Migne Reading Room
PL 4 · cols. 1095–1154
Appendix quarta: Oxoniensis editionis selectae in Cyprianum notae; J. M. Routh, notae; J. Trombelli, praefatio in Exhortationem ad poenitentiam
Book I
sibi ubique constaret Cypriani textus, loca illa quae a lectione vulgata discrepare deprehenduntur, pro antiquae versionis reliquiis non immerito haberemus. Sed cum ea sit lectionum in mss. codicibus varietas, ut plura simul occurrant quae a vulgatis discrepent; et in his quid a Cypriano scriptum fuerit, codicibus sibi invicem non respondentibus, minime constet: porro cum primorum saeculorum patres, in S. Scripturis laudandis div⟨e⟩rsimodo se habeant, curam hanc ceu tantum non deploratam censemus. Flam Nobilius aliique viri eruditi, Tertulliani, Cypriani, Hilarii, Ambrosii, Hieronymi et Augustini lectiones Scripturarum, ex libris impressis affatim ingerunt; parum memores in codicibus mss. rem aliter atque aliter passim se habere. Interim gratiae immortales Deo opt. max. habendae sunt: cujus providentia comparatum est, ut in pene infinita vocularum discrepantia, rerum momenta et doctrinae ordo usque inviolata permaneant. De scripturis nulla pene lis est, licet de scriptione ubique dubitetur.
the text of Cyprian were everywhere consistent with itself, we would not undeservedly regard those places which are found to disagree with the common reading as remnants of an ancient version. But since there is such variety of readings in the manuscript codices that several occur at once which disagree with the common [readings]; and since among these it is by no means clear what was written by Cyprian, as the codices do not agree with one another; and further, since the fathers of the first centuries behave in various ways in citing the Holy Scriptures, we judge this undertaking all but hopeless. Flam[inius] Nobilius and other learned men heap up in abundance the readings of the Scriptures of Tertullian, Cyprian, Hilary, Ambrose, Jerome and Augustine from printed books, little mindful that in the manuscript codices the matter stands now one way, now another, here and there. Meanwhile undying thanks are to be given to God, best and greatest, by Whose providence it has been brought about that, amid an almost infinite discrepancy of little words, the substance of the matters and the order of doctrine remain inviolate throughout. About the Scriptures there is almost no dispute, although about the writing there is doubt everywhere.
Judaeos secundum quae fuerant. Cyprianus in Magistri scriptis adeo libenter et fere perpetuo se exercuit, ut paucissima praeterierint, quae non libello eju⟨s⟩dem prorsus argumenti denuo tractaverit. Quemadmodum enim de Baptismo commentarium edidit Tertullianus; ita de Gratia Dei, sive Baptismo ad Donatum (ut Epistolas ad Jubaianum, Pompeium aliosque ea de re praeteream) scripsit Martyr noster. Quomodo de Idololatria egit Tertullianus, sic de Idolorum vanitate disseruit Cyprianus. Porro deinceps videre erit tractatus Tertulliani, de cultu foeminarum et Virginibus velandis; de Patientia, ad Scapulam; ad martyras, de Oratione, de Poenitentia, de Praescriptione; quasi ἀντιστοίχως, respici ab auctoris nostri scriptis, de Disciplina et Habitu Virginum; de Bono Patientiae; ad Demetrianum; de Exhortatione Martyrii; de Oratione dominica: de Lapsis; de Unitate Ecclesiae. Quae omnia semel hic indigitasse suffecerit.
The Jews according to what they had been. Cyprian occupied himself with the writings of his Master so gladly and almost continually that very few things passed him by which he did not treat afresh in a little book of altogether the same subject. For just as Tertullian published a commentary On Baptism, so our Martyr wrote On the Grace of God, or Baptism, to Donatus (to pass over the Letters to Jubaianus, Pompeius and others on that matter). As Tertullian dealt with Idolatry, so Cyprian discoursed on the Vanity of Idols. Further, one will see in turn the treatises of Tertullian, On the Dress of Women and On the Veiling of Virgins; On Patience, To Scapula; To the Martyrs, On Prayer, On Penitence, On Prescription, answered, as it were correspondingly, by the writings of our author, On the Discipline and Dress of Virgins; On the Good of Patience; To Demetrianus; On the Exhortation to Martyrdom; On the Lord's Prayer; On the Lapsed; On the Unity of the Church. It will suffice to have pointed all these out once here.
LIBER PRIMUS.
Book One.
I. Judaeos in offensam. Fastus Judaeorum validissimum opposuit obicem quominus in obsequium fidei venirent. Rectissime ergo hinc exordium sumitur; quemadmodum olim a Sancto Stephano factum, et ab Apostolis in Actis, atque Epistolis videmus praestitum.
I. The Jews into offence. The pride of the Jews set up a very strong barrier against their coming into the obedience of faith. Most rightly, therefore, the beginning is taken from here, as was once done by Saint Stephen, and as we see performed by the Apostles in the Acts and the Epistles.
Ejecit de Aegypto. Lectio Cypriano, nec non Tertulliano fere perpetua; nata videtur ex homonymia vocis עלה quae rei non ascensum modo, sed mutationem status aut loci fere omnem denotat. Quod in graeco αἴρω, latino tollo, nec non et vernaculis nostris linguis passim obtinet.
He cast out of Egypt. A reading almost constant in Cyprian, and also in Tertullian; it seems to have arisen from the double meaning of the word עלה, which denotes not only the going up of a thing but almost any change of state or place. This holds in the Greek αἴρω, the Latin tollo, and also commonly in our vernacular languages.
Derelictus est Juda. Licet in mss. plerisque desiderentur quae sequuntur ad finem hujus capitis; tamen cum in Spirensi, reliquisque impressis compareant, et etiam vulgatam versionem non sequantur; pro nupero assumento minime ducimus.
Judah has been forsaken. Although what follows to the end of this chapter is missing in most manuscripts, yet since it appears in the Speyer [edition] and the other printed ones, and moreover does not follow the common version, we by no means regard it as a recent addition.
II. In Basileion. Regnorum, puta Judae, et decem tribuum sive Israel⟨i⟩s. Sero admodum ex hebraeis fontibus hauserunt Christiani; unde etiamnum Graeca nomenclatura plerorumque S. Codicis librorum, ad vernaculas nostras linguas pervenit. Inde Genesin, Exodum, Leviticum, Deuteronomium, etc. appellamus. Codices aliqui mss. Latinis verbis haec efferunt, sed pauci prae reliquis qui Graecam nomenclaturam agnoscunt; proinde nihil mutandum censemus. Idem de formula laudandi Evangelia cata Matthaeum, cata Joannem, etc. dicendum.
II. In Basileion. Of the Kingdoms, namely of Judah and of the ten tribes, or Israel. Christians drew from the Hebrew sources only very late; hence even now the Greek naming of most books of the Holy Codex has come down into our vernacular languages. Hence we say Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Deuteronomy, etc. Some manuscript codices express these in Latin words, but they are few compared with the rest, which acknowledge the Greek naming; accordingly we judge that nothing should be changed. The same is to be said of the formula for citing the Gospels, cata Matthaeum, cata Joannem, etc.
III. Ruris passeres. στρουθίον avis sive passer. In textu heb. est עגור quam vocem retinuerunt Aquila et Symmachus, et ἄγρου scrip⟨s⟩ere; unde utri⟨s⟩que vocibus retentis; lectio, ἀγροῦ στρουθία in Graecis exemplaribus obtinuit.
III. Sparrows of the field. στρουθίον, a bird or sparrow. In the Hebrew text it is עגור, a word which Aquila and Symmachus retained, and they wrote ἄγρου; hence, with both words retained, the reading ἀγροῦ στρουθία prevailed in the Greek copies.
Metatura falsa. In Heb. עט שקר σχοῖνος ψευδής, sed cum arundine non modo scriberent veteres, sed et metirentur; pro stylo scribae, metatura substituebatur.
False measuring. In the Hebrew עט שקר, σχοῖνος ψευδής; but since the ancients not only wrote with a reed but also measured with it, measuring was substituted for the scribe's pen.
Editors' notes and page, col. 1095
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- running head: OXONIENSIS EDITI[...] (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹sibi ubique constaret Cypriani textus›; B ‹lis est, licet de scriptione ubique dubitetur›; C ‹LIBER PRIMUS›; D ‹tribuum sive Israel⟨i⟩s. Sero admodum›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (Oxford edition notes on Ad Quirinum), beginning mid-sentence "sibi ubique constaret" and continuing with notes on Liber I headed "LIBER PRIMUS"; "Flam" printed with no visible stop (abbreviation of Flaminius), UNSURE; damaged letters supplied in div⟨e⟩rsimodo, eju⟨s⟩dem, Israel⟨i⟩s, scrip⟨s⟩ere, utri⟨s⟩que; Hebrew vowel points not reproduced; accent of Greek ἄγρου set as it appears, UNSURE; "textu" read where the type is faint
Ex contortis arundinibus funiculus mensorum, Zach. II 1. σχοινίον γεωμετρικὸν appellatur.
A measurers' cord made of twisted reeds, in Zech. 2:1, is called a "geometrical line".
V. Fide mea. In graeco textu habetur δίκαιός μου ἐκ πίστεως ζήσεται, alia exemplaria, et fortasse antiquiora, transpositis vocibus legerunt ἐκ πίστεώς μου, quam lectionem sequuntur exemplaria nonnulla Novi Testamenti, ad Heb. X, 38. Vid. l. III. hujus scripti c. 42.
V. By my faith. In the Greek text there is "my righteous one shall live by faith"; other copies, and perhaps more ancient ones, have read with the words transposed "by my faith", and some copies of the New Testament follow this reading, at Heb. 10:38. See book 3 of this work, ch. 42.
VIII. Renovate inter vos novitatem. Novate vobis novale, inquit Interpres Vulg., sed prior lectio est Tertulliani, qui aliquando novitatem, aliquando etiam novamen reddit.
VIII. Renew newness among you. "Break up for yourselves fallow ground", says the Vulgate translator, but the former reading is Tertullian's, who sometimes renders it "newness", sometimes also "renewal".
IX. Ne dicant. LXX Interpretes habent, τοῦ μὴ μαθεῖν. Lectionem hanc agnoscit Paraphrastes Chaldaeus, qui reddit לאצכן דילפין כה. Ad mentem auctoris nostri sic locum explicat Procopius. Δῆσον τὸν νόμον, οὐκέτι γὰρ χρεία τοῦ Μωϋσέως νόμου, οὐδὲ τῶν παρ' αὐτοῦ μαρτυριῶν, τῆς καινῆς παραδιδομένης διδασκαλίας τοῖς διδακτοῖς αὐτοῦ. τοῖς ἐξ ἐ⟨θ⟩νῶν κεκλημένοις, οἵτινες φανεροὶ ἔσονται σφραγίζοντες τὸν νόμον τοῦ μὴ μαθεῖν αὐτὸν, οὐκ ἔτι ὄντα χρήσιμον τῇ παραθέσει τοῦ κρείττονος.
IX. Lest they say. The Seventy translators have "so as not to learn". The Chaldean Paraphrast acknowledges this reading, rendering it "they do not wish to learn it". In accordance with our author's meaning Procopius explains the passage thus: "Bind up the law, for there is no longer need of the law of Moses, nor of the testimonies from him, since the new teaching is being handed down to those taught by Him, to those called from the gentiles, who will be manifest as sealing the law so as not to learn it, since it is no longer useful in comparison with the better."
XI. Quia non permanserunt. Haec licet mss. suffragio destituantur, tamen ex versione a vulgata aliena, et Cypriani consona; auctoramentum sibi praestant. Quod de sequentibus, pariter in exemplaribus desideratis dicendum.
XI. Because they did not remain. Although these words lack the support of the manuscripts, yet from a version foreign to the Vulgate and consonant with Cyprian they furnish their own warrant. The same must be said of the following words, likewise missing in the copies.
In plebem. Hellenistae, ut gentem Israeliticam ab ethnicis distinguant, λαὸν appellare amant; quam vocem studiose vertit Noster: cui solemne est fideles, plebem, et plebem stantem dicere. Minus accurate Tertullianus; populum dicit; quemadmodum vulgatus interpres et alii passim veteres.
Into the people. The Hellenists, to distinguish the Israelite nation from the heathen, like to call it laos; this word our author carefully renders, for whom it is customary to call the faithful plebs and the plebs that stands. Tertullian is less exact: he says populus, as do the Vulgate translator and other ancients here and there.
XV. Domum in nomine. Ubi Deus-revera inter homines habitabat; et propitiatorium pro totius mundi peccatis exhibuit. Hanc vero corporis sui in templo Hierosolymitano praefigurationem Dominus noster in Evangelio passim declarat.
XV. A house in the name. Where God truly dwelt among men, and showed forth a propitiatory for the sins of the whole world. This prefiguration of His own body in the temple of Jerusalem our Lord declares here and there in the Gospel.
XVI. Holocautomata arietum. Voce hac utuntur Irenaeus et Tertullianus, et vetera vulgatae versionis exemplaria.
XVI. Whole burnt offerings of rams. This word is used by Irenaeus and Tertullian, and by the old copies of the Vulgate version.
Non est mihi voluntas. Locus a nemine fere antiquorum patrum praeteritus, quando de sacrificio novi foederis sermo occurrit. Late eum explicat Irenaeus adv. Haeres. l. IX, c. 30: Dominus noster suis discipulis dans consilium primitias Deo offerre ex suis creaturis, non quasi indigenti, sed ut ipsi nec infructuosi nec ingrati sint; eum qui ex creatura panis est accepit, et gratias egit dicens: Hoc est corpus meum: et calicem similiter, qui est ex creatura quae est secundum nos, suum sanguinem confessus est. Et novi Testamenti novam docuit oblationem, quam Ecclesia ab apostolis accipiens, in universo mundo offert Deo, ei qui alimenta nobis praestat, primitias suorum munerum in novo Testamento, de quo in duodecim prophetis Malachias sic praesignificavit: Non est mihi voluntas in vobis, dicit Dominus omnipotens, et sacrificium non accipiam de manibus vestris; Quoniam ab ortu solis ad occasum, nomen meum glorificatur inter gentes, et in omni loco incensum offertur nomini meo et sacrificium purum, quoniam magnum est nomen meum in gentibus, dicit Dominus omnipotens. Manifestissime significans per haec, quoniam prior quidem populus cessavit offerre Deo: omni autem loco sacrificium offertur Deo, et hoc purum; nomen autem ejus glorificatur in gentibus. Et cap. XXXIII. addit. Quoniam nomen filii proprium patris est, et in Deo omnipotente per Jes⟨u⟩m Christum offert Ecclesia; bene ait secundum utraque, et in omni loco incensum offertur nomini meo, et sacrificium purum. Incensa autem Joannes, in Apocalypsi, orationes ait esse Sanctorum. Et cap. XXXIV. Offerimus ei quae sunt ejus, congruenter communicationem et unitatem praedicantes carnis et spiritus. Quemadmodum enim qui est a terra panis percipiens invocationem Dei, jam non communis panis est, sed eucharistia, ex duabus rebus constans; terrena et coelesti; sic et opera nostra percipientia eucharistiam,
I have no pleasure. A passage passed over by hardly any of the ancient Fathers whenever the discussion turns to the sacrifice of the new covenant. Irenaeus explains it at length, Against Heresies bk 9, ch. 30: "Our Lord, counselling His disciples to offer to God the first fruits of His own creatures, not as to one in need, but that they themselves might be neither unfruitful nor ungrateful, took that which is bread from creation and gave thanks, saying: This is My body; and the cup likewise, which is from the creation that is ours, He confessed to be His blood. And He taught the new oblation of the new Testament, which the Church, receiving it from the apostles, offers to God throughout the whole world, to Him who provides us with nourishment, the first fruits of His gifts in the new Testament, concerning which Malachi among the twelve prophets foretold thus: I have no pleasure in you, says the Lord almighty, and I will not accept sacrifice from your hands; for from the rising of the sun to its setting My name is glorified among the gentiles, and in every place incense is offered to My name, and a pure sacrifice, for great is My name among the gentiles, says the Lord almighty [Mal. 1:10-11]. Signifying most plainly by these words that the former people has indeed ceased to make offering to God, but in every place a sacrifice is offered to God, and that a pure one; and His name is glorified among the gentiles." And in ch. 33 he adds: "Since the name of the Son is the Father's own, and the Church offers to God almighty through Jesus Christ, he says well on both counts: and in every place incense is offered to My name, and a pure sacrifice. And John in the Apocalypse says that the incense is the prayers of the saints." And in ch. 34: "We offer to Him what is His, fittingly proclaiming the communion and unity of flesh and spirit. For just as the bread which is from the earth, on receiving the invocation of God, is no longer common bread but eucharist, consisting of two things, an earthly and a heavenly, so also our works, on receiving the eucharist,
Editors' notes and page, col. 1096
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- running head: [NOTAE OXO]NIENSIS EDITIONIS 1096 (only "NIENSIS EDITIONIS" visible; column number partly damaged)
- marginal letters: A ‹Ex contortis arundinibus›; B ‹φανεροὶ ἔσονται σφραγίζοντες›; C ‹XVI. Holocautomata arietum›; D ‹occasum, nomen meum›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (notes of the Oxford edition), set in full: "Ex contortis arundinibus", "V. Fide mea", "VIII. Renovate", "IX. Ne dicant", "XI. Quia non permanserunt", "In plebem", "XV. Domum in nomine", "XVI. Holocautomata", "Non est mihi voluntas"; left-column fragments belong to col. 1095 and are not set; Hebrew word לאצכן uncertain (perhaps לא צבן); ἐ⟨θ⟩νῶν letter lost in type; "Deus-revera" hyphen as printed, perhaps a misprint; "l. IX" for Irenaeus may be a misprint for IV, uncertain; "c. 30" figure not fully clear; "opera nostra" as printed, Irenaeus reads "corpora nostra", possibly a misprint, uncertain; "alii" partly damaged; final word "eu-" broken at column end (eucharistiam)
jam non sunt corruptibilia, spem resurrectionis habentia. Justinus Martyr in Dial. cum Tryph. p. 344 D. Edit. Paris. 1636. Ἀρχιερατικὸν τὸ ἀληθινὸν γένος ἐσμὲν τοῦ Θεοῦ, ὡς καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Θεὸς μαρτυρεῖ, εἰπὼν ὅτι ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσι θυσίας εὐαρέστους αὐτῷ καὶ καθαρὰς προσφέροντες. οὐ δέχεται δὲ παρ' οὐδενὸς θυσίας ὁ Θεὸς, εἰ μὴ διὰ τῶν ἱερέων αὐτοῦ. πάντας οὖν οἳ διὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος τούτου θυσίας ἃς παρέδωκεν Ἰησοῦς ὁ Χριστὸς γίνεσθαι, τουτέστιν ἐπὶ τῇ εὐχαριστίᾳ τοῦ ἄρτου καὶ τοῦ ποτηρίου, τὰς ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ τῆς γῆς γινομένας ὑπὸ τῶν Χριστιανῶν, προλαβὼν ⟨ὁ⟩ Θεὸς, μαρτυρεῖ εὐχαρίστους ὑπάρχειν αὐτῷ· τὰς δὴ ὑφ' ὑμῶν καὶ δι' ἐκείνων ὑμῶν τῶν ἱερέων γινομένας ἀπαναίνεται, λέγων, καὶ τὰς θυσίας ὑμῶν οὐ προσδέξομαι ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν ὑμῶν. διότι ἀπὸ ἀνατολῆς ἡλίου ἕως δυσμῶν, τὸ ὄνομά μου δεδόξασται, λέγει, ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν· ὑμεῖς δὲ βεβηλοῦτε αὐτό καὶ μέχρι νῦν φιλονεικοῦντες λέγετε, ὅτι τὰς μὲν ἐν Ἱερουσαλὴμ ἐπὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ τότε οἰκούντων Ἰσραηλιτῶν καλουμένων θυσίας οὐ προσδέχεται ὁ Θεός. τὰς δὲ διὰ τῶν ἐν τῇ διασπορᾷ τότε δὴ ὄντων ἀπὸ τοῦ γένους ἐκείνου ἀνθρώπων εὐχὰς προσίεσθαι αὐτὸν εἰρηκέναι, καὶ τὰς εὐχὰς αὐτῶν θυσίας καλεῖν. ὅτι μὲν οὖν καὶ εὐχαὶ καὶ εὐχαριστίαι ὑπὸ τῶν ἀξίων γινόμεναι, τέλειαι μόναι καὶ εὐάρεστοί εἰσι τῷ Θεῷ θυσίαι, καὶ αὐτός φημι. ταῦτα γὰρ μόνα καὶ χριστιανοὶ παρέλαβον ποιεῖν, καὶ ἐπ' ἀναμνήσει δὲ τῆς τροφῆς αὐτῶν ξηρᾶς τε καὶ ὑγρᾶς, ἐν ᾗ καὶ τοῦ πάθους ὃ πέπονθε δι' αὐτοῦ ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ μέμνηται. Tertul. adv. Marc. L. 3, c. 21, Ut pariter concurreret et Malachiae prophetia: Non est voluntas mea, dicit Dominus. et sacrificia vestra non accipiam; quoniam ab ortu solis usque in occasum nomen meum glorificatum est in nationibus, et in omni loco sacrificium nomini meo offertur, et sacrificium mundum; gloriae scilicet relatio, et bènedictio, et laus, et hymni. Lib. IV, c. 1: Sacrificium mundum interpretatur quod sit simplex oratio de conscientia pura. Loco ergo victimarum, et ex caesis animalibus viscerationum, sola apud Christianos superest rationale et incruentum sacrificium, quod Malachiae verbis, מנחה טהורה mincha teora, hoc est, oblatione farrea cum suo libamine, pane scilicet et vino; illo semperque duraturo sacrificio Eucharistico; et precum piarum thymiamate constat.
are no longer corruptible, having the hope of resurrection." Justin Martyr in the Dialogue with Trypho, p. 344 D, Paris edition of 1636: "We are the true high-priestly race of God, as God Himself also bears witness, saying that in every place among the nations [men are] offering sacrifices well-pleasing to Him and pure. But God receives sacrifices from no one except through His priests. Therefore God, anticipating all the sacrifices through this name which Jesus the Christ handed down to be performed, that is, at the Eucharist of the bread and of the cup, which are performed in every place of the earth by the Christians, bears witness that they are agreeable to Him; but those performed by you and through those priests of yours He rejects, saying: And I will not accept your sacrifices from your hands; for from the rising of the sun to its setting My name has been glorified, He says, among the nations; but you profane it. And to this day, being contentious, you say that God does not accept the sacrifices at Jerusalem of those who were then dwelling there and were called Israelites, but that He has said that He accepts the prayers of the men of that race who were then in the dispersion, and that He calls their prayers sacrifices. Now that prayers and thanksgivings, when made by the worthy, are the only perfect and well-pleasing sacrifices to God, I myself also say. For these alone Christians too have received to do, and in remembrance, moreover, of their food both dry and liquid, in which the suffering also which the Son of God suffered through Him is remembered." Tertullian, Against Marcion, book 3, ch. 21: So that the prophecy of Malachi might likewise concur: It is not My will, says the Lord, and I will not accept your sacrifices; for from the rising of the sun to its setting My name has been glorified among the nations, and in every place a sacrifice is offered to My name, and a clean sacrifice; namely the rendering of glory, and blessing, and praise, and hymns. Book 4, ch. 1: He interprets "clean sacrifice" to mean simple prayer from a pure conscience. In place, therefore, of victims and of feasts on the flesh of slain animals, there remains among Christians alone the rational and unbloody sacrifice, which, in Malachi's words, consists of mincha teora, that is, of an offering of meal with its libation, namely bread and wine, that sacrifice of the Eucharist which shall endure for ever, and of the incense of devout prayers.
XVII. — Ante Luciferum. Tertullianus Adv. Marc. L. 5, c. 9, Judaeos refutat, qui nocturnam Vezechiae nativitatem verbis istis designatam satagebant, Dominique nostri natalibus prophetiam asserit.
XVII. — Before the Morning Star. Tertullian, Against Marcion, book 5, ch. 9, refutes the Jews, who busily maintained that the nocturnal birth of Hezekiah was designated by these words, and claims the prophecy for the nativity of our Lord.
XX. — Angeli Septem. Ad eum morem in aula Persica septem primarii satrapae privilegio gaudebant, ut assisterent et conversarentur ante faciem Regis. Ex laudato hic loci, necnon alibi, scriptore hoc; satis importune confectum ait Pamelius, Tobiae librum esse canonicum. Minime dubitandum libros Veteris Testamenti qui Apo⟨c⟩ryphi dicuntur, et in Hebraeis fontibus minime comparent, in libris Graecis quibus Hellenistae utebantur passim reperiri, et proinde jure merito Christiani, qui ab Hellenistis Judaeis Biblia sacra mutuabantur, indiscriminatim testimonia exinde, praesertim adversus Hellenistas desumpserat. Postquam XXII sacri codicis volumina recensuisset Josephus cont. Apion. lib. I. τὰ δικαίως πεπιστευμένα, subjungit, Ἀπὸ δὲ Ἀρταξέρξου μέχρι τοῦ καθ' ἡμᾶς χρόνου, γέγραπται μὲν ἕκαστα, πίστεως δὲ οὐχ' ὁμοίως ἠξίωται τοῖς πρὸ αὐτῶν, διὰ τὸ μὴ γενέσθαι τὴν τῶν προφητῶν ἀκριβ. διαδοχήν. δῆλον δ' ἐστὶν ἔργῳ πῶς ἡμεῖς τοῖς ἰδίοις γράμμασι πεπιστεύκαμεν· τοσούτου γὰρ αἰῶνος ἤδη παρῳχηκότος, οὔτε προσθεῖναί τις οὐδὲν, οὔτε ἀφελεῖν αὐτῶν, οὔτε μεταθεῖναι τετόλμηκεν, etc. Si quis vero ex Rabbinorum nuperorum placitis, qui juratissimi Christiani nominis hostes, a versione graeca librisque ab Hellenistis vernaculo idiomate conscriptis maxime abhorrent, de veteri Judaeorum indole sententiam ferat, eorumque instituta exinde metiatur; is certe a vero, toto (quod aiunt) coelo aberrabit. Illi namque nihil antiquius habuere quam ut sacram gentis suae philosophiam et res gestas litteris consignarent, aliorumque ea in palaestra studiis impensissime faverent. Quod non tantum ex scriptis Siracidis, Tobiae, Esdrae, Baruchi, Philonis, Aristobuli, Demetrii, Eupolemi, et Josephi
XX. — Seven Angels. According to that custom, at the Persian court seven chief satraps enjoyed the privilege of standing by and conversing before the face of the King. From this writer, cited here and elsewhere too, Pamelius says, rather inappropriately, that it is concluded that the book of Tobit is canonical. There is no doubt at all that the books of the Old Testament which are called Apocryphal, and which do not appear at all in the Hebrew sources, are found here and there in the Greek books which the Hellenists used, and that therefore the Christians, who borrowed the sacred Bible from the Hellenistic Jews, quite rightly took testimonies from them without distinction, especially against the Hellenists. After Josephus, Against Apion, book 1, had enumerated the twenty-two volumes of the sacred codex, "those justly believed", he adds: "From Artaxerxes up to our own time everything has been written down, but it has not been deemed worthy of the same credit as those before them, because the exact succession of the prophets did not take place. And it is plain in practice how we have trusted our own writings; for though so long an age has now passed, no one has dared either to add anything, or to take anything away from them, or to alter anything", etc. But if anyone, on the strength of the opinions of the more recent Rabbis, who, as the most sworn enemies of the Christian name, utterly abhor the Greek version and the books written by the Hellenists in the vernacular tongue, should pass judgement on the ancient character of the Jews and measure their institutions by that standard, he will certainly stray from the truth by the whole heaven (as they say). For they held nothing more important than to commit to writing the sacred philosophy and the history of their nation, and they most zealously favoured the studies of others in that arena. Which, not only from the writings of Sirach, Tobit, Ezra, Baruch, Philo, Aristobulus, Demetrius, Eupolemus, and Josephus
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- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: the whole column is editors' notes in the text block (Selectae in Cyprianum notae), set in full: ‹charistiam, jam non sunt corruptibilia›, ‹XVII. — Ante Luciferum›, ‹XX. — Angeli Septem›. Column begins mid-word (charistiam, from [Eu]charistiam). UNSURE: first εὐαρέστους is damaged (looks like ε.αρέτους); μαρτυρεῖ εὐχαρίστους appears to be printed (Justin's text has εὐαρέστους); τὰς δὴ ὑφ' ὑμῶν appears to be printed (Justin's text has δὲ); προλαβὼν, οἳ and the article ⟨ὁ⟩ are partly broken; desumpserat is set as printed (sense wants desumpserint); the Hebrew מנחה טהורה is set in logical order. Printer's signature PATROL. IV. S. CYPRIAN. not set.
dignoscitur, sed ex Sibyllinis carminibus, Phocylide, aliisque Judaeorum personatis lucubrationibus manifestum est.
is recognized, but is evident from the Sibylline verses, from Phocylides, and from other pseudonymous productions of the Jews.
XXI.—Formosi Oculi. Χαροποὶ terribiles. Vera videtur lectio Formidolosi in sensu passivo. Ita Sallustius ait: Regibus boni quam mali suspectiores sunt, semperque his aliena virtus formidolosa est. Pariter Cicero: Conservatio stabilis judicii in iis rebus quae formidolosae videntur.
XXI. "Beautiful eyes." Χαροποί, terrible. The true reading seems to be "Formidolosi" in a passive sense. Thus Sallust says: "To kings the good are more suspect than the bad, and to them another's virtue is always a thing to be feared." Likewise Cicero: "The maintaining of a steady judgement in those matters which seem fearful."
Christo meo Domino. Χριστῷ μου Κύρῳ. Librarii, quibus solemne est mutare quod non intelligunt, κυρίῳ reposuere. Quae lectio apud omnes fere veteres obtinuit. Et quidem cum Cyrus, liberator populi Dei, Messias ejus sive unctus dicatur, et Domini nostri typum gessit: Verba haec rectissime Domino nostro tribuuntur.
"To my Christ the Lord." Χριστῷ μου Κύρῳ. The copyists, whose habit it is to change what they do not understand, put κυρίῳ in its place. This reading prevailed among almost all the ancients. And indeed, since Cyrus, the liberator of the people of God, is called His Messiah or anointed, and bore the type of our Lord, these words are most rightly attributed to our Lord.
XXIX.—Ut phoeniceum. Lectionem hanc non facile mutamus, praesertim cum codicum suffragio abunde muniatur. Interim dicendum, prorsus verisimile videri auctorem scripsisse quasi russeum, quae codicis Veronensis est lectio, et cujus vestigia remanent in iis libris in quibus scribitur quasi roseum. Idem de locis Tertulliani dicendum adv. Marc. L. IV, c. 10, et etiam in Scorpiaco. Rubrum colorem russeum dici omnibus notum.
XXIX. "As purple-red." We do not readily change this reading, especially since it is amply supported by the vote of the manuscripts. Meanwhile it must be said that it seems altogether likely that the author wrote "quasi russeum", which is the reading of the Verona manuscript, and traces of which remain in those books in which "quasi roseum" is written. The same must be said of the passages of Tertullian, Against Marcion book 4, chapter 10, and also in the Scorpiace. That a red colour is called russeum is known to all.
TESTIMONIORUM LIBER SECUNDUS.
Second Book of Testimonies.
I.—Dominus condidit. Eusebius et Hieronymus pro ἐκτίσατο legendum contendunt ἐκτήσατο, quibus Hebraeus textus consentit. Philo autem Judaeus, Ignatius, Irenaeus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Tertullianus, Origenes, auctori nostro in hac lectione praeivere, Dominoque nostro verba illa tribuebant; quod Ariani etiam fecere, et nefarii dogmatis ceu certissimum praesidium adhibuerunt. Sed esto, Filium Pater condidit, aeterna nimirum generatione. Aeterni certe Patris non nisi coaevus esse poterit Filius.
I. "The Lord created." Eusebius and Jerome contend that instead of ἐκτίσατο one should read ἐκτήσατο, and the Hebrew text agrees with them. But Philo the Jew, Ignatius, Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian and Origen went before our author in this reading, and attributed those words to our Lord; which the Arians also did, and they employed it as, so to speak, the surest bulwark of their wicked doctrine. But granted that the Father created the Son, it was of course by an eternal generation. Of an eternal Father the Son can surely be nothing but coeval.
II.—Sapientia aedificavit. Totum fere octavum caput, quod huic aditum facit, ab Irenaeo l. IV, c. 37. Justino Martyre adv. Tryph., Tertulliano adv. Herm. Cypriano l. I ad Qurm. c. 1, et Origene περὶ Ἀρχ. l. I, c. 2. Domino nostro, late et diligenter addicitur: unde merito hoc in contextu Cyprianus, quae de eadem Dei sapientia dicuntur, Ecclesiae ejus mysteriis explicandis adhibet. Quod de excelsa praedicatione ad craterem hic habetur, LXX interpretibus acceptum referendum, qui scripserant ὑψηλὸν κήρυγμα ἐπὶ κρατῆρα; et videntur legisse pro על גפי litteris non multum immutatis, et sono minimum variato על גביע Ecclesiam septenario numero denotari, cap. 20, superioris libri dictum est. Quod v. Domus et templum Dei Christus, cap. 15 ejusdem libri docetur. Reliqua titulus capitis explicat.
II. "Wisdom has built." Almost the whole eighth chapter, which gives entry to this one, is applied broadly and carefully to our Lord by Irenaeus, book 4, chapter 37, Justin Martyr, Against Trypho, Tertullian, Against Hermogenes, Cyprian, book 1 To Quirinus, chapter 1, and Origen, On First Principles, book 1, chapter 2: hence in this context Cyprian rightly employs the things said of the same Wisdom of God to explain the mysteries of His Church. What is found here about a lofty proclamation at the mixing bowl must be credited to the Seventy translators, who had written ὑψηλὸν κήρυγμα ἐπὶ κρατῆρα; and instead of על גפי they seem to have read, with the letters not much altered and the sound varied very little, על גביע. That the Church is signified by the number seven was said in chapter 20 of the preceding book. That Christ is the house and temple of God is taught in chapter 15 of the same book. The title of the chapter explains the rest.
III.—Eructavit cor meum. Suaviter irrident Ariani Nicaenos patres et scriptores nostri saeculi Orthodoxos, qui haec et similia S. Litterarum loca, ad Domini nostri divinitatem stabiliendam attulere. Sed considerare oportebat, a Nicaenis patribus hoc imprimis comprobandum incubuisse, fidem ab ipsis commendatam in Ecclesia olim fuisse receptam; seque eo prorsus modo S. Scripturas interpretatos, quemadmodum ecclesiastici scriptores ante motam controversiam interpretarentur; Hunc vero Psalmum non modo Auctor ad Hebr. I, 8. Irenaeus l. IV, c. 66. Justinus Martyr adv. Tryph. Orig. in So. I, et Patres fere omnes Messiae tribuunt; sed hoc a Judaeis ipsis, Chaldaeo Paraphraste, Kimchio, Solom Iarchi, Aben Ezra praestitum. Textum vero hunc de sermone bono, ad essentiale Dei verbum referendum, non tantum hoc in loco Cyprianum, sed in plurimis Tertullianum intellexisse, in comperto est. Notandum porro veteres divinum λόγον, sermonem potius quam verbum appellasse.
III. "My heart has uttered." The Arians pleasantly mock the Nicene fathers and the Orthodox writers of our age, who have brought forward these and similar passages of Holy Scripture to establish the divinity of our Lord. But they ought to have considered that it fell upon the Nicene fathers above all to prove that the faith they commended had been received in the Church of old, and that they themselves had interpreted the Holy Scriptures in exactly the same way as the ecclesiastical writers interpreted them before the controversy was stirred up. Now this Psalm is attributed to the Messiah not only by the Author to the Hebrews (Heb. 1:8), Irenaeus, book 4, chapter 66, Justin Martyr, Against Trypho, Origen on John 1, and almost all the Fathers; but this was done by the Jews themselves, the Chaldee Paraphrast, Kimchi, Solomon Jarchi and Aben Ezra. And it is well established that this text about the good word, to be referred to the essential Word of God, was so understood not only by Cyprian in this place but by Tertullian in very many places. It is further to be noted that the ancients called the divine λόγος sermo rather than verbum.
IV.—Altum est brachium. D. Hieronymus, licet versionem hanc quae LXX respondet multum mutaverit, fatetur in Commentario locum posse intelligi super
IV. "The arm is high." St Jerome, although he much altered this version which corresponds to the Seventy, admits in his Commentary that the passage can be understood of
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Judaeos qui Christum brachium Domini nescierunt. Nec abludit Chaldaeus paraphrastes qui ait תתגלי כד יי יחזון עמך לסנאי יגדר לא לדהלתך †לאוכבא בגבורתך ויבהתון רשיעיא Certe Christum esse brachium Dei, praeter Procopium in hunc locum, aliosque consimiles; docuerunt Justinus Martyr Apol 2, et adv. Tryph., nec non Tertul. Adv. Prax. parag. †11 et 12, et de Resurrect. c. 59. Manum vero Domini esse divinum λόγον testem appellamus Chaldaeum paraphrasten, qui quod in textu Hebraeo habetur יד יהוה reddit frequenter מימר דיי quibus verbis Deum opt. max. apud illum scriptorem denotari notissimum est.
the Jews who did not know Christ as the arm of the Lord. Nor does the Chaldean paraphrast disagree, who says: תתגלי כד יי יחזון עמך לסנאי יגדר לא לדהלתך †לאוכבא בגבורתך ויבהתון רשיעיא. That Christ is the arm of God was certainly taught, besides Procopius on this passage and others like him, by Justin Martyr, Apol. 2, and Against Trypho, and also by Tertullian, Against Praxeas paragraphs †11 and 12, and On the Resurrection ch. 59. That the hand of the Lord is the divine Word, we call the Chaldean paraphrast as witness, who, where the Hebrew text has יד יהוה [the hand of the Lord], frequently renders מימר דיי [the Word of the Lord], and it is very well known that by these words God, the best and greatest, is denoted in that writer.
In serras formatas. Certissima haec est lectio, et graecae versioni consona, quae habet ἐποίησά σε ὡς τροχοὺς ἁμάξης ἀλοῶντα καινοὺς †περιστηροειδεῖς. Hujus supersunt vestigia in mss. illis qui in seres formatas habuerunt. Recepta hac usque lectio, quae in se retornatas posuit, †Indi alicujus librarii videtur commentum, qui (quod id genus hominibus solemne est), ea apposuit quae ipse magis sibi visus est intellexisse. Tota autem haec perioche, in Spirensi, Remboldi, Erasmi et Manutii editionibus desiderata licet fuerit; tamen cum in impressis aliis compareat, et in mss. quam plurimis habeatur, et insuper vulgatam versionem minime referat, retinenda omnino videtur.
Formed into saws. This reading is most certain, and agrees with the Greek version, which has "I have made you like the wheels of a wagon, threshing, new, saw-shaped." Traces of it survive in those manuscripts which had "formed into seres." The reading received up to now, which put "turned back upon themselves," seems to be the invention of some † copyist, who (as is customary with that kind of men) added what he himself thought he understood better. And although this whole passage was lacking in the Speyer edition and the editions of Rembold, Erasmus and Manutius, yet since it appears in other printed editions, and is found in very many manuscripts, and moreover does not at all reproduce the Vulgate version, it seems that it should by all means be retained.
V.—Vocavit eum angelus Domini. Suffecisse poterat ad vindicandam hanc auctoris nostri de Christo angelo foederis sententiam, locum parallelum novi testamenti, nimirum I Cor. X, 9 (pro methodo a me usurpata) apposuisse. Quis enim contra Dominum ipsum, ejusve Apostolos veteris instrumenti interpres audiendus erit? Sed cum novatores in hoc argumento nihil non sibi licere crediderint, et audacter doceant, Angelum qui olim Patriarchis et Mosi apparuit, et Jehova fere perpetuo appellatur, creatorum et ministrantium spirituum satellitio annumerandum: unde Socinianorum placitis patentissimus aperitur aditus; (quid enim proderit ostendisse, Dominum nostrum, Deum et Jehova, in S. Scripturis dici, si hoc pariter Angelis quibuscunque legationem aliquam Dei vice obeuntibus tribuatur?) non pigebit dixisse, dogma hoc ab universae primitivae Ecclesiae sententia et fide omnino abhorrere. Quod Christus ceu angelus foederis ἦν ὁ Μωσεῖ καὶ τῷ Ἀβραὰμ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἁπλῶς Πατριάρχαις φανεὶς καὶ ὁμιλήσας, per multas paginas diligentissime probat Justinus in Dial adv. Tryph. atque etiam in Apol. 2. Similiter disputat Irenaeus l. III, c. 6, et l. IV, c. 17 et 26; Clem. Alex Paedag. l. I, c. 7; Tertul. adv. Jud. C. 9 et cont. Marcion. l. II c. 27, et cont. Prax. c. 16; Origen in Es. Hom. I. Porro in eadem versabantur sententia qui secuti sunt Patres, Euseb. Hist. Eccl. L. I, c 2; Basil. adv. Eunom. l. II et l. IV; Athan. l. IV. cont. Arian.; Hilar. de Trinit. l. IV et l. XII; Greg. Naz. orat. 35 et 49; Ambros. in Ep. ad Coloss. C. I, v. 15, et in I Thes. c. IV, v. 16; Augustin. Ep. 112; Synodus Antioch. et Syrm. apud Athan.
V.—The angel of the Lord called him. It could have sufficed, for vindicating this view of our author concerning Christ as the angel of the covenant, to have set beside it the parallel passage of the New Testament, namely 1 Cor. 10:9 (according to the method I have adopted). For what interpreter of the Old Testament is to be heard against the Lord Himself or His Apostles? But since innovators have believed that on this subject nothing is forbidden them, and boldly teach that the Angel who once appeared to the Patriarchs and to Moses, and is almost continually called Jehovah, is to be counted among the retinue of created and ministering spirits (whereby a most open entrance is laid open to the tenets of the Socinians; for what will it profit to have shown that our Lord is called God and Jehovah in the Holy Scriptures, if this is equally attributed to any Angels whatever who carry out some embassy in God's stead?), it will not be irksome to have said that this doctrine is utterly repugnant to the view and faith of the whole primitive Church. That Christ, as the angel of the covenant, "was He who appeared to and conversed with Moses and Abraham and, in a word, the other Patriarchs," Justin proves most diligently over many pages in the Dialogue against Trypho, and also in Apol. 2. Irenaeus argues similarly, bk. 3, ch. 6, and bk. 4, chs. 17 and 26; Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus bk. 1, ch. 7; Tertullian, Against the Jews ch. 9, and Against Marcion bk. 2 ch. 27, and Against Praxeas ch. 16; Origen, On Isaiah, Homily 1. Moreover the Fathers who followed held the same view: Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History bk. 1, ch. 2; Basil, Against Eunomius bk. 2 and bk. 4; Athanasius, bk. 4 Against the Arians; Hilary, On the Trinity bk. 4 and bk. 12; Gregory Nazianzen, Orations 35 and 49; Ambrose on the Epistle to the Colossians ch. 1, v. 15, and on 1 Thessalonians ch. 4, v. 16; Augustine, Epistle 112; the Synod of Antioch and that of Sirmium, in Athanasius.
Non deerit. LXX habent. ὑποστείληται, prae timore dimittet tutelam. Tert. celabit, prae timore subducet se.
He will not fail. The Septuagint has ὑποστείληται, "he will through fear give up his protection." Tertullian has "he will hide," "he will withdraw himself through fear."
VI.—Illi Deo. LXX posuerunt τῷ θεῷ τῷ ὀφθέντι, quam emphasin minime praetermittendam duxit auctor noster. Locum pariter allegat Justin. adv. Tryph.
VI.—To that God. The Septuagint put "to the God who appeared," an emphasis which our author thought should by no means be passed over. Justin likewise cites the passage, Against Trypho.
Omnis Rivus. Heb. נחל non modo vallem, sed et rivum significat: sed Esaias hic loci alia voce, scil. גיא utitur. In lectione vero omnes fere codices consentiunt.
Every stream. The Hebrew נחל means not only a valley but also a stream; but Isaiah in this place uses another word, namely גיא. In the reading, however, almost all the manuscripts agree.
Nomine ejus gloriabuntur. שם sive nomen, Deum apud Hebraeos sonat. Et sub hac notatione hic intellectum arbitrari fas erit. Certe LXX qui κατακαυχήσονται posuerunt, יתהללו שם non יתהלכו legisse certum est.
They will glory in His name. שם, that is "name," signifies God among the Hebrews. And it will be right to judge that it is understood under this meaning here. Certainly it is sure that the Septuagint, who put κατακαυχήσονται, read יתהללו שם, not יתהלכו.
