemma, ch. XIV In coelum sublatus Nulla istic mentio descensus Christi ad inferos. Sed Cyprianus in libro secundo Testimoniorum hoc dogma commemorat, illudque probat ex testimoniis Veteris et Novi Testamenti. Sic enim habet caput vigesimum quartum : Quod a morte non (continues)

Taken up into heaven. There is no mention here of Christ's descent into hell. But Cyprian records this doctrine in the second book of the Testimonies, and proves it from testimonies of the Old and New Testaments. For chapter twenty-four runs thus: That from death he would not (continues)

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[Lectiones variantes — De idolorum vanitate]

(a) ‹generis humani› · call in col 581

In conjic. Routh.

"In" is conjectured by Routh.

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(b) ‹in salutem darent› · call in col 581

Dare... adducere... oculare Voss. 3.

"Dare... adducere... oculare" (to give... to lead... to give sight) in Vossius 3.

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(c) ‹si Christum fuerimus imitati› · call in col 582 (that text is set under col 581, moved on receipt)

Secuti Pem. Lam. Thu. Vict. Foss. Mich. Nov. NC. Drur. 1. Meerm. Vindobon. Remb. Froben. Hernag. Lindn. Routh.

"Secuti" (having followed) in Pem., the Lamoignon MS, the Thuanus MS, the Victorine MS, Foss., Mich., Nov., NC., Drury 1, Meerman, the Vienna MS, Remb., Froben, Herwagen, Lindner and Routh.

(printed under page 284) [Variorum notae] (Variorum 1) ‹In coelum sublatus› · lemma, ch. XIV

(continued) vinceretur, nec apud inferos remansurus esset. Et caput vigesimum quintum : Quod ab inferis tertio die resurgeret. Quamvis autem idem dogma scriptores Cypriano antiquiores similiter praedicent, in nonnullis tamen symbolis non videtur conceptis verbis fuisse expressum, quia descensus ad inferos satis videbatur indicari, cum Christus sepultus diceretur. Hinc Rufinus in expositione in Symbolum : Sciendum sane est, inquit, quod in Ecclesiae Romanae Symbolo non habetur additum, descendit ad inferna, sed neque in Orientis Ecclesiis habetur hic sermo ; vis tamen verbi eadem videtur esse in eo quod sepultus dicitur. Ex quo facile colligitur non recte reprehensum fuisse Rufinum ab Henrico Vito Oosthovio in libro de Descensu Christi ad inferos. Rufinus enim, qui alibi non uno loco scribit Christum descendisse ad inferna, non ait Christum non descendisse ad inferos, sed tantum descendit ad inferna non haberi in Symbolo Ecclesiae Romanae neque in Orientis Ecclesiis. Etiam aevo Innocentii papae IV deerat in Symbolo quod Catholicus Jacobitarum ad eum misit ut probaret se tenere fidem Ecclesiae Romanae. Editum illud est ad annum 1247 ab Oderico Raynaldo. Vide Bellarminum, lib. II de Verbo Dei, cap. 6, et Rigaltium ad librum Tertulliani [874] de Praescriptionibus adversus haereticos. Vide etiam Apologiam Joannis Pici Mirandelae, ubi fusu disputat de descensu Christi ad inferos, et Petrum Fabrum Sanjorianum, l. III Agonisticon, c. 10, p. 265. BALUZ.

(Variorum 2) ‹Ocularent› · lemma, ch. XIV Ocularent. Visum darent. Tertulliani verbum quo magistro saepe Cyprianus usus est. Libro de Poenitentia, cap. 12. Hirundo si excaecaverit pullos, novit illos oculare rursus de sua chelidonia. Et metaphorice libro de Pudicitia, cap. 8 : In vestibus purpura oculandis. LINDNER.

Ocularent. They would give sight. A word of Tertullian, whom Cyprian often used as his master. In the book On Repentance, chapter 12: If the swallow has blinded her chicks, she knows how to give them eyes again with her swallow-wort. And metaphorically, in the book On Modesty, chapter 8: in clothes, for brightening the purple. LINDNER.

(Variorum 3) ‹Dolor veritatis testis› · lemma, ch. XV XV. — Dolor veritatis testis. Vide quae in simili argumento diximus supra in Epistolam ad Demetrianum, pag. 563. Hieronymus in Epistola apologetica ad Asellam : Veritatem magis exprimunt tormenta quam risum. BALUZ.