Deus benedictus. Locum hunc allegat Irenaeus l. III, c. 18, et diligentissime premit Tertul. adv. Prax. parag. 13 et 15. Et merito id quidem, quando ut Proclus
God blessed. Irenaeus cites this passage, bk. 3, ch. 18, and Tertullian presses it most diligently, Against Praxeas paragraphs 13 and 15. And rightly so indeed, since, as Proclus
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- other: whole column is editors' matter (Oxford edition notes), set in full: ‹Judaeos qui Christum›, ‹In serras formatas›, ‹V.—Vocavit eum›, ‹Non deerit›, ‹VI.—Illi Deo›, ‹Omnis Rivus›, ‹Nomine ejus›, ‹Deus benedictus›. The column begins mid-note. The Aramaic quotation in the first paragraph is poorly printed; the word marked † (לאוכבא) is a doubtful reading. "parag. 11 et 12" is unsure: the type is blurred and could be read as 71/72, but Adversus Praxean has only 31 chapters. In the Greek of the second note the last word (περιστηροειδεῖς) is uncertain; the LXX reads πριστηροειδεῖς. "Indi" is an uncertain word (perhaps Indocti or Inepti). The Hebrew word order of "יתהללו שם" is unsure. "Dial adv." is printed so that it looks like "ado". "Vocavit" is read from blurred type. The last word "Pro-" is split at the column break. The right-hand column (1100) is cut off and is not set.
de fide rectissime dicit παρείσδυσιν συκοφαντίας ἀποτειχίζει, et maxime solemnem formulam contineat, qua in Ecclesia Judaica Deo op. max. honos exhibebatur. Interea agnoscere oportebit, vocem Deus in Spirensi, veteri innominato, Remboldi, et Erasmi editionibus abesse: sed in sequentibus habetur, atque etiam in omnibus mss. quos consului. Quamobrem defectus iste jure merito ab Erasmo librariis imputatur; praesertim cum in Pauli textu vox ista ubique occurrat. Porro ברוך ex linguae sanctae idiomate, nulla voce addita, Deum ubique significat.
in On the Faith says most rightly, "it walls off the creeping-in of false accusation", and it contains a most solemn formula by which honour was paid to God, the Best and Greatest, in the Jewish Church. Meanwhile it will be necessary to acknowledge that the word Deus is absent in the Speyer edition, in the old anonymous one, and in the editions of Rembolt and of Erasmus; but it is found in the following ones, and also in all the manuscripts that I have consulted. Therefore this omission is rightly and deservedly imputed by Erasmus to the copyists, especially since in the text of Paul this word occurs everywhere. Moreover, ברוך [blessed], by the idiom of the holy tongue, with no word added, everywhere signifies God.
Possidebit ea Exemplaria plurima legunt κληρονομήσει πάντα: sed alia, atque illa non contemnenda, habent κληρονομήσει ταῦτα, cui lectioni non tantum auctorem hunc sed etiam vulgatum interpretem adstipulari cernimus.
He will possess these things. Very many copies read "he will inherit all things"; but others, and those not to be despised, have "he will inherit these things", a reading with which we see that not only this author but also the Vulgate translator agrees.
VII. — Non senior neque angelus. Diversitatis hujus quae in versione LXX, et vul. atque hac occurrit, ratio petenda est a vario vocis צר significatu; hunc enim defective scribi pro ציר putabant LXX, et πρέσβυς seu legatus posuere. Hos sequitur Tertul. adv. Marc. l. IV, c. 22, et prophetiam Domino nostro asserit. Latina vero versio vocem πρέσβυς in eo significatu accipiebat, quo senem denotat. Hieronymus autem sensu radicis צרר tribulatum reddit.
VII. — Not an elder nor an angel. The reason for this divergence, which occurs in the version of the Seventy, in the Vulgate and here, must be sought from the varying meaning of the word צר; for the Seventy thought that it was written defectively for ציר, and put πρέσβυς, that is, envoy. Tertullian follows them, Against Marcion book 4, chapter 22, and claims the prophecy for our Lord. The Latin version, however, took the word πρέσβυς in the sense in which it denotes an old man. Jerome, on the other hand, renders it "afflicted", in the sense of the root צרר.
IX. Praestat agonem. In LXX exemplaribus passim, et Justin. Mart. legitur κυρίῳ παρέχετε ἀγῶνα; sed etiam olim videtur lectum κύριος παρέχει ἀγῶνα, sic enim non modo hoc in loco auctor noster, sed et alibi in Epistolis, et etiam Irenaeus et Tertullianus locum efferunt.
IX. He furnishes a contest. In copies of the Seventy everywhere, and in Justin Martyr, one reads "you furnish a contest for the Lord"; but it seems that "the Lord furnishes a contest" was also read of old, for so not only our author in this place, but also elsewhere in the Letters, and Irenaeus and Tertullian too, give the passage.
Cognoscat ut praeferat mala, commutabit bonum. Lectionem hanc genuinam puto, utpote mss. fere omnium praesidio munitam, ac etiam Irenaei suffragio fultam (qui rarissime ab auctore nostro dissentit in Scripturarum recensione); et demum ad LXX mentem propius accedentem. Agnosco pro commutabit apud Iren. l. III, c. 26, a Feuardentio factum communicavit; sed ipse fatetur quod in aliis editionibus aliter habetur, et certe in ms. Arundeliano priori modo Scriptum reperio. Fortassis voces a vulgato interprete descriptae, felicius hebraeam veritatem exhiberent; sed non quaeritur quid optimum, sed quid a Cypriano positum.
Let him know so as to prefer evil things, he will exchange the good. I think this reading genuine, inasmuch as it is fortified by the support of almost all the manuscripts and also propped by the vote of Irenaeus (who very rarely departs from our author in his recension of the Scriptures); and lastly it comes nearer to the sense of the Seventy. I acknowledge that in Irenaeus, book 3, chapter 26, communicavit was made by Feuardent in place of commutabit; but he himself admits that it is read otherwise in other editions, and certainly I find it written in the former way in the Arundel manuscript. Perhaps the words written by the Vulgate translator would render the Hebrew truth more happily; but the question is not what is best, but what was set down by Cyprian.
Ipse tuum observabit. Vulgata lectio quae ipsam retinet, nullos haberet fautores in erudito hoc saeculo, si non plus valeret partium, quam veritatis, utcumque manifestae, studium. Certe Irenaeus ter locum eo prorsus modo, quo auctor noster, citat; observandum vero in Graecis exemplaribus olim lectum fuisse αὐτός σου τηρήσει, licet ipsos scripsisse τειρήσει minime sit dubium.
He shall watch for yours. The Vulgate reading, which keeps ipsam [she], would have no supporters in this learned age if zeal for party did not count for more than zeal for the truth, however manifest. Certainly Irenaeus three times cites the passage in exactly the same way as our author; but it should be observed that in Greek copies "he shall watch for your [head]" (αὐτός σου τηρήσει) was read of old, although there is no doubt at all that they [the Seventy] wrote τειρήσει.
X. — Et homo est. Inscrutabile, inquit vul. desperate morbidum alii. In Hebraeo habetur ואנש הוא quae vox saepissime defective scribitur, ut finale shin pro sustentaculo sit τῷ holem, et hominem significet. Certe Tertullianus ita textum hunc reddidit, ut ostenderet (verbis Hieronymi utor) quod homo sit Dominus atque Salvator, secundum dispositionem carnis assumptae, nullusque possit nativitatis ejus scire mysterium. Loca sunt adversus Judaeos, De carne Christi, Adv. Marcion. l. III.
X. — And He is a man. "Inscrutable", says the Vulgate; "desperately sick", others. In the Hebrew there stands ואנש הוא, a word which is very often written defectively, so that the final shin serves as a support for the holem, and it means "man". Certainly Tertullian rendered this text so as to show (I use Jerome's words) that the Lord and Saviour is a man according to the dispensation of the flesh He assumed, and that no one can know the mystery of His birth. The places are Against the Jews, On the Flesh of Christ, Against Marcion book 3.
Procedet homo de semine ejus. LXX habent ἐξελεύσεται ἄνθρωπος ἐκ τοῦ σπέρματος αὐτοῦ. מים מדליו qua de situla, proverbiali apud Hebraeos locutione hominum a parentibus ortorum derivationem denotat. Unde non tantum hic LXX, vocem מים ἄνθρωπον reddunt: sed et Targum per מלכא interpretatur. Notari etiam poterit vocem זרע quae sequitur, in eo significatu intellectam videri quo brachium refert. κυριεύειν ἐθνῶν πολλῶν, idem prorsus est quod Ps. LXXXVIII, v. 25, dicitur, ἔχειν ἐν θαλάσσῃ χεῖρα αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐν ποταμοῖς δεξιὰν αὐτοῦ. Demum advertere licebit, in verbis proxime sequentibus מאגג tamquam מגוג lectum, ὑψωθήσεται ἡ γὼγ inquiunt LXX. Immo Symmachus pariter, ὑψωθήσεται ὑπὲρ γώγ. Ex Ezech.
A man shall come forth from his seed. The Seventy have "a man shall come forth from his seed". "Water from his buckets", [water] from the bucket, by a proverbial expression among the Hebrews denotes the descent of men sprung from their parents. Hence not only do the Seventy here render the word מים [water] as "man", but the Targum also interprets it by מלכא [king]. It may also be noted that the word זרע which follows seems to be understood in the sense in which it signifies "arm". "To rule over many nations" is exactly the same as what is said in Ps. 88:25, "to have his hand in the sea, and his right hand in the rivers". Lastly, it will be permissible to notice that in the words immediately following, מאגג was read as if it were מגוג: "Gog shall be exalted", say the Seventy. Indeed Symmachus likewise: "he shall be exalted above Gog". From Ezekiel
Editors' notes and page, col. 1100
Page
- running head: [cut off at left] NIENSIS EDITIONIS 1100 (the column number is blurred and could be read as 1109)
- marginal letters: A ‹clus de fide rectissime dicit›; B ‹ϐυς seu legatus posuere›; C ‹ter habetur, et certe in ms. Arundeliano›; D ‹atque Salvator, secundum dispositionem›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter set: notes of the Oxford edition on the Testimonia (first words: clus de fide rectissime dicit). The opening word "clus" is a fragment broken from column 1099. No stop is visible after "Possidebit ea". "morbidum abi" is read as alii. "Inacrutabile" is read as Inscrutabile. "qua de situla" stands after a gap following the Hebrew; probably aqua with the initial a lost, UNSURE. The final letter of מדליו is uncertain. The Hebrew זרע is blurred and could be read as צרע. κυριεύειν is partly damaged. A stop may be printed after "ἡ γὼγ". Greek accents are partly illegible and have been normalized. The verse number of Ps. LXXXVIII is set as printed. "a vulgato" is printed with a grave accent (à).
- QA Q4a: "adv. Marc. L. IV" — the book abbreviation is lower case on the page; set so. "Scriptum reperio" is printed with a capital S at the start of the line; set as printed.
XXXVIII et XXXIX, et Apoc. XX, 8, discimus per Gog et Magog (gentes imprimis barbaras) hostes Ecclesiae designari: at hic dicitur illas regnum fore Christi: quod ex Evangelii praedicatione eventum felicissime sortitum est.
38 and 39, and Rev. 20:8, we learn that by Gog and Magog (barbarian nations above all) the enemies of the Church are designated; but here it is said that they will be the kingdom of Christ, an outcome which has come about most happily through the preaching of the Gospel.
XI —Et fidem consequetur. πιστώσω αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ, in LXX interpretum exemplaribus etiamnum legitur. Credibile vero est ipsos scripsisse ἐπιστήσω, nam in Hebraeo est: העמדתיהו.
XI. And he will obtain faith. πιστώσω αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ is still read in the copies of the Septuagint translators. It is credible, however, that they themselves wrote ἐπιστήσω, for in the Hebrew there is: העמדתיהו.
XII — Non exigua es. Cujus contradictorium profiteri videtur textus Hebraeus. Pariter LXX habent ὀλιγοστὸς εἶ. Sed auctor noster sequitur lectionem D. Matthaei qui ait, οὐδαμῶς ἐλαχίστη εἶ. Immo vero, si R. Tanchum, erudito Judaeo, fides; veritatem Hebraeam exhibet D. Matthaei lectio. Monet quippe ille, vocem צער quae parvum sonare perhibetur, rem utique pretio magnam denotare.
XII. You are not small. The Hebrew text seems to profess the contrary of this. Likewise the LXX have ὀλιγοστὸς εἶ. But our author follows the reading of St Matthew, who says οὐδαμῶς ἐλαχίστη εἶ. Indeed, if R. Tanchum, a learned Jew, is to be believed, the reading of St Matthew presents the Hebrew truth. For he points out that the word צער, which is held to mean small, denotes a thing that is in fact great in worth.
XIII. — Jesum sacerdotem Locum hunc Domino nostro attribuit Justin. Martyr in Dial. cum Tryph. nec non Tertullianus adv. Jud. et adv. Marc. l. III, c. 7, qui ait: Zacharias in persona ipsius Christi, immo et in ipsius nominis sacramento, verus summus sacerdos.
XIII. Jesus the priest. Justin Martyr in the Dialogue with Trypho attributes this passage to our Lord, as does Tertullian, Against the Jews and Against Marcion book 3, ch. 7, who says: Zechariah, in the person of Christ Himself, and indeed in the sacrament of His very name, the true high priest.
XIV.—Justus perit. Haec ad Dominum nostrum pertinere docent Justin. Mart. in Apol II, et Dial. cum Tryph.; Iren. l. IV, c. 67; Tert. adv. Marc. l. III, c. 22. Ita pariter Hieron.: Justus perit de quo dicit uxor Pilati: Nihil tibi sit et justo illi. Qui lotis manibus innocens sum ego, inquit, a sanguine justi hujus.
XIV. The just man perishes. That these words pertain to our Lord is taught by Justin Martyr in Apology 2 and in the Dialogue with Trypho; Irenaeus book 4, ch. 67; and Tertullian, Against Marcion book 3, ch. 22. So likewise Jerome: The just man perishes, of whom Pilate's wife says: Have nothing to do with that just man. He who, having washed his hands, says: I am innocent of the blood of this just man.
XV — Venite mittamus lignum. Alii aliter hunc locum reddunt nimirum, Destruamus arborem cum fructu ejus; aut mittamus lignum in carnem ejus; hoc est, fustibus coerceamus. Sed maxime litteralis is videtur sensus quem LXX et vulgatus interpres retinent, et Targum Jonathanis agnoscit במיכליה דמותא סמא נרמי. Locum utique laudat Justinus in Dial. cum Tryph. et Tertull. adv. Jud. cap. 10. Nonnulli ex Rabbinis lignum ipsum designant, et Taxum esse volunt. ex cujus venenato succo, toxica confecta autumant.
XV. Come, let us put wood. Others render this passage otherwise, namely: Let us destroy the tree with its fruit; or: Let us put wood into his flesh, that is, let us restrain him with cudgels. But the most literal sense seems to be the one which the LXX and the Vulgate translator keep, and which the Targum of Jonathan recognizes: במיכליה דמותא סמא נרמי. Justin indeed cites the passage in the Dialogue with Trypho, and so does Tertullian, Against the Jews ch. 10. Some of the Rabbis identify the wood itself and will have it to be the yew, from whose poisonous sap, they think, poisons were made.
Et accepit lapidem magnum Minime putandus est auctor noster credidisse lapidem illum fuisse Christum; sed illo lapide fuisse adumbratum eum, qui revera audivit omnia quae dicta fuerunt. Pariter Tertullianus circumcisos ait Israelitas a Josua, petrina acie, id est Christi praeceptis, petra enim Christus Adv. Marc. l. III, c. 10, et l. IV, c. 13. Eodem prorsus modo Apostolus, I Cor. X, 4, dicit omnes bibisse eumdem potum spiritualem, et bibebant de spiritali consequente eos petra, petra autem erat Christus.
And he took a great stone. It must by no means be thought that our author believed that stone to have been Christ, but rather that by that stone He was foreshadowed Who truly heard all the things that were said. Likewise Tertullian says that the Israelites were circumcised by Joshua with a stone edge, that is, with the precepts of Christ, for the rock is Christ, Against Marcion book 3, ch. 10, and book 4, ch. 13. In exactly the same way the Apostle, 1 Cor. 10:4, says that all drank the same spiritual drink, and they drank from the spiritual rock that followed them, and the rock was Christ.
XVI — Ecce nos. Pro εἰ legi⟨s⟩se videtur ἰδοὺ.
XVI. Behold, we. Instead of εἰ he seems to have read ἰδού.
XVIII. — Ascendamus in montem Locum hunc diligenter exsequitur Tertul. adv. Jud. c. 3, et adv. Marc. l. III, c. 21.
XVIII. Let us go up to the mountain. Tertullian follows up this passage carefully, Against the Jews ch. 3, and Against Marcion book 3, ch. 21.
XIX. — Indicite curationem. Θεραπείαν sive cultum solemnem, habent LXX. Sed cum illa vox pariter ea officia denotet quae aegris exhibentur; in hoc sensu reddidit Latinus interpres.
XIX. Proclaim a healing. The LXX have Θεραπείαν, that is, solemn worship. But since that word likewise denotes those services which are rendered to the sick, the Latin translator rendered it in this sense.
Procedat Sponsus. Dominum nostrum sponsi titulo insignitum abunde constat. Ne vero quis opinetur, temere locum hunc allatum in hujusce generis negotio, recordari oportebit, prophetiam hanc Act. II, 19, ab Apostolo Messiae assertam. Locum Jeremiae XVI qui sequitur, eodem modo interpretatur in commenmentariis D. Hieronymus. Alterum qui succedit Psal. XVIII pariter interpretatur Tertul. adv. Marc. l. VI, c. 11.
Let the Bridegroom go forth. It is abundantly established that our Lord is distinguished by the title of bridegroom. But lest anyone think that this passage has been brought in rashly in a matter of this kind, it will be necessary to recall that this prophecy was claimed for the Messiah by the Apostle, Acts 2:19. The passage of Jeremiah 16 which follows, St Jerome interprets in the same way in his commentaries. The next one, Psalm 18, Tertullian likewise interprets, Against Marcion book 6, ch. 11.
Virtutis Domi⟨n⟩i. LXX legunt δυνάμεως κυρίου: quo modo vocem צבא passim reddunt.
Of the power of the Lord. The LXX read δυνάμεως κυρίου, which is how they commonly render the word צבא.
XX.—Expandi manus. In eamdem mentem Justin. Apol. 2. et Dial. cum Tryph. nec non Tert. adv. Judaeos, c. 13, textum hunc interpretantur.
XX. I spread out my hands. Justin, Apology 2 and the Dialogue with Trypho, and also Tertullian, Against the Jews ch. 13, interpret this text in the same sense.
Erit pendens vita tua. Sic locum hunc interpretatur Tert. adv. Jud. cap. 11.
Your life will be hanging. Thus Tertullian interprets this passage, Against the Jews ch. 11.
Effoderunt manus. Psalmus iste ita certo ad Messiam
They dug through [my] hands. This Psalm so certainly to the Messiah
Editors' notes and page, col. 1101
Page
- running head: 1101 SELECTÆ IN CYPRIANU (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹XXXVIII et XXXIX, et Apoc.›; B ‹c. 7, qui ait›; C ‹ex cujus venenato succo›; D ‹reddidit Latinus interpres›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: the whole column is the editors' selected notes on Cyprian (Testimonia), set in full (first words: XXXVIII et XXXIX, et Apoc.); column begins mid-sentence and ends with Mes- hyphenated across the column break; legi⟨s⟩se and Domi⟨n⟩i have damaged letters (the latter looks like Domiri); retinent, agnoscit, laudat show worn letters but are legible as set; "Jesum sacerdotem" and "Ascendamus in montem" and "Et accepit lapidem magnum" lack the usual full stop before the comment, set as printed; "adv. Marc. L. VI" is as printed though Against Marcion has only five books; Adv. Marc. l. III, c. 10 as printed (the passage is actually in ch. 16); the Hebrew forms צער and the Targum words are set as printed; numbering skips XVII as printed
- misprints kept as printed: "commenmentariis" (the syllable men repeated across the line break, for commentariis); "Taxum esse volunt. ex cujus" (full stop before a lower-case continuation; the English reads it as a comma)
- QA Q2: the book abbreviations "l." (and "c." in adv. Jud. C. 3) are lower case on the page; set so
- QA Q4a: the Q2 change above had not reached the text (six places still read "L." or "C."); now set lower case as printed. UNSURE: "Apoc. XX, 8," may be printed with a full stop after 8; the word order of the Targum words (multi-word Hebrew) is not confirmed against the right-to-left print.
pertinet ut Judaeos habeat confitentes; qui tamen ut se expediant duplicem comminiscuntur Messiam, alterum ben Joseph, humilem illum quidem, et hic loci descriptum: alterum ben David, principem et bellatorem. Quod ad verba haec attinet, ex iis sunt quae geminam inter Hebraeos sortiuntur lectionem. Et viri eruditi, licet alibi lectioni ab Hebraeis receptae addictissimi, illam dicendi formam quam LXX sequuntur, quaeque כרו vel כארו ὤρυξαν, sive foderunt habet; hodiernae quae כארי ὡς λέων, sive sicut leo exhibet, praeferendam censent.
pertains that it has the Jews confessing it; yet they, to extricate themselves, devise a double Messiah: one the son of Joseph, humble indeed, and the one described in this place; the other the son of David, a prince and warrior. As for these words, they are among those which receive a twofold reading among the Hebrews. And learned men, although elsewhere most devoted to the reading received from the Hebrews, judge that the form of expression which the LXX follow, and which has כרו or כארו, ὤρυξαν, that is, "they dug", is to be preferred to the present-day one, which presents כארי, ὡς λέων, that is, "as a lion".
Confige clavis. LXX, καθήλωσον ἐκ τοῦ φόβου σου τὰς σάρκας μου. Aquila ἠλώθη po⟨ ⟩ui. Unde hariolari licebit primam scriptionem fuisse καθ⟨ήλωσεν⟩ †. Hoc loquendi genere utitur Solomon Eccles. XII, 12: λόγοι σοφῶν, ὡς τὰ βούκεντρα, καὶ ὡς ἧλοι πυρούμενοι. Vel ut Theodot. ἧλοι πεπηγότες. רעבו † Hebraeum non tantum horruit significat, sed etiam clavis confixit.
Pierce with nails. The LXX: "Nail down my flesh out of the fear of Thee." Aquila: ἠλώθη, po⟨ ⟩ui. Hence one may conjecture that the first writing was καθ⟨ήλωσεν⟩. Solomon uses this manner of speaking, Eccles. 12:12: "The words of the wise are as goads, and as nails set on fire." Or, as Theodotion has it, "nails fixed fast". The Hebrew רעבו means not only "shuddered" but also "fastened with nails".
Dies ejus. Diem Domini Messiae tempora designare satis notum. Vid. Act. II, 20. Auctor noster pro κλητοὺς, ἐκλεκτοὺς ⟨l⟩egisse videtur.
His day. That the day of the Lord designates the times of the Messiah is well enough known. See Acts 2:20. Our author seems to have read ἐκλεκτούς ("chosen") in place of κλητούς ("called").
Deus suspenditur LXX, οὐχ ὡς ἄν⟨θ⟩ρωπος ⟨ὁ⟩ Θεὸς διαρτηθῆναι. Quod scholiastes graecus non incommode interpr⟨e⟩tatur. Διαρτηθῆναι, τοῦτ' ἔστι σαλευθῆναι. τὰ γὰρ κρ⟨ε⟩μάμενα σαλεύονται.
God is hanged: the LXX, "God is not as a man, to be suspended." Which the Greek scholiast interprets not unfittingly: "To be suspended, that is, to be shaken; for things that hang are shaken."
XXII.—Texit coelos virtus ejus. Locus iste apparatum omnem traditae olim legis describit, cujus mediator foederis Angelus, sive Dominus noster. Tertul. l. IV adv. Marc. c. 22, transfigurationem dominicam verbis illis exhiberi contendit: quae quidem passionis secuturae adumbratio, teste D. Luca. c. IX, 33. Notetur verba illa et illic constabilita est virtus gloriae ejus et constituit dilectionem validam, esse duas versiones ejusdem textus, hebraei nimirum, חבקן ושם עזה †, quae ex homonymia linguae istius natae. Talis in sequenti voce דבר quae verbum et pestem sonat, occurrit; et proxima רשף quae terram torridam, et prunam ardentem denotat.
XXII.—His power covered the heavens. This passage describes the whole apparatus of the law handed down of old, whose mediator was the Angel of the covenant, that is, our Lord. Tertullian, Against Marcion book 4, chapter 22, contends that the Lord's transfiguration is set forth in these words: which was indeed a foreshadowing of the passion that was to follow, as St Luke witnesses, chapter 9:33. Let it be noted that the words "and there the power of His glory was established" and "and He established a strong love" are two versions of the same text, namely of the Hebrew חבקן ושם עזה, which arose from a homonymy of that language. Such [a case] occurs in the following word דבר, which means "word" and "pestilence"; and in the next one, רשף, which denotes "scorched earth" and "a glowing coal".
Imperium super humeros. Tert. adv. Jud. c. 10: Quis omnino regum insigne potestatis suae humero praefert, aut non in capite diadema, aut in manu sceptrum, aut aliquam propriae vestis notam? Sed solus novus rex saeculorum Christus Jesus novae gloriae et potestatem et sublimitatem suam in humero extulit, crucem scilicet.
Dominion upon the shoulders. Tertullian, Against the Jews, chapter 10: "Which of kings at all bears the emblem of his power upon his shoulder, and not rather a diadem on his head, or a sceptre in his hand, or some mark of his own apparel? But only the new King of the ages, Christ Jesus, of a new glory, bore His power and His majesty upon His shoulder, namely the cross."
Cum levabat manus. Tert. adv. Jud. c. 10, et adv. Marc. lib. III, c. 18: Jam vero Moses quid utique tunc tantum, cum Jesus adversus Amalec praeliabatur, extensis manibus orabat residens, quando in rebus tam attonitis, magis utique genibus positis, et manibus caedentibus pectus, et facie humi volutata, orationem commendare debuisset? nisi quia illic ubi nomen Jesu dimicabat, dimicaturi quandoque adversus diabolum, crucis habitus quoque esset necessarius, per quam Jesus victoriam esset relaturus. Ita Justin. Mart. Dial. cum Tryph.
When he lifted up his hands. Tertullian, Against the Jews, chapter 10, and Against Marcion book 3, chapter 18: "Now why indeed did Moses then only, when Jesus was fighting against Amalek, pray sitting with hands outstretched, when in circumstances so alarming he ought rather to have commended his prayer with knees bent, hands beating his breast, and face rolled on the ground? Unless because there, where the name of Jesus was fighting, of Him who would one day fight against the devil, the posture of the cross also was necessary, through which Jesus was to win the victory." So too Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho.
Super lignum vitae. Ut secundus Adam primo certius responderet, quemadmodum alter mortem per lignum orbi intulit, alter vitam dedit. Pariter et orbe post diluvium reparato ὁ Νῶε ἐν ξύλῳ διεσώθη, ἐποχούμενος τοῖς ὕδασι. inquit Justin. Mart. in Dial.
Upon the tree of life. So that the second Adam might correspond more surely to the first: as the one brought death upon the world through a tree, the other gave life. Likewise, when the world was restored after the flood, "Noah was saved in wood, borne upon the waters", says Justin Martyr in the Dialogue.
XXIII.—Occidet sol meridie. Prophetia haec ad passionem dominicam refertur, non modo ab auctore nostro, sed etiam Iren. l. IX, c 66; Tert. adv. Marc. l. IX. cap. 42 Ita locum Jerem sequentem interpretatur etiam Iren. l. IV, c. 66. Vox septem, ab utroque omissa.
XXIII.—The sun shall set at midday. This prophecy is referred to the Lord's passion not only by our author but also by Irenaeus, book 9, chapter 66, and Tertullian, Against Marcion book 9, chapter 42. Irenaeus too, book 4, chapter 66, interprets the following passage of Jeremiah in the same way. The word "seven" is omitted by both.
XXV.—Vivificabit nos post biduum. Sic Tert. adv. Jud. c. 14, et adv. Marc. l. IV c. 43.
XXV.—He will revive us after two days. So Tertullian, Against the Jews, chapter 14, and Against Marcion book 4, chapter 43.
Lavent vestem suam. Hunc Exodi locum respexisse videtur, D. Jo in Apoc. VII, 14.
Let them wash their garment. St John seems to have had this passage of Exodus in view in the Apocalypse, 7:14.
XXVI.—Qui assistebant ei obtulerunt eum. Pro ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ προσηνέχθη, quae lectio Chaldaeae respondet, olim legebatur, οἱ παρεστηκότες προσήγαγον αὐτὸν, ut ex Justino in Dial. patet. Porro Tertullianus l⟨e⟩git qui assistebant adduxerunt illum, adv. Marc. l. III, c. 9. Unde pro afferebant, librarii videntur scripsisse offerebant. In reliquis etiam auctor noster, nec non Tert.
XXVI.—Those who stood by Him offered Him. In place of "He was brought before Him", a reading which corresponds to the Chaldee, there was formerly read "Those who stood by brought Him near", as is plain from Justin in the Dialogue. Further, Tertullian reads "Those who stood by led Him", Against Marcion book 3, chapter 9. Hence the copyists seem to have written "offered" in place of "brought". In the rest also our author, as well as Tertullian,
Editors' notes and page, col. 1102
Page
- running head: [cut off at left]C IN CYPRIANUM NOTÆ. 1102
- marginal letters: A ‹siam pertinet ut Judaeos›; B ‹satis notum. Vid. Act.›; C ‹Imperium super humeros›; D ‹μενος τοῖς ὕδασι. inquit Justin›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: the whole column is editors' notes on Cyprian (‹siam pertinet ut Judaeos›), set in full. First word "siam" is the end of "Messiam" broken from the previous column. UNSURE: "po⟨ ⟩ui" after Aquila (gap in type, word unclear); the conjectured Greek form after "primam scriptionem fuisse" is badly printed (read as καθήλωσεν); Hebrew word before "Hebraeum" (read רעבו, perhaps meant סמר); Hebrew pair in XXII (read חבקן ושם עזה, type unclear); "istius" in XXII damaged (looks like "isiius"); "Iren. l. IX" and "Tert. adv. Marc. L. IX" set as printed though doubtful. Several Greek and Latin letters damaged and supplied in ⟨ ⟩, including the l of "⟨l⟩egisse".
- QA Q2: the abbreviations "c." and "l." before chapter and book numbers are lower case on the page (adv. Marc. C. 22; adv. Jud. C. 10 twice; adv. Marc. L. IX; adv. Jud. C. 14; adv. Marc. L. IV; adv. Marc. L. III); set so. UNSURE: Νῶε in the Justin quotation may be printed Νῶς (blurred).
- QA Q4a: the Q2 change above had not reached the text (all seven places still read "C." or "L."); now set lower case as printed. UNSURE: the Hebrew in XXII (Hab. 3:4 reads ושם חביון עזה) may be printed חביון, and its word order in the file may follow the left-to-right look of the line rather than the right-to-left reading order; not changed.
- QA Q6: UNSURE: in the Tertullian quotation under "Imperium super humeros", "solus novus rex" may be printed "sotus" (l/t unclear at this resolution); left as solus, not changed.
lectionem Justini Martyris sequuntur, relictis LXX.
follow the reading of Justin Martyr, leaving aside the LXX.
Ut suscitentur. In hac lectione consentiunt mss. codices; rectius diceretur, ut judicentur.
That they may be raised up. In this reading the manuscript codices agree; it would more correctly be said, that they may be judged.
XXVIII. — Ecce dies Domini venit. Hanc Malachiae prophetiam sibi asserit Dominus Mat. XI, 14. Illum qui sequitur, diem Judicii spectare monet paraphrastes Chaldaeus, qui Psalmum XLIX, respicere docet יום דינא רבא diem magni judicii. Cui concinit August. de Civit. Dei l. XX, c. 24. Similiter Ps. LXVII, qui Arcae foederis, et illic divinae praesentiae celebrandae destinatur, multo illustrius σκήνωσιν illius in carne exequitur, quod monet D. Paulus Eph. IV, 9.
XXVIII. Behold, the day of the Lord comes. This prophecy of Malachi the Lord claims for Himself, Matt. 11:14. The Chaldean paraphrast points out that the one which follows looks to the day of Judgement, and teaches that Psalm 49 refers to יום דינא רבא, the day of the great judgement. With which Augustine agrees, City of God bk. 20, ch. 24. Likewise Ps. 67, which is devoted to celebrating the Ark of the covenant and the divine presence there, sets forth far more gloriously His tabernacling in the flesh, as St Paul points out, Eph. 4:9.
Ut separet. LXX legunt τοῦ διακρῖναι. Revera extremum judicium per separationem expedietur, vid. Matt. XXV, 32.
That He may separate. The LXX read τοῦ διακρῖναι. In fact the last judgement will be carried out by separation; see Matt. 25:32.
Turbabuntur a facie ejus. Haec licet in graecis exemplaribus compareant; desiderantur in fontibus hebraeis.
They shall be troubled before His face. Although these words appear in the Greek copies, they are missing from the Hebrew sources.
Exterminabis in omnibus gentibus. Κατακληρονομήσεις LXX habent. Qui quid sibi vendicat, alios possessione excludit.
Thou shalt destroy among all the nations. The LXX have Κατακληρονομήσεις. Whoever claims something for himself excludes others from possession.
XXIX.—Quis nuntiabit vobis. Τίς ἀναγγελεῖ ὑμῖν LXX habent, qui pro יגיד יגור legisse videntur. Quod sequitur de τόπῳ αἰωνίῳ seu loco aeterno, euphemismum Hebraeum sapere videtur; τόπον βασάνης, D. Lucas appellat. Sero erat quando infernus per Tophet et gehennam designabatur.
XXIX. Who will announce to you. The LXX have Τίς ἀναγγελεῖ ὑμῖν, who seem to have read יגיד in place of יגור. What follows about τόπῳ αἰωνίῳ, or the eternal place, seems to savour of a Hebrew euphemism; St Luke calls it τόπον βασάνης. It was late that hell came to be designated by Tophet and Gehenna.
Auferte portas. Lectionem hanc genuinam puto, licet Pamelio aliter visum, nata enim videtur ex graeci textus ἄρατε πύλας homonymia, nec a librarii errore potuit contingere. Loca ex Psalmis quae hic congeruntur, Domino nostro vindicare supervacuus esset labor; siquidem plera⟨q⟩ue a Judaeis ipsis Messiae tribuantur. Dominus noster, Joan. X, 1, seipsum portam profitetur; atque in hanc mentem Clemens in Epist. ad Corinthios, geminum locum Ps. CXVIII, Ἀνοίξατέ μοι πύλας δικαιοσύνης interpretatur.
Take away the gates. I think this reading genuine, although Pamelius thought otherwise, for it seems to have arisen from the double meaning of the Greek text's ἄρατε πύλας, and could not have come about through a copyist's error. To claim for our Lord the passages from the Psalms that are gathered here would be superfluous labour, since most of them are attributed to the Messiah by the Jews themselves. Our Lord, John 10:1, declares Himself the gate; and in this sense Clement, in the Epistle to the Corinthians, interprets the twin passage of Ps. 118, Ἀνοίξατέ μοι πύλας δικαιοσύνης.
Ministri mei turbarentur. Ἠγωνίζοντο, inquit Apostolus, in agonia versarentur: Dominus suam agoniam descripturus ait, nunc anima mea turbata est.
My servants would be troubled. Ἠγωνίζοντο, says the Apostle, they would be in agony: the Lord, when about to describe His own agony, says, now My soul is troubled.
Paravit pater meus. Constans est auctor noster in hac lectione, quemadmodum etiam Irenaeus. Illam agnoscit ms. Cantab. vetustissimus, ut et alii codices graeci, qui legunt ὃ ἡτοίμασε ὁ πατήρ μου.
My Father has prepared. Our author is consistent in this reading, as is Irenaeus too. The very old Cambridge manuscript recognizes it, as do other Greek codices, which read ὃ ἡτοίμασε ὁ πατήρ μου.
CIRCA ANN. CCXLIX.
About the year 249.
TESTIMONIORUM LIBER TERTIUS.
Third Book of Testimonies.
Liber tertius. Liber hic licet in editione Spirensi, veteri innominato, et Remboldi desideretur; in Erasmi, quaeque ipsum secutae sunt omnibus, deinceps reperitur. Porro mss. codices passim exhibent. Genuinum esse auctoris nostri scriptum, superius ex H⟨i⟩eronymi, Augustini, aliorumque veterum suffragiis ostendimus. Mantissae autem loco addere etiamnum licebit, non modo titulum 54, hujus libri disertis verbis ab Hieronymo laudatum fuisse, sed etiam titulum quartum ab Augustino saepius citari, nimirum Retract. l. II, c. 1; Adv. Pelag c. 9; De Praedest. sanct. c. 3. Inficias non iverim testimonia quaedam a librariis interpolata, alia verbis vulgati interpretis descripta occurrere; sed haec ad libri ipsius statum non pertinent: et omnia fere veterum scripta ex aequo tangunt. Rectius dubitari poterit an liber iste ad Quirinum tertius, vel singularis potius, suique juris dici debeat. Quae adversus Judaeos superius habentur testimonia; unicum, licet bipartitum, opus conficere videntur: quod argumenti ratio, et Epistola praemissa suadere poterint Quinimmo diversi prorsus argumenti quae sequuntur testimonia, et Epistola denuo addita, tractatum hunc novis auspiciis scriptum testantur. Unde non male codex Lambethanus, praecedentes libellos pro uno ducit, atque hunc qui sequitur, non tertium, sed secundum ad
Third book. Although this book is missing in the Speyer edition, in the old anonymous one, and in Rembold's, it is found from then on in Erasmus's and in all those that followed him. Moreover the manuscript codices show it everywhere. That it is a genuine writing of our author we have shown above from the testimony of Jerome, Augustine and other ancients. By way of addition, however, it may further be added that not only was heading 54 of this book cited in express words by Jerome, but heading four too is quite often quoted by Augustine, namely Retractations bk. 2, ch. 1; Against the Pelagians ch. 9; On the Predestination of the Saints ch. 3. I would not deny that certain testimonies interpolated by copyists, and others written out in the words of the common translator, occur; but these do not bear on the standing of the book itself, and they affect almost all the writings of the ancients alike. It could more rightly be doubted whether this book should be called the third to Quirinus, or rather a single work in its own right. The testimonies set out above against the Jews seem to make up a single, though two-part, work: as the nature of the subject and the Epistle placed before them could suggest. Indeed, the testimonies that follow, of an entirely different subject, and the Epistle added anew, attest that this treatise was written under fresh auspices. Hence the Lambeth codex not unfittingly counts the preceding little books as one, and this one which follows not as the third, but as the second to
Editors' notes and page, col. 1103
Page
- running head: 110[3] OXONIENSIS EDITI[...] (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A lectionem Justini Martyris sequuntur; B LXX habent. Qui quid sibi vendicat; C Ministri mei turbarentur (lus, in agonia); D etiamnum licebit, non modo titulum 54
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (Oxford edition notes on Testimonia II, then the note on Book III: "lectionem Justini Martyris", "Liber tertius. Liber hic licet"); column begins and ends mid-sentence; order of the two Hebrew words יגיד / יגור as set is UNSURE; βασάνης left as printed; "expedietur" and "appellat" partly damaged type, read as such; "H⟨i⟩eronymi" has damaged type at the i; Greek accents partly unclear
Quirinum librum appellat. Sed quandoquidem altera numerandi ratio invaluit, ab eadem minime recedendum ducimus.
Quirinus, it calls the book. But since the other way of numbering has prevailed, we have judged that we should by no means depart from it.
I.—An. 249 librum hunc novis omnino auspiciis, et tamen ante persecutionem conscriptum; anno 249, quo exeunte, persecutio intentabatur, assignandum duximus. Sed ne a reliquis testimoniorum libris divelleretur; tractatui de Habitu virginum, quem ante Episcopatum scriptum putamus, inverso aliquantum temporis ordine, praemisimus.
I.—Year 249. This book, written under wholly new auspices and yet before the persecution, we have judged should be assigned to the year 249, at whose close the persecution was threatening. But so that it should not be torn away from the remaining books of testimonies, we have placed it before the treatise On the Dress of Virgins, which we think was written before his episcopate, somewhat inverting the order of time.
II.—Aut enim subjectos vobis subpungitis. Tertullianus pariter per disjunctivam particulam legit, aut ad lites jejunatis. Unde utrique legisse videntur, ἢ γὰρ τοὺς ὑποχειρίους ὑμῶν ὑπονύσσετε, ἢ εἰς κρίσεις, etc.
II.—For either you goad those subject to you. Tertullian likewise reads with a disjunctive particle, or you fast for lawsuits. Hence both seem to have read, "for either you goad those under your hand, or for judgements," etc.
Et vestimenta tua. Τὰ ἰάματά σου, LXX. Sanitas tua citius orietur, Vulgatus interpres. Noster legisse videtur τὰ ἱμάτιά σου. Immo et Tertullianus similiter legit.
And your garments. "Your healings," the LXX. "Your health shall spring up more swiftly," the Vulgate translator. Our author seems to have read "your garments." Indeed Tertullian too reads likewise.
Sustineo te. Opperior, exspecto.
I sustain you. That is, I wait for, I await.
Eleemosynis et fide. Exemplaria LXX, quae Proverbiorum librum satis perturbate exhibent, verba haec interponunt loco alieno, nimirum cap. XV, v. 29; sed olim capite VI, comparuisse hinc suadetur, quandoquidem in versione Syriaca et Arabica habentur.
By almsgiving and faith. The copies of the LXX, which present the book of Proverbs in rather disordered fashion, insert these words in an alien place, namely chapter 15, verse 29; but that they once appeared in chapter 6 is suggested by this, that they are found there in the Syriac and Arabic version.
In corde pauperis. Ἐν ταμείοις σου, legunt LXX, pro quo lectum videtur, ἐν καρδίᾳ πτωχοῦ.
In the heart of the poor man. "In your storehouses," the LXX read, in place of which "in the heart of the poor man" seems to have been read.
Magis quam sacrificium. Pro οὐ θυσίαν, Noster legisse videtur ἢ θυσίαν. Quam lectionem agnoscunt plurima LXX exemplaria. Prior vero lectio Hebraeo textui consona, Matth. IX, 13, et XII, 7, perpetuo retinetur.
Rather than sacrifice. Instead of "not sacrifice," our author seems to have read "than sacrifice." This reading is recognized by very many copies of the LXX. But the former reading, consonant with the Hebrew text, is constantly retained in Matt. 9:13 and 12:7.
Omnia ista observavi. Quae in sacro textu sequuntur, a juventute mea praetermisit auctor. Observet vero lector loca haec ipsa pariter congesta in libro de Opere et Eleemosyna; quae iis quae diximus supra, pag. 13, de Cypriani methodo in laudandis S. Scripturis, prorsus respondent. Immo et librum hunc eidem asserunt.
All these things I have observed. The words that follow in the sacred text, from my youth, the author has omitted. But let the reader observe these very passages likewise gathered together in the book On Works and Almsgiving; they correspond exactly to what we said above, p. 13, about Cyprian's method in citing the Holy Scriptures. Indeed they also confirm this book as his.
Ut in omnibus locupletemini. Sic aliqui graeci codices legunt, ἵνα ἐν πᾶσι.
That you may be enriched in all things. So some Greek codices read, "that in all things."
Neque divites. Quam lectionem mss. exemplaria graeca tuentur, quae habent μηδὲ τοὺς πλουσίους. Et quidem quae ex adversa parte sequuntur, nimirum pauperum, debilium, caecorum et claudorum distincta mentio, lectioni huic favere videntur.
Nor the rich. This reading is upheld by the Greek manuscript copies, which have "nor the rich." And indeed what follows on the opposite side, namely the distinct mention of the poor, the weak, the blind and the lame, seems to favour this reading.
III —Dum enim adhuc pusilli eratis. Additamentum a librario forte adhibitum, abest enim in lib. de Zelo et Livore, ubi textus hic laudatur. Simile apud Irenaeum occurrit l. IV, c. 75: Lac vobis potum dedi non escam; nondum enim poteratis escam percipere.
III.—For while you were still little ones. An addition perhaps made by a copyist, for it is absent in the book On Jealousy and Envy, where this text is cited. Something similar occurs in Irenaeus, book 4, chapter 75: I gave you milk to drink, not food; for you were not yet able to take food.
Charitas magnanima. Μακροθυμεῖ. Magnanimem Tertullianus appellat libro de Patientia. Sed longanimus, vox pariter barbara, magis obtinuit.
Charity is magnanimous. "Is long-suffering." Tertullian calls it magnanimous in the book On Patience. But longanimus, a word equally barbarous, has rather prevailed.
Non inflatur, non irritatur. Codices graeci passim legunt οὐ φυσιοῦται, οὐκ ἀσχημονεῖ: sed mss, quamplurimi habent οὐ φυσιοῦται, οὐ φιλοτιμεῖ, quos auctor noster videtur secutus. In libro de Unit. Ecclesiae, eodem modo textus hic effertur.
Is not puffed up, is not provoked. The Greek codices commonly read "is not puffed up, does not behave unseemly"; but very many manuscripts have "is not puffed up, is not ambitious," which our author seems to have followed. In the book On the Unity of the Church this text is given in the same way.
Discrimen ullum. Hanc lectionem tuentur probatissimi codices graeci mss. Bodleianus, si quis alius venerandae antiquitatis, uncialibus litteris descriptus; legit οὐκ ἦν χωρισμὸς ἐν αὐτοῖς τις. Bezae vero qui Cantabrigiae servatur οὐ διάκρισις ἐν αὐτοῖς οὐδεμία. Sequiorum temporum apographa praetereo. Porro notandum, Bedam nostratem, hanc discrepantiam olim observasse in Retract. in Act. Apost.
Any distinction. This reading is upheld by the most approved Greek manuscript codices. The Bodleian, of venerable antiquity if any other is, written in uncial letters, reads "there was not any separation among them." But that of Beza, which is kept at Cambridge, reads "no distinction at all among them." I pass over the copies of later times. Further, it should be noted that our countryman Bede long ago observed this discrepancy in the Retractation on the Acts of the Apostles.
Offer munus tuum ad altare. Voces, ad altare, redundant.
Offer your gift at the altar. The words "at the altar" are redundant.
In tenebris ambulat. Vox ambulat, quamquam hic loci non reperiatur, infra v. 11, habetur.
Walks in darkness. The word "walks," although it is not found at this place, occurs below, at verse 11.
IV.—In nullo gloriandum. Locum hunc supra monuimus ab Augustino saepius laudatum, dum Pelagii furores oppugnaret.
IV.—That we must glory in nothing. We noted above that this passage was quite often cited by Augustine when he was attacking the frenzies of Pelagius.
V.—Vos autem ne vocaveritis rabbi. Si titulum istud admittere non liceat, pariter et deferre vetitum. Graeca nostra habent μὴ κληθῆτε. Vulgatus interpres habet Nolite vocari.
V.—But do not you call [anyone] rabbi. If it is not permitted to accept that title, it is equally forbidden to confer it. Our Greek copies have "be not called." The Vulgate translator has "Be not called."
Editors' notes and page, col. 1104
Page
- running head: …NIENSIS EDITIONIS 1104 (cut off at left edge)
- marginal letters: A Quirinum librum appellat; B biorum librum satis perturbate; C dices legunt; D Discrimen ullum
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: right-hand column only; left column cut off and not set. Whole column is editors' matter (Fell's notes on the Testimonia ad Quirinum: "Quirinum librum appellat…", "I.—An. 249…", "II.—Aut enim subjectos…", "III —Dum enim…", "IV.—In nullo…", "V.—Vos autem…"). Column begins mid-sentence. "III —" printed without full stop, set as printed. UNSURE: "librum hunc" (h/b blurred); "Magnanimem" and "longanimus" set as printed (possibly misprints for magnanimam/longanimis); "mss," with comma as printed; "abAugustino" printed without space, set as two words. Greek accents partly faint, read where legible.
VI. — Nudus etiam ibo sub terram. Haec interpretamenti loco, ponuntur, pro eo quod LXX, brevius efferunt ἀπελεύσομαι ἐκεῖ. Infra quae eodem modo adjecta sunt, LXX interpretes habent auctores: ἐν τοῖς συμβεβηκόσιν αὐτῷ οὐκ ἥμαρτεν Ἰὼβ, οὐδὲ ἐν τοῖς χείλεσιν αὐτοῦ
VI. — Naked also shall I go under the earth. These words are put by way of interpretation, in place of what the LXX express more briefly, ἀπελεύσομαι ἐκεῖ, 'I shall depart thither'. What is added further on in the same manner has the LXX translators as its authorities: ἐν τοῖς συμβεβηκόσιν αὐτῷ οὐκ ἥμαρτεν Ἰὼβ, οὐδὲ ἐν τοῖς χείλεσιν αὐτοῦ, 'in the things that befell him Job did not sin, nor with his lips'
Stimulus carnis meae. Vox meae redundat. Quod sequitur, virtus in infirmitate perficitur, ejecta voce mea, universalius quoddam lemma conficit.
The goad of my flesh. The word my is superfluous. What follows, strength is made perfect in weakness, with the word my removed, makes a somewhat more universal heading.
Quam lata! Complutensia Biblia, nec non omnes fere vetustiores codices mss, pariter legunt τί στενή, admirative.
How broad! The Complutensian Bible, and also almost all the older manuscript codices, likewise read τί στενή, 'how narrow!', as an exclamation.
In locis impiorum. Pro בקום legisse videntur LXX interpretes במקום. Monet Pamelius Excusos codices habuisse in margine Ecclesiastis III. Sed neque ibi Graece reperitur, neque in libro Sapientiae. Goulartius contendit Ecclesiastis III, scriptum haberi. Sed revera in Proverbiis Solomonis XXVIII, omnino reperitur; quem librum Sapientiam Solomonis frequenter apellat auctor noster.
In the places of the ungodly. For בקום ('when [they] rise') the LXX translators seem to have read במקום ('in the place'). Pamelius observes that the printed codices had in the margin 'Ecclesiastes 3'. But it is found neither there in Greek nor in the book of Wisdom. Goulartius maintains that it is held to be written in Ecclesiastes 3. But in fact it is found entire in the Proverbs of Solomon 28; which book our author frequently calls the Wisdom of Solomon.
VII. — In die redemptionis. Consentit cum iis graecis codicibus qui legunt ἐν ἡμέρα.
VII. — In the day of redemption. He agrees with those Greek codices which read ἐν ἡμέρα, 'in the day'.
IX. — Sic adimplebitis legem Christi. Eodem modo textus hic laudatur epistola ad Antonian. quasi legisset. οὕτως πληρώσετε τὸν νόμον τοῦ Χριστοῦ.
IX. — So shall you fulfil the law of Christ. In the same way this text is cited in the letter to Antonianus, as if he had read οὕτως πληρώσετε τὸν νόμον τοῦ Χριστοῦ, 'so shall you fulfil the law of Christ'.
X. — Non nisi soli Deo subjecta. LXX legunt Οὐχὶ τῷ θεῷ ὑποταγήσεται ἡ ψυχή μου; Legisse videtur auctor noster Οὐχ ἡ τῷ θεῷ. Vulgatus interpres imperative effert, Verumtamen Deo subjecta esto anima mea.
X. — Subject to none but God alone. The LXX read Οὐχὶ τῷ θεῷ ὑποταγήσεται ἡ ψυχή μου; 'Shall not my soul be subject to God?' Our author seems to have read Οὐχ ἡ τῷ θεῷ, 'not except to God'. The Vulgate translator renders it as an imperative: Nevertheless be subject to God, my soul.
Responderunt autem Sidrac. Locus hic Cyprani animo semper fere obversabatur Non modo in his libris, sed in Exhort. martyr., Epistola ad Thiburitanos, et ad Rogatianum in medium profertur.
But Sidrac answered. This passage was almost always before Cyprian's mind. Not only in these books, but in the Exhortation to Martyrdom, the Letter to the Thibaritans, and that to Rogatianus it is brought forward.
XI. — Lumbi vestri praecincti. Recte locum hunc affert auctor noster, in probationem lemmatis sui Aegypti enim servitus, et in terram Chananaeam transitus: statum nostrum sub peccati tyrannide, et libertate Evangelica adumbrabant.
XI. — Your loins girded. Our author rightly adduces this passage in proof of his heading; for the bondage of Egypt and the passage into the land of Canaan foreshadowed our state under the tyranny of sin and in the freedom of the Gospel.
Empti enim estis pretio magno, clarificate et portate. Legisse videtur auctor noster ἠγοράσθητε γὰρ τιμῆς μεγάλης, δοξάσατε, καὶ βαστάσατε Et quidem posteriori additamento favent exemplaria: certe in lectione hac constans est auctor noster.
For you have been bought with a great price; glorify and carry. Our author seems to have read ἠγοράσθητε γὰρ τιμῆς μεγάλης, δοξάσατε, καὶ βαστάσατε, 'for you were bought with a great price; glorify and carry'. And indeed copies support the latter addition; certainly our author is consistent in this reading.
Quasi non utantur. In textu graeco, ὡς μὴ καταχρώμενοι. Quae voces non male versionem istam admittunt. Sic Plato Epist. VIII, οὐκ ὀρθῶς κατακέχρηται δωρεᾷ
As though they did not use. In the Greek text, ὡς μὴ καταχρώμενοι. These words admit that rendering not badly. So Plato, Letter 8: οὐκ ὀρθῶς κατακέχρηται δωρεᾷ, 'he has not rightly used the gift'
Portemus et imaginem. Quod iis exemplaribus consonum; quae legunt φορέσωμεν.
Let us carry also the image. This accords with those copies which read φορέσωμεν, 'let us bear'.
Placere ei cui se probavit. De probatione militari plurimae extant leges imperiales. 1° Origo inquirebatur, ne forte militiae obtentu nonnulli Curias defugerent. 2° Aetas spectata, scil. ut sit decimus octavus annus expletus. 3° Statora, ut sit quinque pedum et septem unciarum. 4° Status, ut non servi, nec qui vitae genus ignobile exercebant. 5° Robur, et habitudo corporis; quorum diversa ratio, pro diversitate equestris et pedestris militiae. 6° Secta, ita Judaei, et aliquando Christiani, armata militia prohibiti.
To please him to whom he has approved himself. On military approval very many imperial laws are extant. 1. Origin was inquired into, lest some should perhaps escape the curiae under pretext of military service. 2. Age was looked at, namely that the eighteenth year be completed. 3. Stature, that it be five feet and seven inches. 4. Status, that they be not slaves, nor such as practised an ignoble way of life. 5. Strength and bodily condition; of which the standard differed according to the difference between cavalry and infantry service. 6. Sect; thus Jews, and at times Christians, were barred from armed service.
Vana sectamini. Sectis absurdis adhaeretis, in graeco textu habetur δογματίζεσθε.
You follow vain things. You cling to absurd sects; in the Greek text there stands δογματίζεσθε, 'you subject yourselves to decrees'.
Spiritu sensus vestri, νοὸς ὑμῶν. Iisdem verbis locum hunc effert Tertullianus lib. de Anima, c. 45.
In the spirit of your mind, νοὸς ὑμῶν. Tertullian renders this passage in the same words in the book On the Soul, ch. 45.
In justitia, in sanctitate et veritate. Libri impressi passim legunt ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ ὁσιότητι τῆς ἀληθείας. Sed plurimi codices mss. lectioni auctoris nostri accedunt, nimirum ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ, καὶ ὁσιότητι, καὶ ἀληθείᾳ.
In justice, in holiness and truth. The printed books generally read ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ ὁσιότητι τῆς ἀληθείας, 'in justice and holiness of the truth'. But very many manuscript codices side with our author's reading, namely ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ, καὶ ὁσιότητι, καὶ ἀληθείᾳ, 'in justice, and holiness, and truth'.
Quomodo Deus manet in aeternum. Additamentum hoc aliunde videtur petitum.
As God abides for ever. This addition seems to have been taken from elsewhere.
Pascha nostrum immolatus est Christus. Impressi legunt Πάσχα ἡμῶν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἐθύθη Χριστός. Sed mss. exemplaria passim habent Πάσχα ἡμῶν ἐθύθη Χριστός. Cui lectioni vulgatus interpres consentit.
Christ our Passover has been sacrificed. The printed [editions] read Πάσχα ἡμῶν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἐθύθη Χριστός, 'Christ our Passover was sacrificed for us'. But manuscript copies generally have Πάσχα ἡμῶν ἐθύθη Χριστός, 'Christ our Passover was sacrificed'. With this reading the Vulgate translator agrees.
XII — Et si vane juraverit. Post versum 10 omittitur undecimus, et apponitur duodecimus; quia non opus
XII — And if he has sworn in vain. After verse 10 the eleventh is omitted and the twelfth is added; because there was no need
Editors' notes and page, col. 1105
Page
- running head: 1105 SELECTAE IN CYPRIANU[M] (cut off at right edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹VI. — Nudus etiam ibo›; B ‹noster.›; C ‹Empti enim estis pretio magno›; D ‹equestris et pedestris militiae›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (Selectae notae on Cyprian's Testimonia III), first words "VI. — Nudus etiam ibo sub terram"; right-hand column belongs to col. 1106 and is not set. Greek στ ligature in τί στενή spelled out. Faint/damaged type in several words (θεῷ, ὑποταγήσεται, Vulgatus interpres, corporis, militia); UNSURE: Οὐχ ἡ τῷ θεῷ (perhaps Οὐκ ἢ), κατακέχρηται (print may read καταχέχρηται), Thiburitanos, Tertullian chapter number c. 45.
ut quis perjurii crimen exaggeret, cum constiterit frequenter aut levi de causa vere jurare non licere.
for anyone to magnify the crime of perjury, since it is established that it is not lawful to swear even truly, whether frequently or for a trivial cause.
XIII.—Ad aedificationem fidei. Exemplaria impressa habent πρὸς οἰκοδομὴν τῆς χρείας: sed pro lectione auctoris nostri stant plurimi mss. et habent πρὸς οἰκοδομὴν τῆς πίστεως.
XIII.—For the edification of faith. The printed copies have πρὸς οἰκοδομὴν τῆς χρείας ("for edification of need"); but very many manuscripts stand for our author's reading and have πρὸς οἰκοδομὴν τῆς πίστεως ("for edification of faith").
Benedicentes et non maledicentes. Pro εὐλογεῖτε, καὶ μὴ καταρᾶσθε, legisse videtur noster εὐλογοῦντες, καὶ μὴ καταρώμενοι.
Blessing and not cursing. For εὐλογεῖτε, καὶ μὴ καταρᾶσθε ("bless, and do not curse"), our author seems to have read εὐλογοῦντες, καὶ μὴ καταρώμενοι ("blessing, and not cursing").
XV — In hostiam. Habetur hic textus in Epist. ad Rogat. Et utrobique legitur, in holocaustum hostiam. Cyprianum tamen scripsisse puto, in holocaustoma; sed librarii ex loco Sapient. III, 4. qui sequitur, et ingeniis suis, ad immutanda omnia nimium proclivibus, corrigendum putaverant, et reposuere in holocaustum hostiam.
XV — For a victim. This text is found in the Letter to Rogatianus. And in both places one reads "a victim for a holocaust". I think, however, that Cyprian wrote "for a holocaust-offering"; but the copyists, from the passage of Wisdom 3:4 which follows, and from their own dispositions, all too inclined to alter everything, had thought it needed correcting, and put back "a victim for a holocaust".
XVI.—Liberat de malis. Si verax testis in causis civilibus, et communis vitae negotiis tantum valet: multo magis qui Dei causa martyr.
XVI.—He delivers from evils. If a truthful witness is of such worth in civil cases and in the business of common life, much more so is he who is a martyr for God's cause.
Tollentes gremia. Idem quod cremia sive fasciculi surculorum aridorum, quae eodem fere modo colligantur ut manipuli spicarum. Ulpian. l. LV. De legat. et fidei com. l. XXXII: Sed si voluntas non refragatur, et virgulae, et gremia, et sarmenta, et superamenta materiarum continebuntur. Columel. liv. XII, cap. 32: Mustum in vasa defrutaria deferemus, levique primum igne ex tenuibus admodum lignis quae gremia rustici appellant.
Taking up gremia. The same as cremia, that is, little bundles of dry twigs, which are tied together in much the same way as sheaves of ears of corn. Ulpian, l. 55, On Legacies and Trusts, l. 32: But if the intention does not oppose it, both brushwood and gremia and vine-cuttings and the leftovers of timber will be included. Columella, book 12, chap. 32: We shall carry the must into the boiling-vessels, and at first with a light fire made from very thin pieces of wood, which the country people call gremia.
XVIII.—Non est meus discipulus. Cyprianus pro μου ἄξιος, legisse videtur μου μαθητής. Et ita habetur Luc. XIV, 26.
XVIII.—He is not My disciple. For μου ἄξιος ("worthy of Me"), Cyprian seems to have read μου μαθητής ("My disciple"). And so it stands in Luke 14:26.
Pro eo qui dilexit nos, διὰ τοῦ ἀγαπήσαντος ἡμᾶς, alii codices legunt διὰ τὸν ἀγαπήσαντα. Vulgatus habet, propter eum.
For Him Who loved us, διὰ τοῦ ἀγαπήσαντος ἡμᾶς ("through Him Who loved us"), other manuscripts read διὰ τὸν ἀγαπήσαντα ("on account of Him Who loved"). The Vulgate has "on account of Him".
XXI. — Eadem enim agis quae judicas. In nostris exemplaribus legimus, τὰ γὰρ αὐτὰ πράσσεις ὁ κρίνων: sed Noster legisse videtur, αὐτὰ πράσσεις ἃ κρίνεις. Et postea pro τοιαῦτα, τὰ κακά.
XXI. — For you do the same things that you judge. In our copies we read τὰ γὰρ αὐτὰ πράσσεις ὁ κρίνων ("for you who judge do the same things"); but our author seems to have read αὐτὰ πράσσεις ἃ κρίνεις ("you do the things that you judge"). And afterwards, for τοιαῦτα ("such things"), τὰ κακά ("evil things").
XXVII.—Lucete sicut luminaria. Non indicative, sed imperative intellexit vocem φαίνεσθε.
XXVII.—Shine as lights. He understood the word φαίνεσθε not as an indicative but as an imperative.
XXVIII.—Non posse in Ecclesia remitti. Haec prima fronte hypothesi Novatianae favere videntur; sed Scripturarum quae afferuntur suffragia, ad peccatum adv. Sp. S. vel saltem graviora flagitia (et quidem prima Christianismi tempora nullam illis veniam fecere) restringuntur. Porrro cum ex priscis moribus, publice delinquentes, Ecclesia essent pellendi antequam ad poenitentiam admitterentur; recte dicetur, non posse in Ecclesiam istiusmodi flagitiosis remitti. In eamdem mentem dicit auctor noster lib. de Habitu Virg.: Nulla sit venia ultra delinquere, postquam Deum nosse coepisti. Vid. ad Hebr. VI, 4.
XXVIII.—That it cannot be remitted in the Church. At first sight these words seem to favour the Novatian position; but the testimonies of the Scriptures which are adduced are restricted to the sin against the Holy Spirit, or at least to the graver crimes (and indeed the first ages of Christianity granted these no pardon). Moreover, since by ancient custom those who sinned publicly had to be driven out of the Church before they were admitted to penance, it will rightly be said that such wrongdoers cannot be sent back into the Church. To the same effect our author says in the book On the Dress of Virgins: Let there be no licence to sin further, after you have begun to know God. See on Heb. 6:4.
XXIX.—De saeculo essetis. Corrumpere et corrumpi, saeculum vocatur.
XXIX.—You would be of the world. To corrupt and to be corrupted is what is called the world.
XXX. — Quod quis Deo voverit. Pamelius suo more vota monastica hinc nobis commendat; parum memor, nec temporis, nec scripti istius rationem, istiusmodi vota posse respicere.
XXX. — What anyone has vowed to God. Pamelius, after his custom, commends monastic vows to us from this passage, too little mindful that neither the character of the time nor that of this writing can have regard to vows of that kind.
Maledictus qui facit opera Dei negligenter. Gentes Chananeae per anathema seu חרם devotae; unde qui in bellis istis quae Dei auspiciis gerebantur, victis pepercit, tamquam juramenti violati reus peragebatur. Porro bella non sine votis olim suscepta, Abrahae, Jepthae, Israelitarum passim exemplis liquet.
Cursed is he who does the works of God negligently. The Canaanite nations were devoted by anathema, or חרם; hence whoever in those wars, which were waged under God's auspices, spared the vanquished was prosecuted as guilty of a violated oath. Moreover, that wars were formerly not undertaken without vows is clear from the examples of Abraham, Jephthah and the Israelites in many places.
XXXI. — Non resurgent impii in judicio. Judaei in illa erant sententia, se solos in judicio venturo sistendos.
XXXI. — The ungodly shall not rise again in the judgement. The Jews were of the opinion that they alone would be made to stand at the judgement to come.
XXXII — Generant et generatur. Graeca quaedam exemplaria, cum bona Pamelii venia, legunt γεννῶνται καὶ γεννῶσι. Quod sequitur minus latinum, non nubunt, neque nubuntur, apud omnes fere Patres Latinos retinetur; vix enim aliter voces in graeco textu, οὔτε γαμοῦσιν, οὔτε ἐκγαμίσκονται, totidem verbis exhiberentur. Vulgatus interpres Luc. XX, 24, habet, Filii hujus saeculi non nubunt, et traduntur ad nuptias. Quod statim sequitur, neque enim incipient mori,
XXXII — They beget and are begotten. Certain Greek copies, by Pamelius' good leave, read γεννῶνται καὶ γεννῶσι ("they are begotten and they beget"). What follows, the less Latin phrase "they neither marry nor are married", is retained by almost all the Latin Fathers; for hardly otherwise could the words in the Greek text, οὔτε γαμοῦσιν, οὔτε ἐκγαμίσκονται, be rendered in as many words. The Vulgate translator at Luke 20:24 has: The sons of this world do not marry, and are given in marriage. What immediately follows, "for neither will they begin to die",
Editors' notes and page, col. 1106
Page
- running head: …E IN CYPRIANUM NOTÆ. 1106 (beginning cut off at the left edge of the image)
- marginal letters: A ut quis perjurii crimen; B multo magis qui Dei causa martyr; C XXVII.—Lucete sicut luminaria; D vota posse respicere
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (notes on Cyprian, first words "ut quis perjurii crimen"); column begins mid-sentence carried over from 1105. UNSURE: πίστεως blurred (looks like τίστεως); "immutanda" blurred; Greek accents read from poor type throughout; "Sapient. III, 4", "Luc. XX, 24" (prob. 34) and "Generant et generatur" set as printed; "liv." set as printed for lib.; Jepthae as printed. Left-hand fragments belong to col. 1105, not set. No full-width line.
graecis iis acceptum referendum quae habent οὔτε γὰρ ἀποθανεῖν ἔτι, ἰσάγγελοι τῷ Θεῷ, τῆς ἀναστάσεως υἱοὶ ὄντες.
is to be credited to those Greek [manuscripts] which have "for [they can] no longer die, [being] equal to angels of God, being sons of the resurrection."
Sic et mulier, et virgo. Consentit iis graecis mss. quae legunt, καὶ ἡ γυνή, καὶ ἡ παρθένος ἡ ἄγαμος, μεριμνᾷ τὰ τοῦ Κυρίου.
So also the woman, and the virgin. This agrees with those Greek manuscripts which read, "and the woman, and the unmarried virgin, cares for the things of the Lord."
Nisi panis sanctus unus. Codices LXX quidam habent εἰ μὴ ἄρτος ὁ ἅγιος, quas voces singularem panem denotare credid⟨i⟩t auctor noster. S⟨e⟩d exemplaria impressa passim legunt ἢ ἅγιοι ἄρτοι εἰσίν
Except one holy bread. Certain codices of the Septuagint have "except the holy bread", words which our author believed to denote a single loaf. But the printed copies everywhere read "or there are holy loaves"
XXXIII. — Deus judicium tuum Regi da. Locum hunc Messiae asseruit auctor noster c. 2 libri superioris. Is qui sequitur Gen. XIX. 24, a P⟨a⟩tribus p⟨a⟩ssim ut Personarum in Deitate distinctio com⟨p⟩robetur afferri solet. V⟨i⟩deat lector Justin. in Dial. cum Tryph.; Iren. l. III, c. 6; Tertul. adv. Prax.; Cyrill. l. I in Joan.; Athanas. Epist. de Synod.; Hilar. l. de Synod.; Hieron. in XLV Isai.; Amb. l. I de Fide.
XXXIII. — O God, give Thy judgement to the King. Our author claimed this passage for the Messiah in chapter 2 of the preceding book. The one which follows, Gen. 19:24, is commonly adduced by the Fathers so that the distinction of Persons in the Godhead may be proved. Let the reader see Justin in the Dialogue with Trypho; Irenaeus, book 3, chapter 6; Tertullian, Against Praxeas; Cyril, book 1 on John; Athanasius, Letter on the Synods; Hilary, book on the Synods; Jerome on [chapter] 45 of Isaiah; Ambrose, book 1 on the Faith.
XXXVI. — Ad Ponticos. Sic Tert. in Scorpiaco
XXXVI. — To the [people] of Pontus. So Tertullian in the Scorpiace
XXXIX. — Tradebat autem se judicanti iniuste. Codices nostri legunt κρίνοντι δικαίως. Sed legisse videtur noster, παρέδωκεν αὐτὸν τῷ κρίνοντι ἀδίκως, respectu ad Pilatum et Caipham habito.
XXXIX. — But He handed Himself over to one judging unjustly. Our codices read "[to Him] judging justly". But our [author] seems to have read "He handed Himself over to the one judging unjustly", with regard had to Pilate and Caiaphas.
In figura Dei constitutus. Tertullianus legit, in effigie Dei constitutus, Adv. Marcion. l. V. c. 20. Vulgatus, in forma.
Established in the figure of God. Tertullian reads "established in the likeness of God", Against Marcion, book 5, chapter 20. The Vulgate, "in the form".
XL. — In abscondito reddet tibi. Quod sequitur ἐν φανερῷ, in pluribus mss. deest quod olim S. Augustinus observavit. De Serm. Domini in Monte. l. II, c. 5.
XL. — He will repay you in secret. What follows, "openly", is lacking in very many manuscripts, which St Augustine once observed, On the Lord's Sermon on the Mount, book 2, chapter 5.
XLII. — Fidem in totum. Sic capite sequente, in totum delictum in vobis est.
XLII. — Faith altogether. So in the following chapter, "there is altogether a fault in you".
Justus autem ex fide mea. Hunc locum supra tractavimus lib. I ad Quirin. c. 5.
But the just [lives] by My faith. We treated this passage above, book 1 to Quirinus, chapter 5.
XLIV. — Statim consequi. Alibi consecutio pro baptismo ponitur c. 97, ad fidem et consecutionem properandum. Pariter Tertullianus lib⟨.⟩ de Bapt. c. 19: Si qui pondus intelligant Baptismi, magis timebunt consecutionem⟨.⟩ Huic opponitur status competentium. Leges Ecclesiasticae, quae postquam donum discretionis spirituum cessasset, cavebant ne Judaei et Gentiles aliique indigni praepropere per Baptismum admissi, christiano nomini dedecus inurerent; non debe⟨n⟩t, nec p⟨o⟩ssunt, gratiae divinae praejudicare.
XLIV. — To obtain at once. Elsewhere "obtaining" is put for baptism, chapter 97, "one must hasten to faith and to the obtaining". Likewise Tertullian, book on Baptism, chapter 19: "If any understand the weight of Baptism, they will fear the obtaining more." To this is opposed the status of the competentes. The laws of the Church, which, after the gift of the discernment of spirits had ceased, took care lest Jews and Gentiles and other unworthy persons, admitted over-hastily through Baptism, should brand the Christian name with disgrace, neither ought nor are able to prejudge divine grace.
XLV. — Per patientiam expectamus. Sic in lib. de Bono Patientiae, et hic loci probati legunt mss. Quod olim legebatur per spectationem speramus librariorum barbariei imputandum.
XLV. — We wait through patience. So in the book On the Good of Patience, and in this place approved manuscripts read so. What was formerly read, "we hope through looking", is to be imputed to the barbarism of the copyists.
XLVII. — Defectione deficiat. Τὰ πάντα non hic tantum, sed etiam in graecis exemplaribus plurimis deesse observasse non pigebit; pariter habet comma proxime succedens, καὶ ἀσθενήσουσι οἱ ἀσεβεῖς, quod Theodotionis erat additamentum, ut graeca h⟨e⟩braeis responderent. Symmachus rectius vertit καὶ σκάνδαλα μετ' ἀσεβῶν.
XLVII. — Let it fail with failing. It will not be irksome to have observed that "all things" is lacking not only here but also in very many Greek copies; the clause immediately following, "and the ungodly shall grow weak", is in the same case, which was an addition of Theodotion, so that the Greek might correspond to the Hebrew. Symmachus renders more correctly, "and stumbling-blocks with the ungodly".
XLVIII. — Non fenerandum. Usura apud Scriptores ecclesiasticos perpetuo male audit: et merito, quandocumque ob moram pecuniae ob inopiam non solutae pretium exigitur. Alia fortasse ratio est pecuniarum quas qui accepit in lucro ponit: nisi quatenus leges positivae contrarium statuant, aut scandalum aliter suadet.
XLVIII. — One must not lend at interest. Usury is constantly ill spoken of among the ecclesiastical writers: and deservedly, whenever a price is exacted for the delay of money not repaid on account of poverty. Perhaps the case is different with money which the one who received it puts to profit: except in so far as positive laws may decree the contrary, or scandal counsels otherwise.
Homo autem qui erit justus. Voces istae ad supplendum sensum a sequentibus appositae
But the man who shall be just. These words [have been] supplied from what follows to complete the sense
Sacramentum fidei. Mysteria nimirum non evulganda: quod in omni religione semper obtinuit.
The sacrament of faith. That is, mysteries not to be divulged: which has always prevailed in every religion.
Quod habuimus facere. Locutio Tertulliano frequens, lib. de Anim. c. 55: Habes et regionem inferum subterraneam credere. De pudicitia c. 13: Erudiri haberent blasphemandum non esse.
What we had to do. An idiom frequent in Tertullian, book On the Soul, chapter 55: "You have also to believe the region of the underworld to be subterranean." On Modesty, chapter 13: "They had to be taught that one must not blaspheme."
LII. — Regnum Dei intra vos est. Posse homines gratiae divinae obicem ponere, vix illustriori documento quis ostenderit, quam quod Messiam praesentem usque requirebant Judaei: immo odiis inexpiabilibus prosequebantur.
LII. — The kingdom of God is within you. That men can set an obstacle to divine grace one could scarcely show by a more illustrious proof than that the Jews kept on seeking the Messiah when He was present: indeed, they pursued Him with implacable hatred.
Nec unus. Magis ad mentem veritatis Hebraeae, habent vulgati interpretes: Nonne tu qui solus es?
Nor one. More in accordance with the sense of the Hebrew original, the common translators have: "Art Thou not He Who alone art?"
Editors' notes and page, col. 1107
Page
- running head: OXONIENSIS EDITI (cut off at the right edge of the image)
- marginal letters: A graecis iis acceptum; B dices nostri legunt; C tionis spirituum cessasset; D cuniarum quas qui accepit
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter, the Oxford edition's notes, set in full (editors' matter: ‹graecis iis acceptum referendum›); column begins mid-sentence; "Sic et mulier" followed by a faint mark read as a comma; "lib. I ad Quirin. c. 5" read as c., but it may be l. (unsure); several letters are damaged or faint (credid⟨i⟩t, S⟨e⟩d, P⟨a⟩tribus, Caipham habito, debe⟨n⟩t); Greek accents are faint throughout and were read with the usual forms; periods after XXXIII, XXXIX, LII and some abbreviation stops (Prax, Cyrill, Amb) are faint or invisible in the scan, so the reading's stops were kept (unsure)
Ecce breves dies homini sunt ; sed LXX sequitur auctor noster.
Behold, short are the days of man; but our author follows the Septuagint.
LVII. — Non exibis inde. Textus hic affertur ut probet, fidelem emendari malis a Deo immissis in hoc saeculo. Nimirum solus infernus poenarum proprie dictarum locus.
LVII. — You shall not go out from there. This text is adduced to prove that the faithful man is corrected by evils sent by God in this world. Namely, hell alone is the place of punishments properly so called.
LVIII. — De qua sola. Ἐνετειλάμην σοι τούτου μόνου habent LXX. qui praeiverunt in additione vocis Sola.
58. — Of which alone. The Septuagint has "I commanded you of this alone", who went before [him] in the addition of the word Alone.
Corruptivum istud. Eodem modo legit Tertull. de Resurrect. carnis passim.
This corruptible. Tertullian reads it in the same way, On the Resurrection of the Flesh, throughout.
Mors in contentionem. Εἰς νῖκος, apud Apostolum : sed auctor noster, et etiam Tertullianus legisse videntur εἰς νεῖκος. LXX posuerunt, Osee XIII, 14, ποῦ ἡ δίκη σου θάνατε ; ποῦ τὸ κέντρον σου ᾅδη ; Et revera, judicia forensia non sine contentione peraguntur : quique causam obtinet, vicisse passim dicitur. Notetur Graecos interpretes דבר non pro peste, sed sententia a judice prolata accepisse. Insuper legisse non ut nos אהי sed איה quod Chaldaeum fecisse versu 10 constat. Porro advertere licebit, nonnulla graeca exemplaria pro ᾅδη, cum auctore nostro, denuo legisse θάνατε.
Death into strife. "Into victory" in the Apostle; but our author, and Tertullian too, seem to have read "into strife". The Septuagint put, Hosea 13:14, "Where is your judgement, O death? Where is your sting, O Hades?" And in truth, lawsuits in the courts are not carried through without strife, and he who wins his case is commonly said to have conquered. Let it be noted that the Greek translators took דבר not for pestilence but for a sentence pronounced by a judge. Moreover, that they read not, as we do, אהי but איה, which it is clear the Chaldee did at verse 10. Further, it may be observed that some Greek copies, with our author, read "O death" again in place of "O Hades".
LIX. — Similes fiant. Nihil gravius accidere potest Idololatrae, quam ut Deo suo similis reddatur.
59. — Let them become like. Nothing worse can befall an idolater than to be made like his god.
LXI. — Ut auferant proximo Ita LXX ; sed Sym. et Theod. rectius, ἕως τοῦ μὴ ὑπάρχειν τόπον. Vulgat. legit. Usque ad terminum loci.
61. — That they may take away from their neighbour. So the Septuagint; but Symmachus and Theodotion more correctly, "until there is no place". The Vulgate reads: Even to the limit of the place.
Hic rogatur. Παρακαλεῖται. Nunc mendici partes, mutatis rerum vicibus, agit Dives, et Lazarum rogat. Vulgatus interpres et alii, vocem reddunt in altero significatu, hic consolatur.
Here he is entreated. Παρακαλεῖται. Now, with the turn of fortune reversed, the rich man plays the part of the beggar and entreats Lazarus. The Vulgate translator and others render the word in its other sense, "here he is comforted".
Habentes exhibitionem. Phrasis Tertulliano perpetua cum de victu quotidiano agit. Vid. lib. de Idol. c. 6. 8. 12, de Corona. c. 7, de Monogam. c. 16. Et quidem locutio a tritura fori quod uterque exercuit hausta : nam exhibere, illic sonat vitae necessaria suppeditare. Paulus in L. Nesennius, ff. de negot. gest.: Pone, peregre patrem ejus abiisse, et matrem dum in patriam reverteretur, tam filium quam filiam ejus exhibuisse. Sic Ulp. 1, ff. de officio praefect. urb.: Sed et patronos egentes de suis libertis querentes audiet; maxime si aegros se esse dicant, desiderentque a libertis exhiberi.
Having maintenance. A phrase constant in Tertullian when he speaks of daily sustenance. See the book On Idolatry, ch. 6, 8, 12, On the Crown, ch. 7, On Monogamy, ch. 16. And indeed the expression is drawn from the practice of the courts, which both of them followed; for there exhibere means to supply the necessities of life. Paulus in the law Nesennius, Digest, On the Management of Affairs: Suppose that his father went abroad, and that his mother, until he should return home, maintained both his son and his daughter. So Ulpian 1, Digest, On the Office of the Prefect of the City: He will also hear needy patrons complaining of their freedmen, especially if they say that they are sick and desire to be maintained by their freedmen.
Et muscipulam. Muscipulam, παγίς. Gloss. vetus. Machina quidem animalculo liguritori capiendo satis apta, sed homini prorsus indigna.
And a mousetrap. Mousetrap, παγίς: old glossary. A device quite fit for catching a greedy little animal, but wholly unworthy of a man.
LXIV. — Continentia castitas. Consentit iis mss. qui addunt ἁγνεία.
64. — Continence, chastity. He agrees with those manuscripts which add "purity".
LXVI — Continente disciplinam. Sic reddit locum in lib. de Habitu Virg Legunt LXX δράξασθε παιδείας. Fortasse olim scriptum δράξασθε παιδίου amplexamini filium.
66. — Keep hold of discipline. So he renders the passage in the book On the Dress of Virgins. The Septuagint reads "lay hold of instruction". Perhaps it was once written "lay hold of the child", embrace the son.
LXVII. — Prurientes in audiendo, scalpentes aures. Alterum horum videtur ex margine desumptum.
67. — Itching in hearing, scratching their ears. One of these seems to have been taken from the margin.
LXIX. — Si quis putat se sapientem esse in vobis, mundo huic stultus fiat. Legunt exemplaria nostra εἴ τις δοκεῖ σοφὸς εἶναι ἐν τῷ αἰῶνι τούτῳ, μωρὸς γενέσθω. Noster auctor aliter distinxisse videtur, nimirum εἴ τις δοκεῖ σοφὸς εἶναι ἐν ὑμῖν, τῷ αἰῶνι τούτῳ μωρὸς γενέσθω.
69. — If anyone thinks himself to be wise among you, let him become a fool to this world. Our copies read "if anyone thinks he is wise in this age, let him become a fool". Our author seems to have punctuated otherwise, namely "if anyone thinks he is wise among you, let him become a fool to this age".
LXXIX — Quoniam ipsi Deum videbunt. Qui precantur faciem Domini requirere dicuntur : et quos Deus aversatur, dicitur avertere faciem ab iis.
79. — For they shall see God. Those who pray are said to seek the face of the Lord; and those from whom God turns away, He is said to turn His face away from them.
LXXX. — Nullam haberes potestatem. Recte ista, licet Pilato dicta, ad Diabolum referuntur : ait pariter enim Dominus, hanc esse illorum, nempe Judaeorum horam, et deinceps subjungit potestatem tenebrarum, Luc XXII, 53.
80. — You would have no power. These words, though said to Pilate, are rightly referred to the devil; for the Lord likewise says that this is their hour, namely that of the Jews, and then adds the power of darkness (Luke 22:53).
LXXXIII — Non facietis cirrum. Σισόην vertunt LXX, quod Hesychius explicat (si ariolari liceat post Casaubonum et Heinsium) ut sit κουρὰ παρὰ Φασηλίταις. Tonsura in usu apud gentem Palestinae finitimam Phaselitarum, etc., eo Israelitis vetita. Tertul. de Virgin. vel. notat Germanorum cirros Quod Tacito interprete, de Morib Germ. est, obliquare crinem, nodoque substringere. Effigies barbae, est, ὄψις τοῦ πώγωνος apud LXX.
83. — You shall not make a lock. The Septuagint translates it σισόην, which Hesychius explains (if one may guess after Casaubon and Heinsius) as "a tonsure among the Phaselites". It was a tonsure in use among the people of the Phaselites bordering on Palestine, etc., and for that reason forbidden to the Israelites. Tertullian, On the Veiling of Virgins, notes the locks of the Germans, which, as Tacitus explains, On the Customs of the Germans, is to twist the hair aside and tie it up in a knot. The appearance of the beard is, in the Septuagint, "the appearance of the beard".
LXXXIV. — Periclitabitur in eis si exciderit ferrum.
84. — He will be endangered by them if the iron falls off.
Editors' notes and page, col. 1108
Page
- running head: [...]NIENSIS EDITIONIS 1108 (beginning cut off at the image's left edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹Ecce breves dies homini sunt›; B ‹versu 10 constat. Porro›; C ‹ejus exhibuisse. Sic Ulp.›; D ‹εἶναι ἐν ὑμῖν, τῷ αἰῶνι›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: the whole column is editors' matter (notes to an earlier edition on Cyprian's Testimonia), set in full; first words: "Ecce breves dies homini sunt", which continues from the previous column. Punctuation is missing in the print and set as printed at "proximo Ita", "Virg Legunt", "cirros Quod", "Morib Germ.", "Luc XXII", "LXVI —", "LXXIX —" and "LXXXIII —". UNSURE: the Hebrew words אהי / איה (blurred); "Resurrect. carnis" (point unclear); "noster, et" (the print may show a point); "Palestinae" (ae or a unclear); "Σισόην" (σ or τ); "nimirum" (blurred); "necessaria" (gap in the type); "esse in" (printed nearly run together as "essein"); the Greek accents generally.
Lectio haec a LXX desumpta, interpunctione tamen mutata. Apud eos verba in duas periodos distinguuntur: Σχίζων ξύλα κινδυνεύσει ἐν αὐτοῖς. Ἐὰν ἐκπέσῃ τὸ σιδήριον, etc. Rectius vulgatus interpres Hebraeam veritatem exhibet. Qui scindit ligna vulnerabitur ab eis. Si retusum fuerit ferrum et hoc non ut prius, sed hebetatum fuerit, multo labore exacuetur.
This reading is taken from the LXX, though with the punctuation changed. Among them the words are divided into two sentences: "Splitting wood he will be endangered by them. If the iron falls off," etc. The Vulgate translator renders the Hebrew truth more correctly: "He who splits wood will be wounded by them. If the iron has been blunted, and this not as before but has been dulled, it will be sharpened with much labour."
XCIV — Quicumque ederit panem, aut biberit calicem. Pamelius in locum hunc, lib. de Lapsis, ait, lectionem hanc notatu dignam contra eos qui necessitatem urgent communionis sub utraque specie. Nimirum, illo judice, hinc conficitur sufficere ad Eucharistiae perceptionem, ut quis solummodo panem edat: proinde et dicat pariter, non minus sufficere, ut quis calicem solum bibat. Porro ait, advertendam venire hujus loci expositionem, de praemittenda exomologesi ante Eucharistiam. Hoc est, confessionem auricularem sacris illis mysteriis necessario praerequiri; scil. mandatum ut quis se examinet, id omnino jubet, ut singuli examen alienum subeant. Certe qui hypothesi suae sic patrocinium praestat: tacendo impensius commendasset.
XCIV — Whoever shall have eaten the bread or drunk the cup. Pamelius, on this passage of the book On the Lapsed, says that this reading is worth noting against those who press the necessity of communion under both kinds. Evidently, in his judgement, it is concluded from this that it suffices for the reception of the Eucharist that one eat the bread only: then let him likewise say that it is no less sufficient that one drink the cup alone. Further he says that the exposition of this passage, concerning the exomologesis to be made before the Eucharist, deserves attention. That is, that auricular confession is necessarily prerequired for those sacred mysteries; namely, the command that one examine himself orders by all means that each person undergo another's examination. Certainly whoever defends his hypothesis in this way would have commended it more strongly by keeping silent.
XCV.—Ne adduxeris impium in habitaculum justorum. Sacer textus habet אל תארב רשע לבית צדיק, quod vulgatus interpres vertit ne insidieris, etc. LXX vero, quos auctor noster sequitur, paraphrasi non incommoda reddunt μὴ προσαγάγῃς ἀσεβῆ νομῇ δικαίων. Videntur pro תארב legisse תעדר.
XCV.—Do not lead the ungodly into the dwelling of the just. The sacred text has אל תארב רשע לבית צדיק, which the Vulgate translator renders "do not lie in wait", etc. But the LXX, whom our author follows, render it with a not unsuitable paraphrase: "do not bring the ungodly to the pasture of the righteous". They seem to have read תעדר in place of תארב.
CXVI.—Beatus qui invenit amicum verum. LXX habent, ὡς εὗρεν φρόνησιν Sed legisse videtur Cyprianus ὡς εὗρεν φίλον, aut, φίλον πιστόν.
CXVI.—Blessed is he who has found a true friend. The LXX have "how he found understanding". But Cyprian seems to have read "how he found a friend", or "a faithful friend".
XCVII — Ad consecutionem properandum. Consecutionem, baptismum notare supra dictum est. Ob hanc Baptismi moram clinici olim in Ecclesia infames, sed pro temporum ratione hac in re variatum est. Tertul. in contraria fuit sententia lib. de Bapt. cap. 19: Si qui pondus intelligant Baptismi, magis timebunt consecutionem, quam dilationem.
XCVII — One must hasten to the attainment. It was said above that "attainment" denotes baptism. Because of this delay of Baptism the clinics were formerly held in ill repute in the Church, but in this matter practice has varied according to the circumstances of the times. Tertullian was of the contrary opinion, book On Baptism, chapter 19: If any understand the weight of Baptism, they will fear the attainment more than the delay.
XCVIII.— Dum veniunt bona. Legisse videtur Cyprianus ἕως, aut ἐφ' ᾧ Scil. hoc intervallo fruamur, et voluptatibus indulgeamus, donec baptismus veniam praeteritorum omnium concesserit.
XCVIII.— While good things come. Cyprian seems to have read "until", or "on condition that". That is: let us enjoy this interval and indulge in pleasures, until baptism grants pardon of all that is past.