XV. — Pain, the witness of truth. See what we said on a similar subject above on the Letter to Demetrianus, page 563. Jerome, in the apologetic Letter to Asella: Torments wring out truth rather than laughter. BALUZE.

(Variorum 4) ‹Praedicaretur› · lemma, ch. XV Praedicaretur. Codex Veronensis et alii septem veteres habent probaretur. BALUZ.

Might be proclaimed. The Verona manuscript and seven other old ones have probaretur (might be proved). BALUZE.

(Variorum 5) ‹Lucis principem› · lemma, ch. XV Lucis principem. Codex Fuxensis, spei nostrae principem. Sanctus Ambrosius, lib. III de Fide, cap. 7, Christum vocat principem humilitatis. BALUZ.

The prince of light. The Foix manuscript: the prince of our hope. Saint Ambrose, On the Faith book III, chapter 7, calls Christ the prince of humility. BALUZE.

(Variorum 6) ‹Si Christum fuerimus imitati› · lemma, ch. XV Si Christum fuerimus imitati. Veteres editiones et plures libri veteres habent secuti. Aliam lectionem inveni in editione quae dicitur Gravii et in aliquot vetustis exemplaribus. Libellus precum Marcellini et Faustini : Perdit enim in se Christiani nominis appellationem qui Christi non sequitur disciplinam. BALUZ.

If we have imitated Christ. The old editions and several old books have secuti (followed). I found the other reading in the edition called Gravius's and in some old copies. The Petition of Marcellinus and Faustinus: For he loses in himself the title of the Christian name who does not follow the discipline of Christ. BALUZE.

[Steph. Baluzii notae — De mortalitate] (Baluze 1) ‹De mortalitate› · lemma, title of De mortalitate, col 581 DE MORTALITATE. — Hujus libri cum laude mentionem saepe facit sanctus Augustinus, in primis vero in libro de Praedestinatione sanctorum, c. 14, inquiens illum multis ac pene omnibus qui ecclesiasticas litteras amant laudabiliter notum. Idem in Epistola ad Vitalem ait Cypriani in hoc loco totam intentionem esse ut sciamus bonis fidelibus gratulandum esse morientibus, quando vitae tentationibus auferuntur, deinceps in beatissima securitate mansuri. Ejusdem libri meminit Eusebius in Chronico. Pestilens morbus, inquit, multas totius orbis provincias occupavit, maximeque Alexandriam et Aegyptum, ut scribit Dionysius, et Cypriani de Mortalitate testis est liber. Ubi vide notas Josephi Scaligeri. Eadem habet etiam Jornandes in libro de Rebus Geticis, ubi scribit hanc cladem lacrymabiliter expositam a Dionysio, quam et noster, inquit, conscripsit venerabilis martyr Christi episcopus Cyprianus in libro cui titulus est de Mortalitate. Eam pestilentiam Eusebius ponit post mortem papae Cornelii, Petavius, lib. XIII de Doctrina temporum, anno superiore. Et tamen Christophorus Sandius hunc Cypriani tractatum reponit inter eos qui suppositi sunt sancto Martyri. Egregie vero illum refutat clarissimus Pearsonius in Annalibus Cyprianicis. Nimia miseria est audacem esse hominem nimis. [The note ends at the foot of the page without Baluze's signature; it may run over to the next page.]

ON MORTALITY. — Saint Augustine often mentions this book with praise, above all in the book On the Predestination of the Saints, chapter 14, saying that it is known with praise to many, indeed to almost all who love the Church's writings. The same, in the Letter to Vitalis, says that Cyprian's whole intention in this place is that we should know that good believers are to be congratulated when they die, since they are taken away from the temptations of life, to abide thereafter in most blessed security. Eusebius mentions the same book in the Chronicle: A pestilential disease, he says, seized many provinces of the whole world, and above all Alexandria and Egypt, as Dionysius writes, and Cyprian's book On Mortality is witness. On which see Joseph Scaliger's notes. Jordanes says the same in the book On the Affairs of the Goths, where he writes that this calamity was tearfully set out by Dionysius, which our own, he says, venerable martyr of Christ, Bishop Cyprian, also described in the book entitled On Mortality. Eusebius places that pestilence after the death of Pope Cornelius; Petavius, On the Doctrine of Times book XIII, in the year before. And yet Christoph Sand puts this treatise of Cyprian among those falsely ascribed to the holy martyr. But the most illustrious Pearson refutes him admirably in the Cyprianic Annals. It is too great a misery for a man to be too bold. [It may run over to the next page.]

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