C. — Qui viderit possidebit ea. Vide quae diximus in c. 6 l. II ad Quirin.
C. — He who sees will possess them. See what we said on chapter 6, book 2, To Quirinus.
CXII. — Noli diligere detrahere ne extollaris. Hebraea veritas habet אל תאהב שנה פן תורש et Vulg. Noli diligere somnum ne te egestas opprimat. Sed LXX cum nostro legunt μὴ ἀγάπα καταλαλεῖν, ἵνα μὴ ἐξαρθῇς. Diversitatis hujus ratio petenda videtur ab homonymia vocis שנה, quae non somnum modo, sed et iterationem significat, et in dialecto hebraea maledicentiam et obtrectationem. Prov. VII. 9 שנה דבר a vulgato interprete redditur, Qui alteri sermonem repetit, et XXVI, 11, כסיל שנה באולתו pariter reddi potest stultus iterans in stult⟨it⟩ia sua. Vox extollaris, idem videtur velle, ac si d⟨i⟩ctum esset, e medio tollaris.
CXII. — Do not love to disparage, lest you be removed. The Hebrew truth has אל תאהב שנה פן תורש, and the Vulgate: Do not love sleep, lest poverty overwhelm you. But the LXX, together with our author, read "do not love to slander, lest you be removed". The reason for this difference seems to be sought in the homonymy of the word שנה, which signifies not only sleep but also repetition, and in the Hebrew idiom evil-speaking and disparagement. In Prov. 7:9 שנה דבר is rendered by the Vulgate translator "He who repeats a word to another", and in 26:11 כסיל שנה באולתו can likewise be rendered "a fool repeating in his folly". The word extollaris seems to mean the same as if it had been said "may you be taken out of the way".
CXIII.— Filius altissimi si obedieris. Voces si obedieris, redundant: nisi forte illae quae sequuntur καὶ ἀγαπήσει, per errorem lectae fuerint εἰ ἀγαπήσῃς, aut quid simile.
CXIII.— A son of the Most High, if you obey. The words "if you obey" are redundant: unless perhaps those that follow, "and he will love", were read by mistake as "if you love", or something similar.
CXIV.—Exomologesin. Poenitentiam nimirum. Exomologesis enim est, definiente Tertulliano, prosternendi, et humilificandi hominis disciplina. Ex hac voce ista in periodo plura exsculpere, est nodum in scirpo quaerere: quam operam libenter Pamelio relinquimus.
CXIV.—Exomologesis. That is, penance. For exomologesis is, as Tertullian defines it, the discipline of prostrating and humbling a man. To carve many things out of this word in this sentence is to look for a knot in a bulrush: a task which we gladly leave to Pamelius.
CXVII —Harum tenebrarum. Deest etiam in Graecis quibusdam codicibus, vox αἰῶνος.
CXVII —Of this darkness. The word "of the age" is also missing in certain Greek manuscripts.
Perfeceritis, stetis. Consentit cum iis mss. qui omittunt στῆτε οὖν.
Having accomplished, stand. He agrees with those manuscripts which omit "stand therefore".
CXIX.— In homine veniat. Homo futurus est. Quod reges Assyrii et Chaldaei Israelitis, hoc Antichristus Christianis. Quemadmodum ergo sub Luciferi coelo ruentis schemate, regis Babyloniae clades designabatur Isai XIV, 12, pari etiam terroris apparatu a primis Christianis descriptus erat Antichristus, ut sit nimirum
CXIX.— Let him come in a man. He is going to be a man. What the kings of Assyria and the Chaldeans were to the Israelites, this the Antichrist is to Christians. Just as, therefore, under the figure of Lucifer falling from heaven the overthrow of the king of Babylon was signified in Isa. 14:12, so with an equal apparatus of terror the Antichrist had been described by the first Christians, so that he is in truth
Editors' notes and page, col. 1109
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- running head: 1109 SELECTÆ IN CYPRIAN[UM ...] (cut off at image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹Lectio haec a LXX desumpta›; B ‹cinium praestat: tacendo›; C ‹prianus ἕως, aut ἐφ' ᾧ›; D ‹dieris, redundant: nisi forte›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter set throughout (Selectae notes: ‹Lectio haec a LXX›, continuing from previous column); "CXII." numeral damaged, read as CXII from sequence (could be CVII); "stult⟨it⟩ia" and "d⟨i⟩ctum" damaged type; "Hebraeam", "communionis", "auricularem", "omnino", "exsculpere", "retusum" read through blurred/damaged type; Hebrew "תעדר" uncertain; column ends mid-word "nimi-"; overlapping lines between images set once
malus quidam genius, et cacodaemonum princeps. Tert. de Resurrectione carnis c. 25: Bestia Antichristus, cum suo pseudopropheta certamen Ecclesiae Dei inferat, atque ita Diabolo in abyssum relegato etc. Quae respicere videntur Apoc., XX, ubi Draco, Serpens antiquus, qui est diabolus et Satanas describitur Certe Hip⟨p⟩olytus martyr aperte erat in illa sententia, Antichristum fuisse ipsum diabolum phantastico et aereo corpore contectum.
a certain evil genius, and prince of the cacodemons. Tertullian, On the Resurrection of the Flesh, ch. 25: "The beast Antichrist, with his false prophet, shall wage war on the Church of God, and so, the devil having been banished into the abyss," etc. These words seem to look to Rev. 20, where the Dragon, the ancient Serpent, who is the devil and Satan, is described. Certainly Hippolytus the martyr was openly of that opinion, that the Antichrist was the devil himself, clothed in a phantasmal and airy body.
Sanguinis effusione. Graeca habent καὶ αἵματος, καὶ πνικτοῦ. Si verbis istis interdictus esset sanguinis esus, tantum abesset ut juberentur Christiani abstinere ab effusione sanguinis; ut, quod Augustinus contra Faustum Manichaeum, l. XXXII, cap. 19, recte admonet, opus esset ut cautum sit, Ne quicquam ederent carnis, cujus sanguis non esset effusus. Unde Levit. XVII, 13, id ip⟨s⟩um in mandatis datur, ut Sanguis tamquam aqua effunderetur. Quamobrem plerique ex veteribus, qui in ea erant sententia, sanguinis mentione ejus esum fuisse interdictum, Suffocati mentionem, velut supervacaneam praeteriere. Cujus autem, quantique momenti sit illud additamentum, καὶ ὅσα ἂν μὴ θέλητε ὑμῖν γίνεσθαι, ἑτέροις μὴ ποιεῖν, et utrum haec, praecepta filiis Noachi data, respiciant, viderint eruditi.
By the shedding of blood. The Greek has "and from blood, and from what is strangled." If by these words the eating of blood were forbidden, Christians would be so far from being commanded to abstain from the shedding of blood that, as Augustine rightly points out against Faustus the Manichaean, book 32, ch. 19, it would rather be necessary to provide that they should not eat any flesh whose blood had not been shed. Hence in Lev. 17:13 this very thing is given among the commandments, that the blood should be poured out like water. Therefore most of the ancients, who were of the opinion that by the mention of blood the eating of it had been forbidden, passed over the mention of what is strangled as superfluous. But of what kind and of how great importance that addition is, "and whatever you do not wish to be done to you, not to do to others," and whether these words look to the precepts given to the sons of Noah, let the learned see.
DE HABITU VIRGINUM.
On the Dress of Virgins.
Librum hunc Cypriano asserunt Pontius, Hieronymus, Augustinus, atque ex veteribus alii: ita ut de scriptore nulla sit controversia. Scriptionis vero tempus non pariter in confesso. Doctissimus Rigaltius post episcopatum compositum censet, et Pamelio, dicam, impingit, quod putaret ab auctore conscriptum cum primum in Ecclesia Christi, ex pl⟨e⟩beio excessisset: remque sibi confectam extra controversiae aleam credit, ex Pontii verbis, qui ait, Finge nunc illum martyrii dignatione translatum. Quis virgines ad congruentem pudicitiae disciplinam, et habitum sanctimonia dignum coerceret? quae verba, inquit, tam clare significant hunc de virginibus libellum, a Cypriano post persecutionem editum fuisse, quam inscriptum de Disciplina et Habitu Virginum. Nos vero, qui in principio operis adnotavimus, verba illa Pontii, Quis emolumentum gratiae per finem proficientis ostenderit, librum illum ad Donatum de Gratia Dei respicere; non obstante apologia illa pro secessu ejus quae a scriptis ibi memoratis instituitur: et siquidem in confesso apud omnes, immo ipsum Rigaltium, sit, librum ad Donatum, a Cypriano conscriptum, cum primum apud Ecclesiam nomen profiteretur; affirmare minime dubitamus, ex praedictis Pontii verbis, de ordine scriptorum martyris nostri, nihil certi posse colligi. Eruditissimus Lombertus, Rigaltii sententiam alio argumento, ex Hieremiae verbis infra laudatis, propugnare satagit; ubi dicit Propheta: Dabo vobis pastores secundum cor meum, et pascent vos pascentes cum disciplina: ac si liber de Habitu virginum conscriptus, disciplinae ecclesiasticae ist⟨i⟩usm⟨o⟩di esset pars, quae episcopo soli competeret. Sed hoc nemo dixerit, quisquis meminerit plures libros eo argumento a Tertulliano presbytero elucubratos. Certe majoris videntur ponderis quae in causae suae praesidium attulit Pamelius, verba citans auctoris nostri, quando dicit, virgines se alloqui, virgines adhortari, affectione potius quam potestate: non quod extremus et minimus, et humilitatis suae admodum conscius, aliquid ad censuram licentiae vindicaret, etc. Parum omnino iis notus Cyprianus, quibus post Episcopatum, ita locutus, ceu schemate rhetorico, videtur. Demum si quis diffluentes feminarum mores, promiscuum balneorum usum, et splendidum vestium apparatum, hoc in opere notatos observaverit, haud facile sibi in animum induxerit, persecutionis Decianae tempora describi. Stet ergo, tractatum hunc ad an. CCXLIII, et ad illa quae, teste Pontio, presbyter fecerat Cyprianus, referendum. Veterem libelli hujus titulum, quem editio
Pontius, Jerome, Augustine and others among the ancients assign this book to Cyprian, so that there is no dispute about its writer. But the time of its writing is not equally agreed. The most learned Rigault judges that it was composed after his episcopate began, and brings a charge against Pamelius for having thought that it was written by the author as soon as he had passed from the laity in the Church of Christ; and he believes the matter settled by him beyond the hazard of dispute, from the words of Pontius, who says: "Suppose now that he had been translated by the honour of martyrdom. Who would have constrained virgins to a fitting discipline of chastity, and to a dress worthy of holiness?" These words, he says, signify as clearly that this little book on virgins was published by Cyprian after the persecution as that it was entitled On the Discipline and Dress of Virgins. But we, who noted at the beginning of the work that those words of Pontius, "Who would have shown the profit of grace through the end of one advancing," look to that book To Donatus on the Grace of God, notwithstanding that apology for his withdrawal which is drawn up from the writings mentioned there; and since it is agreed among all, indeed by Rigault himself, that the book To Donatus was written by Cyprian as soon as he professed his name in the Church, we do not in the least hesitate to affirm that nothing certain can be gathered from the aforesaid words of Pontius about the order of the writings of our martyr. The most erudite Lombert strives to defend Rigault's opinion by another argument, from the words of Jeremiah quoted below, where the Prophet says: "I will give you shepherds according to My heart, and they shall feed you, feeding with discipline": as if the book On the Dress of Virgins, once written, were a part of ecclesiastical discipline of such a kind as belonged to the bishop alone. But no one will say this who remembers that several books on that subject were worked out by Tertullian, a presbyter. Certainly of greater weight seem the things that Pamelius brought in support of his case, quoting the words of our author when he says that he addresses virgins, exhorts virgins, by affection rather than by authority: "not that I, the last and least, and well aware of my lowliness, should claim anything for the censure of licence," etc. Cyprian is very little known to those to whom he seems to have spoken thus after his episcopate, as if by a rhetorical figure. Finally, if anyone observes the dissolute manners of women, the promiscuous use of baths, and the splendid apparel of garments censured in this work, he will not easily persuade himself that the times of the Decian persecution are being described. Let it stand, therefore, that this treatise is to be referred to the year 243, and to those things which, on the testimony of Pontius, Cyprian had done as a presbyter. The old title of this little book, which the edition
Editors' notes and page, col. 1110
Page
- running head: E IN CYPRIANUM NOTÆ. 1110 (cut off at the left edge of the image)
- marginal letters: A rum malus quidam genius; B nis mentione ejus esum; C monia dignum coerceret; D scriptus, disciplinae ecclesiasticae
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: the whole column is editors' notes (‹rum malus quidam genius›; ‹Sanguinis effusione›; ‹DE HABITU VIRGINUM› / ‹Librum hunc Cypriano asserunt›); the column begins with the fragment "rum" of a word broken from col. 1109; "describitur Certe" is printed with no stop; Hip⟨p⟩olytus, ip⟨s⟩um and pl⟨e⟩beio have damaged letters; ist⟨i⟩usm⟨o⟩di is UNSURE, the type is broken ("istus m di", the m visible); "sanguinis esus" is damaged in print; "Apoc., XX," punctuation is UNSURE; "Lombertus" is set as printed
Spirensis, Vetus innominata, Remboldi, Erasmi, Manutii, Gravii, et plerique mss. codices tuentur; quique simplicissimus videtur, et operis contenta commodissime exhibet, nec non Tertulliani nomenclaturae proxime accedit, retinendum censuimus. Tertullianus, lib. de Cultu Fem. docet, Habitum duplicem speciem circumferre, cultum et ornatum. De his Septimius seorsim egerat in libris de Cultu Feminarum et de Virginibus velandis. Cum vero rem totam unico volumine absolvere statuisset Cyprianus, nihil instituto ipsius accomodatius esse potuit, quam ut in fronte operis Habitum, vocem latissimae significationis adhiberet. Pontium, S. Martyris libros describere potius quam citare, res est ma⟨n⟩ifesta; unde licet ille de congruente pudicitiae disciplina, et habitu sanctimonia digno, mentionem facit; non proinde titulum libri extendendum existimamus. Non magis quam quia S. Hieron. librum hunc, volumen de Virginitate appellat, Epist. ad Eustoch., sic inscribendum censemus.
of Spires, the Old Anonymous edition, those of Remboldus, Erasmus, Manutius and Gravius, and most manuscript codices uphold; and since it seems the simplest, and sets out the contents of the work most conveniently, and also comes nearest to Tertullian's nomenclature, we have judged that it should be retained. Tertullian, in the book On the Apparel of Women, teaches that habit (Habitus) carries a twofold sense, dress and adornment. Septimius had treated these separately in the books On the Apparel of Women and On the Veiling of Virgins. But since Cyprian had resolved to deal with the whole matter in a single volume, nothing could have suited his purpose better than to set at the head of the work Habitus, a word of the widest meaning. It is manifest that Pontius describes the holy martyr's books rather than cites them; hence, although he mentions the discipline befitting chastity and a dress worthy of holiness, we do not therefore think that the title of the book should be lengthened. No more do we think that, because St Jerome calls this book a volume On Virginity (Letter to Eustochium), it should be so entitled.
I.—Disciplina custos spei. Utramque fere Tertulliani paginam implet disciplinae vox; et apud eum omne pietatis officium hoc elogio censetur. Patientiae, fidei, orationis, sanctitatis, monogamiae, pudicitiae disciplinam passim commendat. Et tractatu⟨m⟩ huic supparem de Virginibus velandis, discipli⟨n⟩ae mentione saepius repetita incohat, atque ibidem Paraclito suo hanc institutionis praerogativam tribuit. Cyprianus vero, magistrum ad aras sequitur; felicissimis auspiciis, ita imitatus semper, ut corrigat; atque ut is sit quem alii tuto imiten⟨t⟩ur. Quae hic congeruntur S. Scripturae testimonia, reperire est Epist. IV (ad Pamelii numeros 62) de Virginibus. Et quidem auctori nostro solemne est, pari in causa, iisdem armis ex litteris productis pugnare.
I.—Discipline, the guardian of hope. The word discipline fills almost every page of Tertullian; and with him every duty of piety is rated by this designation. He everywhere commends the discipline of patience, of faith, of prayer, of holiness, of monogamy, of chastity. And he begins the treatise On the Veiling of Virgins, a near match to this one, with mention of discipline often repeated, and in the same place he assigns this prerogative of instruction to his Paraclete. Cyprian, however, follows his master to the altars; with the happiest auspices, imitating him always in such a way as to correct him, and so as to be one whom others may safely imitate. The testimonies of Holy Scripture gathered together here are to be found in Letter 4 (number 62 in Pamelius's numbering), On Virgins. And indeed it is customary for our author, in a like cause, to fight with the same weapons drawn from the Scriptures.
Retinaculum fidei. Cui, ceu funi nautico, fidei anchora alligatur. Sed contrario prorsus sensu Tertul., lib. de Cultu Fem. II, vocat mundum muliebrem, retinacula spei nostrae, scil. quae spem non sustinent; sed morantur.
The mooring-rope of faith. To which, as to a ship's cable, the anchor of faith is tied. But in an entirely contrary sense Tertullian, On the Apparel of Women, book 2, calls women's finery the restraints of our hope, that is, things which do not uphold hope but hold it back.
II.—Vivendi timorem. Dixerat supra, Fundamentum omne religionis ac fidei, de observatione ac timore proficiscitur. Insuper statim, Ne quod sanctum et purum de Domini dignatione percipitur; minus sollicito timore teneatur.
II.—Fear in living. He had said above, The whole foundation of religion and faith proceeds from observance and fear. And moreover immediately, Lest what is received holy and pure from the Lord's condescension be held with too little anxious fear.
III.—Nunc nobis ad virgines sermo est. Locum hunc affert D. Augustinus de Doctrina Christiana, l. IV, c. 21, in exemplum temperatae dictionis Porro observat, quod in libello hoc Martyr Cyprianus ac habitu virginum, non de suscipiendo virginis proposito scripsit.
III.—Now our discourse is to virgins. St Augustine adduces this passage in On Christian Doctrine, book 4, chapter 21, as an example of the tempered style. He further observes that in this little book the martyr Cyprian wrote on the dress of virgins, not on undertaking the virgin's resolve.
Has adhortamur, affectione potius quam potestate. Similiter Tertullianus, de Cultu Fem. l. II, Ancillae Dei vivi, conservae et sorores meae, quo jure deputor vobiscum postremissimus; et deinceps: Utinam miserimus ego in illa die Christianae exultationis, vel infra calcanea vestra caput elevem.
These we exhort, by affection rather than by authority. Similarly Tertullian, On the Apparel of Women, book 2, Handmaids of the living God, my fellow servants and sisters, by the right by which I am reckoned the very last among you; and further on: Would that I, most wretched, may in that day of Christian exultation lift up my head, even beneath your heels.
Spadones qui seipsos castraverunt. Tertul. dixit, qui se Spadonatui obsignant propter regnum Dei.
Eunuchs who have castrated themselves. Tertullian said, who seal themselves to eunuchhood for the sake of the kingdom of God.
V.—Neque enim fas est virginem, ad speciem formae suae comi. Infra se interpretatur, dum ait, Omnia licent, sed non omnia expediunt.
V.—For it is not right for a virgin to be adorned for the show of her beauty. Below he interprets himself when he says, All things are lawful, but not all things are expedient.
VI.—Quando in nominis confessione cruciatur. Tertull. prius dixerat, Cum propter Christum lacerata duraverit.
VI.—When it is tortured in confessing the Name. Tertullian had said earlier, When, torn for Christ's sake, it has endured.
VII.—Et hic cum saeculo remansura. Quae morituri relinquere coguntur.
VII.—And destined to remain here with the world. Things which those about to die are compelled to leave behind.
Cujus pompis et deliciis jam tunc renunciavimus. Tertull. de Spectac., c. IV: Cum aquam ingressi Christianam fidem in legis suae verba profitemur, renunciasse nos diabolo, et pompae et angeli ejus, ore nostro contestamur.
Whose pomps and delights we renounced even then. Tertullian, On the Shows, chapter 4: When, having entered the water, we profess the Christian faith in the words of its law, we testify with our own mouth that we have renounced the devil, and his pomp and his angels.
Quomodo et Deus manet. Additamentum hoc in Graecis non comparet.
As God too abides. This addition does not appear in the Greek.
IX.—Sic vivis ut possis adamari. Tertull. lib. de Virg. vel. rem sic explicat: Arabiae feminae ethnicae, quae non caput sed faciem quoque ita totam tegunt; ut, uno oculo liberato, contentae sint dimidiam frui lucem,
IX.—You live so that you may be loved passionately. Tertullian, in the book On the Veiling of Virgins, explains the matter thus: The heathen women of Arabia, who cover not only the head but the whole face too, so that, with one eye left free, they are content to enjoy half the light,
Editors' notes and page, col. 1111
Page
- running head: 1111 OXONIENSIS EDITIO[NIS] (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A Spirensis, Vetus innominata; B I.—Disciplina custos spei; C morantur.; D V.—Neque enim fas est virginem
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: the whole column is the Oxford edition's notes on De habitu virginum (Spirensis, Vetus innominata...), set in full as text-block prose. Column begins mid-sentence (the subject, the title under discussion, is on the preceding column) and ends mid-sentence at "lucem,". Damaged/gapped type in ma⟨n⟩ifesta, tractatu⟨m⟩, discipli⟨n⟩ae, imiten⟨t⟩ur; "seorsim" faintly printed but read with confidence; "facit" UNSURE, shows a slight gap and may be faci⟨a⟩t (licet would expect the subjunctive). "dictionis Porro" printed without a stop. The right-hand column is cut off and not set.
quam totam faciem prostituere. Quas propterea infelicissimas ait Romana quaedam regina, quod adamare magis, quam adamari possint.
rather than prostitute their whole face. A certain Roman queen therefore says that these are most unhappy, because they can love more than be loved.
X. —Non utantur. Vide l. III Test. ad Quir., c. 2.
X. —Let them not use. See bk. 3 of the Testimonies to Quirinus, ch. 2.
Petrus etiam. Si in tanta dignatione Apostolus, ultimam paupertatem subibat; frustra sibi placeat feminae christianae in divitiarum affluentia.
Peter also. If the Apostle, in so great a dignity, underwent the utmost poverty, in vain would a Christian woman please herself in an abundance of riches.
XI. — D⟨e⟩scribitur civitas meretrix. Locum hunc pariter laudat Tertullianus l. II de Cultu Fem., c. 12: Illa civitas valida, quae super montes septem, et plurimas aquas praesidet, etc. Vid. lib. III Testim. ad Quir., c. 36.
XI. — The harlot city is described. Tertullian likewise cites this passage, bk. 2 On the Apparel of Women, ch. 12: That mighty city, which presides over seven mountains and very many waters, etc. See bk. 3 of the Testimonies to Quirinus, ch. 36.
XIII. — Incessu pedum trahentes tunicas. Has una voce Homerus appellat ἑλκεσιπέπλους.
XIII. — Trailing their tunics as their feet walk. Homer calls these women by a single word, ἑλκεσιπέπλους [robe-trailing].
Principales filiae Sion. Vulgatus ad Hebr⟨ae⟩am veritatem accommodatius reddit: Decalvabit Dominus verticem filiarum Sion. Quod postea exinde dicitur, revelabit Dominus habitum, ἀνακαλύψαι τὸ σχῆμα, quaedam exemplaria felicius legunt † αἰσχύνωμα.
The chief daughters of Sion. The Vulgate renders it more fittingly to the Hebrew truth: The Lord will make bald the crown of the daughters of Sion. Where it is said thereafter, the Lord will uncover their attire, ἀνακαλύψαι τὸ σχῆμα, certain copies more happily read † αἰσχύνωμα [shame].
Lunulas. Μηνίσκοι sunt ex Symmachi sententia μανιάκια, et Hesychii περιτραχήλια, μανιάκια, περιδέραια, revera LXX conjungunt μηνίσκους καὶ τὸ κάθεμα. κάθεμα autem interprete eodem Hesychio ὁ κατὰ στήθους ὅρμος, scil. monile collo circumdatum, appensa gemma solet ornari. Respectu cujus Hiero⟨n⟩ymus vertit lunulas, bullas dependentes ad lunae similitudinem.
Little moons. Μηνίσκοι are, in Symmachus' view, μανιάκια [necklaces], and in Hesychius' περιτραχήλια, μανιάκια, περιδέραια [neck-ornaments, necklaces, collars]; indeed the Seventy join μηνίσκους καὶ τὸ κάθεμα. And κάθεμα, by the interpretation of the same Hesychius, is ὁ κατὰ στήθους ὅρμος [the chain down the breast], that is, a necklace put around the neck, which is usually adorned with a hanging gem. With regard to this Jerome translates little moons, studs hanging down in the likeness of the moon.
Discriminalia. Acus discriminalis, apud latinos scriptores res satis nota. Hac Fulvia mortui Ciceronis linguam transfixit.
Hair-parting pins. The parting pin, a thing well enough known among Latin writers. With one of these Fulvia pierced the tongue of the dead Cicero.
Botronatum. Quicquid ex adverso senserint Rhenanus et Pamelius, videtur botronatus aurium ornamentum. Hesichius dicit † βοτρύδια ἐνωταρίων εἶδος. Horum botronatuum meminit Tertul., l. II de Cultu.
Cluster-ornament. Whatever Rhenanus and Pamelius may have thought to the contrary, the botronatus seems to be an ornament of the ears. Hesychius says † βοτρύδια is a kind of earring. Tertullian mentions these cluster-ornaments, bk. 2 On Apparel.
Dextralia. Quae fuerint ἐπιδέξια haec, vix felicius intelligitur, quam ex Tarpeiae virginis pacto, quae, referente Plutarcho, prodidisse dicitur arcem Romae Sabinis ἐπιθυμήσασα τῶν χρυσῶν βραχιονιστήρων. Vid. Exod. XXXV, 21; Num. XXXI, 50; II Reg. I, 10. Aquila χλιδῶνα βραχίονος βραχιάλιον vertit. Sed in istis omnibus graeca ab Hebraeis, latina ab utrisque, et auctorem nostrum ab universis plurimum discedere nemo mirabitur; qui gestaminum, praesertim muliebrium, in qualibet gente, et quovis saeculo, infinitam varie⟨t⟩atem considerat.
Bracelets. What these ἐπιδέξια were is hardly understood more happily than from the bargain of the virgin Tarpeia, who, as Plutarch relates, is said to have betrayed the citadel of Rome to the Sabines, desiring their golden armlets. See Exod. 35:21; Num. 31:50; 2 Sam. 1:10. Aquila translated χλιδῶνα βραχίονος, βραχιάλιον. But in all these that the Greek departs greatly from the Hebrew, the Latin from both, and our author from them all, no one will wonder who considers the infinite variety of things worn, especially by women, in any nation and in any age.
XIV. — Neque enim Deus coccineas. Te⟨r⟩t., de Cultu foem. l. II, c. 10: Nimirum enim Deus demonstravit succis herbarum, et concharum salivis, incoquerc lanas; exciderat illi cum universa nasci juberet, purpureas et coccineas oves mandare. Hieron. in Vita Marcellae eodem modo rhetoricatur.
XIV. — For God did not scarlet. Tertullian, On the Apparel of Women, bk. 2, ch. 10: No doubt God showed how to steep wool in the juices of herbs and the slime of shellfish; it had slipped His mind, when He bade all things be born, to order purple and scarlet sheep. Jerome, in the Life of Marcella, declaims in the same way.
Peccatores et apostatae angeli. Tert., l. I de Cultu fem., c. 2: Illi scil. angeli qui ad filias hominum de coelo ruerunt, etc. Hac etiam in sententia versabantur Lactant., l. II, c. 15; Euseb. de Praep. l. V; August. de Civit. Dei l. XV, c. 23
Sinful and apostate angels. Tertullian, bk. 1 On the Apparel of Women, ch. 2: Those angels, namely, who rushed down from heaven to the daughters of men, etc. In this opinion too were Lactantius, bk. 2, ch. 15; Eusebius, On the Preparation, bk. 5; Augustine, City of God, bk. 15, ch. 23
XV. — Si quis pingendi artifex. Haec D. Augustinus late exequitur, tamquam exemplum grandis dictionis, loco praelaudato, de Doct. Christ.
XV. — If any artist in painting. St Augustine treats this at length, as an example of the grand style, in the place already cited, On Christian Doctrine.
Aemulo colore. Cujus pulchritudinem omnes aemulentur.
With a rival colour. One whose beauty all would rival.
Tu ad vincendam Domini tui vocem. Ita Tertul. de Cultu l. II, c. 6: Sed enim Dominus ait: Quis vestrum potest capillum atrum ex albo facere, aut album ex atro, itaque revincunt Deum. Et paulo post: Mirum quod non contra dominica praecepta contenditur, ad mensuram neminem sibi adjicere posse pronunciatum est, vos vero adjicitis ad pondus colluras quasdam, etc.
You, to overcome the word of your Lord. So Tertullian, On Apparel, bk. 2, ch. 6: But the Lord says: Which of you can make black hair from white, or white from black, and so they refute God. And a little after: It is a wonder that there is no striving against the Lord's precepts; it has been declared that no one can add to his stature, but you add to your weight certain rolls, etc.
XVI. — Capillos jam tibi flammeos auspicaris. Tert. ibid.: Pessime tibi auspicentur flammeo capite.
XVI. — You already foretell for yourself hair of flame. Tertullian in the same place: Let them take the worst omen for themselves from a flame-coloured head.
Peccas capite. Respicere videtur, non, quod vult Rigaltius, diminutionem capitis ex jure Romano; sed verba Apostoli, I Cor. XI, 10, καταισχύνει τὴν κεφαλήν. Porro meminisse verborum Magistri putarem, dicentis: Sciant quia totum caput mulier est, limites et fines ejus eo usque porriguntur, unde incipit vestis.
You sin with your head. He seems to have in view not, as Rigaltius would have it, the loss of civil status under Roman law, but the words of the Apostle, 1 Cor. 11:10, dishonours the head. Further, I should think he was recalling the words of his Master, who says: Let them know that the whole head is the woman; its limits and bounds extend as far as where the garment begins.
XVII. — Cum resurrectionis dies venerit. Idem ibi supra:
XVII. — When the day of resurrection comes. The same author there above:
Editors' notes and page, col. 1112
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- running head: NIENSIS EDITIONIS 1112 (left part cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A quam totam faciem prostituere; B Lunulas. Μηνίσκοι sunt; C istis omnibus graeca ab Hebraeis; D Aemulo colore
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: the whole column is editors' matter (notes on De habitu virginum: ‹quam totam faciem prostituere›), set in full; left-column fragments (col. 1111) not set; Greek αἰσχύνωμα and βοτρύδια unsure in worn type; Exod. XXXV, 21 printed 21 (bracelets are at 35:22), kept as printed; colluras kept as printed (Tertullian reads collyras); incoquerc kept as printed (misprint for incoquere); final word su- broken at the column break
Videbo an cum cerussa, et purpurisso, et croco, et illo ambitu capitis resurgatis.
I shall see whether you will rise again with white lead, and purple dye, and saffron, and that circuit of the head.
XVIII.— Et quoniam Sensus verborum non aliter consistere posse videtur, nisi cum sequentibus cohaereant.
XVIII.— And since. The sense of the words seems unable to stand otherwise than if they cohere with what follows.
Verba turpia. Fescennini versus, prorsus obscoeni, qui, ut ait Festus, canebantur in nuptiis.
Shameful words. Fescennine verses, utterly obscene, which, as Festus says, were sung at weddings.
XXIII.— Majoris gratiae praemium. Ultra modulum gratiae Baptismalis, annis juxta et pietate adultis, uberiora Deus concedit dona: sed vix ulla magis expetenda, quam quae carnis desideriis domandis vires suppeditant.
XXIII.— The reward of a greater grace. Beyond the measure of baptismal grace, God grants richer gifts to those grown alike in years and in piety; but hardly any are more to be sought than those which supply strength for subduing the desires of the flesh.
DE UNITATE ECCLESIAE LIBER.
THE BOOK ON THE UNITY OF THE CHURCH.
De Unitate Ecclesiae. Liber hic, ad solvendum Novatiani schisma conscriptus, non tantum Cypriano asseritur ex Pontii, et D. Augustini l. II, cont. Cresc., c. 33, aliorumque e veteribus ejusdem mentione: sed ipsius Cypriani Ep. LIV (ad Pamelii numeros 51), testimonio. Is enim ibidem agnoscit libellum a se compositum, qui expressit catholicae Ecclesiae unitatem. Quae verba volumen hoc respicere, nemo facile dubitaverit. Vocis Catholicae in libelli titulo additamentum quod passim obtinuit, suffragantibus mss. quamplurimis omisimus, praesertim cum Pontius etiamnum contraxerit, singulari unitatis vocula tractatum hunc designans. Porro D. Aug., loco praelaudato, disertis verbis librum hunc Epistolam de Unitate appellasse certum est. Cui nomenclaturae accedere videtur Facundus l. I, p. 16, loco a librariis (quod recte observat Eruditissimus Lombertus) male mulctato: non enim librum Cypriani de Trinitate qui nullus erat, sed de Unitate laudare voluit, quod locum ipsum inspicienti erit manifestum. Remboldi editio aliam reposuit formulam, scil. de simplicitate Praelatorum, a principio libelli petitam; ubi dicitur moneri nos, esse ad innocentiam simplices, et tamen cum simplicitate prudentes. Tale quiddam accidisse in praecedente Tractatu observavimus, apud illos qui titulum instituerunt: De disciplina et habitu Virginum. Tempus quod attinet elucubrati operis; ex illius argumento et Epistola superius laudata; post Cornelii pontificatum, Novatiani schisma, et Confessorum defectionem conscriptum: porro ante ejusdem Cornelii martyrium, immo ante confessorum reditum in Ecclesiam, nempe an 251 Romam transmissum fuisse constare censemus.
On the Unity of the Church. This book, written to dissolve the schism of Novatian, is assigned to Cyprian not only on the strength of the mention of it by Pontius, by St Augustine (book 2, Against Cresconius, chapter 33) and by others of the ancients, but by the testimony of Cyprian himself in Letter 54 (51 in Pamelius' numbering). For there he acknowledges a little book composed by himself, which set forth the unity of the catholic Church. That these words refer to this volume no one would readily doubt. The addition of the word Catholic in the title of the little book, which has commonly prevailed, we have omitted with very many manuscripts supporting us, especially since Pontius too shortened it, designating this treatise by the single little word unity. Further, it is certain that St Augustine, in the place cited above, called this book in express words the Letter on Unity. Facundus, book 1, page 16, seems to agree with this nomenclature, in a place badly mutilated by the copyists (as the most learned Lombert rightly observes): for he meant to praise not a book of Cyprian On the Trinity, which did not exist, but On Unity, as will be plain to anyone who looks at the place itself. Rembolt's edition put in another formula, namely On the Simplicity of Prelates, taken from the beginning of the little book, where we are said to be admonished to be simple unto innocence, and yet prudent with simplicity. We observed that something of the same kind happened in the preceding Treatise, among those who devised the title On the Discipline and Dress of Virgins. As regards the time of the work's composition: from its subject and from the Letter cited above, we judge it to be established that it was written after the pontificate of Cornelius, the schism of Novatian and the defection of the Confessors, but before the martyrdom of the same Cornelius, indeed before the return of the confessors into the Church, and was sent to Rome, that is, in the year 251.
VI.— Hi tres unum sunt. Faustus Socinus Commentariis suis i⟨n⟩ hanc periochen ait: satis constare illam esse adulterinam, et ab hominibus qui suum dogma de trino et uno Deo, quacumque ratione defendere ac propagare volebant. in locum hunc infartum. Addit ⟨p⟩orro, quod Hieronymus, ut is qui, ut recte de eo Erasmus alicubi scribit: non satis prudenter saepe ad victoriam, et ad causae suae defensionem et favorem multa trahebat, nactus forte exemplar aliquod, aut etiam plura exemplaria in quibus particula ista (nempe triplicis testimonii Patris, Verbi, et Sp. sancti in coelo testantium) ita adjecta fuerat ut, fraus animadverti non possit, adversus fidem aliorum omnium exemplarium, tam Latinorum, quam Graecorum, lectionem particulae illus tamquam germanam defendere et promovere coepit, conquerens publice, cum culpa et fraude haereticorum abrasam à vulgatis codicibus fuisse. Cui gravissimae calumniae de D. Hieronymo falsario, et S. Scripturarum interpolatore, amoliendae: sufficere poterit, Cyprianum citasse non modo ante Hieronymi tempora, sed Arii ipsius, et litem de dogmate illo (quod adeo displicet Socino) de trino et uno Deo, scriptorem, qui tamen hic loci, et in Epistola ad Jubaianum hanc pericopen agnoscit. Immo hoc a Tertulliano praestitum, libro adv. Prax. cap 25. Interim mirari subit, hanc D. Hieronymi Epistolam, quae crucem primum Erasmo, et dein Socino et ejus sequacibus figebat quaeque non modo ab ipsis, sed libris mss. passim, et fere omnibus codicibus impressis antiquioribus, et interpretum
VI.— These three are one. Faustus Socinus, in his Commentaries on this passage, says that it is sufficiently established that it is spurious, and was stuffed into this place by men who wished by whatever means to defend and propagate their dogma of the triune and one God. He adds further that Jerome, as one who, as Erasmus rightly writes of him somewhere, not prudently enough often drew many things towards victory and towards the defence and advantage of his cause, having perhaps come upon some copy, or even several copies, in which that clause (namely of the threefold testimony of the Father, the Word and the Holy Spirit bearing witness in heaven) had been so added that the fraud could not be noticed, began, against the faith of all the other copies, Latin as well as Greek, to defend and promote the reading of that clause as genuine, complaining publicly that it had been erased from the common codices through the fault and fraud of heretics. For removing this most grievous calumny against St Jerome as a forger and an interpolator of the Holy Scriptures it will be enough that Cyprian cited [it], a writer not only before the times of Jerome but before those of Arius himself and of the dispute over that dogma (which so displeases Socinus) of the triune and one God, who nevertheless acknowledges this pericope in this place and in the Letter to Jubaianus. Indeed this was done by Tertullian, in the book Against Praxeas, chapter 25. Meanwhile one comes to wonder that this letter of St Jerome, which first fixed a cross on Erasmus, and then on Socinus and his followers, and which not only by them but by manuscript books everywhere, and by almost all the older printed codices, and in the interpreters'
Editors' notes and page, col. 1113
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- running head: 1113 SELECTAE IN CYPRIAN (cut off at the image edge; the page number looks like 1115 in the scan)
- marginal letters: A pra: Videbo an cum cerussa; B sed ipsius Cypriani Ep. LIV; C Tractatu observavimus, apud illos; D sancti in coelo testantium) ita adjecta
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (Selectae in Cyprianum notae): notes on De habitu virginum (pra: Videbo an cum cerussa; XVIII; Verba turpia; XXIII) and on De unitate Ecclesiae (De Unitate Ecclesiae. Liber hic; VI.— Hi tres unum sunt), set in full. First word "pra" is the end of a word broken from the previous column; last word "in-" is broken into the next column. "i⟨n⟩" and "⟨p⟩orro" have damaged type; "Epistola" (ad Jubaianum) and "Erasmo" are partly damaged but readable. The head page number is unsure (1113 versus 1115).
commentariis agnita est. Et, ut distinctius paulo agam, habetur in Bib⟨l⟩iis latinis quae prodierunt Nurembergae an. 1475. Venetiis an. 1498. Basil. an. 1⟨5⟩06. Lugduni an. 1520. Paris. an. 1563. Lugdun. an. 1589. Antuerp. an. 1617, hoc nostro saeculo, quasi praestigiis quibusdam oculos perstringentibus prorsus dispa⟨r⟩uisse. Utrum hoc ex casu, an maleficio contigerit, dispiciant eruditi. Epistolam ipsam quia brevis est, neque nunc dierum in promptu habetur, apposuisse non pigebit. Incipit Prologus in Epistolas canonicas Non ita est ordo apud Graecos, qui integre sapiunt, fidemque rectam sectantur, Epistolarum septem, que canonicae nuncupantur sicut in latinis codicibus invenitur. Ut quia Petrus est primus in ordine Apostolorum, primae sint etiam ejus Epistolae in ordine caeterarum. Sed sicut Evangelista dudum ad veritatis lineam correximus, ita has proprio ordini, Deo juvante, reddidimus; est enim una earum prima Jacobi, duae Petri, tres Joannis, et Judae una. Quae si sicut ab eis digestae sunt, ita quoque ab interpretibus fideliter in latinum verterentur eloquium, nec ambiguitatem legentibus facerent. nec sermonum sese varietates impugnarent, illo praecipue loco ubi de Unitate Trinitatis in prima Joannis Epistola, positum legimus. In qua etiam ab infidelibus translatoribus, multum erratum esse a fidei veritate comperimus, trium tantummodo vocabula, hoc est, Aquae, Sanguinis et Spiritus, in ipsa sua editione ponentibus; et Patris Verbique ac Spiritus testimonium omittentibus, in quo maxime et fides Catholica roboratur, et Patris ac Filii et Spiritus sancti una divinitatis substantia comprobatur. In caeteris vero Epistolis, quantum a nostra, aliorum distet editio, lectoris judicio derelinquo. Sed tu, virgo Christi Eustochium, quam me impensius Scripturae veritatem inquiris meam quodammodo senectutem invidorum dentibus corrodendam exponis, qui me falsarium, corruptoremque sanctarum pronuntiant Scripturarum. Sed ego in tali opere, nec aemulorum meorum invidiam pertimesco, nec sanctae Scripturae veritatem poscentibus denegabo.
commentaries was recognized (and, to proceed a little more distinctly, it is found in the Latin Bibles which came out at Nuremberg in 1475, Venice in 1498, Basel in 1506, Lyons in 1520, Paris in 1563, Lyons in 1589, Antwerp in 1617), has in this our century, as if by some conjuring tricks dazzling the eyes, altogether disappeared. Whether this has happened by chance or by malice, let the learned consider. The letter itself, since it is brief and is not at present readily available, I shall not be loath to have appended. Here begins the Prologue to the canonical Epistles. The order of the seven Epistles which are called canonical is not the same among the Greeks, who think soundly and follow the right faith, as is found in the Latin manuscripts, namely that, because Peter is first in the order of the Apostles, his Epistles should also be first in the order of the rest. But just as we formerly corrected the Evangelists to the line of truth, so, God helping, we have restored these to their proper order; for there is one of them, the first, of James, two of Peter, three of John, and one of Jude. If these had been faithfully turned into Latin speech by the interpreters just as they were arranged by them [the authors], they would neither cause ambiguity to readers, nor would the variations of wording fight against one another, especially in that place where we read what is set down concerning the Unity of the Trinity in the first Epistle of John. In which we have found that much error has been made away from the truth of the faith by unfaithful translators, who in their edition set down the names of only three, that is, Water, Blood and Spirit, and omit the testimony of the Father and the Word and the Spirit, by which the Catholic faith is most strengthened, and the one substance of the divinity of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit is proved. In the other Epistles, however, how far the edition of others differs from ours I leave to the reader's judgement. But you, Eustochium, virgin of Christ, in that you inquire of me so pressingly the truth of Scripture, in a manner expose my old age to be gnawed by the teeth of the envious, who pronounce me a falsifier and corrupter of the holy Scriptures. But in such a work I neither fear the envy of my rivals, nor shall I deny the truth of holy Scripture to those who ask for it.
VII. — De superiore parte. De seipso, et doctrina sua, et regeneratorum nativitate secunda, ἄνωθεν sive superne venientibus, passim agit Dominus noster, Ad eamdem ergo mentem vocem illam hic loci trahit D. Cyprianus; et Unitatem, ceu coelo lapsam, tunica Christi, quae ἄνωθεν ὑφαντὸς δι' ὅλου adumbrari statuit. Hujus interpretamenti meminit Chrysost. Homil. πέ. Sed concludit τοῦτο δὲ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ λέγειν αἰνιττόμενος τὸ εὐτελὲς τῶν ἱματίων.
VII. — From the upper part. Concerning Himself, and His teaching, and the second birth of the regenerate, as things coming ἄνωθεν, that is, from above, our Lord speaks in many places. To the same sense, therefore, St Cyprian here draws that expression; and he holds that Unity, as if fallen from heaven, is foreshadowed by the tunic of Christ, which was "woven from above throughout". Chrysostom mentions this interpretation in Homily 85. But he concludes: "but this he seems to me to say hinting at the cheapness of the garments."
IX — Cum generant, simul filios edere. Amor utrique soboli aequalis, inquit Plinius, qui l. X, c. 34, late columbarum oeconomiam describit: Pudicitia illis prima, et neutri nota adulteria, conjugii fidem non violant; communemque servant domum. Nisi coelebs aut vidua nidum non relinquit, etc.
IX — When they breed, to bring forth their young together. "The love for the offspring is equal in both," says Pliny, who in book 10, chapter 34, describes at length the household management of doves: "Chastity is first with them, and adultery known to neither; they do not violate the faith of wedlock, and they keep a common home. Unless unmated or widowed, it does not leave the nest," etc.
X. — Episcopi sibi nomen assumunt. Qualis nimirum erat Novatianus. Per temerarios convenas intelligendi veniunt tres ex Italia evocati episcopi, qui ordinationi Novatiani manus suas commodabant.
X. — They assume to themselves the name of bishop. Such, namely, was Novatian. By "rash comers-together" are to be understood the three bishops summoned out of Italy, who lent their hands to the ordination of Novatian.
Tractatus. Sermones. Sic Epist. LXXVII (ad Pamelii numeros 78) dicitur, non desinis tractatibus tuis sacramenta occulta nudare. Et statim, Omnibus in tractatu major, in sermone facundior. Quin hoc ipso opere, Tractatu longo. Hinc fluentibus saeculis tractatores dicebantur, qui conciones coram populo haberent. Gloss. Cyr. ὁμιλητικός, tractator.
Tractatus: sermons. Thus in Epistle 77 (by Pamelius's numbering 78) it is said, "you do not cease to lay bare hidden mysteries by your discourses." And immediately after, "greater than all in discourse, more eloquent in speech." Indeed in this very work, "by a long discourse." Hence as the centuries flowed on, those who gave addresses before the people were called tractatores. Glossary of Cyril: ὁμιλητικός, tractator.
XI. — In substantia mea. Ponitur pro eo quod LXX habent ἐν ὑποστήματι, qui legisse videntur ביסדי. Hesychius per πλῆθος explicat ὑπόστημα.
XI. — In my substance. It is set for what the Seventy have, ἐν ὑποστήματι, who seem to have read ביסדי. Hesychius explains ὑπόστημα by πλῆθος.
Quando aliud Baptisma. De dogmate hoc alibi dabitur dicendi locus.
Since another Baptism. Of this doctrine there will be occasion to speak elsewhere.
XII. — Corruptores Evangelii. De hoc haereticorum sacrilegio videndi sunt Iren. l. III, c. 5; Tertul. de Praescript. c. 17 et 53, Adv. Marc. L. V. c. 18; Euseb. Hist. l. V, c. 28; Augustin. haer. 46. de Manich. et haer. 70; Theodorit. l. II Haeret. fab. c. 5.
XII. — Corrupters of the Gospel. On this sacrilege of the heretics see Irenaeus, book 3, chapter 5; Tertullian, On the Prescription, chapters 17 and 53, Against Marcion, book 5, chapter 18; Eusebius, History, book 5, chapter 28; Augustine, Heresies 46, on the Manichees, and Heresy 70; Theodoret, book 2 of the Compendium of Heretical Fables, chapter 5.
Editors' notes and page, col. 1114
Page
- running head: …Æ IN CYPRIANUM NOTÆ. 1114 (start cut off at left edge)
- marginal letters: A terpretum commentariis agnita est; B Joannis, et Judae una; C pertimesco, nec sanctae; D veniunt tres ex Italia
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (notes on Cyprian): continuation of a note quoting the pseudo-Jerome Prologue to the canonical Epistles (editors' matter: terpretum commentariis), then notes VII, IX, X, XI, XII (editors' matter: De superiore parte; Cum generant; Episcopi sibi nomen; In substantia mea; Corruptores Evangelii). Column begins mid-word "terpretum" (in-terpretum) from col. 1113. "que canonicae", "Evangelista", "quam me", "facerent. nec" set as printed. Bib⟨l⟩iis, 1⟨5⟩06, dispa⟨r⟩uisse damaged type. Hebrew in XI and Greek accents UNSURE (small worn type); Homil. πέ read as 85.
Spiritu roris. Irrorati erant Spiritus refrigeriis Sed si haec verborum mens sit, accommodatius diceretur, ipsos Spiritus roris animatos fuisse. Unde suspicio subit, auctorem scripsisse, Deum simplices atque inter se unanimes, spiritu oris animasse. Quae loquendi formula in S⟨.⟩ Litteris satis est usitata.
With the Spirit of dew. They had been bedewed with the refreshments of the Spirit. But if this is the sense of the words, it would more fittingly be said that they themselves had been animated by the Spirit of dew. Hence the suspicion arises that the author wrote that God animated the simple and those of one mind among themselves with the breath of His mouth. This manner of speaking is quite common in the Holy Scriptures.
XIV.—Tales etiamsi occisi. Effatum hoc, quod perpetuo inculcat Cyprianus, Ecclesiam orientalem permeavit. De illo enim D. Chrysost. in Ep. ad Ephes. Serm. 11, huc respiciens ait Ἀνήρ τις ἅγιος εἶπέ τι δοκοῦν εἶναι τολμηρόν. πλὴν ἀλλ' ὅμως ἐφθέγξατο τί δὴ τοῦτο ἔστιν; οὐδὲ μαρτυρίου αἷμα ταύτην δύναται ἐξαλείφειν τὴν ἁμαρτίαν ἔφησεν. Quantum ⟨n⟩efas et prorsus inexpiabile sit schisma, reliqui Patres nos passim docent. Clem. Ep. ad Corinth., Ignat. Ep ad Smyrn. et Ephes., Iren. l. IV, c. 62, Dionys. Alex. ap. Euseb. l. VI, c. 45, Firmilian. Ep. ad Cypr., Optat. l. I, Fulgent. ad Monim. l. II, August. cont. Parm. l. II, c. 2, Vincent. Lirin. c. 34, Prosp. de Prom. et praedict. impl. c. 5.
XIV.—Such men, even if slain. This saying, which Cyprian constantly presses home, spread through the Eastern Church. For concerning it St Chrysostom, on the Epistle to the Ephesians, Homily 11, having this in view, says: "A certain holy man said something that seems to be bold; but nevertheless he uttered it. What then is it? Not even the blood of martyrdom can wipe out this sin, he said." How great a crime, and how wholly inexpiable, schism is, the other Fathers teach us everywhere: Clement, Epistle to the Corinthians; Ignatius, Epistle to the Smyrnaeans and to the Ephesians; Irenaeus, book IV, chapter 62; Dionysius of Alexandria in Eusebius, book VI, chapter 45; Firmilian, Epistle to Cyprian; Optatus, book I; Fulgentius, To Monimus, book II; Augustine, Against Parmenian, book II, chapter 2; Vincent of Lérins, chapter 34; Prosper, On the Fulfilment of the Promises and Predictions, chapter 5.
XV.—Merita nostra mercedem. Merces ista ex Dei beneplacito, qui sua dona in nobis coronat. Quando de meritis apud auctorem nostrum mentio habetur, recurrendum est ad celebratissimum ejus lemma, a D. Augustino, tamquam oraculum saepius laudatum l. III ad Quirin. c. 4: In nullo gloriandum, quando nostrum nihil sit.
XV.—Our merits the reward. That reward comes from the good pleasure of God, Who crowns His own gifts in us. Whenever mention of merits is made in our author, one must have recourse to his most celebrated maxim, quoted quite often by St Augustine as an oracle, book III To Quirinus, chapter 4: "We must glory in nothing, since nothing is ours."
Compendio breviante. Eamdem phrasin habet auctor noster, in Praefatione primi libri ad Quirin.
Abridging in a summary. Our author has the same phrase in the Preface of the first book To Quirinus.
XVI.—Habentes deformationem religionis. Μόρφωσιν εὐσεβείας, inquit Apostolus. Deformationem pro descriptione saepius ponit Tertull.: Utriusque exitum deformans, Herodis tormenta; et Joannis refrigeria, Adv. Marc. L. IV, c. 34; Simulachrum non prius argilla deformat, Apol. c. 12.
XVI.—Having the form of religion. "The form of godliness", says the Apostle. Tertullian quite often puts deformatio for "description": "Depicting the end of each, the torments of Herod and the refreshment of John", Against Marcion, book IV, chapter 34; "Does not clay first shape the image", Apology, chapter 12.
XVII.—A semetipso damnatus. Certe nullis mortalium magis quam Novato et Novatiano haec Apostoli verba quadrant, illi enim non prius ab Ecclesia quam a seipsis secessum fecere. Alter postquam in Africa lapsos omnes sine mora admittendos contendisset, Romam navigans contrarium dogma proposuit, nimirum pro inexpiabili scelere habendum si unquam admitterentur. Alter qui judicio cleri Romani de recipiendis lapsis non interfuit modo sed etiam praefuit; propria manu scripsit, proprio ore publice legit litteras ad Africanam Ecclesiam ea in causa transmissas, in illa ipsa Roma, sententiae istius, hoc est suae assertores, apostatis et lapsis adnumerandos docuit; ibique cum episcopatum abjurasset invasit.
XVII.—Condemned by himself. Certainly these words of the Apostle fit no mortals better than Novatus and Novatian, for they withdrew from the Church no sooner than from themselves. The one, after he had contended in Africa that all the lapsed should be admitted without delay, sailed to Rome and put forward the contrary doctrine, namely that it should be held an inexpiable crime if they were ever admitted. The other, who not only took part in but even presided over the judgement of the Roman clergy on receiving the lapsed, who wrote with his own hand and read publicly with his own mouth the letter sent to the African Church on that matter, in that very Rome taught that the upholders of that view, that is, of his own, were to be numbered among apostates and the lapsed; and there, though he had abjured the episcopate, he seized it.
XVIII.—Ubi signantur qui Dominum promerentur. Non tantum inter Baptismi solemnia, frontibus crucis signum imprimebant Christiani, Sed ad omnem progressum atque ad lumina motum, ad omne aditum et exitum, ad vestitum et calceatum, ad lavacra, ad mensas, ad lumina, ad cubilia ad sedilia, quacumque illos conversatio exercet, frontem crucis signaculo terebant. Referente Tertul. de Corona Mil. c. 3. Interim cultus religiosus aberat. Cruces, inquit Octavius apud Minut. nec colimus, nec optamus.
XVIII.—Where those who earn the Lord are sealed. Not only during the rites of Baptism did Christians impress the sign of the cross on their foreheads, but "at every going forth and movement towards the lights, at every coming in and going out, in dressing and putting on shoes, at the baths, at table, at the lighting of lamps, at bed, at seat, in whatever business occupies them, they wore their forehead with the sign of the cross", as Tertullian reports, On the Soldier's Crown, chapter 3. Meanwhile religious worship was absent. "Crosses", says Octavius in Minucius, "we neither worship nor wish for."
XIX.—Plenis satisfactionibus. Quid plena satisfactio, infra in libro de Lapsis discutietur.
XIX.—With full satisfactions. What full satisfaction is will be discussed below in the book On the Lapsed.
XX.—De confessoribus quosdam. Perstringit Maximum, Nicostratum Evaristum, aliosque, qui litteris suis Novatianum ad episcopatum commendabant, partesque ejus fovebant.
XX.—Some of the confessors. He censures Maximus, Nicostratus, Evaristus and others, who by their letters commended Novatian for the episcopate and supported his party.
XXII.—Exciderunt a fide. Ἠπίστησαν, non crediderunt, reddit vulgatus interpres, sed noster rectius virius† concepisse; vox enim illa respicit, quod supedetur† dicebatur, ἐπιστεύθησαν τὰ λόγια τοῦ θεοῦ.
XXII.—They have fallen from the faith. "They were unfaithful", the Vulgate translator renders as "they did not believe", but ours [seems] to have grasped it more correctly; for that word looks back to what was said above, "the oracles of God were entrusted to them".
XXIII.—Concordiae glutino. Nimirum uno episcopo, Ep. ad Pupianum ait: Ecclesiam esse plebem sacerdoti adunatam, et pastori suo gregem adhaerentem. Optatus episcopum vocat, sponsum coagulum pacis.
XXIII.—By the glue of concord. That is, by one bishop; in the Epistle to Pupianus he says: "The Church is the people united to the priest, and the flock clinging to its shepherd." Optatus calls the bishop the bridegroom, the bond of peace.
XXVI.—Nec decimas damus. Ex naturae prius multo, quam legis Mosaicae praescripto decimas solutas; si minus fidem faciant quae in lectione LXX Interp. habentur, Genes. IV 7, οὐκ ἐὰν ὀρθῶς προσενέγκης,
XXVI.—Nor do we give tithes. That tithes were paid by the prescription of nature long before that of the Mosaic law; if what is found in the reading of the Seventy Translators, Gen. 4:7, does not convince, "Have you not, if you have offered rightly,"
Editors' notes and page, col. 1115
Page
- running head: 1115 OXONIENSIS EDITIO (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹Spiritu roris. Irrorati erant Spiritus refrigeriis›; B ‹XV.—Merita nostra mercedem›; C ‹lapsos omnes sine mora admittendos contendisset›; D ‹nec colimus, nec optamus›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (Oxford edition notes on De unitate Ecclesiae, from ‹Spiritu roris›); no punctuation visible after refrigeriis (hidden by margin A?); UNSURE virius (perhaps visus) and supedetur (perhaps superius), marked †; Greek ἐξαλείφειν set as it appears; "ad lumina motum" set as printed (Tertullian reads promotum); scan blur in several words read as clean type; right-hand column (1116) not set
ὀρθῶς δὲ μὴ διέλῃς, ἥμαρτες; certe quae leguntur capite XIV, 18. de decimis ab Abr⟨a⟩hamo pensitatis, id evicerint: prae⟨s⟩ertim cum mos iste per universum terrarum orbem, quasi publico humani generis decreto, olim invaluerit. Cujus rei testes locupletissimi Herodot. l. I, 2, 3, 9, et passim; Dionys. Halic, l. I, 4, 6, Pausan, Eliac., et Phoc.; Diod. Sic. l. I; Plut in quaest. Rom., in Camil., Syll., Lucull., etc.; Arist. Oecon. l. II; Thucyd. l. III; Justin. l. XVIII 20; Cicer. de Nat Deor. l. III; Liv. l. V, c. 21. Cum primum luce Evangelica perfunderetur orbis, oblationibus, primitiis, sportulis, et totius rei familaris in Ecclesiae subsidium venditionibus, nihil decantatius. Immo Patres antiquissimi de decimis solvendis verbis disertissimis manda⟨n⟩t. Iren. l. IV, c. 20. ait: Sacerdotes sunt omnes Domini Apostoli, qui neque agros, neque domos haereditant hic, sed semper altari et Deo serviun⟨t⟩. De quibus et Moyses: Non erit sacerdotibus Levitis in tota tr⟨i⟩bu Levi pars, neque substantia cum Israel: fructificationes Domini substantia eorum mandu⟨c⟩abunt eas Propter hoc et Paulus: Non inquiro, inquit, datum, sed inquiro fructum. Et in eodem lib. c. 27: Propter hoc Dominus, pro eo quod est non moechaberis. non concupiscere praecepit: et pro eo quod est: non occides, neque irasci quidem: et pro eo quod est decimare, omnia quae sunt pauperibus dividere. Haec omnia non dissolventis legem erant, sed extendentis et dilatantis. Porro c. 34: Illi quidem decimas suorum habebant consecratas, qui autem perceperunt libertatem, omnia quae sunt ipsorum ad dominicos decernunt usus; hilariter et libere dantes, ea quae non sunt minora, utpote majorem spem habentes. Sic Orige⟨n⟩. in c. XVIII Numer.: Nemo licite nec legitime utitur fructibus quos terra produxit. nec animantibus quae pecudum protulit partus, nisi ex singulis quibusque Deo primitiae, id est, sacerdotibus offerantur. Hanc ergo legem observari etiam secundum litteram, sicut et alia nonnu⟨l⟩la, necessarium puto. Et deinceps addit: Dominus dicit in Evangeliis: Vae vobis scribae et pharisaei hypocritae, qui decimatis mentham, hoc est decimam datis menthae, et cymini et anethi, et praeteritis quae majora sunt legis: hypocritae, haec oportet fieri; et illa non omitti. Vide ergo diligentius quomodo sermo Domini vult fieri quidem omnimode quae majora sunt legis, non tamen omitti et haec quae secundum litteram designantur. Quod si dicas quia haec ad pharisaeos dicebat, non ad discipulos; audi iterum ipsum dicentem ad discipulos: Nisi abundaverit justitia vestra plusquam pharisaeorum et scribarum, non intrabitis in regnum Coelorum. Quod ergo vult fieri a pharisaeis, multo magis et majori cum abundantia vult a discipulis impleri, etc. Mora esset singula huc s⟨p⟩ectantia percurrere: consulat is cui otium est, Hilar. in Matt. C. XXIV, Exp⟨l⟩an. Psal. CXVIII, † Orton. He, Nazianz. Orat. V, Hieron. in Malac. III, Chrysost. Hom. 35, in Genes. XVIII, in Act. Apost. XIV et Hom. 4, in II, c. ad Eph., Ambr. Com. in Luc. C. XI. l. VII. Serm. 34. in Fer. III. Serm. in die Ascens., Augustin. in Psalm. CXLVI. Serm. de Temp. 166 et 219. Hom. 48. Immo videantur quae auctor noster habet. Ep. I, ad Pamelii numeros 66, ubi ait Leviticam tribum de fructibus qui nascebantur decimas recepisse: quod totum fiebat de auctoritate et dispositione divina, ut qui orationibus divinis insistebant, in nulla re avocarentur, nec cogitare, aut agere saecularia cogerentur. Quae nunc ratio et forma in clero tenetur, ut qui in Ecclesia Domini ordinatione clerica promoventur, in nullo ab administratione divina avocentur, etc.
but have not divided rightly, sinned?"; certainly what is read in chapter 14:18 about the tithes paid by Abraham would prove it: especially since this custom once prevailed throughout the whole world, as if by a public decree of the human race. The richest witnesses to this are Herodotus, book 1, 2, 3, 9, and passim; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book 1, 4, 6; Pausanias, Eliaca and Phocica; Diodorus Siculus, book 1; Plutarch in the Roman Questions, in Camillus, Sulla, Lucullus, etc.; Aristotle, Oeconomics, book 2; Thucydides, book 3; Justin, book 18, 20; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book 3; Livy, book 5, ch. 21. As soon as the world was flooded with the light of the Gospel, nothing was more celebrated than offerings, first-fruits, small gifts, and sales of one's whole household property for the support of the Church. Indeed the most ancient Fathers enjoin the payment of tithes in the most express words. Irenaeus, book 4, ch. 20, says: "All the Apostles of the Lord are priests, who inherit neither fields nor houses here, but always serve the altar and God. Of whom Moses also says: 'There shall be for the priests the Levites in the whole tribe of Levi no portion, nor substance with Israel: the fruits of the Lord are their substance, they shall eat them.' For this reason Paul also says: 'I do not seek the gift, but I seek the fruit.'" And in the same book, ch. 27: "For this reason the Lord, in place of 'you shall not commit adultery', commanded not to lust; and in place of 'you shall not kill', not even to be angry; and in place of tithing, to divide all that one has among the poor. All these things were the acts not of one dissolving the law, but of one extending and widening it." Further, ch. 34: "They indeed had the tithes of their goods consecrated, but those who have received liberty set apart all that is theirs for the Lord's uses, giving cheerfully and freely things that are not lesser, inasmuch as they have a greater hope." So Origen on Numbers ch. 18: "No one lawfully or legitimately uses the fruits that the earth has produced, nor the animals that the offspring of the flocks have brought forth, unless from each of them first-fruits are offered to God, that is, to the priests. This law, therefore, I think it necessary to be observed even according to the letter, as also some others." And thereafter he adds: "The Lord says in the Gospels: 'Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites, who tithe mint', that is, give a tenth of mint, 'and of cumin and of dill, and pass over the things that are weightier in the law: hypocrites, these things ought to be done, and those not left undone.' See therefore more carefully how the word of the Lord wills that the things that are weightier in the law be done in every way, yet that these things too which are designated according to the letter be not left undone. But if you say that He was saying these things to the Pharisees, not to the disciples, hear Him again saying to the disciples: 'Unless your righteousness abounds more than that of the Pharisees and the scribes, you shall not enter into the kingdom of the Heavens.' What therefore He wills to be done by the Pharisees, much more and with greater abundance He wills to be fulfilled by the disciples," etc. It would take long to go through every single thing bearing on this: let whoever has leisure consult Hilary on Matthew ch. 24, Exposition of Psalm 118; † Orton. He; Nazianzen, Oration 5; Jerome on Malachi 3; Chrysostom, Homily 35 on Genesis 18, on the Acts of the Apostles 14, and Homily 4 on 2, ch. on Ephesians; Ambrose, Commentary on Luke ch. 11, book 7; Sermon 34 for the Third Day of the Week; Sermon on the Day of the Ascension; Augustine on Psalm 146; Sermons de Tempore 166 and 219; Homily 48. Indeed, let what our author has be looked at: Epistle 1, by Pamelius's numbering 66, where he says that the Levitical tribe received tithes of the fruits that grew: "all of which was done by divine authority and disposition, so that those who devoted themselves to divine prayers should be called away by nothing, nor be compelled to think about or to do worldly things. This plan and form is now kept in the clergy, that those who are promoted in the Church of the Lord by clerical ordination should be called away in nothing from the divine ministry," etc.
DE LAPSIS.
On the Lapsed.
Lapsus, ubi de moribus agitur, significare solet graviorem quamlibet n⟨o⟩xam, qua quis in vitae cursu non solum titubat et gradu dimovetur, sed prosternitur et decidit. Ita Adami peccatum ejus lapsus passim appellatur. Sed in usu Ecclesiastico illi fere
"Lapse", where morals are treated, usually signifies any graver offence by which someone in the course of life not only stumbles and is moved from his footing, but is thrown down and falls. Thus the sin of Adam is commonly called his lapse. But in ecclesiastical usage those are generally
Editors' notes and page, col. 1116
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- running head: NIENSIS EDITIONIS 1116 (cut off at left edge)
- marginal letters: A ὀρθῶς δὲ μὴ διέλῃς; B Israel: fructificationes Domini; C et pharisaei hypocritae; D III. Serm. in die Ascens.
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter set: note beginning ὀρθῶς δὲ μὴ διέλῃς (on tithes) and note beginning DE LAPSIS / Lapsus, ubi de moribus; Greek accents read from a blurred image, unsure; "Orton. He" unclear, marked †; damaged letters supplied in Abr⟨a⟩hamo, prae⟨s⟩ertim, manda⟨n⟩t, serviun⟨t⟩, tr⟨i⟩bu, mandu⟨c⟩abunt, Orige⟨n⟩, nonnu⟨l⟩la, s⟨p⟩ectantia, Exp⟨l⟩an., n⟨o⟩xam; no stop printed after "eas", "Halic" or "Pausan" (unsure, possibly worn type); left-column fragments belong to column 1115 and are not set
intelliguntur lapsi, qui persecutionis tempore minis aut tormentis cessere; quique disjecti, postrati et jacentes infra dicuntur. Quemadmodum illi qui in fide permansere stantes appellati, quos Zach. propheta videtur adumbrasse, c. III, 7, ubi ambulanti in viis Domini, et custodiam ejus custodienti promittitur s⟨o⟩rs בין העמדים inter stantes. Lapsorum variae fuerunt classes: 1° eorum qui libellis securitatem paciscebantur, et libellatici dicti. 2° Qui thus adolebant, aut de victimis epulabantur; qui thurificati et sacrificati, audiebant. 3° Qui blasphemiis nefas cumulantes Christianum nomen ejur⟨a⟩runt, et apostatae appellati. Cum vero Deciana clades plurimos variis hisce ruinae generibus perculisset: iique Novati et Felicissimi et presbyterorum quo⟨r⟩umdam qui cum ipsis sentiebant factione; aut etiam martyrum benignis nimium suffragiis sublevati, reditum in Ecclesiam im⟨p⟩udenter postulabant: Cyprianus, quod olim facturum se promiserat, pace Ecclesiae reddita, quid de singulis statuendum sit librato cum fratribus consilio, decernit. Libellus hic, ut et praecedens de Unitate, Carthagine pr⟨i⟩mum, et ut par est credere, in ipso concilio, lectus; dein Romam transmittebatur, quod ex Epistola 54, ad Pamelii numeros 51, docemur. Voces istae in fronte operis: Pax vere, dilectissimi fratres, Ecclesiae reddita est: et quod difficile nuper incredulis, ac perfidis impossible videbatur, ope atque ultione divina, securitas nostra reparata est; satis indicant post Decii mortem, idque statim post nuntium acceptum, libellum hunc Romam fuisse transmissum. Prius autem aliquanto scriptum, et Carthagine publice lectum minime dubito. Plures enim menses, quibus concilium in lapsorum causa frequenter habitum, a Cypriani reditu ad Decii mortem, eamque in Africa renuntiatam. intercessere. Sed auctores id juris in scripta sua perpetuo vendicant, ut quaedam subinde propre nata addant, detrahant, et varie immutent, quod etiam à Cy⟨p⟩riano hic loci factum exis⟨t⟩imo. Scripti hujus meminerunt Pontius, Eusebius, Rufinus, Augustinus, Fulgentius, Pacianus, et alii passim veteres.
understood as the lapsed who in the time of persecution gave way to threats or torments; and who below are called scattered, prostrate and lying fallen. Just as those who remained in the faith are called the standing, whom the prophet Zechariah seems to have foreshadowed, ch. 3:7, where to him who walks in the ways of the Lord and keeps His charge is promised a place בין העמדים among those standing. Of the lapsed there were various classes: 1st, of those who bargained for safety by certificates, and were called libellatici. 2nd, those who burned incense or feasted on the victims; who were called thurificati and sacrificati. 3rd, those who, heaping wickedness upon blasphemies, abjured the Christian name, and were called apostates. But when the Decian disaster had struck very many with these various kinds of ruin, and they, either through the faction of Novatus and Felicissimus and of certain presbyters who shared their mind, or raised up by the all too kindly suffrages of the martyrs, were shamelessly demanding return into the Church, Cyprian, as he had once promised he would do, now that peace had been restored to the Church, after weighing counsel with the brethren, decides what is to be determined about each. This book, like the preceding one On Unity, was read first at Carthage, and, as it is fitting to believe, in the council itself; then it was sent to Rome, as we learn from Letter 54, number 51 in Pamelius' numbering. The words at the head of the work: Peace, most beloved brethren, has truly been restored to the Church; and what lately seemed difficult to the incredulous and impossible to the faithless, by divine help and vengeance our security has been restored; sufficiently indicate that this book was sent to Rome after the death of Decius, and that immediately after the news was received. But I do not at all doubt that it was written somewhat earlier and publicly read at Carthage. For several months, during which a council was frequently held on the case of the lapsed, passed between Cyprian's return and the death of Decius and its being announced in Africa. But authors perpetually claim this right over their writings, that from time to time, as occasion arises, they may add, remove and variously alter certain things, which I think was done by Cyprian also in this place. Pontius, Eusebius, Rufinus, Augustine, Fulgentius, Pacian and other ancients here and there make mention of this writing.
II. — Cohors Candida. Pariter et martyres dicti a nostro auctore, Massa Candida. Sic Tertull de Coron.: De martyrii candida laurea melius coronandus. Interim respectu habito ad sanguinem fusum, floridi et russati alibi appellantur.
II. — The white cohort. Likewise the martyrs are called by our author the white mass. So Tertullian, On the Crown: To be better crowned with the white laurel of martyrdom. Meanwhile, with regard to the blood shed, they are elsewhere called flowery and ruddy.
Ab impio sceleratoque vel⟨a⟩mine. Omnis fere gentilium religio, in mortuorum cultu et placandis diis manibus versabatur; unde habitu funereo et velato capite sacra ut plurimum peragebantur. E contra vero praeeunte Apostolo I Cor. XI, 10. Christiani homines nudo capite preces fundebant, feminis tantum modestiae et obsequii ergo in Ecclesia velatis. Porro obnubilatum caput servilis conditionis signum. Unde servili poenae subjiciendus, velamento obductus. I, lictor, apud. Liv. I, inquit Horatii periclitantis pater, colliga manus quae paulo ante armatae imperium populo Romano pepererunt. I, caput obnube liberatoris urbis, etc.
From the impious and wicked veil. Almost the whole religion of the gentiles was occupied with the cult of the dead and the appeasing of the gods of the shades; whence sacred rites were for the most part performed in funeral dress and with the head veiled. But on the contrary, with the Apostle leading the way, 1 Cor. 11:10, Christian men poured out their prayers with bare head, only women being veiled in church, for the sake of modesty and obedience. Moreover a covered head was a sign of servile condition. Hence one who was to be subjected to a servile punishment was wrapped in a veil. Go, lictor, in Livy 1, says the father of Horatius when he was in peril, bind the hands which a little before, armed, won empire for the Roman people. Go, veil the head of the liberator of the city, etc.
Frons cum signo Dei pura. Nempe in Baptismi lavacro signata, et spinei Domini Jesu serti memor, admittere non potest aliud capi⟨t⟩is gestamen, aut habitum a candidatis diaboli introductum, quod ait Tertull. in lib. de Cor. qui etiam refert Claudium Saturninum in libro de Coronis; origines, causas et species et solemnitates earum ita edisserere, ut nullam gratiam floris, nullam laetitiam frondis, nullum cespitem, aut palmitem, non alicujus capiti invenias consecratum.
The brow pure with the sign of God. That is, sealed in the laver of baptism, and mindful of the thorny wreath of the Lord Jesus, it cannot admit any other thing worn on the head, or attire introduced by the candidates of the devil, as Tertullian says in the book On the Crown, who also reports that Claudius Saturninus in his book On Crowns sets out their origins, causes, kinds and solemnities in such a way that you would find no grace of flower, no joy of leaf, no turf or vine-shoot, that is not consecrated to someone's head.
III — Maligna obtrectatione debilitet. Ut se lapsi excusatiores facerent, decebant plurimis inter stantes pariter cum ipsis fuisse succubituros si pariter tentati: si non tunc fuga (quemadmodum Cyprianus) elapsi. In causa non absimili dictum: Casta est quam nemo rogavit.
III — Weaken by malicious disparagement. To make themselves more excusable, the lapsed said that very many among the standing would have succumbed equally with them if they had been equally tried, had they not then escaped by flight (as Cyprian did). In a not dissimilar case it was said: She is chaste whom no one has asked.
Dies negantibus praestitutus excessit. Proposita fuerant
The day appointed for those denying has passed. There had been set forth
Editors' notes and page, col. 1117
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- running head: 1117 SELECTÆ IN CYPRIANU (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹intelliguntur lapsi, qui persecutionis›; B ‹reddita, quid de singulis statuendum›; C ‹factum exis⟨t⟩imo. Scripti hujus›; D ‹matae imperium populo Romano pepererunt›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: the whole column is the editors' Selectae notes on De lapsis (‹intelliguntur lapsi, qui persecutionis›), set in full. Column begins mid-sentence. Last word fue- split at the column break (fue-[rant]). Hebrew in Zech. 3:7 reference read as בין העמדים, somewhat worn. "impossible" and "postrati" read from worn type; UNSURE whether these are true misprints or damaged letters. "renuntiatam" is followed by a printed full stop, set as printed. Punctuation after "reddita est" in the quotation is unclear between the two image crops (colon or semicolon); set as colon. Section numeral printed "III —" without a full stop, set as printed.
adversus Christianos edicta, ut intra diem praefinitum Christianus quisque, coram praeside, proconsule, aliove magistratu profiteretur se renunciare Christo: Ni faceret capite esset plectendus, aut forte bonis exiliove mulctandus. Postquam illud tempus elapsum esset, quicumque se non profitebantur, poenis denunciatis fiebant obnoxii; et proinde inter confessores erant numerandi. Hanc ob causam ait noster, non praescripta exilia, non destinata tormenta, non rei familiaris damna episcopos terruerunt.
edicts against the Christians, that within a fixed day every Christian, before the governor, the proconsul or another magistrate, should declare that he renounced Christ: if he did not do so, he was to be punished capitally, or perhaps fined with loss of goods or with exile. After that time had elapsed, whoever did not declare themselves became liable to the penalties announced; and therefore they were to be numbered among the confessors. For this reason our author says: not the exiles prescribed, not the torments appointed, not the losses of household property terrified the bishops.
V.—Disciplinam pax longa corruperat. Sulpitius Severus triginta octo annos pacis Ecclesiae computat; scil. à Severo Imp. ad Decium; siquidem Maximiniani attentata Ecclesiarum aliquarum Clerum dumtaxat ⟨p⟩ercellebant; Africamque intactam reliquerant. Eadem fere dicuntur Epist. XIII ad Pam. numeros 7.
V.—A long peace had corrupted the discipline. Sulpicius Severus reckons thirty-eight years of peace for the Church, namely from the Emperor Severus to Decius; since the assaults under Maximinus struck only the clergy of certain churches, and had left Africa untouched. Almost the same things are said in Epist. 13 in Pamelius, number 7.
VI. — Corrupta barba. Respicit Levit. XIX 27, ubi interdicitur, ne corrumpantur anguli barbae. Hac de re vid. l. III, cap. 84, ad Quir. De feminarum moribus in lib. de Cultu egit.
VI. — The beard corrupted. He has in view Lev. 19:27, where it is forbidden that the corners of the beard be corrupted. On this matter see bk 3, ch. 84, To Quirinus. Of the manners of women he treated in the book On Dress.
Jungere cum infidelibus; Respicit auctor monitum D. Pauli II Cor. VI, 14, et I Cor. VII. Vid. l. III Testim. ad Quirin. c. 62.
To join with unbelievers; The author has in view the warning of St Paul, 2 Cor. 6:14, and 1 Cor. 7. See bk 3 of the Testimonies to Quirinus, ch. 62.
Episcopi plurimi. Hunc locum saepius attingit D. Augustin. adv. Donatistas; vid. l. III, cont. Ep. Parmen. c. 2, et l. IV, cont. Cresc., c. 26.
Very many bishops. St Augustine touches on this passage rather often against the Donatists; see bk 3 Against the Letter of Parmenian, ch. 2, and bk 4 Against Cresconius, ch. 26.
Esurientibus in Ecclesia fratribus. Quamquam Apostolis consultum videbatur, Act. VI, ut non derelinquerent verbum Dei, et ministrarent mensis, et inde diaconi subrogati, pauperum tamen cura apud episcopos perpetuo mansit. Quam sollicite hoc procurabat D. Paulus, ejus Epistolae nos passim docent. De moribus Christianorum sequentis saeculi rationem reddit Justinus Apol. II: Τὸ συλλεγόμενον τῷ προεστῶτι ἀποτίθεται, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπικουρεῖ ὀρφανοῖς τε καὶ χήραις, καὶ τοῖς διὰ νόσον ἢ δι᾽ ἄλλην αἰτίαν λειπομένοις, καὶ τοῖς ἐν δεσμοῖς οὖσι, καὶ τοῖς παρεπιδήμοις οὖσι ξένοις, καὶ ἁπλῶς πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν χρείᾳ οὖσι κη⟨δ⟩εμὼν γίνεται. Hanc fuisse perpetuam D. Cypriani sollicitudinem Epistolae ejus nescire nos vetant; praesertim Ep. LXII, ad Pam. num. 60, ubi redimendis captivis, si recte rationes subduxerit Rigaltius, librarum 25,000 erogabantur.
While the brethren in the Church were hungry. Although it seemed advisable to the Apostles (Acts 6) that they should not leave the word of God and serve tables, and deacons were thereupon appointed in their place, yet the care of the poor remained perpetually with the bishops. How solicitously St Paul attended to this, his Epistles teach us everywhere. Of the customs of the Christians of the following age Justin gives an account, Apol. 2: What is collected is deposited with the president, and he himself helps orphans and widows, and those who through sickness or for some other cause are in want, and those who are in bonds, and the strangers sojourning among us, and in a word he becomes the guardian of all who are in need. That this was the perpetual solicitude of St Cyprian his Epistles do not allow us to be ignorant; especially Ep. 62 in Pamelius, number 60, where, if Rigault has reckoned the accounts rightly, 25,000 pounds were paid out for redeeming captives.
Ad prima statim verba. Terrore hoc inexpectato perculsos Cyp. Ep. LX, ad Pam. num. 57, Subitatos appellat. Similem lapsorum in Aegypto hoc ipso tempore stragem late describit Dionysius Alexandrinus apud Euseb. l. VI, c. 41.
At the very first words. Those struck by this unexpected terror Cyprian, Ep. 60 in Pamelius, number 57, calls "the surprised". A similar ruin of the lapsed in Egypt at this very time is described at length by Dionysius of Alexandria in Eusebius, bk 6, ch. 41.
VIII —Ascenderent apprehensi. Hanc lectionem qu⟨a⟩m mss. plerique tuentur, commendat similis locutio Cleri Rom. Ep. VIII, ad Pamel. numeros 3: Ascendentes ab hoc quod compellabantur revocavimus.
VIII —That, being seized, they should go up. This reading, which most manuscripts maintain, is commended by a similar expression of the Roman clergy, Ep. 8 in Pamelius, number 3: Those who were going up we called back from that to which they were being summoned.
Ad Capitolium sponte ventum est. Arcem Carthaginensem, imitamentum Romanae. Novatiani et Donatistae Catholicos, quod huc ascendentes lapsos recepissent, per contemptum vocabant Capitolinos. Sic Pacianus Ep. II: Numquid Cypriano sancto viro hoc obest, quod populus ejus Apostaticum nomen habet, vel Capitolinum, vel Synedrium?
They came to the Capitol of their own accord. The citadel of Carthage, an imitation of the Roman one. The Novatians and Donatists, because the Catholics had received back the lapsed who went up there, called them in contempt Capitolines. So Pacian, Ep. 2: Does it harm Cyprian, a holy man, that his people bears the name Apostatic, or Capitoline, or Synedrium?
Qui jam diabolo renunciarat. Solemnia haec Baptismi verba Tertul. de Spectac. c. 4 et alibi passim inculcat; quod etiam à Cypriano nostro aliisque Patribus factum. Formula haec antiquissima non aliunde ortum duxit quam a Christianismi initiis, et videtur esse illud ἐπερώτημα de quo D. Petrus I Ep. III, 21, in Judaeorum Baptismo, proselytus patriam, parentes et humanitatem ejurabat; Christianus vero, noxias cupiditates, saeculi pompas, et diaboli nequitiam abdicat et amandat.
Who had already renounced the devil. These solemn words of Baptism Tertullian inculcates in On the Spectacles, ch. 4, and elsewhere throughout; which was also done by our Cyprian and the other Fathers. This most ancient formula took its origin from nowhere else than from the beginnings of Christianity, and seems to be that "questioning" of which St Peter speaks, 1 Pet. 3:21; in the Baptism of the Jews the proselyte abjured fatherland, parents and humanity; but the Christian renounces and banishes harmful desires, the pomps of the world, and the wickedness of the devil.
IX.—Lethali poculo propinata est. Respicit libamina gentilium, de quibus D. Paulus I Cor. X, 21: Non potestis calicem Domini bibere et daemoniorum.
IX.—She was given a deadly cup to drink. He has in view the libations of the heathen, of which St Paul speaks, 1 Cor. 10:21: You cannot drink the cup of the Lord and of demons.
Infantes quoque. De eorum Baptismo vid. ad Fidum. Quem morem late impugnat Rigaltius notis suis in dictam Epistolam, et hic loci dicit: Hoc sensu permoti censuerunt infantes baptizandos, signum fidei dederunt homini, priusquam esset homo fidei capax.
Infants also. On their Baptism see To Fidus. This custom Rigault attacks at length in his notes on the said Epistle, and in this place says: Moved by this sense they decided that infants should be baptized; they gave the sign of faith to a man before the man was capable of faith.
Editors' notes and page, col. 1118
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- running head: ‹…›E IN CYPRIANUM NOTÆ. 1118 (left part cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹rant adversus Christianos edicta›; B ‹de re vid. l. III, cap. 84›; C ‹tuam D. Cypriani sollicitudinem›; D ‹Capitolinum, vel Synedrium?›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: column begins with the fragment "rant", the rest of a word broken from col. 1117; the whole column is editors' matter (notes on Cyprian, De lapsis), first words "rant adversus Christianos edicta"; "⟨p⟩ercellebant": first letter damaged, read as percellebant; "qu⟨a⟩m": letter damaged; Greek "κη⟨δ⟩εμὼν": letter damaged; "denunciatis" read with c (blurred letter, matches "renunciare" above), UNSURE; "sancto" in the Pacian quotation looks like "sancio" in the blur, set as sancto, UNSURE; accented à kept as printed in "à Severo", "à Cypriano"; no full-width line
Signum sine re, ipsius rei vicarium fecerunt. Ex anabaptistarum faece fanaticus non alia scripsisset. Itane vero infantes fidei prorsus incapaces? Si hoc ratum sit, quomodo Joannes Baptista aliique a matris utero pleni Spiritu sancto? Porro circumcisio ante legem, et sub ipsa, erat foederalis ritus, qui pro fundamento habuit fidem in Messiam postmodum venturum; quemadmodum ejus antitypus Baptisma sub Evangelio, innititur fide in eumdem Messiam qui advenerat: si vero infantes Israelitarum, licet fidei actualis incapaces, ad circumcisionem recipiendam fuerant idonei; pariter et parentum Christianorum nati, eodem obice, fidei scil. defectu, non obstante, Baptismi esse poterint participes. Baptizati pridem illi erant Infantes, qui acris et vividi illius sensus qui praefertur, specimina dederunt; quare manifestum et perperam dici exinde Ecclesiam permotam censuisse infantes batizandos. Porro ante Cypriani saeculum infantium Baptismum in Ecclesia receptum, Irenaeus nos docet l. II, c. 39, qui renasci apud Deum dicit infantes et parvulos et pueros, et juvenes et seniores. Similiter Origenes in c. VI ad Rom., ait: Ecclesiam ab Apostolis traditionem suscepisse etiam parvulis Baptismum dare. Morem illum Tertulliani saeculo obtinui⟨s⟩se, vel hinc constiterit, quod iste contrarium suadeat: Quid festinet innocens aetas ad remissionem peccatorum? Quae sententia adeo plurimis placuit, ut Baptismum ad ultimae senectutis temp⟨o⟩ra d⟨i⟩fferendum censerent. Id nimirum satagebant, ut de venia per lavacri salutari expia⟨t⟩ionem securi, peccandi commeatum sibi f⟨a⟩cerent.
They have made the sign without the thing the substitute for the thing itself. A fanatic from the dregs of the Anabaptists would have written nothing else. Are infants then wholly incapable of faith? If this be settled, how were John the Baptist and others full of the Holy Spirit from their mother's womb? Moreover circumcision, before the Law and under it, was a federal rite, which had for its foundation faith in the Messiah who was afterwards to come; just as its antitype, Baptism under the Gospel, rests on faith in the same Messiah who had come: but if the infants of the Israelites, though incapable of actual faith, were fit to receive circumcision, so likewise those born of Christian parents, the same obstacle, namely the want of faith, notwithstanding, will be able to be partakers of Baptism. Those infants who gave proofs of that keen and lively sense which is put forward had been baptized long before; wherefore it is manifest that it is also wrongly said that the Church was moved by this to judge that infants should be baptized. Moreover, that the Baptism of infants was received in the Church before the age of Cyprian Irenaeus teaches us, book 2, chapter 39, who says that infants and little ones and boys and youths and elders are reborn unto God. Likewise Origen on chapter 6 of Romans says that the Church received from the Apostles the tradition of giving Baptism even to little children. That this custom prevailed in the age of Tertullian may be established even from this, that he urges the contrary: Why should the innocent age hasten to the remission of sins? This opinion so pleased very many that they judged that Baptism should be deferred to the time of extreme old age. They were evidently busy about this, that, being secure of pardon through the saving expiation of the laver, they might make for themselves a licence for sinning.
Amiserunt parvuli. D. August. Ep. XXIII ad Bonif. rem sic expedit: Amiserunt, dixit, quantum attinuit ad illorum scelus, a quibus amittere coacti sunt. Amiserunt in eorum mente ac voluntate, qui in illos tantum facinus commiserunt. Nam si in seipsis amisissent, remansissent utique divina sententia damnandi. Quod si sanctus Cyprianus arbitraretur, non eorum defensionem continuo subjiceret, dicens, etc.
The little ones have lost. St Augustine, Letter 23 to Boniface, settles the matter thus: They have lost, he said, so far as concerned the crime of those by whom they were forced to lose. They have lost in the mind and will of those who committed so great a misdeed against them. For if they had lost in themselves, they would certainly have remained to be condemned by the divine sentence. But if Saint Cyprian thought so, he would not at once have added their defence, saying, etc.
X.—Discedite, discedite. Causam suam agit Cyprianus adversus obtrectatores, qui fugam tamquam rem turpem ipsi impegerunt; hanc ille non modo ceu licitam videtur defendere, sed tamquam rem imperatam commendare: hac ex parte a Magistro Tertulliano longe discedens.
X.—Depart, depart. Cyprian pleads his own cause against his detractors, who charged him with flight as a shameful thing; this he seems not only to defend as lawful but to commend as a thing commanded: in this respect departing far from his Master Tertullian.
XIII. — Nunc flagella scinderent. Pariter tormenta haec describit Tertul. Apol. c. 30: Expansos ungulae fodiant, cruces suspendant, ignes lambant, gladii guttura detruncent, bestiae insiliant.
XIII.—Now scourges would tear. Tertullian likewise describes these torments, Apology, chapter 30: Let claws dig into us stretched out, crosses hang us up, fires lick us, swords cut off our throats, beasts leap upon us.
Aemilio aliquando Dominus ignovit. Baptismus sanguinis ex Ecclesiae veteris sententia non minus certo omnem anteactae vitae labem eluebat, quam aquae lavacrum: proinde cum Castus et Aemilius ad martyrii decus admissi erant, de venia ipsis facta minime dubitandum. Unde Ep. XVIII, ad Pam. numeros 13, lapsos qui ad pacem festinabant sic alloquitur Cyprianus: Acies adhuc geritur, et agon quotidie celebratur; si commissi vere et firmiter poenitet, et fidei calor praevalet: qui differri non potest potest coronari. Quod dicitur Dominum hic aliquando ignovisse, videtur innuere hoc pridem Carthagine factum.
The Lord at one time pardoned Aemilius. The baptism of blood, in the judgement of the ancient Church, washed away every stain of the former life no less surely than the laver of water: accordingly, since Castus and Aemilius had been admitted to the glory of martyrdom, there is not the least doubt of pardon having been granted to them. Hence in Letter 18, by Pamelius's numbering 13, Cyprian addresses thus the lapsed who were hastening to peace: The battle is still being waged, and the contest is celebrated daily; if one truly and firmly repents of what was committed, and the warmth of faith prevails: he who cannot be put off can be crowned. That the Lord is said here to have pardoned at one time seems to hint that this was done at Carthage some while before.
XV.—Sanctum Domini. Infra vocat sanctificatum in sanguine Domini cibum et potum, ut recte admonet Rigalt.
XV.—The holy thing of the Lord. Below he calls it the food and drink sanctified in the blood of the Lord, as Rigault rightly points out.
Domini corpus invadunt. Duplici S. Scripturae testimonio se explicat auctor noster; scil. Levit. XXII, 3, ubi dicitur: Caro sacrificii quod est Domini, et I Cor. X, 27: Quicumque ederit panem, aut biberit calicem Domini, etc. Explicatissime Facundus Cypriani sectator fidissimus, l. IX, c. 5: Sacramentum corporis et sanguinis Christi, quod est in pane et poculo consecrato, corpus ejus et sanguinem dicimus, non quod proprie corpus ejus sit panis, et poculum sanguis, sed quod in se mysterium corporis ejus sanguinisque contineant. Hinc et ipse Dominus benedictum panem et calicem, quem discipulis tradidit, corpus et sanguinem suum vocavit.
They assault the body of the Lord. Our author explains himself by a twofold testimony of Holy Scripture, namely Lev. 22:3, where it is said: The flesh of the sacrifice which is the Lord's, and 1 Cor. 10:27: Whoever shall eat the bread or drink the cup of the Lord, etc. Most explicitly Facundus, a most faithful follower of Cyprian, book 9, chapter 5: The sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, which is in the consecrated bread and cup, we call His body and blood, not because the bread is properly His body and the cup His blood, but because they contain in themselves the mystery of His body and blood. Hence the Lord Himself also called the blessed bread and cup which He handed to the disciples His body and blood.
XVII.—Sed cum judicii dies venerit. Respicit locum
XVII.—But when the day of judgement shall have come. He has in view the passage
Editors' notes and page, col. 1119
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- running head: 1119 OXONIENSIS EDITIO[...] (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹Signum sine re, ipsius rei vicarium›; B ‹los et pueros, et juvenes et seniores›; C ‹nus adversus obtrectatores, qui fugam›; D ‹num hic aliquando ignovisse, videtur›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: whole column is notes of the Oxford edition (Notae), set in full (Signum sine re ...; Amiserunt parvuli ...; X.—Discedite ...; XIII.—Nunc flagella ...; Aemilio aliquando ...; XV.—Sanctum Domini ...; Domini corpus invadunt ...; XVII.—Sed cum judicii ...). Column begins and ends mid-note. Damaged type supplied in obtinui⟨s⟩se, temp⟨o⟩ra, d⟨i⟩fferendum, expia⟨t⟩ionem, f⟨a⟩cerent. "I Cor. X, 27" as printed (the quoted verse is 1 Cor. 11:27). "potest potest" as printed. "numeros 13" read as printed, i.e. Pamelius's numbering.
D. Joan. Apoc. VI, 10, quem statim laudat, ubi dicit⟨u⟩r : quod sub ara Dei animae occisorum martyrum clamant magna voce, dicentes, quousque, etc. Veteres in ea erant sententia, de solis martyribus ante diem judicii sententiam fuisse latam, de aliis omnibus ampliatum.
of St John, Apoc. 6:10, which he immediately cites, where it is said that under the altar of God the souls of the slain martyrs cry out with a loud voice, saying, how long, etc. The ancients were of the opinion that sentence had been passed on the martyrs alone before the day of judgement, and that for all the others the case had been adjourned.
XVIII. — Prius quam vindicetur. Pax a martyribus concessa, non omnino v⟨a⟩lebat, antequam coronati fuissent. Vid Ep. Luciani; ubi post Pauli et aliorum martyrum arcessitionem. eorum nomine pax dimitt⟨e⟩nda perhibetur. Et merito hoc factum; siquidem non pauci con⟨f⟩essores postmodum lapsi vel ipsi fuerant.
XVIII. — Before it is avenged. The peace granted by the martyrs was not wholly valid before they had been crowned. See the letter of Lucianus, where, after the calling away of Paul and other martyrs, peace is said to be granted in their name. And this was done with good reason, since not a few confessors had afterwards lapsed, even they themselves.
XIX. — Nam et Moyses. Locum hunc laudat Pacianus, Ep. III, et repulsam pati sanctorum preces docet, si pro non rogantibus petant, si pro perseverantibus in crimine deprecentur, si non singulos, si non paucos, sed millia multa defendant.
XIX. — For Moses also. Pacian cites this passage, Ep. 3, and teaches that the prayers of the saints suffer rejection if they ask on behalf of those who do not ask, if they intercede for those persevering in crime, if they defend not individuals, not a few, but many thousands.
XX. — Nemo infamet martyrum dignitatem. Nemo, inquit, convellat privilegium olim illis indultum, ut pro lapsis intercederent; modo intra terminos praefinitos sistatur. Si nimirum quod dicitur Ep. 17, ad Pamel. num. 10, largiantur, qualia in praeteritum, antecessores eorum martyres concesserunt. Tert. ad Mart. : Pacem quidam in Ecclesia non habentes, a martyribus in carcere exorare consueverunt. Pax vocabatur venia lapsis concessa; quia per eam ad sacrorum, et, speciatim, orationis commercia, et pacis osculum, orationis signaculum, Tertulliani sunt verba, admittebantur.
XX. — Let no one defame the dignity of the martyrs. Let no one, he says, overturn the privilege once granted to them, that they might intercede for the lapsed; provided that it is kept within prescribed limits. That is, if, as is said in Ep. 17, at Pamelius' no. 10, they grant such things as their predecessors the martyrs granted in the past. Tert. To the Martyrs: Certain people, not having peace in the Church, have been accustomed to beg it from the martyrs in prison. The pardon granted to the lapsed was called peace, because through it they were admitted to the fellowship of the sacred rites and, especially, of prayer, and to the kiss of peace, the seal of prayer (the words are Tertullian's).
XXI. — Iram animationis. LXX posuerunt ὀργὴν τυμοῦ.
XXI. — The wrath of passion. The Septuagint put ὀργὴν θυμοῦ [wrath of passion].
XXIV. — Ad precandam misericordiam. A Deo Patre, et Filio Domino Jesu Christo quos ejuraverat.
XXIV. — To beg for mercy. From God the Father and the Son, the Lord Jesus Christ, Whom he had forsworn.
XXV. — Sacrificantibus nobis. Vid. quae diximus ad lib. I adv. Judaeos, cap. 16. Ad Eucharistiae myster⟨i⟩a participanda, olim admittebantur infantes statim post Baptismum; ex vi verborum Domini Jo. VI, 53 : Nisi manducaveritis carnem filii hominis et biberitis ejus sanguinem, non habebitis vitam in vobis. Differebantur vero postea ex monitu Apostoli I Cor. XI, 28 : Probet seipsum homo, et sic de pane illo edat, et de calice bibat.
XXV. — While we were sacrificing. See what we said on book 1 Against the Jews, chap. 16. Infants were formerly admitted to partake of the mysteries of the Eucharist immediately after Baptism, by force of the Lord's words, John 6:53: Unless you eat the flesh of the Son of man and drink His blood, you will not have life in you. But afterwards they were deferred on the admonition of the Apostle, 1 Cor. 11:28: Let a man prove himself, and so eat of that bread and drink of the cup.
XXVI. — Cinerem ferre. In more erat ut Eucharistiae participes, accepta panis p⟨or⟩tione, non solum inter sacrorum solemnia comederent; sed aliquid reservarent, domumque deferrent, ibique vel ante cibum, vel in periculis, aut rerum agendarum auspiciis, sumerent : quemadmodum cum Eulogiis deinceps factum. Mos hic videtur perdurasse usque ad concilium Caesar-Augustanum. Huc spectat illud Tertul. l. II ad Uxor. : Nesciat maritus quid secreto ante omnem cibum gustes; l. de Orat. : Accepto corpore Domini et reservato. Panem eucharisticum in Dominicum corpus transsubstantiari, fidem videtur superare; sed majus quiddam si fieri potest; quodque nemo facile dixerit, Dominicum corpus in cineres fuisse conversum.
XXVI. — To carry ashes. It was the custom that partakers of the Eucharist, having received a portion of the bread, not only ate it during the solemnities of the sacred rites, but also reserved some and carried it home, and there took it either before food, or in dangers, or at the outset of undertakings: as was afterwards done with the Eulogiae. This custom seems to have lasted until the Council of Caesaraugusta. To this refers that passage of Tertullian, book 2 To his Wife: Let your husband not know what you secretly taste before all food; and the book On Prayer: Having received the body of the Lord and reserved it. That the eucharistic bread is transubstantiated into the Lord's body seems to surpass belief; but here is something greater, if that can be, and what no one would readily say: that the Lord's body was turned into ashes.
XXVII. — Fecisse se dixit. Putat eruditissimus Rigaltius loco huic lucem accessuram ab Epistola clericorum Ecclesiae Romanae, ubi timidus Christianus profitetur se dedisse praemium concussori, sive militi, sive praesidi, ne quod non licet faceret; scil. ne cogeretur sacrificare idolis. Ut⟨i⟩que hoc ex Epistola ad Antonianum, nimirum Ep. 55, ad Pam. num. 52, uberius illustrari. At verba haec aliud quiddam innuere videntur; libellatici nempe vice, alium aliquem id egisse aut dixisse, quod in auctorem ex merit⟨o⟩ rediens, illum denegantem seu lapsum constituat. Species itaque facti quod Cyprianus hic respicit haec potius fuerit. Christianus ma⟨l⟩e sibi metuens, aut Ethnicum submittit qui ejus personam induens sacrificaret, fidemque ejuraret, et libellum sive chartam certificatoriam obtineret alterius nomine, qua si forte in quaestionem vocari contigerit, is se tueretur, et delatores averteret : quasi legibus imperatorum ab ipso abunde fuerit satisfactum : vel saltem pretio aut prece istiusmodi tesserulam obtineret quae haec ita gesta fuisse profitebatur. Et quidem hoc in casu libellaticus rectissime dicetur fecisse : quicquid alius faciendo commisi⟨t⟩, et se infidelem illicita
XXVII. — He said that he had done it. The most learned Rigault thinks that light will be shed on this passage by the Letter of the clergy of the Roman Church, where a timid Christian professes that he has given a payment to the extortioner, whether soldier or governor, so that he might not do what is not permitted, that is, so that he might not be compelled to sacrifice to idols; and that this is certainly illustrated more fully from the Letter to Antonianus, namely Ep. 55, at Pam. no. 52. But these words seem to hint at something else: namely that someone else, in the place of the libellaticus, did or said that which, redounding deservedly upon its author, makes him a denier or lapsed. The form of the deed which Cyprian has in view here would therefore rather have been this. A Christian, fearing ill for himself, either puts forward a heathen who, assuming his person, would sacrifice and forswear the faith and obtain a libellus or certificate in the other's name, by which, if he should happen to be called into question, he might protect himself and turn away the informers, as though the laws of the emperors had been abundantly satisfied by him; or at least he would obtain by payment or entreaty a token of this kind which professed that these things had been so done. And indeed in this case the libellaticus will most rightly be said to have done it: whatever another committed in doing it, and himself as unfaithful, by the illicit
Editors' notes and page, col. 1120
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- running head: [...]NIENSIS EDITIONIS 1120 (cut off at the left edge of the image)
- marginal letters: A D. Joan. Apoc. VI, 10; B lapsis intercederent; C seipsum homo; D se dedisse praemium
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: the whole column is editors' notes, set in full (first words "D. Joan. Apoc. VI, 10"; numbered notes XVIII to XXVII). Only the right-hand column was set; the left column visible in the images belongs to col. 1119. UNSURE: "ampliatum" (the line-end after "am-" is blurred and may read "ampliatura"); "arcessitionem." (point printed, though a comma is expected before "eorum"); "Vid Ep." (no point visible after Vid); "τυμοῦ" read as printed; "Ut⟨i⟩que" (letter damaged, Utique assumed); damaged letters restored in dicit⟨u⟩r, v⟨a⟩lebat, dimitt⟨e⟩nda, con⟨f⟩essores, myster⟨i⟩a, p⟨or⟩tione, merit⟨o⟩, ma⟨l⟩e, commisi⟨t⟩. The column ends with a word split at the column break: "illi-".
nefariorum libellorum professione prodidisse. Certe nuper apud nos sub Cromvelliana tyrannide, cum rebellium arma optimum principem oppressissent, et victores in eos impotentissime grassarentur quotquot in fide perman⟨s⟩erunt; plurimi fuere qui in adversa castra transierunt, et aperte desciverunt, apostatis annumerandi. Multi etiam erant, modestius, ut sibi videbantur, ⟨m⟩ali, qui tesserulis (cujusmodi traditae fuerant illis qui fidem rebellibus obligaverant) vel pretio emptis, aut ab indutis personam eorum acceptis; securitatem paciscebantur; jactantes interim, se in fide permanere nec per nefaria foedera conjuratis consensisse; licet tesserulae id asserentis, opportuno mendacio se protexissent: quod quidem hominum genus, libellaticis videtur accensendum. Apud Praesidem ipsum totam hanc scenam olim fuisse quandoque adornatum, docet nos praedicta Ep. ad Antonian. Et revera nisi ipso conscio, vix commode transigi potuit. Immo demum, nonnumquam coram ipso Praeside libellaticos disertis verbis licet privatim, Christum ejurasse constat ex Ep. 66, ad Pam. num. 68, ubi Martialis et Basilides dicuntur libellis idololatriae commaculati, et nefandorum facinorum conscientia vincti, et iterum, nefando idololatriae libello contaminati. Unde etiam in publicis actis continebatur, Martialem contestatum fuisse, se obtemperasse idololatriae, et Christum. Tantillum distabat iste libellaticorum ordo, ab impudenti et aperta apostasia.
profession of the wicked certificates, to have betrayed. Certainly, recently among us under the Cromwellian tyranny, when the arms of the rebels had overpowered the best of princes, and the victors were raging most unrestrainedly against all who remained in their allegiance, very many there were who went over to the enemy's camp and openly defected, to be counted among apostates. There were many also who were bad more moderately, as it seemed to themselves, who, by means of little tokens (of the kind that had been handed to those who had pledged their allegiance to the rebels) either bought for a price or received from those who had assumed their persons, bargained for their safety; boasting meanwhile that they remained in their allegiance and had not consented to the conspirators through wicked pacts, although they had protected themselves by the convenient lie of a token asserting precisely that: and this kind of men seems to be reckoned with the libellatici. That this whole scene was once at times staged before the governor himself, the aforesaid Epistle to Antonianus teaches us. And in truth it could scarcely have been conveniently transacted except with his knowledge. Indeed, finally, it is established that libellatici sometimes abjured Christ in express words before the governor himself, though privately, from Ep. 66, Pamelius' no. 68, where Martialis and Basilides are said to be defiled with certificates of idolatry, and bound by the consciousness of unspeakable crimes, and again, contaminated by the unspeakable certificate of idolatry. Hence also it was contained in the public acts that Martialis had testified that he had complied with idolatry, and [denied] Christ. So little did that class of libellatici stand apart from shameless and open apostasy.
Omnes scribentur. Sic. LXX, quasi ad Librum vitae et Acta Dei judicis respiceretur.
All shall be written. So the Septuagint, as if reference were made to the Book of life and the Acts of God the judge.
XXVIII. — De hoc vel cogitaverunt. Eruditissimus Lombertus recte hinc colligit, crimina secreta confessione et poenitentia apud Deum expianda: nec auricularem confessionem, quod voluit Pamelius, exinde confici. Dicit porro praedictus vir doctus, Cyprianum hic loqui tantum de poenitentia publica, et in dictorum fidem citat Morinum, qui privatam poenitentiam saeculo septimo imputat lib. VII de Administ. Poenit. Certe Valentiniani et Theodosii aevo, in Ecclesia Romana poenitentiam, non a presbytero privatim, sed ab episcopo publice ἐν τόπῳ ἐκδίκῳ irrogatam, aperte docet Sozom. Hist. Eccl. L. VII, c. 16. Qua de re consulantur annotata eruditissimi Valesii.
XXVIII. — They have even thought of this. The most learned Lombert rightly gathers from this that secret crimes are to be expiated by confession and penance before God; and that auricular confession, as Pamelius wished, is not to be inferred from it. The aforesaid learned man says further that Cyprian is here speaking only of public penance, and in support of his statements cites Morinus, who assigns private penance to the seventh century, book 7 On the Administration of Penance. Certainly in the age of Valentinian and Theodosius, in the Roman Church, penance was imposed not by a presbyter privately but by the bishop publicly in a place of punishment, as Sozomen openly teaches, Ecclesiastical History, book 7, chapter 16. On which matter let the annotations of the most learned Valesius be consulted.
XXX. — Lavacra quotidie ⟨c⟩elebrat. Delicatam hanc et sibi blandientem poenitentiam, vivis depingit coloribus Tertul. sub fin. lib. de Poenit.
XXX. — He frequents the baths daily. This delicate and self-flattering penitence Tertullian paints in vivid colours towards the end of the book On Penitence.
XXXI. — Exomologesin Deo facerent. Respicit LXX Interpretum adjectitiam historiam, ubi tres Pueri in fornacis medio, propria peccata, et totius populi delicta late confitentur. Inde etiam ratio petenda dictorum in libro superiore, nimirum quod pueri praedicti erant spiritu roris animati: illic enim dicitur quod Angelus Domini caminum reddidit ὡς πνεῦμα δρόσου διασυρίζον. Istis exigenda sunt quae superius hac in re dicta, p. 81.
XXXI. — They made confession to God. He refers to the added story of the Seventy Interpreters, where the three Youths in the midst of the furnace confess at length their own sins and the transgressions of the whole people. From there also must be sought the reason for what is said in the preceding book, namely that the aforesaid youths were animated by a breath of dew: for there it is said that the Angel of the Lord made the furnace as a whistling breath of dew. By these must be tested the things said above on this matter, p. 81.
Domino satisfacere. Videntur illae satisfactiones consistere in istiusmodi vitae tenore et instituto, quae de poenitentia serio acta fidem faciant, eamque promoveant atque procurent per omnem prosternendi et humilificandi hominis disciplinam, convers⟨a⟩tionem injungentem misericordiae illicem, ut ait Tertul. de Poenit. Infeliciter quidem cessit, quod dum prisci scriptores exomologesin et solemnes poenitentiae aerumnas satisfactionis nomine ornarunt, arrepta sit ansa Socinianis aliisque haereticis docendi ipsum Dominum nostrum non aliter satisfecisse: Et ex adverso, cum alii meritorum Christi vindicias meditarentur, ita illum satisfecisse contendant, ut sacrilegii instar sit, si nos poenales aliquos poenitentiae actus adhibeamus. Certe D. Paulus a Corinthiis suis II Cor. VII, 11, videtur exegisse, non sollicitudinem modo, sed defensionem, sed indignationem, sed timorem, sed aemulationem, sed vindictam: et idem Apostolus, I Cor. V, 2, et II, 12, 21. Ecclesiae in delinquentes censuras non sine publico luctu irrogari ostendit; et prorsus absurdum videretur ut a noxa alieni in moerore agerent, cum interim flagitiosi in deliciis volutarent genioque
To make satisfaction to the Lord. Those satisfactions seem to consist in such a course and ordering of life as may give proof of penance seriously performed, and may advance and procure it through every discipline of prostrating and humbling a man, enjoining a manner of life that entices mercy, as Tertullian says, On Penitence. It turned out unhappily indeed that, while the ancient writers adorned exomologesis and the solemn hardships of penance with the name of satisfaction, a handle was seized by the Socinians and other heretics for teaching that our Lord Himself made satisfaction in no other way: and on the other side, while others were contemplating the vindication of Christ's merits, they contend that He made satisfaction in such a way that it is a kind of sacrilege if we employ any penal acts of penance. Certainly St Paul seems to have demanded from his Corinthians, 2 Cor. 7:11, not only solicitude, but defence, but indignation, but fear, but emulation, but vengeance: and the same Apostle, 1 Cor. 5:2, and 2 [Cor.] 12:21, shows that the Church's censures against offenders are not imposed without public mourning; and it would seem utterly absurd that those free of guilt should live in sorrow, while meanwhile the shameful wallowed in delights and
Editors' notes and page, col. 1121
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- running head: 1121 SELECTÆ IN CYPRIANU (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A cita nefariorum libellorum; B tim, Christum ejurasse; C ab episcopo publice; D moveant atque procurent
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (selected notes on Cyprian, first words: cita nefariorum libellorum professione), set in full; first word "cita" is the end of a word broken from the previous column, left untranslated as [...]cita; "perman⟨s⟩erunt" has a damaged or missing letter; "⟨m⟩ali" has a damaged first letter; "⟨c⟩elebrat" has a damaged first letter; "convers⟨a⟩tionem" has a damaged letter; UNSURE: Greek ἐν τόπῳ ἐκδίκῳ, faint type; "et Christum" seems to lack a verb (negasse?), supplied in the English only as [denied]; stray accent mark in "ex adverso" ignored; last word "ge-" is split at the column break
indulgerent. Status hujus luctuosi habitum describit Tertullianus in lib. de Poenit. Ut sit, sacco et cineri incubare, corpus sordibus obscurare, animum moeroribus dejicere, illa quae peccavit tristi tractatione mutare, caeterum pastum et potum pura nosse, non ventris scil., sed animae causa, plerumque vero preces jejuniis alere, ingemiscere, lacrymari, et mugire dies noctesque ad Dominum Deum, presbyteris advolvi, charis Dei adgeniculari, omnibus fratribus legationes deprecationis injungere. Haec omnia exomologesis. Ergo si ex istis aliquid desideraretur, non erit plena satisfactio. Interea tamen non evanida quaevis et perfunctoria delibatio horum operum sufficiet, alibi auctor noster requirit longam et plenam poenitentiam, ut trahatur diu poenitentia, ut agant poenitentiam lapsi justo tempore, ut non ante legitimum et plenum tempus satisfactionis, pax concederetur: eique opponit veniam crudo tempore factam. Quodnam vero temporis spatium pro maturo et legitimo haberi debeat, non adeo in promptu fuerit statuere. Satis constat, paulo ante, et post concilium Nicaenum, et halcyonium Constantini saeculum, cum in Ecclesiam mundus conflueret, et pacem licentia sequeretur; acrioribus exemplis fuisse opus, adeo ut flagitiis quibusdam, 8, 12, 15 annorum, immo vitae totius, quocumque extenderetur, spatium sit praefinitum. Sed verisimile videtur Apostolorum aevo et deinceps usque ad Montanum, extra casus idololatriae, moechiae, et homicidii, qui forte excipiendi, lenius fuisse actum. Certe poenitentia incesto Corinthio imposita, qui matrimonii jura crimini suo praetexebat, non ultra intervallum scriptionis primae et secundae Epistolae perduravit. Hoc autem videtur contineri temporis spatio quod impendebatur itineri Timothei ex Macedonia ad Corinthum, et ejusdem exinde reditum. Porro notari poterit, ipsum Cyprianum qui longam et plenam satisfactionem, justum tempus, et diu tractam poenitentiam adeo districte exigit, et forte primus omnium veniam ullam idololatris concessit; ex Concilii ibidem habiti decreto, ubi lapsis poenitentiam istam injunxerat, pacem illis protinus dandam, hoc est, post semestre fere spatium, monet et contendit. Immo si omne tempus post admissum crimen, nimirum a Decii imperii initiis adjiciatur, certe triennii spatio continebitur. Vid. Ep. LVII, ad Pamelii numeros 54. Poenitentia quidem alter baptismus est, et quemadmodum catechumenatus competentiaeque mora, ex eorum perfidia ortum duxerat, qui statim in Ecclesiam admissi, eadem facilitate eamdem deseruere; ita fletus, audientiae, et consistentiae intervalla, tamquam sufflamina quaedam ad poenitentiae postliminium, et secundam post naufragium tabulam, intercesserant; ut eorum nequitiae occurreretur, qui de remedio securi, in exitium denuo praecipites ferebantur.
indulged their appetites. Tertullian, in his book On Penitence, describes the bearing of this state of mourning: namely, to lie in sackcloth and ashes, to darken the body with squalor, to cast down the spirit with sorrows, to change by grievous treatment the things in which one has sinned, for the rest to know only plain food and drink, that is, not for the belly's sake but for the soul's, and for the most part to nourish prayers with fastings, to groan, to weep, and to cry out day and night to the Lord God, to throw oneself down before the presbyters, to kneel before God's dear ones, to charge all the brethren with embassies of entreaty. All this is exomologesis. Therefore, if any of these things were lacking, the satisfaction will not be full. Meanwhile, however, no feeble and perfunctory sampling of these works will suffice; elsewhere our author requires a long and full penitence, that the penitence be drawn out long, that the lapsed do penance for a due time, that peace be not granted before the lawful and full time of satisfaction; and against this he sets pardon granted at an unripe time. But what span of time ought to be held ripe and lawful is not so readily determined. It is well established that shortly before and after the Council of Nicaea and the halcyon age of Constantine, when the world was flowing into the Church and licence followed upon peace, sharper examples were needed, so much so that for certain shameful crimes a span of 8, 12, 15 years, indeed of the whole of life, however far it might extend, was fixed in advance. But it seems likely that in the age of the Apostles, and thereafter as far as Montanus, apart from cases of idolatry, adultery and homicide, which perhaps are to be excepted, matters were handled more leniently. Certainly the penance imposed on the incestuous Corinthian, who held up the rights of marriage as a cloak for his crime, did not last beyond the interval between the writing of the first and the second Epistle. And this seems to be contained within the span of time that was spent on Timothy's journey from Macedonia to Corinth and his return from there. Further, it may be noted that Cyprian himself, who so strictly demands a long and full satisfaction, a due time, and a long-drawn-out penitence, and who was perhaps the first of all to grant any pardon to idolaters, by the decree of the council held there, in which he had enjoined this penitence on the lapsed, advises and urges that peace be given to them forthwith, that is, after a space of about half a year. Indeed, if all the time after the commission of the crime, namely from the beginnings of the reign of Decius, be added, it will certainly be contained within a space of three years. See Ep. 57, at Pamelius' number 54. Penitence is indeed a second baptism; and just as the delay of the catechumenate and of the competentes had arisen from the faithlessness of those who, admitted straight away into the Church, deserted it with the same ease, so the intervals of weeping, of hearing and of standing had been interposed, as certain brakes, before the restoration through penitence and the second plank after shipwreck, so that a check might be put on the wickedness of those who, secure of the remedy, were being borne headlong into ruin once again.
XXXIII.— Spiritum transpunctionis. Hic κατάνυξιν reddit vulgatus interpres soporem; sed Rom. XI, 8, habet compunctionem. Κατάνυξιν dicit Theophylactus ex mente Chrysostomi τὴν πρὸς κακὰ ἐπίμονον καὶ ἀμετάθετον ἕξιν τῆς ψυχῆς. κατανύσσεσθαι γάρ ἐστι τὸ ἐμπήγνυσθαί που, καὶ προσηλοῦσθαι. Hesychius vero ἡσυχίαν reddit.
XXXIII. — A spirit of transpunction. Here the Vulgate translator renders κατάνυξις as 'sleep'; but Rom. 11:8 has 'compunction'. Theophylact, following the mind of Chrysostom, says that κατάνυξις is 'the persistent and unchangeable disposition of the soul towards evil things; for κατανύσσεσθαι is to be fixed fast somewhere and to be nailed down.' Hesychius, however, renders it 'quietness'.
Dilectum veritatis. Dilectionem nimirum; ἀγάπην τῆς ἀληθείας. Vulgatus habet, charitatem veritatis.
The love of the truth. That is, dilectio; 'the love of the truth'. The Vulgate has 'the charity of the truth'.
XXXVI. — Cum conversus ingemueris. LXX interpretes in hac lectione praeivere, quam haud facile ex textu hebraeo elicueris. Hieronymus tamen agnoscit, non modo in Epistola ad Sabinianum, sed in Commentario; et dicit quod juxta anagogen omnes ad poenitentiam peccatores, et praecipue haereticos cohortatur sermo divinus, quod cum reversi a vitiis ingemuerint, et egerint voenitentiam salvi fiant, et tunc intelligant ubi prius fuerint et quod frustra in vanis speraverant.
XXXVI. — When you have turned and groaned. The Seventy translators led the way in this reading, which you would not easily draw out of the Hebrew text. Jerome, however, acknowledges it, not only in the Epistle to Sabinianus but in the Commentary; and he says that according to the anagogical sense the divine word exhorts all sinners, and especially heretics, to penitence, so that when, having turned back from their vices, they have groaned and done penance, they may be saved, and may then understand where they were before and that they had hoped in vain things to no purpose.
Malitias irrogatas. Intellige mala poenae. LXX habent, μετανοῶν ἐπὶ ταῖς κακίαις. Tert. l. II adv. Marc., c. 24, ait, Et poenituit Dominum de malitia quam dixerat facturum se illis, nec fecit.
The evils inflicted. Understand evils of punishment. The Seventy have 'repenting of the evils'. Tertullian, Against Marcion book 2, ch. 24, says, 'And the Lord repented of the evil which He had said He would do to them, and did not do it.'
Editors' notes and page, col. 1122
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- running head: E IN CYPRIANUM NOTAE. 1122 (left part cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A nioque indulgerent; B fuerit statuere; C tiam istam injunxerat; D θετον ἕξιν τῆς ψυχῆς
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: column begins with the fragment "nioque" of a word broken from col. 1121; the foot of col. 1121 prints "ge-" (in deliciis volutarent ge-), so the word is genioque (genio indulgere, to indulge one's appetite), set whole at the end of col. 1121; English here begins "and indulged their appetites" (Q1b: the earlier supplement "[fast]ing" from a guessed jejunioque was wrong); col. 1121's English across the break should render genioque accordingly, check there; the whole column is editors' matter (notes on Cyprian: "nioque indulgerent. Status hujus luctuosi"), set in full; "voenitentiam" UNSURE, the first letter looks like v but may be a damaged p; Greek accents in the Theophylact quotation read from small type, UNSURE in places; no full-width line seen
DE ORATIONE DOMINICA.
On the Lord's Prayer.
De Oratione. Pontius in recensione operum S. Cypriani, post tract⟨a⟩tus de Lapsis et Unitate, hunc memorat, qui docet Evangelicae precis legem. Et hoc fere ordine editores omnes; certe Spir. Vet. innom. Remb Eras., ut alios praeteream, reposuerunt; ita ut librum de Lapsis immediate sequeretur. Et revera si quis perpetua ad unitatem tuendam monita, quae utramque paginam h⟨i⟩c implent consideraverit, non alio a pr⟨ae⟩cedentibus aut instituto, aut tempore conscripta judicabit. Sed cum priora scripta sub finem anni 251 R⟨o⟩mam missa fuisse cognoscantur, hoc ad sequentem, nimirum 252, videtur rejiciendum. Ex martyris nostri lucubrationibus, vix aliud D. Augustino commendatius occurrit. In lib. de Gratia et Libero Arbitrio ait: Commoneo et exhortor, ut beati Cypriani librum quem scripsit de Oratione Dominica diligenter legatis, et quantum vos Dominus adjuverit intelligatis, memoriaeque mandetis. Pariter laudat Ep. XLVII. et CVII, nec non l. IV, c. 9, ad Bonif. cont. duas Epist. Pelag., et l. II de Bono Persev., et de Corrept. et Grat. c. 5. Porro D. Hilarius hunc Tractatum adeo omnibus numeris absolutum censuit, ut commentariis suis in Matt. Can. 5, dixerit, quod de Orationis sacramento necessitate commentandi, Cyprianus vir sanctae memoriae liberavit: quamquam et Tertullianus hinc volumen aptissimum scripsisset, etc.
On the Prayer. Pontius, in his review of the works of St Cyprian, after the treatises On the Lapsed and On Unity, mentions this one, which teaches the law of the Gospel prayer. And in roughly this order all the editors (certainly Spir., the old unnamed [edition], Remb., Eras., to pass over others) have placed it, so that it immediately followed the book On the Lapsed. And indeed, if anyone considers the constant admonitions to preserve unity which fill both pages here, he will judge it written with no other purpose, and at no other time, than the preceding ones. But since the earlier writings are known to have been sent to Rome towards the end of the year 251, this one seems to be put off to the following year, namely 252. Of the works of our martyr, hardly any other meets with more commendation from St Augustine. In the book On Grace and Free Will he says: I admonish and exhort you to read diligently the book of the blessed Cyprian which he wrote On the Lord's Prayer, and to understand how much the Lord has helped you, and to commit it to memory. He praises it likewise in Ep. 47 and 107, and also in bk 4, ch. 9, To Boniface against the Two Letters of the Pelagians, and in bk 2 On the Gift of Perseverance, and On Rebuke and Grace, ch. 5. Moreover St Hilary judged this treatise so complete in every respect that in his commentaries on Matthew, canon 5, he said that Cyprian, a man of holy memory, had freed [him] from the necessity of commenting on the mystery of prayer: although Tertullian too had written a most fitting volume on this, etc.
II. — Quae enim potest esse magis spiritalis Oratio. Novatores fanatici illam solum precem spiritualem censent, quae extemporaneo fervore effunditur, a Cypriano nostro longe diversi. Tertull. in lib. de Orat. dixit quod Oratio a Christo constituta, ex tribus constituta est, ex sermone quo enunciatur, ex spiritu quo tantum potest, ex ratione qua suscipitur.
II. — For what prayer can be more spiritual. Fanatical innovators hold that only that prayer is spiritual which is poured out with extemporaneous fervour, differing widely from our Cyprian. Tertullian, in the book On Prayer, said that the prayer established by Christ is made up of three things: of the speech by which it is uttered, of the spirit by which it has such power, of the reason by which it is undertaken.
III. — Inconditis vocibus. Cum modestia, inquit Septimius, et humilitate ador⟨a⟩ntes, magis comm⟨e⟩ndabimus Deo preces nos⟨t⟩ras; ne ipsis quidem manibus sublimius elatis sed temperate et prope elatis; ne vultu quidem in audaciam erecto, nam ille Publicanus qui non tantum prece et vultu humiliatus atque dejectus orabat, justificatior Pharisaeo procacissimo discessit. Sonos etiam vocis subjectos esse oportet: aut quantis arteriis opus est, si pro sono audiamur? Deus autem non vocis, sed cordis auditor est, sicut conspector. Fortasse ethnicam battologiam a Domino notatam Matt. VI, 7, et III Reg XVIII, 26, descriptam, respicit Cyprianus; cujus specimen dat Aeschyl. in Ἑπτὰ ἐπὶ Θήβαις. Ita porro in recta Deorum nomenclatu⟨r⟩a fiduciam ponebant Gentile⟨s⟩, ut indigitamentis se tuerentur, ne memoria lapsi religiones confunderent, et numina quae placare conaban⟨t⟩ur offensa redderent.
III. — With disorderly cries. With modesty, says Septimius, and humility worshipping, we shall the better commend our prayers to God; not even with the hands raised too high, but raised temperately and nearly; not even with the face lifted up in boldness, for that Publican who prayed humbled and cast down not only in prayer but also in face went away more justified than the most insolent Pharisee. The sounds of the voice too ought to be subdued: or how great windpipes would be needed, if we were heard for the sound? But God is the hearer not of the voice but of the heart, as He is its beholder. Perhaps Cyprian has in view the heathen babbling censured by the Lord in Matt. 6:7, and described in 3 Kings 18:26; a specimen of which Aeschylus gives in the Seven against Thebes. So, moreover, the Gentiles placed their confidence in the correct naming of the gods, that they might protect themselves by the forms of invocation, lest by a lapse of memory they should confound their rites, and render offended the deities whom they were trying to appease.
Per Hieremiam quoque. In codicibus graecis sextum Baruchi caput, Ἐπιστολὴ Ἱερεμίου dicitur. Rationem supra reddidimus in annotat. ad lib. I adv. Judaeos, quare in laudandis S. Scripturis, libros apocryphos passim adhibebat auctor noster.
Through Jeremiah also. In the Greek manuscripts the sixth chapter of Baruch is called the Letter of Jeremiah. We gave above, in the notes to bk 1 Against the Jews, the reason why our author, in citing the holy Scriptures, everywhere made use of the apocryphal books.
In sensu autem tibi debet adorari Deus. Mente sive intellectu, praestari tibi debet adoratio, o Deus. LXX habent, Τῇ διανοίᾳ σοὶ δεῖ προσκυνεῖν δέσποτα.
But in the mind adoration ought to be paid to Thee, O God. That is, in mind or understanding adoration ought to be rendered to Thee, O God. The Seventy have: In thought one must worship Thee, O Lord.
VII. — Pater noster. Lucianus in Philopat. Dominicam Orationem vocat Τὴν εὐχὴν ἀπὸ πατρός. Adeo minime nova videtur recepta apud nos nomenclatura a primis vocibus.
VII. — Our Father. Lucian in the Philopatris calls the Lord's Prayer "the prayer from the Father". So little new, it seems, is the name received among us from the first words.
VIII. — Singillatim. Vox a Tertulliano usurpata. Daemonia nullum nomen habent singillatim, l. de Idol.
VIII. — Singly. A word used by Tertullian: Demons have no name singly, bk On Idolatry.
IX. — Orationis Dominicae sacramenta. Nulla vox apud scriptores Ecclesiasticos laxioris est significatus quam Sacramentum Sub hac forma de prece Dominica locutus est D. Hilarius in loco superius laudato.
IX. — The mysteries of the Lord's Prayer. No word among the Church writers is of looser meaning than sacramentum. In this form St Hilary spoke of the Lord's Prayer in the passage cited above.
Breviter in sermone collecta. Hanc ob causam preces breviores passim vocantur Collectae Tertul. hanc Orationem appellat Breviarium totius Evangelii, l. de Orat., c. 1. Haec Chrysost. ait Dominum docuisse μέτρον εὐχῆς, Hom. de Anna. Tertull. vocat l. de Fuga., c. 2: Legitimam orationem, et etiam ordinariam.
Gathered briefly into speech. For this reason the shorter prayers are commonly called Collects. Tertullian calls this prayer the Breviary of the whole Gospel, bk On Prayer, ch. 1. This, Chrysostom says, the Lord taught as the measure of prayer, Homily on Anna. Tertullian, bk On Flight, ch. 2, calls it the lawful prayer, and also the ordinary [one].
Editors' notes and page, col. 1123
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- running head: 1123 OXONIENSIS EDI[TIONIS] (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹DE ORATIONE DOMINICA›; B ‹CVII, nec non l. IV›; C ‹tum prece et vultu humiliatus›; D ‹intellectu, praestari tibi›/‹LXX habent›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (Oxford edition notes on De Oratione Dominica), set in full: ‹De Oratione. Pontius in recensione›, ‹II. — Quae enim potest›, ‹III. — Inconditis vocibus›, ‹Per Hieremiam quoque›, ‹In sensu autem›, ‹VII. — Pater noster›, ‹VIII. — Singillatim›, ‹IX. — Orationis Dominicae›, ‹Breviter in sermone›. UNSURE: column number reads like 1125 in the blurred image; "Spir." (blurred, could be "Spur."); "prope elatis" as printed (Tertullian has "probe"); "Aeschyl." (first letter blurred); "enunciatur"; "Haec Chrysost."; the Greek accents are blurred. Missing periods after "Sacramentum" and "Collectae" are set as printed.
X. — Quae vox Judaeos etiam perstringit. Pariter Tert. de Orat., c. 2: Hoc ⟨e⟩t quod Israeli expr⟨o⟩br⟨a⟩tur.
X. — This word also censures the Jews. Likewise Tert., On Prayer, ch. 2: This is what is held as a reproach against Israel.
Misistis illum sanctum⟨.⟩ Redundat vox illum, nisi forte quando LXX posuerant τὸν ἅγιον, articuli Graeci emphasin interpres latinus sic exprimendum putaret.
You have sent that holy one. The word illum is redundant, unless perhaps, since the Seventy had put τὸν ἅγιον, the Latin translator thought that the emphasis of the Greek article should be expressed in this way.
Remissa peccatorum datur⟨.⟩ Vocem hanc a Magistro hausit auctor noster, adv. Marc., l. IV, c. 18, ait, Diximus de remissa peccatorum.
The remission of sins is granted. Our author drew this word from his Master; Against Marcion, bk 4, ch. 18, he says: We have spoken of the remission of sins.
Non quod optemus Deo. Similiter Tert. de Orat., c. 3: Non quod deceat homines bene D⟨e⟩o optare, quasi sit, et alius de quo et possit optari, aut laboret nisi optemus.
Not that we wish it for God. Similarly Tert., On Prayer, ch. 3: Not that it befits men to wish God well, as if there were also another of whom it could be wished, or as if He would be in difficulty unless we wished it.
XII. — Caeterum a quo Deus sanctificetur, qui ipse sanctificat? Iisdem fere verbis Tert., ibid.: Caeterum quando non sanctum et sanctificatum est per sem⟨e⟩tipsum nomen Dei, cum caeteros sanctificet ex semetipso?
XII. — Besides, by whom should God be sanctified, Who Himself sanctifies? In almost the same words Tert., ibid.: Besides, when is the name of God not holy and sanctified through itself, since it sanctifies others from itself?
Haec quidem fuistis. Pariter lectum l. III ad Quir., c. 65, utrobique manifesto sed inveterato errore. cujus participes Iren. l. IV, c. 46, et l. V, c. 10; Tert. de Pudic., c. 10; et August. de Poenit., c. 10. In textu graeco habetur, ταῦτά τινες ἦτε, haec aliquando quidam fuistis. Sed nihil muto; non enim quid scribi oportuit, sed quid scriptum fuerat spectamus.
These indeed you were. It is read the same way in bk 3 To Quirinus, ch. 65, in both places by a manifest but inveterate error, in which Irenaeus shares, bk 4, ch. 46, and bk 5, ch. 10; Tert., On Modesty, ch. 10; and Augustine, On Penitence, ch. 10. In the Greek text there stands ταῦτά τινες ἦτε, these things some of you once were. But I change nothing; for we look not at what ought to have been written, but at what had been written.
XIII. — Repraesentari nobis petimus. Tert. de Orat., c. 5, ait, Ad nostram suspensionem pertinet, regni Dominici repraesentatio.
XIII. — We ask that it be made present to us. Tert., On Prayer, ch. 5, says: The making present of the Lord's kingdom pertains to our expectation.
XIV. — Nam Deo quis obsistit? Sic Tert., ibid.: Non quod aliquis obsistat quo minus Dei voluntas fiat.
XIV. — For who withstands God? So Tert., ibid.: Not that anyone withstands, so that the will of God should not be done.
Nemo suis viribus fortis. Ad repellendos Pelagii furores a nullo ex Patribus liberalius tela suppeditantur; unde illum D. August. perpetuo in partes advocat. Vid. ad Bonif. l. IV, c. 9, ubi integrae paginae fere describuntur.
No one is strong by his own powers. For repelling the frenzies of Pelagius, weapons are supplied more liberally by none of the Fathers; hence St Augustine constantly calls him to his side. See To Boniface, bk 4, ch. 9, where almost whole pages are copied out.
Filius obaudivit. Nulla fere vox Cypriano usitatior. Tertul. in Exhort. Cast. c. 2, a⟨i⟩t: Voluntas Dei in obaudientiam venerat. Proinde et tu si non obaudieris Deo, etc. Prisci, observante Festo, pro obedivit posuere.
The Son obeyed (obaudivit). Hardly any word is more customary with Cyprian. Tertullian, in the Exhortation to Chastity, ch. 2, says: The will of God had come into obedience (obaudientiam). Therefore you too, if you do not obey God, etc. The ancients, as Festus observes, put it in place of obedivit.
XVIII. — Quomodo dicimus Pater noster, quia intelligentium et credentium pater est, sic et panem nostrum vocamus. D. Hieron. adv. Pelag. l. III, sub finem ait, Dominus docuit Apostolos suos ut quotidie in corporis illius sacrificio, credentes audeant loqui. Pater noster qui es in Coelis, sanctificetur nomen tuum. Illi nomen Dei, quod per se sanctum est, in se sanctificari cupiunt. Illi inferunt adv⟨e⟩niat regnum tuum, spem regni futuro tempore praestolantes: ut, regnante Christo, nequaq⟨u⟩am regnet peccatum in mortali eorum corpore: junguntque, fiat voluntas tua sicut in coelo, et in terra, ut imitetur Angelos humana fragilitas, et voluntas Dei compleatur in terra. Panem quotidianum, sive super omnes substantias venturum Apostoli deprecantur, ut digni sint assumptione corporis Christi, etc. Si in precibus ad Deum minus solemnibus; quod Cypriano visum est, aliter orare quam Dominus docuit, non ignorantia sola fit, sed et culpa, certe inter S. Eucharistiae mysteria ab Ecclesia precem Dominicam unquam praetermissam minime putandum: praesertim cum panis Eucharisticus illis omnino quotidianus haberetur. Tert. de Orat.: Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie, spiritaliter intelligamus. Christus enim panis noster est, quia vita Christus et vitae panis. Ego sum, inquit, panis vitae. Et paulo post, panis est sermo Dei vivi qui descendit de coelis. Tum quod et corpus ejus in pane censetur. Hoc est, interpretante eruditissimo Rigaltio, Per pan⟨i⟩s sacramentum commendat corpus suum. Quemadmodum Augustinus, l. I Quaest. Evan⟨.⟩ 43 dixit: Per vini sacramentum commendat sanguinem suum.
XVIII. — Just as we say Our Father, because He is the Father of those who understand and believe, so also we call it our bread. St Jerome, Against the Pelagians, bk 3, near the end, says: The Lord taught His apostles that daily, in the sacrifice of His body, believers should dare to say: Our Father, Who art in the heavens, hallowed be Thy name. They desire that the name of God, which is holy in itself, be hallowed in them. They add, Thy kingdom come, awaiting the hope of the kingdom in time to come: that, when Christ reigns, sin may by no means reign in their mortal body: and they join, Thy will be done as in heaven, so also on earth, that human frailty may imitate the angels and the will of God be fulfilled on earth. The apostles pray for the daily bread, or the bread that is to come above all substances, that they may be worthy of the receiving of the body of Christ, etc. If in the less solemn prayers to God (since it seemed to Cyprian that to pray otherwise than the Lord taught is not ignorance alone but also fault), then certainly it is by no means to be supposed that the Lord's Prayer was ever omitted by the Church among the mysteries of the holy Eucharist: especially since the Eucharistic bread was held by them to be altogether daily. Tert., On Prayer: Give us this day our daily bread, let us understand spiritually. For Christ is our bread, because Christ is life and the bread of life. I am, He says, the bread of life. And a little after: The bread is the word of the living God, Who came down from the heavens. Then, that His body also is reckoned to be in the bread. That is, as the most learned Rigault interprets it: Through the sacrament of the bread He commends His body. Just as Augustine, Questions on the Gospels, bk 1, 43, said: Through the sacrament of the wine He commends His blood.
Corpus ejus contingimus. Affinitate aliqua conjunctus familiae aut personae cuicumque, dicitur apud Latinos auctores illos contingere. Sic Cic. in Verrem, Sueton. in Galb., Val. Max., l. X, c. 8. Christianus Domino frater est, immo corporis ejus membrum; ita individuo nexu junctus ipsum non contingit modo, sed participat. Infra, ait nos jure communicationis Christum contingere. Quae verba respiciunt D. Pauli effatum
We touch His body. One joined by some affinity to any family or person is said by Latin authors to touch them. So Cicero, Against Verres; Suetonius, Galba; Valerius Maximus, bk 10, ch. 8. The Christian is a brother to the Lord, indeed a member of His body; joined thus by an indivisible bond, he not only touches Him but shares in Him. Below, he says that we touch Christ by right of communion. These words look back to St Paul's saying
Editors' notes and page, col. 1124
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- running head: [..]XONIENSIS EDITIONIS 1124 (left edge of head cut off; probably NOTAE ... OXONIENSIS EDITIONIS)
- marginal letters: A ‹X. — Quae vox Judaeos›; B ‹textu graeco habetur›; C ‹gentium et credentium pater est›; D ‹Tert. de Orat.: Panem nostrum›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (Oxford edition notes on De Oratione Dominica), set in full; first words: X. — Quae vox Judaeos etiam perstringit. Cut-off line ends from the neighbouring column (col. 1123) at the left edge are not set. Damaged letters and lost stops restored in ⟨ ⟩; auctor printed like aucior (damaged t, set as auctor). UNSURE: errore. cujus (the stop may be a blurred comma); sola fit read as printed f (Cyprian's text has sit); Cœlis, cœlo and cœlis read as œ; Val. Max. l. X as printed (Valerius Maximus has only nine books). Last word ef- is split at the column break.
I Cor. X, 16, ubi vinum Eucharisticum dicitur Κοινωνία τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ.
1 Cor. 10:16, where the Eucharistic wine is called "the communion of the blood of Christ."
Eucharistiam quotidie. Panis Eucharisticus Christianis erat quotidianus usque ad Hieronymi, Ambrosii et D. Augustini tempora, ut videre est ex Epist. Hieron. ad Lucam Baeticum, et Apol. ad Pammach. Ex Ambr. c. ult. l. IV et V. Sacram. et Aug. Epist. CXVIII. Porro Can 9 Apost. et Can 2 Concil. Antioch. decretum, Πάντας τοὺς εἰσιόντας πιστοὺς, καὶ τῶν γραφῶν ἀκούοντας, μὴ παραμένοντας δὲ τῇ προσευχῇ καὶ τῇ ἁγίᾳ μεταλήψει, ὡς ἀταξίας ἐμποιοῦντας τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀφορίζεσθαι χρή. Apud Tertullianum cum scrupulus oriretur, quomodo stationum diebus fideles sacra mysteria participarent, ita ut non de solvendo jejunio periclitarentur, reponitur: Nonne solemnior erit statio tua, si ad aram Dei steteris? Accepto corpore Domini et reservato. utrumque salvum est, et participatio sacrificii, et executio officii, lib. de Orat. sub fin. Ubi obiter notetur Septimium non Ecclesiae morem, sed suum inventum proponere.
The Eucharist daily. The Eucharistic bread was daily for Christians down to the times of Jerome, Ambrose and St Augustine, as may be seen from Jerome's Epistle to Lucas of Baetica and the Apology to Pammachius; from Ambrose, the last chapter of books 4 and 5 On the Sacraments; and from Augustine, Epistle 118. Moreover, Canon 9 of the Apostles and Canon 2 of the Council of Antioch decreed: "All the faithful who come in and hear the Scriptures, but do not remain for the prayer and the holy communion, are to be excommunicated as causing disorder in the church." In Tertullian, when a scruple arose as to how the faithful might partake of the sacred mysteries on station days without being in danger of breaking the fast, the reply is given: "Will not your station be more solemn if you have stood at the altar of God? When the body of the Lord has been received and reserved, both are kept safe, both the participation in the sacrifice and the discharge of the duty," book On Prayer, near the end. Where let it be noted in passing that Septimius is putting forward not the custom of the Church but his own invention.
XX. — Posse se sequi. In lib. de Lapsis dicitur: Nec vinci a saeculo posset, qui unde vinceretur in saeculo non haberet: sequeretur Dominum solutus et liber ut Apostoli, etc. Ubi contra exemplarium fidem doctiss. Gronov. legendum contendit, unde vinciretur, etc.
XX. — That he could follow Him. In the book On the Lapsed it is said: "Nor could he be conquered by the world who had nothing in the world by which he might be conquered: he would follow the Lord unencumbered and free, like the Apostles," etc. Where, against the authority of the copies, the most learned Gronovius contends that one should read "by which he might be bound," etc.
XXII. — Et remitte nobis. Graves tragoediae de his vocibus olim excitabantur, et male audiebat Erasmus quod dimitte nobis reposuisset. Immerito quidem, cum res ipsa levissimi sit momenti, et veteres utroque modo locutos fuisse constet. Certe antiquissimum Cypriani exemplar Veronense litteris capitalibus exaratum, ubique retinet Dimitte, Dimisi et Dimittimus; et omnes quotquot sunt codices alicubi saltem usurpant.
XXII. — And forgive (remitte) us. Grave tragedies were once stirred up over these words, and Erasmus was ill spoken of because he had restored "forgive (dimitte) us." Undeservedly indeed, since the matter itself is of the slightest moment, and it is established that the ancients spoke in both ways. Certainly the most ancient copy of Cyprian, the Verona one written in capital letters, everywhere keeps Dimitte, Dimisi and Dimittimus; and all the manuscripts, however many there are, use them at least in some places.
Fidem pollicitationis suae reservantem. Reservo idem valet quod servo. Sic Tert. adv. Jud., Isaac cum ligno reservatus est.
Keeping faith with His promise. Reservo means the same as servo. So Tertullian, Against the Jews: "Isaac was kept with the wood."
XXIII. — Remittet vobis peccata vestra. Post haec verba in Editione Parisiensi an. 1541, assumentum viginti fere linearum inseritur, quod pluribus deinceps fucum fecit. Cujus generis et alterum occurrit, sub finem ejusdem paragraphi; neutrum vero mss. alicujus codicis praesidio fultum, crimine falsi poenis gravissimis vindicando Sed diu hominum animis nefaria illa insedit libido, ut vilem spuriamque prolem, nobilissimis familiis inserere cuperent.
XXIII. — He will forgive you your sins. After these words, in the Paris edition of the year 1541, a patch of about twenty lines is inserted, which thereafter deceived many. Another of the same kind also occurs near the end of the same paragraph; but neither is supported by the authority of any manuscript codex, and each is to be punished with the heaviest penalties on the charge of forgery. But for a long time that wicked lust settled in men's minds, so that they desired to insert a base and spurious offspring into the noblest families.
Sacrificium Dei majus est. Non turturis aut agnellae, sed bovis, imo hecatombes Sacrificium majus est maximum. Sic Tertul. de Praescript. c. 2: Haereses mortem aeternam, et majoris ignis ardorem inferentes, etc.
It is a greater sacrifice to God. A greater sacrifice, not of a turtle-dove or a lamb but of an ox, indeed of a hecatomb, is the greatest. So Tertullian, On Prescription, ch. 2: "heresies bringing eternal death and the burning of a greater fire," etc.
XXV. — Ne nos patiaris induci. Interpretamentum Tertulliani pro textu ipso reponit Auctor noster. Ille enim in lib. de Orat. ait: Ne nos inducas in tentationem, id est, ne nos patiaris induci, ab eo utique qui tentat. Caeterum absit ut Dominus tentare videatur, quasi aut ignoret fidem cujusque, aut dejicere gestiens. Cyrillus Cat. Mystag. V. ait: Τὸ μὴ εἰσελθεῖν, εἰς πειρασμόν ἐστι, τὸ μὴ καταβαπτισθῆναι, ὑπὸ τοῦ πειρασμοῦ.
XXV. — Do not suffer us to be led. Our Author puts Tertullian's interpretation in place of the text itself. For he says in the book On Prayer: "Lead us not into temptation, that is, do not suffer us to be led, namely by him who tempts. But far be it that the Lord should seem to tempt, as though either He did not know the faith of each, or were eager to cast it down." Cyril, Mystagogical Catechesis 5, says: "Not to enter into temptation is not to be overwhelmed by the temptation."
Iram animationis. Vid. quae dicta in lib. de Lapsis.
The wrath of animation. See what was said on the book On the Lapsed.
Excitavit Dominus Satanam. Eodem modo laudatur locus iste l. III ad Quir. c. 80.
The Lord stirred up Satan. This passage is cited in the same way in book 3 To Quirinus, ch. 80.
XXVIII. — Verbum consummans. Locum hunc pariter interpretantur Origenes, Procopius, Tertul. nec non et Hieron. D. Paulus Rom. IX. 38, Domino nostro asserit. Pro consummato Tertullianus decisum sermonem vertit, adv. Marc. L. IV, c. 1.
XXVIII. — A word that completes. Origen, Procopius, Tertullian and also Jerome interpret this passage in the same way. St Paul, Rom. 9:38, claims it for our Lord. For "completed" Tertullian renders "a cut-short word," Against Marcion, book 4, ch. 1.
Faciant vobis homines bona. Vox bona in ipso textu subaudiebatur, adjectivum enim ὅσα subvantivum exigit. Sic quod dicitur Luc. XVIII, τί ποιήσω, Matt. XIX, 16, est, τί καλὸν ποιήσω.
That men should do good things to you. The word "good things" was understood in the text itself, for the adjective ὅσα requires a substantive. Thus what is said in Luke 18, "what shall I do," is in Matt. 19:16 "what good thing shall I do."
XXXI. — Sursum corda. Nihil in christiana pietate precum formulis antiquius. Sacerdos verbis conceptis praeibat, plebs invicem respondebat, idque sine monitore, quod Gentilibus solemne, quia, ut ait Tert. Apol. c. 30, de pectore orabant, id est, preces
XXXI. — Lift up your hearts. Nothing in Christian devotion is more ancient than the formulas of prayer. The priest led in set words, the people responded in turn, and that without a prompter, which was customary among the Gentiles, because, as Tertullian says, Apology ch. 30, they prayed from the heart, that is, prayers
Editors' notes and page, col. 1125
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- running head: 1125 SELECTAE IN CYPRIANU[M] (cut off at the right edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹fatum I Cor. X, 16›; B ‹XX. — Posse se sequi›; C ‹viginti fere linearum inseritur›; D ‹εἰς πειρασμόν ἐστι›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter set: the whole column is from the editors' selected notes on Cyprian (first words "fatum I Cor."); column begins with "fatum", the rest of a word broken from the previous column (likely praefatum or similar). The right column (memor..., XXX...) belongs to col. 1126 and is not set. UNSURE: Baeticum (ae or oe ligature unclear); "reservato." printed with a full stop before lowercase "utrumque"; "fultum, crimine" (damaged mark between them); "vindicando Sed" with no visible full stop; section number printed like "XXVI.I." read as XXVIII; Greek adjective read as ὅσα, could be printed ἴσα; "Χριστοῦ" in the first line may be printed with a στ ligature; "c. 30" in the last line may read 50.
memoriter tenebant. Eamdem formulam in Ecclesia Orientali obtinuisse ex Cyrillo discimus; ubi praedictis illis verbis, subjunguntur verba solemnia etiamnum in usu, Gratias agamus Domino, cum Plebis responso, Dignum et justum est. Catech. Mystag. V. Justinus Mart. in Apol. II, veterem Liturgicam describens dicit, post Scripturarum lectionem, et Praepositi concionem: Ἔπειτα ἀνιστάμεθα κοινῇ πάντες, καὶ εὐχὰς πέμπομεν. καὶ ὡς προέφημεν, παυσαμένων ἡμῶν τῆς εὐχῆς ἄρτος προσφέρεται, καὶ οἶνος καὶ ὕδωρ καὶ ὁ προεστὼς εὐχὰς ὁμοίως καὶ εὐχαριστίας ὅση δύναμις αὐτῷ ἀναπέμπει, καὶ ὁ λαὸς εὐφημεῖ ἀμήν. De solemnibus in Baptismo verbis alibi actum.
they held from memory. That the same formula prevailed in the Eastern Church we learn from Cyril, where, after those words mentioned above, there are added the solemn words still in use, Let us give thanks to the Lord, with the people's response, It is worthy and just. Catech. Mystag. 5. Justin Martyr in Apol. 2, describing the ancient liturgy, says, after the reading of the Scriptures and the discourse of the presiding one: Then we all rise together and send up prayers; and, as we said before, when we have ceased from prayer, bread is brought, and wine and water, and the presiding one likewise sends up prayers and thanksgivings as far as he has power, and the people acclaim, Amen. Of the solemn words in Baptism it has been treated elsewhere.
XXX⟨I⟩II. — Mortuos simpliciter. Scribendum similiter, nam LXX: Ὅτε ἔθαπτες τοὺς νεκρούς, ὡσαύτως συμπαρήμην σοι. Et certe minime dubitandum hanc esse genuinam lectionem: sed quia codices omnes in errore consentiunt, idque non tantum hic loci, sed et infra in lib. de Mortalit. religio erat quidquam mutare.
XXXIII. — The dead simply. One should write likewise, for the Septuagint has: When you buried the dead, likewise I was present with you. And certainly it is not at all to be doubted that this is the genuine reading; but because all the manuscripts agree in the error, and that not only in this place but also below in the book On Mortality, it was a matter of scruple to change anything.
Missus sum tentare. Ac si caecitatem Tobiae immisisset Angelus. Quamquam exemplaria graeca, quibus utimur, et latina insuper versio lectionem non agnoscant; olim obtinuisse ex Syriaca versione discimus.
I was sent to try. As if the Angel had inflicted the blindness of Tobias. Although the Greek copies which we use, and the Latin version besides, do not acknowledge the reading, we learn from the Syriac version that it once prevailed.
XXXIV. — Horam tertiam, sextam, nonam. Tert. de Jejun. c. 10: Cum in eodem commentario Lucae, et tertia hor⟨a⟩ orationis demonstretur, sub qua Spiritu sancto initi⟨a⟩ti pro ebriis habebantur; et sexta, qua Petrus ascendit in superiora; et nona, qua templum sunt introgressi, cur non intelligamus salva plane indifferentia, semper et ubique et omni tempore orandi; tamen tres istas horas, ut insigniores in rebus humanis, quae diem distribuunt, quae negotia distinguunt, quae publice resonant, ita et solemniores fuisse in orationibus divinis. Quod etiam suadet Danielis quoque argumentum ter die orantis; utique per aliquarum horarum exceptionem; non aliarum autem quam insigniorum exinde Apostolicarum, tertiae, sextae, nonae.
XXXIV. — The third, sixth and ninth hour. Tertullian, On Fasting, ch. 10: Since in the same commentary of Luke the third hour too is shown to be an hour of prayer, at which those initiated by the Holy Spirit were taken for drunken men; and the sixth, at which Peter went up to the upper part; and the ninth, at which they entered the temple, why should we not understand that, while the indifference of praying always and everywhere and at every time is wholly preserved, yet these three hours, as being more notable in human affairs, which divide the day, which mark off business, which sound out publicly, were likewise more solemn in divine prayers? This the example of Daniel too, praying three times a day, also suggests; namely through the setting apart of certain hours; and of no others than the more notable, thenceforth Apostolic ones, the third, sixth and ninth.
XXXV. — Iste est dies quem fecit Dominus. Locum hunc adducit Auctor noster l. II ad Quirin. c. 16, ut probaret Dominum Jesum lapidem dictum fuisse, ubi (licet nonnulla exemplaria vulgatam sequantur) legisse pariter videtur, a Domino factus est iste: quae LXX interpretum est lectio, a D. Marco agnita. Hic vero adhibetur iste textus, ut conficiat, Christum diem dictum. Quod interpretamentum Cypriano videtur peculiare; licet aliunde id satis commode conficiatur.
XXXV. — This is the day which the Lord has made. Our Author brings forward this passage in book 2 To Quirinus, ch. 16, to prove that the Lord Jesus was called a stone, where (although some copies follow the Vulgate) he seems likewise to have read, This was made by the Lord: which is the reading of the Seventy translators, acknowledged by St Mark. Here, however, this text is applied in order to establish that Christ is called the day. This interpretation seems peculiar to Cyprian, although it may be established quite conveniently from elsewhere.
XXXVI. — Nulla sint horis nocturnis precum damna. Christianos noctu conventus habuisse res satis nota. Noctu⟨r⟩nas convocationes appellat Tertull. ad Uxor. l. II, Antelucanos vocat Plinius in Ep. ad Trajan. Sed insuper ex privata devotione, fideles lecto se eripiebant, et per noctem exsurgebant oratum, ut ait Tertull. loco praelaudato; sic in Apologet.: Ita saturantur ut qui meminerint etiam per noctem adorandum Deum sibi esse.
XXXVI. — Let there be no losses of prayers in the night hours. That Christians held gatherings by night is a well-known fact. Tertullian calls them nocturnal convocations in To his Wife, book 2; Pliny calls them before-daybreak gatherings in his Letter to Trajan. But besides, out of private devotion, the faithful would tear themselves from their beds and rise in the night to pray, as Tertullian says in the place cited above; so in the Apology: They are filled in such a way as men who remember that even through the night they must worship God.
DE MORTALITATE.
On Mortality.
De mortalitate. — Sive lue mortifera. Tertullian. de Resurrectione carnis cap. LI, definite explicat. Aliud, inquit, mortale et aliud mortalitas: aliud enim quod patitur, aliud quod pati efficit. Revera morbus iste epidemicus tam varia et erratica habuit symptomata, ut ad pestis proprie dictae typum minime responderet. Corporis vires solutus in fluxum venter eviscerabat. In faucium vulnera conceptus medullitus ignis exaestuabat. Assiduo vomitu intestina quatiebantur, oculi vi sanguinis inardescebant, quorumdam pedes vel aliquae membrorum partes contagio morbidae putredinis amputabantur, debilitabantur incessus, obstruebatur auditus, caecatus fuit aspectus. Teterrima haec lues in Arabia primum nata, deinde in Aegyptum devecta, postmodum
On mortality. — That is, on the deadly plague. Tertullian, On the Resurrection of the Flesh, ch. 51, explains it precisely. One thing, he says, is the mortal, and another is mortality: for the one is what suffers, the other what causes suffering. In truth this epidemic disease had symptoms so varied and erratic that it in no way answered to the type of a plague properly so called. The bowel, loosened into a flux, drained out the strength of the body. A fire conceived in the marrow raged out into wounds of the throat. The intestines were shaken with continual vomiting, the eyes burned with the force of the blood, in some the feet or certain parts of the limbs were cut off by the contagion of diseased putrefaction, the gait was weakened, the hearing was blocked, the sight was blinded. This most foul pestilence, first born in Arabia, then carried into Egypt, afterwards
Editors' notes and page, col. 1126
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- running head: [cut off at left] IN CYPRIANUM NOTÆ. 1126
- marginal letters: A ‹memoriter tenebant. Eamdem›; B ‹quam mutare.›; C ‹exinde Apostolicarum, tertiae›; D ‹rundum Deum sibi esse.›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (notes on Cyprian: ‹memoriter tenebant›, XXXIII ‹Mortuos simpliciter›, ‹Missus sum tentare›, XXXIV ‹Horam tertiam›, XXXV ‹Iste est dies›, XXXVI ‹Nulla sint horis›, heading DE MORTALITATE, ‹De mortalitate. — Sive lue›); column begins mid-sentence and ends with postmo- split at column break; numeral printed XXX.II with damaged letter, read XXXIII from sequence; hor⟨a⟩, initi⟨a⟩ti, Noctu⟨r⟩nas damaged type; UNSURE Greek: πέμπομεν (omicron/omega blurred), εὐφημεῖ as seen (Justin has ἐπευφημεῖ), συμπαρήμην blurred, Ὅτε (final letter blurred, LXX Tob. 12:12 has ὅτε); UNSURE aliquae (ending blurred); UNSURE Mystag. V. (point after V faint); humanis, (point or comma blurred); Ep. ad Trajan., point after Ep faint
in Africam processit, et exinde per occidentales Romani imperii partes grassabatur; furore Atheniensis illius, quam describit Thucydides aemulo, itinere consueto et via quasi praetoria: ait enim Plinius l. VII, c. 50: Observatum a meridianis partibus, ad occasum solis pestilentiam semper ire. Imperantibus Gallo et Volusiano hoc malum contigit, testibus Euseb. in Chron. Oros. l. VII, et Zonar. Annal. l. II. Porro pacis tempore hoc evenisse docet Euseb. l. VII c. 22, ex litteris Dionys. Alex.: Τῇ χριστοῦ πάλιν ἐνηυφράνθημεν εἰρήνῃ, ἣν μόνοις ἡμῖν ἔδωκε· βραχυτάτης δὲ ἡμῶν τε καὶ αὐτῶν τυχόντων ἀναπνοῆς. ἐπικατέσκηψεν ἡ νόσος αὐτή. Quibus praestructis, librum hunc anno 252 conscriptum, idque ante redintegratam persecutionem, adstipulante tractatus totius tenore, pronunciamus. Scripti hujus meminit Pontius, qui et egregiam a Cypriano peste laborantibus et exinde mortuis navatam operam pluribus exsequitur. Augustinus lib de Praedestin. Sanct. ait, Cypriani librum de Mortalitate, multis ac pene omnibus qui ecclesiasticas litteras amant, laudabiliter notum. Citat etiam Ep. 107 ad Vital., nec non l. II adv. Julian, cont. 2 Epist. Pelag. l. IV, c. 8. Pariter laudat Euseb. aut saltem Hieron. in Chron.
advanced into Africa, and from there ranged through the western parts of the Roman empire, emulating the fury of that Athenian plague which Thucydides describes, by its accustomed route and as it were a highway; for Pliny says in book 7, chapter 50: It has been observed that pestilence always goes from the southern parts towards the setting of the sun. This evil happened when Gallus and Volusianus were emperors, as Eusebius in the Chronicle, Orosius book 7, and Zonaras, Annals book 2, testify. Moreover, that this happened in a time of peace Eusebius shows in book 7, chapter 22, from the letters of Dionysius of Alexandria: We rejoiced again in the peace of Christ, which He gave to us alone; but when both we and they had obtained the briefest breathing-space, this disease fell upon us. These things being laid down beforehand, we declare that this book was written in the year 252, and that before the persecution was renewed, the tenor of the whole treatise agreeing with this. Pontius makes mention of this writing, who also relates at some length the excellent service rendered by Cyprian to those suffering from the plague and to those who then died. Augustine, in the book On the Predestination of the Saints, says that Cyprian's book On Mortality is known with praise to many, and to almost all who love ecclesiastical literature. He cites it also in Epistle 107 to Vitalis, and also in book 2 against Julian, and Against Two Letters of the Pelagians, book 4, chapter 8. Likewise Eusebius, or at least Jerome, praises it in the Chronicle.
IV. — Cogeris maledicere. Christo scil. Ita Paulus persecutionem auspicabatur, quemadmodum de se ipso fatetur Act. XXVI, 11, et ita deinceps Ethnici praesides illam promovebant. Sic Euseb. l. IV Hist. Eccl., c. 15, de martyrio Polycarpi verba faciens, Proconsulem describit dicentem: Λοιδόρησον τὸν Χριστόν, cui SS. Martyr reposuit: Ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ ἓξ ἔτη δουλεύω αὐτῷ, καὶ οὐδέν με ἠδίκεσε· καὶ πῶς δύναμαι βλασφημῆσαι τὸν βασιλέα μου τὸν σώσαντά με;
IV. — You are compelled to curse. That is, Christ. So Paul began persecution, as he confesses of himself in Acts 26:11, and so afterwards the heathen governors carried it forward. Thus Eusebius, book 4 of the Ecclesiastical History, chapter 15, speaking of the martyrdom of Polycarp, describes the proconsul saying: Revile Christ; to whom the most holy martyr replied: Eighty-six years I have served Him, and He has done me no wrong; and how can I blaspheme my King, Who saved me?
Compelleris jurare. Per genium Caesaris, aut fortunam ejus. Sic Proconsul apud Euseb. l. IV, c 15, loco praelaudato, Polycarpo ingerit ὄμοσον τὴν Καίσαρος τύχην, cui ille respondit, μετὰ παῤῥησίας Χριστιανός εἰμι. Proinde Tertullianus in Apol. c. 32, dicit Christianos jurare, sicut non per genios Caesarum, ita per salutem eorum (hoc est Deum) quae est augustior omnibus geniis. Interim tamen non est dissimulandum verba haec, ad maledicentiam, et jurandi usum in communi vita, recte posse referri.
You are compelled to swear. By the genius of Caesar, or his fortune. Thus the proconsul in Eusebius, book 4, chapter 15, in the place cited above, presses upon Polycarp: Swear by the fortune of Caesar; to whom he replied: With boldness, I am a Christian. Accordingly Tertullian in the Apology, chapter 32, says that Christians swear, just as not by the genii of the Caesars, so by their welfare (that is, God), which is more august than all genii. Meanwhile, however, it must not be concealed that these words can rightly be referred to cursing and to the use of swearing in common life.
Saeculum autem gaudebit. Κόσμον sive mundum intelligit, et ita passim vocem illam vertit auctor noster.
But the age will rejoice. He means κόσμος, that is, the world, and our author renders that word so throughout.
VIII. — Morbi istius valetudo. Nimirum mala valetudo; unde languidi et infirmi dicuntur valetudinarii. Cic. Offic l. II, ait: Aesculapius potest praescribere per somnum curationem valetudinis.
VIII. — The valetudo of this disease. That is, bad health; whence the languid and infirm are called valetudinarians. Cicero, On Duties, book 2, says: Aesculapius can prescribe through sleep the cure of an illness.
Corruptivum istud. Sic Tert. de Resurrec. carnis, c. 41, et alibi passim legit.
This corruptible. So Tertullian reads in On the Resurrection of the Flesh, chapter 41, and elsewhere throughout.
Nubila serena suspendunt. Tert. in Apol. c. 40: Cum ab imbribus aestiva hiberna suspendunt, et annus in cura est.
Clouds hold off fair weather. Tertullian in the Apology, chapter 40: When the winters hold off the summers from rains, and the year is a cause of anxiety.
Navem scopulosa saxa constringunt. Sic Tert. adv. Marc. lib. II, c. 16: Ferramenta Medici accuses, quod secent, et inurant, et amputent, et constrictent.
Rocky crags crush the ship. So Tertullian, Against Marcion, book 2, chapter 16: You would blame the physician's instruments because they cut, and burn, and amputate, and constrict.
IX — Sta in justitia et timore. Haec non occurrunt in graecis exemplaribus, sed habet vulgatus interpres.
IX — Stand in justice and fear. These words do not occur in the Greek copies, but the common translator has them.
X. — Vulneribus quoque et vermibus. Sic infra in lib. de Patientia, quasi phthiriasi laborasset. Locus Jobi qui respicitur est c. VII, 4, ubi pulveris non minus quam vermium mentio. Sed haec minime, saltem ad vulgi sententiam, mortuum describunt; in illorum enim sepulchris numquam vermes comparent. Quod additur, nudus etiam ibo sub terram, interpretamentum est vocum LXX ἀπελεύσομαι ἐκεῖ.
X. — With wounds also and worms. So below in the book On Patience, as if he had suffered from the lousy disease. The passage of Job which is in view is chapter 7:4, where there is mention of dust no less than of worms. But these words by no means describe a dead man, at least in the common opinion; for in their tombs worms never appear. What is added, naked also I shall go under the earth, is a rendering of the words of the Septuagint, I shall depart there.
Ego obtuli memoriam. Sic Apoc. VIII, 3, dicitur Angelus stetisse ante altare habens thuribulum aureum, et data sunt illi incensa multa ut daret de orationibus sanctorum, etc.
I offered the remembrance. Thus in Revelation 8:3 an angel is said to have stood before the altar having a golden censer, and much incense was given to him that he should offer of the prayers of the saints, etc.
Et iterum. LXX legunt καὶ νῦν. Legisse videtur Noster, καὶ πάλιν. Pro assistimus legunt iidem, οἳ ἀναφέρουσι τὰς προσευχὰς τῶν ἁγίων.
And again. The Septuagint reads and now. Our author seems to have read and again. For we stand by, the same read: who bring up the prayers of the saints.
Editors' notes and page, col. 1127
Page
- running head: 1127 OXONIENSIS EDIT (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹dum in Africam processit›; B ‹siasticas litteras amant›; C ‹ita per salutem eorum›; D ‹IX — Sta in justitia›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter, Oxford edition notes on De mortalitate (first words: dum in Africam processit), beginning mid-sentence; "anno 252" UNSURE, first digit blurred (reads like 152), set as 252; "constrictent" set as printed (Tertullian has constringant), possibly a misprint; "Augustinus lib de" printed without full stop after lib; Greek accents partly unclear in small type
Quomodo Deus manet in aeternum. Vid. quae dicta lib. III ad Quirin. c. 11.
How God abides for ever. See what has been said in book 3 To Quirinus, ch. 11.
Mundus ecce nutat et labitur. Vix alia de causa graviorem invidiam sibi conflabant Christiani, quam quod male ominarentur de rebus humanis. N⟨e⟩c quidem temere in hanc sententiam venerunt; siquidem apostoli non modo finem rerum omnium instare, et ultimos venisse dies passim testentur; sed addant insuper, ultimam advenisse horam, 1 Jo. II, 18. In l. de Resurrectione carnis c. 22, ait Tertullianus: Vota nostra suspirant in saeculi hujus occasum, etc. Cum vero ad Gentiles scribit, ut ipsos demulceret. Apol c. 32 e contra ait: Est et alia major necessitas nobis orandi pro Imperatoribus, etiam pro omni statu imperii, rebusque Romanis, qui vim maximam universo orbi imminentem, ipsamque clausulam saeculi acerbitates horrendas comminantem, Romani imperii commeatu scimus retardari.
Behold, the world totters and slips. For scarcely any other reason did the Christians stir up heavier odium against themselves than because they foreboded ill of human affairs. Nor indeed did they come to this opinion rashly; since the apostles not only testify everywhere that the end of all things is at hand and that the last days have come, but add besides that the last hour has arrived, 1 John 2:18. In the book On the Resurrection of the Flesh, ch. 22, Tertullian says: Our prayers sigh for the setting of this age, etc. But when he writes to the Gentiles, so as to soothe them, in the Apology, ch. 32, he says on the contrary: There is also another, greater necessity for us to pray for the emperors, and indeed for the whole state of the empire and for Roman affairs, since we know that the mightiest violence impending over the whole world, and the very close of the age, which threatens horrible bitter things, is held back by the continuance of the Roman empire.
Amplectamur diem, qui assignat singulos domicilio suo. Mortis dies recte dicitur particularis judicii dies; quemadmodum mundi finis, universalis perhibetur: tertium aut diem aut locum prorsus ignoravit pi⟨a⟩ Antiquitas.
Let us embrace the day which assigns each to his own dwelling. The day of death is rightly called the day of particular judgement, just as the end of the world is called that of the universal; a third, whether day or place, pious antiquity knew nothing of at all.
Nos charorum numerus expectat. Quamquam coelo receptae animae saeculi hujus curis non vacent; ut suis felicitatem eamdem exoptent et demum gratulentur, nihil est quod impediat: charitas enim numquam excidit. Quae postea sequuntur, de Apostolorum glorioso choro, Prophetarum exaltantium numero, et Martyrum innumerabili poqulo, ansam dedisse videntur iis quae occurrunt in Hymno Ambrosiano, qui Te Deum appellatur.
The number of our dear ones awaits us. Although souls received into heaven are not occupied with the cares of this age, there is nothing to prevent them from wishing the same felicity for their own and at last congratulating them: for charity never fails. What follows afterwards, about the glorious choir of the Apostles, the number of the exulting Prophets, and the innumerable people of the Martyrs, seems to have given occasion to the things that occur in the Ambrosian Hymn which is called the Te Deum.
DE EXHORTATIONE MARTYRII.
ON THE EXHORTATION TO MARTYRDOM.
De Exhortatione martyrii. Consimili form⟨a⟩ Tertull. inscripsit libellum, de Exhortatione castitatis. Ex Cypriani scriptis vix aliquot luculentius a Pontio laudatum. Quis, inquit ille, martyres tantos exhortatione divini sermonis erigeret? Quis denique tot confess⟨o⟩res frontium notatarum secunda inscriptione signatos, et ad exemplum martyrii superstites reservatos, incentivo tubae coelestis animaret? Revera epistolae ad eximios confessores, Moysen et Maximum, nec non ad Thibaritanos; ut et aliae nonnullae, in hoc totae versantur, ut ad martyrium accendant. Sed ut sermone divino, et tubae coelestis incentivo, exhortatio peragatur, scripti hujus peculiaris videtur character; et qui instituto librorum ad Quirinum plane respondet. Porro loca S. Scripturae eodem modo utrobique laudata, auctorem eumdem aperte profitentur. Quis vero fuerit is Fortunatus cui liber hic inscribitur, non promptum fuerit dicere, cum plures ejusdem nominis in Cypriani scriptis occurrant: et demum fieri possit, ut ad alium haec pertineant, diversum ab omnibus alicubi memoratis. Putarem tamen haec episcopum illum respicere ad quem Ep. LVI, ad Pamel. num. LIII, dirigitur: et forte qui in Carthaginiensi synodo, Fortunatus a Thuccabori dicitur. Demum exaratum censeo occasione persecutionis sub Gallo et Volusiano recrudescentis, de qua visis coelestibus admonitus Cyprianus, alios admonere non dest⟨i⟩tit. Deciana clades inexspect⟨a⟩ta grassatione o⟨b⟩vios quosque oppressit, ut de lapsis restituendis unica maneret cura; quae vero sub Valeriano et Gallieno successerunt, s⟨e⟩rae nimis videntur, pro martyris nostri diligentia, ut remedia huc usque fuerint dilata. Relinquitur ergo ut ad intermedium hoc tempus, nimirum ad annum 252 libelli istius natales sint referendi. Quod ex D. Hieron. Ep. ad Pammach. c. 50, a quibusdam affertur, ut suaderi possit D. Hilar. tractatus hujus fuisse auctor⟨e⟩m, siquidem libri ejus ad Fortunatum hab⟨e⟩tur mentio, nullius videtur momenti; siquidem si quis Hilarii aevum spectet, non admodum opportunus tunc temporis sub imperatoribus Christianis de martyrio adversus gentilium furores liber. Porro lubrica prorsus ex personae nomine probatio; insuper nec Fortunati
On the Exhortation to Martyrdom. In a very similar form Tertullian entitled a little book On the Exhortation to Chastity. Of Cyprian's writings scarcely any are praised more splendidly by Pontius. Who, he says, would have roused so many martyrs by the exhortation of the divine word? Who, finally, would have animated with the incitement of the heavenly trumpet so many confessors, sealed with a second inscription on their marked foreheads and kept alive as an example of martyrdom? In fact the letters to the eminent confessors Moyses and Maximus, and also to the Thibaritans, as well as some others, are wholly occupied with this, to kindle men to martyrdom. But that the exhortation should be carried out by the divine word and the incitement of the heavenly trumpet seems to be the peculiar character of this writing, and one which plainly corresponds to the plan of the books to Quirinus. Moreover, the passages of Holy Scripture cited in the same manner in both openly declare the same author. But who that Fortunatus was to whom this book is inscribed it would not be easy to say, since several of the same name occur in Cyprian's writings; and finally it could be that these things belong to another, different from all those mentioned anywhere. I should nevertheless think that they regard that bishop to whom Ep. 56 (in Pamelius no. 53) is addressed, and perhaps the one who in the synod of Carthage is called Fortunatus of Thuccabori. Finally, I judge that it was written on the occasion of the persecution reviving under Gallus and Volusianus, about which Cyprian, warned by heavenly visions, did not cease to warn others. The Decian disaster, by its unexpected onslaught, overwhelmed all who stood in its way, so that the restoring of the lapsed remained the only concern; but those which followed under Valerian and Gallienus seem too late, considering the diligence of our martyr, for the remedies to have been postponed until then. It remains therefore that the birth of this little book is to be assigned to this intermediate time, namely to the year 252. What is adduced by some from St Jerome, Letter to Pammachius, ch. 50, so that it might be argued that St Hilary was the author of this treatise, since mention is made of his book to Fortunatus, seems of no weight; since, if anyone considers the age of Hilary, a book on martyrdom against the fury of the gentiles would not have been very opportune at that time under Christian emperors. Moreover, proof from the name of a person is altogether slippery; besides, neither do the times of Fortunatus
Editors' notes and page, col. 1128
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- running head: [cut off at left]ONIENSIS EDITIONIS 1128
- marginal letters: A ‹Quomodo Deus manet in aeternum›; B ‹suo. Mortis dies recte dicitur›; C ‹divini sermonis erigeret? Quis denique›; D ‹tus a Thuccabori dicitur›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (notes of the Oxford edition): ‹Quomodo Deus manet›; ‹Mundus ecce nutat›; ‹Amplectamur diem›; ‹Nos charorum numerus›; ‹De Exhortatione martyrii. Consimili›. UNSURE: "ominarentur" faint in image, could be printed "omnarentur"; "N⟨e⟩c" e damaged; "s⟨e⟩rae" first letters damaged, read from context; "o⟨b⟩vios" damaged, read from context; "demulceret. Apol c. 32" printed with a full stop after demulceret and none after Apol. Column ends mid-sentence at "Fortunati", no hyphen.
qui vitam filiae Hilarii scripsit tempora respondent; et demum in plurimis exemplaribus Hieron. mss. non Hilarii nomen, sed Cypriani reponitur. Haud interim facile est conjicere quid Pamelio in mentem venerit, ut diceret Remboldum primum omnium tractatum hunc edidisse, cum in Spirensi editione, arti typographicae coaeva, et etiam in veteri innominata, quae certe Remboldum longe praecessit, compareat.
who wrote the life of Hilary's daughter correspond; and finally, in very many manuscript copies of Jerome, not the name of Hilary but that of Cyprian is put in its place. Meanwhile it is not easy to guess what came into Pamelius's mind, that he should say that Rembold was the first of all to publish this treatise, since it appears in the Speyer edition, contemporary with the art of printing, and also in the old anonymous one, which certainly long preceded Rembold.
Mediocritas nostra auxilio divinae inspirationis instructa. Quidquid gratiae divinae praesidio factum, id inspirationi imputat auctor noster. Ita Tertull. l. de Patientia c. 1, ait: Bonorum quorumdam, sicuti et malorum, intolerabilis magnitudo est: ut ad capienda et praestanda ea, sola gratia divinae inspirationis operetur.
Our mediocrity furnished with the help of divine inspiration. Whatever is done by the protection of divine grace, our author ascribes to inspiration. So Tertullian, in the book On Patience, ch. 1, says: Of certain goods, just as of evils, the greatness is unbearable, so that for grasping and performing them the grace of divine inspiration alone is at work.
Sex millia annorum jam pene complentur. Calculum veterem, et suis temporibus in Africa receptum sequitur auctor noster; nimirum qui aeram christianam anno mundi 5500 assignat; cui nnmero si 252 anni addantur, consurgent 5752, quae non longe abeunt a 6000. Notum vero est, in numeris recensendis ad proximos integros recurri solitum. Dixerat D. Petrus II Ep. III, 8, Mille annos apud Deum haberi sicut dies unus; et exinde a veteribus creditum, Hexamero finito sabbatum aeternum, et mundi finem succedere. Porro cum Dominus promisisset, Matt. XXIV, 22, Electorum causa dies istos abbreviandos fore, non temere omnium fere animis insederat opinio Consummationem mundi, et Antichristi tempus infestum instare. Vid. quae hac de re dicta in l. de Mortal.
Six thousand years are now almost completed. Our author follows the old reckoning, received in Africa in his times, namely the one which assigns the Christian era to the year of the world 5500; if 252 years are added to this number, they rise to 5752, which does not fall far short of 6000. It is well known, moreover, that in reckoning numbers it was customary to resort to the nearest round figures. St Peter had said, 2 Pet. 3:8, that a thousand years are held with God as one day; and hence it was believed by the ancients that, when the Hexameron was finished, an eternal sabbath and the end of the world would follow. Further, since the Lord had promised, Matt. 24:22, that for the sake of the elect those days would be shortened, not without reason had the opinion settled in the minds of almost all that the consummation of the world and the hostile time of Antichrist were at hand. See what has been said on this matter in the book On Mortality.
Insidias dejiciendi. Colluctatio nostra, inquit Apostolus, Eph. VI, 12, non est adversus carnem et sanguinem, sed adversus principes et potestates, etc.
Of casting down the snares. Our wrestling, says the Apostle, Eph. 6:12, is not against flesh and blood, but against principalities and powers, etc.
Propositis titulis. Illa ergo exemplaria ad mentem auctoris maxime videntur accedere, quae titulos hosce, simul semelque in libri principio exhibent.
With the headings set out first. Those copies, therefore, seem to come closest to the author's intention which present these headings all together and once only at the beginning of the book.
Lanam et purpuram. In oblationibus quae in tabernaculi usum admittebantur Exod. XXV, erant Hyacinthus, purpura, coccinum, cum bysso: Sed in Ecclesiae christianae ornatum, sufficiunt innocentiae et martyrii colores.
Wool and purple. Among the offerings which were admitted for the use of the tabernacle, Exod. 25, were blue, purple, scarlet, with fine linen; but for the adornment of the Christian Church the colours of innocence and of martyrdom suffice.
Domino permittente primum Baptisma credentibus dedimus. Baptisma olim, non nisi ex mandato episcopi celebratum: οὐκ ἐξόν ἐστι χωρὶς τοῦ ἐπισκόπου οὔτε βαπτίζειν, οὔτε ἀγάπην ποιεῖν, etc., inquit Ignatius, Ep. ad Smyrn. Unde in Ecclesia solum qua ipse sedebat, erat baptisterium. Martyrium, Baptismi nomen, ex Domini verbis accepit, Matt. XX, 22.
By the Lord's permission we have given the first Baptism to believers. Baptism was formerly celebrated only by the bishop's mandate: "it is not lawful without the bishop either to baptize or to hold an agape", etc., says Ignatius, Letter to the Smyrnaeans. Hence only in the church where he himself had his seat was there a baptistery. Martyrdom received the name of Baptism from the Lord's words, Matt. 20:22.
Angeli baptizant. Qui susceptorum munere funguntur; et martyrum animas sanguinis lavacro exemptas in coelum portant; vid. Luc. XVI, 22.
Angels baptize. They who perform the office of sponsors, and carry into heaven the souls of the martyrs taken out of the laver of blood; see Luke 16:22.
Fidei nostrae incrementa consummat. De hac τελειώσει vid. Luc. XIII, 32, et Heb. II, 10.
It brings to completion the increase of our faith. On this "perfecting" see Luke 13:32 and Heb. 2:10.
Simus et amici. Martyres perfecti sunt in dilectione I Jo. IV, 18. Unde Tertullianus in illum Joannis locum, Scorpiac. c. 12, ait: Perfecta dilectio foras abjicit timorem, quoniam timor poenam habet, et qui timet non est perfectus in dilectione. Quem timorem intelligi praestat nisi negationis auctorem? quam dilectionem perfectam affirmat, nisi fugatricem timoris, et animatricem confessionis? Qua poena timorem puniat, (non quam poenam ut habetur in impressis), nisi quam negator relaturus est, cum corpore et anima occidendus in gehennam? Hinc martyres amicitiae jure, Domini lateri perpetuo assistunt; et sequuntur Agnum quocumque ierit, Apoc. XIV, 4.
Let us be also friends. Martyrs are perfect in love, 1 John 4:18. Hence Tertullian on that passage of John, Scorpiace ch. 12, says: Perfect love casts out fear, since fear has punishment, and he who fears is not perfect in love. What fear is it better to understand than the author of denial? What love does he declare perfect, except that which puts fear to flight and gives life to confession? With what punishment would he punish fear (not "what punishment", as it stands in the printed editions), except that which the denier is to receive, to be slain with body and soul into Gehenna? Hence the martyrs, by right of friendship, stand perpetually at the Lord's side, and follow the Lamb wherever He goes, Rev. 14:4.
Perdant quod evaserint. Profectus, quos fecerunt, amittant. Tertul. de Anim. ait illam varie per accidentia evadere: hoc est, promoveri: et de Patient. hominem evadere ad salutem, hoc est procedere: et eodem fere sensu passim, similiter Virgilius: Evado ad summi fastigia culminis. Aut forte vox adhibetur, in notatione qua significat, esse, aut fieri, aut sensus sit. Qui ad saeculum redeunt postquam Christiani evasere; Christianismo excidunt.
Let them lose what they have become. Let them lose the advances they have made. Tertullian, On the Soul, says that it variously "comes out" through accidents, that is, is advanced; and in On Patience, that a man "comes out" to salvation, that is, proceeds; and in almost the same sense in many places; similarly Virgil: I come out to the summit of the highest roof. Or perhaps the word is used in the meaning in which it signifies to be or to become, and the sense would be: those who return to the world after they have become Christians fall away from Christianity.
IN LIBRUM DE EXHORTATIONE MARTYRII.
On the book On the Exhortation to Martyrdom.
Iis quos colit. In Graeco habetur, τῶν σεβασμάτων
To those whom it worships. In the Greek there stands "of the objects of worship"
Editors' notes and page, col. 1129
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- running head: 1129 SELECTÆ IN CYPRIANU (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A qui vitam filiae Hilarii; B ximos integros recurri solitum; C martyrii colores; D matricem confessionis
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: the whole column is editors' notes (Selectae notae), set in full, beginning "qui vitam filiae Hilarii". Column begins and ends mid-sentence. Printer's signature "S. CYPRIAN. IV." omitted. "Iis" printed with an italic initial resembling J. Greek accents in the Ignatius quotation are read from small type; UNSURE.
αὐτοῦ. Eadem voce utitur D. Paulus, Act. XVII, 23, et II Thes. II, 4.
of him." Saint Paul uses the same word, Acts 17:23 and 2 Thess. 2:4.
Tibi idolum. Sic LXX εἴδωλον, non γλυπτόν reddit; nec enim refert an arte statuaria an pictoria fiat quod colitur.
An idol for yourself. So the Septuagint renders it εἴδωλον, not γλυπτόν; for it makes no difference whether what is worshipped is made by the sculptor's art or the painter's.
Et omnia quae in eis sunt. In Graeco habetur, καὶ πηγὰς ὑδάτων; quam lectionem Codicis mss. agnoscunt.
And all things that are in them. In the Greek it reads καὶ πηγὰς ὑδάτων ("and fountains of waters"); this reading the manuscripts of the Codex acknowledge.
Rogat nec impetrat. Vid. quae dicta in lib. de Lapsis, p. 93.
He asks and does not obtain. See what was said on the book On the Lapsed, p. 93.
In tempore quo invocabunt me, in tempore afflictionis suae. Haec omnia redundant; et videntur loco alieno apposita.
At the time when they shall call upon me, at the time of their affliction. All these words are superfluous, and seem to have been placed here out of their proper place.
Quod si rogaverit. Locus hic non integer describitur, et plurima subinde omittuntur.
But if he should ask. This passage is not copied out entire, and a great deal is omitted here and there.
Aequalis animae tuae. Ὁ ἴσος τῇ ψυχῇ σου. Hinc petenda explicatio loci D. Pauli, Phil. II, 20. οὐδένα ἔχω ἰσόψυχον.
Equal to your soul. Ὁ ἴσος τῇ ψυχῇ σου. From this the explanation of the passage of Saint Paul, Phil. 2:20, is to be sought: οὐδένα ἔχω ἰσόψυχον ("I have no one like-minded").
Propter eum qui dilexit. Exemplaribus istis accedit Noster quae legunt, διὰ τὸν ἀγαπήσαντα.
On account of him who loved. Our author sides with those copies which read διὰ τὸν ἀγαπήσαντα.
Fidite, et state, et cernite. LXX legunt θαρσεῖτε, στῆτε καὶ ὁρᾶτε, sed prior vox in textu sacro non comparet.
Take courage, and stand, and see. The Septuagint reads θαρσεῖτε, στῆτε καὶ ὁρᾶτε, but the first word does not appear in the sacred text.
In renovatione spiritus. Intellexisse videtur auctor noster Spiritum sanctum, sed exemplaria Graeca habent, non πνεύματος ἁγίου sed νοὸς ὑμῶν.
In the renewal of the spirit. Our author seems to have understood the Holy Spirit, but the Greek copies have not πνεύματος ἁγίου but νοὸς ὑμῶν ("of your mind").
Qui figuram portabat diaboli. Sic l. II ad Quir. c. 16: Amalech superatus est a Jesu, id est diabolus a Christo victus est.
Who bore the figure of the devil. So in book 2 To Quirinus, ch. 16: Amalek was overcome by Jesus, that is, the devil was conquered by Christ.
Nec excidatis. Quamquam in textu Graeco nulla vestigia hujus lectionis compareant, tamen similiter legit auctor noster Epistola ad Thibaritanos; quasi legisset μήτε ἐκπέσητε.
And that you may not fall away. Although no traces of this reading appear in the Greek text, our author nevertheless reads the same in the Letter to the Thibaritans, as if he had read μήτε ἐκπέσητε.
Quotiescumque communicatis. Mss. codices non pauci similiter legunt κοινωνοῦντες, et statim τῆς δόξης τῆς δυνάμεως.
As often as you share. Not a few manuscript codices likewise read κοινωνοῦντες, and immediately after τῆς δόξης τῆς δυνάμεως.
Domini nomen. Non πνεῦμα, sed ὄνομα legisse videtur noster, et pro ὑμᾶς, ἡμᾶς.
The name of the Lord. Our author seems to have read not πνεῦμα but ὄνομα, and ἡμᾶς in place of ὑμᾶς.
Copulati sunt pedes. LXX Αὐτοὶ συνεποδίσθησαν.
Their feet are bound together. The Septuagint: Αὐτοὶ συνεποδίσθησαν.
Unam petii. LXX μίαν ἠτησάμην. scil. αἴτησιν. Vid. III Reg. II, 20.
One thing have I asked. The Septuagint: μίαν ἠτησάμην, that is, αἴτησιν ("request"). See 1 Kgs 2:20.
Non combureris. In hac lectione mss. codices consentiunt, et LXX interpretum versio illam exigit, ἐὰν διέλθῃς διὰ πυρὸς, οὐ μὴ κατακαυθῇς, φλὸξ οὐ κατακαύσει σε. Porro Hebraea veritas etiam deposcit. כי תלך במו אש לא תכוה ולהבה לא תבער בך: perperam ergo in Impressis ista huc usque omittebantur.
You will not be burned. The manuscript codices agree in this reading, and the version of the Seventy translators requires it: ἐὰν διέλθῃς διὰ πυρὸς, οὐ μὴ κατακαυθῇς, φλὸξ οὐ κατακαύσει σε. Moreover the Hebrew original also demands it: כי תלך במו אש לא תכוה ולהבה לא תבער בך. Wrongly, then, have these words been omitted in the printed editions until now.
Praemeditari excusare. In textu graeco est ἀπολογηθῆναι. et quidem omnis apologia est quaedam excusatio. Vulgat. habet quid respondeatis.
To premeditate how to excuse yourselves. In the Greek text it is ἀπολογηθῆναι, and indeed every apology is a kind of excuse. The Vulgate has "what you are to answer".
Mogilalum. Ita scripsisse Cyprianum minime est dubitandum. Nam ut tot exemplaria in voce inusitata infercienda conspirarent nulla idonea ratio reddi potest; sed quare librarii id nuperi mutaverint, causa subest satis manifesta, quae etiam passim obtinuit; ut ad vulgatam editionem omnia melius responderent. Revera graeca exemplaria δύσκωφον habent: sed Aquila, Symmachus et Theodotio in μογιλάλῳ consentiunt; quae vox Marc. 7, 32, adhibetur.
Mogilalum. That Cyprian wrote it so is not at all to be doubted. For no adequate reason can be given why so many copies should have conspired in inserting an unusual word; but why recent copyists changed it, there is a cause plain enough, one which has prevailed everywhere: so that everything might better correspond to the Vulgate edition. In fact the Greek copies have δύσκωφον; but Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion agree on μογιλάλῳ, a word that is used at Mark 7:32.
Tantum accipiat de Dei ope. Vid. l. VII ad Quirin. cap. 42.
Let him receive only so much of God's help. See book 7 To Quirinus, ch. 42.
Si de mundo essetis. Cum eadem voce utatur D. Joan., capite XV et XVI, non promptum est dicere, quare varie reddiderit auctor noster; sed libri omnes in lectione consentiunt, Vulgati interpretis lectione insuper habita: cui librarii solent omnia passim accommodare.
If you were of the world. Since Saint John uses the same word in chapters 15 and 16, it is not easy to say why our author rendered it differently; but all the books agree in the reading, the reading of the Vulgate translator being disregarded, to which copyists are wont to accommodate everything everywhere.
David misericordem. Locum hunc tractat Tertull. in Scorpiac., c. 8. David exagitatur, Helias fugatur, Hieremias lapidatur, Esaias secatur, Zacharias inter altare et aedem trucidatur, etc.
David the merciful. Tertullian treats this passage in the Scorpiace, ch. 8: David is harried, Elijah is put to flight, Jeremiah is stoned, Isaiah is sawn asunder, Zechariah is slaughtered between the altar and the temple, etc.
Septem dies annorum septem millia. Durationis mundi nimirum, Alibi sex dierum, sive sex mille annorum spatio mundi aevum auctor noster concludit; nec necesse est ut in Papiae castra hic transiisse
Seven days, seven thousand years. Of the duration of the world, that is. Elsewhere our author confines the age of the world within the space of six days, or six thousand years; nor is it necessary that he here, as having gone over into the camp of Papias,
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- running head: [cut off]E IN CYPRIANUM NOTÆ. 1130
- marginal letters: A αὐτοῦ. Eadem voce; B Noster quae legunt; C Unam petii. LXX; D Aquila, Symmachus et Theodotio
- old-edition numerals: (none)
videatur; sunt enim qui ipsum judicii diem mille annorum moram habiturum statuunt.
be seen; for there are some who hold that the day of judgement itself will last for a space of a thousand years.
Ad septem ecclesias scribit. Nimirum ad Romanos, Corinthios, Galatas, Ephesios, Philippenses, Colossenses, et Thessalonicenses. Si requiratur quo in loco Paulus, hujus legitimi numeri et certi meminerit, forte dicendum, hoc ab eo praestitum, Heb. XI, 30.
He writes to seven churches. That is, to the Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians and Thessalonians. If it is asked in what place Paul made mention of this lawful and fixed number, perhaps it should be said that this was done by him at Heb. 11:30.
Una super petram. Primus qui lectionem hanc mutavit et Petrum reposuit erat Manutius. Vid. quae dicta ad lib. de Unitate Ecclesiae, p. 76. Porro notetur sententiam nostram de assumentis textui Cypriani illic additis a viro consultissimo Latino Latinio, in ejus bibliotheca sacra et profana an. 1677 Romae edita, p. 178 et 179, egregie confirmari. Disertissimis verbis ait Dominus, ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ πέτρᾳ οἰκοδομήσω.
One upon the rock. The first who changed this reading and put Peter in its place was Manutius. See what was said on the book On the Unity of the Church, p. 76. Further, let it be noted that our opinion about the patches added there to the text of Cyprian is excellently confirmed by that most learned man Latinus Latinius, in his Bibliotheca sacra et profana published at Rome in the year 1677, pp. 178 and 179. In the most explicit words the Lord says, upon this rock I will build.
Nec vacat. Mysterio scil. sive, non caret: haud temere aut frustra dicitur.
Nor is it empty. That is, of mystery; or, it is not lacking [in it]: it is said not rashly or in vain.
Ab eo suscitandos. In impressis additum, in vitam aeternam. Sed contra exemplarium mss. et Graeci textus fidem.
To be raised up by Him. In the printed editions there is added, to eternal life. But this is against the authority of the manuscript copies and of the Greek text.
Nec fratrum precem profuturam. Perstringit martyres qui veniam quibuslibet facere se posse putabant. Tertullian. de Pudic. libro satis malo non male ait: Sufficiat martyri propria delicta purgasse. Ingrati vel superbi est in alios quoque spargere quod pro magno fuerit consecutus. Quis alienam mortem sua solvit, nisi solus Dei Filius? Nam et in ipsa passione liberavit latronem. Ad hoc enim venerat, ut ipse a delicto purus, et omnia sanctus pro peccatoribus obiret. Proinde qui illum aemularis, si nihil ipse deliquisti, plane patere pro me: si vero peccator es, quomodo oleum faculae tuae sufficere tibi et mihi poterit?
Nor that the prayer of the brethren will profit. He censures the martyrs who thought they could grant pardon to anyone at all. Tertullian, in the book On Modesty, a bad enough book, says not badly: Let it suffice the martyr to have purged his own sins. It is the part of an ungrateful or proud man to scatter upon others too what he has obtained as a great thing. Who has paid for another's death by his own, except the Son of God alone? For even in His very passion He set free the thief. For He had come for this purpose, that, Himself pure from sin and holy in all things, He might die for sinners. Therefore you who imitate Him, if you yourself have committed no sin, by all means suffer for me; but if you are a sinner, how will the oil of your little torch be able to suffice for you and for me?
Ac ne quis vel libelli. Haec prorsus confirmant sententiam nostram de libellaticis, de qua videatur lib. de Lapsis.
And lest anyone even of a certificate. These words fully confirm our opinion about the libellatici, on which see the book On the Lapsed.
Holocausta hostiae. Vid. quae dicta lib. III ad Quir. c. 15, LXX legerunt ὁλοκάρπωμα θυσίας, et forte verissima lectio fuerit Holocaustum hostiae.
Holocausts of the victim. See what was said on book 3 To Quirinus, ch. 15; the Seventy read whole burnt offering of sacrifice, and perhaps the truest reading would be Holocaust of the victim.
Portantes gremia sua. Vid. quae dicta l. III ad Quir., cap. 16.
Carrying their sheaves. See what was said on book 3 To Quirinus, ch. 16.
Clauduntur in persecutionibus terrae. Proscriptis nimirum, et deportatis. Quod in editionibus prioribus lectum, clauduntur oculi in persecutionibus terrae, ex librariorum infelicissima critica natum; qui mendam cum non inveniunt corrigendo faciunt. Infra legerunt, claudi in momento oculos quibus homines videbantur et mundus, et nihil praeter oculos claudi putabant.
They are shut up in the persecutions of the earth. Namely, being proscribed and deported. What was read in the earlier editions, the eyes are closed in the persecutions of the earth, arose from the most unhappy criticism of the copyists, who, when they do not find an error, make one by correcting. Below they read, that in a moment the eyes are closed by which men and the world were seen, and they thought that nothing but the eyes was closed.
Sine damno temporis. Per omnia confessores martyribus aequantur, si a judicii mora quae Baptismi sanguinis singularis praerogativa habebatur, pariter sint exempti. Tertull., de Anima. dixit: Modica delicta mora resurrectionis expendi: ratus hac poena damni, in illa animadverti. Sequiorum temporum doctores, poenam sensus, et purgatorios ignes addidere. Imo Origenes gehennae ignes purgatorios statuebat. Quae ex Epistola ad Antonianum a quibusdam in hac causa afferuntur, ad lapsorum censuras hic in Ecclesia omnino pertinent; nec cum poenis quae vita functos exercent, quidquam habent commune.
Without loss of time. In all things confessors are made equal to martyrs, if they are likewise exempted from the delay of judgement, which was held to be the singular prerogative of the Baptism of blood. Tertullian, On the Soul, said: Lesser sins are paid for by the delay of the resurrection; judging that in that [state] punishment is inflicted by this penalty of loss. The teachers of later times added the penalty of sense and purgatorial fires. Indeed Origen held the fires of Gehenna to be purgatorial. What is brought forward by some in this matter from the Letter to Antonianus belongs entirely to the censures laid on the lapsed here in the Church, and has nothing in common with the punishments that afflict those who have finished their life.
Conscientia coronatur. Per conscientiam intelligit, Virtutem ad praelium promptam, et fidem quae erat ad martyrium praeparata.
He is crowned by conscience. By conscience he understands, Courage ready for battle, and faith which was prepared for martyrdom.
IN AD DEMETRIANUM.
ON TO DEMETRIANUS.
Ad Demetrianum. Hunc Africae proconsulem fuisse uno ore dicunt Baronius, Pamelius, Lombertus, aliique qui de Cypriani rebus scripserunt. Sed parum verisimile est summum magistratum, depositis fascibus et imperii insignibus, ad episcopi christiani domum, idque non semel sed saepe venturum. Nec magis ad proconsulem faciunt: ut caeteros concitaret, et odia suis maledicis vocibus seminando, comites sibi plures, radicis atque originis suae pullulatione fecerit. Aliter irascebantur, et magis decretoriis armis pugnabant provinciarum praesides. Porro a Cypriani moribus longe
To Demetrianus. That he was proconsul of Africa is said with one voice by Baronius, Pamelius, Lombert and the others who have written on the affairs of Cyprian. But it is hardly likely that the highest magistrate, having laid aside the fasces and the insignia of command, would come to the house of a Christian bishop, and that not once but often. Nor do these words fit a proconsul any better: that he stirred up the others, and by sowing hatreds with his abusive words made many companions for himself by the sprouting of his own root and origin. The governors of the provinces grew angry otherwise, and fought rather with decisive weapons. Moreover, far from the character of Cyprian
Editors' notes and page, col. 1131
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- running head: 1131 OXONIENSIS EDITI[...] (cut off at the image edge; column number printed blurred, reads like 1151)
- marginal letters: A videatur; sunt enim qui ipsum judicii diem mille an-; B aeternam. Sed contra exemplarium mss. et Graeci tex-; C Portantes gremia sua. Vid. quae dicta; D causa afferuntur, ad lapsorum censuras hic in
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (Oxford edition notes on Cyprian): notes beginning videatur; sunt enim, Ad septem ecclesias, Una super petram, Nec vacat, Ab eo suscitandos, Nec fratrum precem, Ac ne quis vel libelli, Holocausta hostiae, Portantes gremia sua, Clauduntur in persecutionibus, Sine damno temporis, Conscientia coronatur, heading IN AD DEMETRIANUM, Ad Demetrianum; UNSURE: Heb. XI, 30, where the figure is blurred and could be read 50, set 30 (Heb. 11:30, Jericho); UNSURE: Greek ὁλοκάρπωμα, where the ending is blurred and could be read -μω; Greek οἰκοδομήσω is faint; column number in the head is blurred; column begins mid-sentence (videatur) and ends at longe, unhyphenated; UNSURE: margin letter B sits slightly below the Graeci tex- line
videtur abesse, ut principem virum verbis parum honorificis exciperet; ut oblatrantem eum, et ore sacrilego et verbis impiis obstrepentem, contemnere se profiteretur; et indocilem, impium, furentem, caecum, surdum et brutum compellaret. Omnino igitur dicendum est Demetrianum judicem saltem fuisse in civitate Carthaginensi; aut aliquem e consiliariis qui praesidi solebant in judiciis assistere, de quibus vid. Act. XXV, 12. Et virum istius modi, Cypriano ob communia olim studia familiariter notum, veterem sodalem aliquando invisere voluisse, vero non est absimile. Certe Pontius non alio illum titulo ornat, quam gentilis blasphemi. Et Lactantius sine aliqua honoris praefatione, hominem veritatis ignarum appellat. Nec refert quod Demetrianus dicitur Dei charos domo privare, patrimonio spoliare, catenis premere, carcere includere, bestiis, gladio et ignibus punire. Haec enim inferioris subsellii persecutori satis quadrant, et de Saulo, Act. VIII, et IX, qui certe non erat provinciae praeses, referuntur. Luem illam de qua supra in lib. de Mortalitate actum; et famem quae pesti supervenire solet, apologiae huic occasionem dedisse, satis aperte profitetur auctor noster. Et quandoquidem fames cessanti agriculturae; hoc est pesti adultae et diutinae, succedere dignoscitur; librum hunc non ante secundum a morbi initiis annum, hoc est 253 scriptum fuisse censemus.
it seems to lie, that he should greet a leading man with scarcely honourable words; that he should profess to despise him as one barking and making a din with a sacrilegious mouth and impious words; and should call him unteachable, impious, raging, blind, deaf and brutish. It must therefore by all means be said that Demetrianus was at any rate a judge in the city of Carthage; or one of the counsellors who were accustomed to assist the governor in trials, on whom see Acts 25:12. And that a man of this sort, familiarly known to Cyprian on account of studies once shared, should have wished from time to time to visit an old companion, is not unlike the truth. Certainly Pontius adorns him with no other title than that of a blaspheming gentile. And Lactantius, without any preface of honour, calls him a man ignorant of the truth. Nor does it matter that Demetrianus is said to deprive those dear to God of their home, to despoil them of their patrimony, to weigh them down with chains, to shut them in prison, to punish them with beasts, sword and fire. For these things fit well enough a persecutor of a lower bench, and they are related of Saul, Acts 8 and 9, who certainly was not governor of a province. Our author declares quite openly that the plague treated above in the book On Mortality, and the famine which usually comes upon a pestilence, gave the occasion for this apology. And since famine is recognized to follow upon the cessation of agriculture, that is, upon a full-grown and lasting pestilence, we judge that this book was written not before the second year from the beginnings of the disease, that is, 253.
Nam cum ad me saepe. Lactantius Inst. l. V, c. 4, (cui succenturiator accedit D. Hieron. Ep. ad Mag.) dicit, Cyprianum in ea oratione quae Demetrianum, sicut ipse ait, oblatrantem atque obstrepentem veritati redarguere conatur, ea materia non usum esse ut debuit, non enim Scripturae testimoniis quam ille utique vanam, fictam, commentitiamque putabat, sed argumentis et ratione fuerat refellendus. Nam cum ageret contra hominem veritatis ignarum, dilatis paulisper divinis lectionibus, formare hunc a principio tamquam rudem debuit, eique paulatim lucis principia monstrare, ne toto lumine objecto caligaret. Haec vero criminatio et calumnia prorsus evanescet, quam primum constiterit non cum homine ita rudi et veritatis ignaro rem fuisse gestam; sed illo qui saepe ad Cyprianum venisset, et de fidei capitibus acriter subinde disceptasset. Porro observandum, loca S. Scripturae quae a S. Cypriano in toto hoc scripto afferuntur, ex prophetiis fere esse desumpta; nec ad redarguendum infidelem, ulla methodus accommodatior. Unde D. August., orat. de quinque Haeres., postquam attulisset S. Scripturae Veteris Testamenti suffragia, ait: Hic esto et tu Pagane. Audi quid dicat Propheta, non mihi ego quod volui scripsi, codex in quo haec scripta leguntur, in armario Judaei habetur. Inimicus meus testis est meus, ab ipso quaere: aperi, lege et crede. Quinimo argumentum hoc late tractat idem SS. Pater, contra Faustum Manich. l. XIII.
For when [he came] to me often. Lactantius, Institutes bk 5, ch. 4 (to whom St Jerome, Letter to Magnus, comes as a reserve supporter), says that Cyprian, in that discourse which attempts to refute Demetrianus, who, as he himself says, was barking and making a din against the truth, did not use the material as he ought: for he was to be refuted not with testimonies of Scripture, which that man certainly thought vain, feigned and fabricated, but with arguments and reason. For since he was contending against a man ignorant of the truth, he ought, putting off the divine readings for a little, to have formed him from the beginning as one untaught, and to have shown him little by little the beginnings of the light, lest, with the whole light thrust before him, he should be blinded. But this charge and calumny will utterly vanish as soon as it is established that the matter was conducted not with a man so untaught and ignorant of the truth, but with one who had often come to Cyprian and had from time to time disputed keenly about the heads of the faith. Further, it should be observed that the passages of Holy Scripture adduced by St Cyprian in this whole writing are taken almost entirely from the prophecies; nor is any method better suited to refuting an unbeliever. Hence St Augustine, in the discourse On the Five Heresies, after he had brought forward the votes of the Holy Scripture of the Old Testament, says: Be here, you too, Pagan. Hear what the Prophet says; I did not write for myself what I wished; the book in which these things are read is kept in the book-chest of the Jew. My enemy is my witness; ask him: open, read and believe. Indeed the same holy Father treats this argument at length, Against Faustus the Manichaean bk 13.
Tacere ultra non oportet. Diu erat antequam criminationem hanc deposuerunt ethnici; adeo ut ipsi D. Augustino opus fuerit, conscribere librum de Civitate Dei, et Orosio historiam suam, ut eam diluerent.
It is not fitting to keep silent any longer. It was long before the heathen laid this charge aside; so much so that St Augustine himself had need to compose the book On the City of God, and Orosius his history, to wash it away.
Senuisse jam mundum. Universi machinam senio dilabi, et ad interitum vergere; longe alia res est a seculi clausula et mundi fine, quem dies judicii secum affert; ita enim differunt ut mors naturalis et violenta. Utramque tamen ruinam, primi Christiani pariter exspectabant et gentilibus minabantur.
That the world has now grown old. That the frame of the universe is slipping away through old age and tending towards its destruction is a thing far different from the close of the age and the end of the world, which the day of judgement brings with it; for they differ as natural and violent death differ. Yet the first Christians alike expected both ruins and threatened the gentiles with them.
Verna de temperie sua. Probata haec lectio, et phrasi Tertull., consona. Is, l. de Resur. carn., c. 12, ait Revolvuntur hyemes et aestates, verna et autumna. Editores importuna liberalitate, sata addidere.
The spring things from their own mild season. This reading is approved, and consistent with the phrasing of Tertullian. He, in the book On the Resurrection of the Flesh, ch. 12, says Winters and summers revolve, spring things and autumn things. The editors, with untimely liberality, added sata.
Solicitudinem cumulant. Tertull. in Apol. dixit, ex occasione consimili, Annum in cura esse.
They heap up anxiety. Tertullian in the Apology said, on a like occasion, that the year is a matter of concern.
Pallidas herbas sterilis gleba producat. Sic Tert. ad Scapul.: Doleamus necesse est, quod nulla civitas impune latura sit sanguinis nostri effusionem, sicut et sub Hilarione praeside, cum de areis sepulturarum nostrarum acclamassent. Areae non sint: areae ipsorum non fuerunt: messes enim suas non egerunt.
Let the barren clod produce pale grasses. So Tertullian, To Scapula: We must needs grieve, because no city will bear the shedding of our blood unpunished, just as also under the governor Hilarion, when they had shouted about our burial grounds: Let there be no burial grounds! Their own threshing-floors there were none: for they did not gather in their harvests.
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- running head: ONIENSIS EDITIONIS 1132 (cut off at left; presumably NOTAE OXONIENSIS EDITIONIS)
- marginal letters: A videtur abesse; B provinciae praeses; C calumnia prorsus evanescet; D vitate Dei, et Orosio
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: the whole column is the Oxford edition's notes on Ad Demetrianum, set in full (first words: videtur abesse, ut principem virum; lemmata Nam cum ad me saepe, Tacere ultra non oportet, Senuisse jam mundum, Verna de temperie sua, Solicitudinem cumulant, Pallidas herbas); column begins mid-sentence; truncated line-ends of the facing column 1131 visible at left are not set; areae puns on burial grounds and threshing-floors; page prints "oratione quae" (Lactantius has qua), construed as printed
Qui perspicuus et nudus. Judicem pariter effeminatum, et multitiis non vestitum, sed pellucentem, Juvenalis exagitat Sat. 2.
Who is transparent and naked. Juvenal, in Satire 2, likewise assails a judge who is effeminate and not clothed in his gauzy garments but seen through them.
Horrea cludantur in terris. Hujus maleficii reus Prov. XI, 26, dicitur מונע בר συνέχων σῖτον. Eleganter rem describit Nazianzenus; ut sit καταπραγματεύεσθαι τῆς ἐνδείας, καὶ γεωργεῖν τὰς συμφορὰς. Dardanariorum nomen, licet infame et legibus coercitum, tamen qui in provinciis potestate praeerant, exinde compendia sibi facere minime erubescebant.
Granaries are shut on the earth. One guilty of this misdeed is called in Prov. 11:26 מונע בר, "one who holds back grain". Nazianzen describes the matter elegantly: that it is "to make a trade of scarcity, and to farm calamities". Although the name of the dardanarii [grain-hoarders] was infamous and restrained by the laws, nevertheless those who held power in the provinces did not blush in the least to make profits for themselves from it.
Anocentè. In hanc mentem plura dicuntur in lib. ad Donatum. Nec novum est ut auctores, illis quae prius scripserant, subinde tamquam suis utantur.
Anocentè. Much to this effect is said in the book To Donatus. Nor is it new for authors to make use, from time to time, of what they had written before, as being their own.
Timent conscii. Accusare scil. et deferre.
Their accomplices fear, that is, to accuse and to inform.
Crocodili et Cynocephali. Tertullianus in Apol, c. 6, ait haec Aegyptiorum portenta, Pisonem et Gabinium Coss. Capitolio prohibuisse, porro eversis etiam aris eorum abdicasse: postea vero illis in integrum restitutis, summam majestatem collatam.
Crocodiles and dog-headed baboons. Tertullian, in the Apology, ch. 6, says that the consuls Piso and Gabinius barred these monsters of the Egyptians from the Capitol and, further, overthrew their altars as well and banished them; but that afterwards, when they had been fully restored, the highest majesty was conferred on them.
Torqueri enim debui si negarem. Hoc argumentum late tractat Tertull., in Apol. c. 2, et l. 1 ad Nationes, c. 2. Nec non Minut. Felix in Octavio qui dicit perversam quaestionem exerceri, non quae verum erueret, sed quae mendacium cogeret.
For I ought to have been tortured if I denied. Tertullian treats this argument at length in the Apology, ch. 2, and in book 1 To the Nations, ch. 2. So too Minucius Felix in the Octavius, who says that a perverse inquisition is conducted, not one that would dig out the truth but one that would force out a lie.
Ruinis regum. Deciorum nimirum; quorum cladem in principio libri de Lapsis, ultioni divinae imputat auctor noster. Res ista singulari libello Lactantii argumentum fecit. Quam etiam tractat Orosius Hist. l. VII, c. 31.
By the downfall of kings. Of the Decii, that is; whose overthrow our author, at the beginning of the book On the Lapsed, ascribes to divine vengeance. This matter furnished the subject of a separate little book of Lactantius. Orosius also treats it, History, book 7, ch. 31.
Valetudine mussitamus. Tantum abest ut blasphemias voces proferamus, immo ut cum fremitu murmuremus; quod ne vel leviter mussitemus.
We mutter in sickness. So far are we from uttering blasphemous words, or indeed from murmuring with loud complaint, that we do not even mutter lightly.
A pabulo oves. LXX. ἐξέλιπον ἀπὸ βρώσεως πρόβατα. Sed Hebraeae veritati magis responderet altera lectio, quae habet: Deficient a stabulo oves. Nam גזר ממכלה צאן sic optime redditur. LXX legisse videntur מאכל.
The sheep from the pasture. The Septuagint: "the sheep have failed from their food". But the other reading, which has, "The sheep shall fail from the fold", would correspond better to the Hebrew truth. For גזר ממכלה צאן is best rendered thus. The Septuagint seem to have read מאכל [food].
Pro arcendis hostibus, et imbribus impetrandis. Respicit memorabile Christianorum militum facinus sub Aurelio imp. de quo Justinus Martyr. et Tertull. in Apologet.
For keeping off enemies and obtaining rains. He has in view the memorable deed of the Christian soldiers under the emperor Aurelius, of which Justin Martyr and Tertullian [speak] in the Apology.
Ne tetigeritis. Legunt μὴ ἐγγίσητε. Cyprianus videtur legisse μὴ θίγητε.
Do not touch. They read μὴ ἐγγίσητε, "do not draw near". Cyprian seems to have read μὴ θίγητε, "do not touch".
Oculorum crudelium brevis fructus. Evanida illa et saeva theatrorum gaudia quae persecutorum pascebant oculos, luent miseri in gehennae flammis aeternum cruciandi; et a pauperibus in sinum Abrahae receptis e longe spectandi.
The brief enjoyment of cruel eyes. For those fleeting and savage delights of the theatres which fed the eyes of the persecutors, the wretches will pay in the flames of Gehenna, to be tormented for ever, and to be watched from afar by the poor who have been received into Abraham's bosom.
Ad immortalitatem sub ipsa morte transitur. Haec omnia ad Ethnicum dicuntur, et nondum per Baptismum renatum. Christianis improbis, et sero resipiscentibus, non tam facilis potest promitti venia.
At the very point of death one passes to immortality. All this is said to a heathen, one not yet reborn through Baptism. To wicked Christians who come to their senses late, pardon cannot be promised so easily.
IN LIBRUM DE OPERE ET ELEEMOSYNIS.
On the book On Works and Almsgiving.
De Opere et Eleemosynis. Nulla magis re emicuit primaeva pietas, quam illa effusa largitione qua pauperum necessitatibus succurrebatur. Nec in officiis ullis plebi Christianae commendandis magis desudavit aut Apostolorum, aut SS. Patrum diligentia. Et quidem quae de hac materia in libello isto egregie sunt congesta, non sine numine aliquo videntur scripta, ut paratiores essent fratrum Carthaginensium mentes ad opem ferendam laborantibus Numidis qui a barbaris hac tempestate erant capti; cujus rei mentio occurrit Ep. 62, ad Pamelii numeros 60. Libellum hunc ante illam cladem scriptum fuisse satis inde conficitur, quod inter hortamenta, nulla occurrat mentio causae tam favorabilis. Tractatum igitur ipsum an. 254 assignamus, qui praedictam barbarorum incursionem videtur praecessisse. Librum hunc laudat D. Hieronym. Epist. ad Pammach. Nec non D. August. contra Pelagianos, Cont. Julian. et alibi passim. Ejusdem meminisse videtur Pontius sub titulo libri de Misericordia.
On Works and Almsgiving. In nothing did the piety of the earliest times shine out more than in that lavish generosity by which the needs of the poor were relieved. Nor did the diligence either of the Apostles or of the holy Fathers labour harder at commending any duties to the Christian people. And indeed what has been excellently gathered on this subject in this little book seems to have been written not without some divine prompting, so that the minds of the Carthaginian brethren might be readier to bring help to the suffering Numidians who had at that time been taken captive by barbarians; this matter is mentioned in Ep. 62, by Pamelius's numbering 60. That this little book was written before that disaster is sufficiently inferred from the fact that among its exhortations no mention occurs of so favourable a cause. We therefore assign the treatise itself to the year 254, which seems to have preceded the aforesaid incursion of the barbarians. St Jerome praises this book in his Letter to Pammachius; so too St Augustine, Against the Pelagians, Against Julian, and elsewhere here and there. Pontius seems to mention the same under the title of a book On Mercy.
Adam portaverat. Apportaverat, inflixit. D. August.
Adam had brought. Had brought upon [us], had inflicted. St Augustine
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- running head: 1133 SELECTAE IN CYPRIANU[M ...] (cut off at the right edge; the column number is faint and could be read as 1135)
- marginal letters: A ‹Qui perspicuus et nudus›; B ‹late tractat Tertull., in Apol.›; C ‹Aurelio imp. de quo Justinus›; D ‹ullis plebi Christianae commendandis›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: the whole column is editors' matter (selected notes on Cyprian): ‹Qui perspicuus et nudus›, continuing to ‹IN LIBRUM DE OPERE ET ELEEMOSYNIS›; set in full. Lemma "Anocentè" is UNSURE (reading and sense unclear, possibly a misprint), so it is left untranslated. Accents on σῖτον and ἐγγίσητε are UNSURE. Orosius chapter is printed c. 31; Orosius treats Decius at VII, 21, so it is possibly a misprint, UNSURE. There is a stray ink dot after μὴ θίγητε, not set. The last word "Au-" (August.) is split at the column break.
hunc locum saepius laudat, dicitque duas Pelagianorum falsitates hic redargui, unam qua dicunt nihil vitiorum ex Adam trahere genus humanum, quod sit sanandum curandumque per Christum: alteram qua dicunt, nullum post Baptismum sanctos habere peccatum, Cont. 2 Epist. Pelag. ad Bonif. l. IV, c. 8.
often praises this passage, and says that two falsehoods of the Pelagians are refuted here: one, by which they say that the human race draws from Adam nothing of vices that would need to be healed and cured through Christ; the other, by which they say that the saints have no sin after Baptism, Against Two Letters of the Pelagians, to Boniface, book 4, ch. 8.
Non utique illa delicta quae fuerant ante contracta. Observanda venit summa scriptorum veterum sollicitudo, ne quid ab ipsis dictum elevet certissimam fidem, quod peccata omnia anteactae vitae Baptismi lavacro purgantur; qua spe et exspectatione, quotquot christianae fidei nomina dedere, imprimis ad Baptismum allecti videntur.
Not indeed those offences which had been contracted before. One should note the very great care of the ancient writers that nothing said by them should weaken the most certain faith that all the sins of the former life are cleansed by the washing of Baptism; by this hope and expectation all who gave in their names to the Christian faith seem to have been drawn to Baptism above all.
Jugis operatio. Hac voce passim designat auctor omne illud, quo apud nos bonorum operum notatione intelligitur: unde sic in libri hujus titulo adhibetur, ut idem sit cum eleemosyna: et caput primum tertii libri ad Quirin. inscribitur, De Bono operis et misericordiae. Ubi vide quae dicta.
Continual working. By this term the author everywhere designates all that which among us is understood under the designation of good works: hence it is used in the title of this book in such a way that it is the same as almsgiving; and the first chapter of the third book To Quirinus is entitled On the Good of Work and of Mercy. See there what has been said.
In tabula jam lotum. Ἐν τῷ ὑπερώῳ. Act. IX, coenaculo, in superiore nimirum tabulato. Librarii, pro captu suo, mensae maxime memores, tabulam jam, reposuerunt. Mos lavandi mortuos apud Gentes obtinuit; unde Ennius dixerat:
Washed now on a table. "In the upper room," Acts 9, in the dining-room, that is, on the upper floor. The copyists, according to their understanding, being chiefly mindful of a table, put in its place tabulam jam ("now on a table"). The custom of washing the dead prevailed among the Gentiles; whence Ennius had said:
Tarquinii corpus bona femina lavit et unxit.
The good woman washed and anointed the body of Tarquinius.
Exhibitionem. Vid. quae dicta l. III. ad Quir., c. 61.
A showing. See what has been said on book 3 To Quirinus, ch. 61.
Alta et profunda. Papias ait: Altitudo commune est nomen excelso et profundo. Intelliguntur tenebrae quae totum medium, coelum et terras pervadunt.
High and deep. Papias says: Height is a name common to the lofty and the deep. The darkness is meant which pervades the whole middle space, heaven and earth.
Non stibio diaboli. Pigmentum hoc in usu fuisse apud Judaeos, constat ex II Reg. IX, 30. Jer. IV, 30, Ezech. XXIII, 40. Graeci πλατυόφθαλμον et ὀμματογράφον vocarunt. Porro nec Romanis ignotum In calliblepharis mulierum dilatare oculos, dicit Plinius l. XXXIII, c. 6. Diabolo, interpolatori naturae, cosmeticas artes olim imputabat Tertull., lib. de Cultu fem., et alibi.
Not with the devil's antimony. That this pigment was in use among the Jews is clear from (2 Kgs. 9:30), (Jer. 4:30), (Ezek. 23:40). The Greeks called it "eye-widener" and "eye-painter." Moreover it was not unknown to the Romans: "to enlarge the eyes with women's eyelid-paints," says Pliny, book 33, ch. 6. Tertullian of old imputed the cosmetic arts to the devil, the corrupter of nature, in the book On the Apparel of Women, and elsewhere.
Dominicum celebrare te credis. Respicere videtur auctor noster locum D. Pauli I Cor. XVI, 2, ubi jubentur singuli fideles prima sabbati sive quavis die dominica, seponere quod eis beneplacuerit. Et morem hac ex parte, Ecclesiae christianae explicat Justinus Martyr, Apol. II: Τῇ τοῦ Ἡλίου λεγομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ πάντων κατὰ πόλιν ἢ ἀγροὺς μενόντων ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ συνέλευσις γίνεται. Cumque precum et Eucharistiae solemnia descripsisset subjungit, οἱ εὐποροῦντες δὲ καὶ βουλόμενοι, κατὰ προαίρεσιν ἕκαστος τὴν ἑαυτοῦ, ὃ βούλεται δίδωσι, καὶ τὸ συλλεγόμενον παρὰ τῷ προεστῶτι ὑποτίθεται, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπικουρεῖ ὀρφανοῖς τε καὶ χήραις, etc. Observandum venit Dominici voce tria significari apud veteres. 1° Diem ipsam, ita habetur Apoc. I, 9, et Ignat. Ep. ad Trallian. 2° Ecclesiam, ita Concil. Neocaes., can. V, jubet catechumenum ingredientem ἐς τὸ κυριακὸν, in loco catechumenorum subsistere. Et Hieron. in Chronico sic voce Dominici utitur, et in vernaculis nostris linguis, Nostratium Church, et Germanorum Dohm, ex hoc fonte liquido deducuntur. 3° Ponitur pro mysteriis loco et tempore praedictis celebrari solitis; ita κυριακὸν τελεῖν, est sacris christianis operari. Et fortasse huc facit, quod hic dicitur Dominicum celebrare te credis? Certe adeo arctus erat nexus inter Eucharistiae perceptionem, et jus oblationes participandi; ut pari semper passu procederent, et abstenti viderentur, quibus hoc privilegium κοινωνίας μετὰ προσφορᾶς negatum: qua de re videatur Concil. Ancyr., can. V, nec non quae dicuntur in Ep. 2. In hanc mentem locutus videtur D. August. serm. 215, de Temp.: Oblationes quae in altario consecrantur offerte; erubescere debet homo idoneus, si de aliena oblatione communicat.
You think you celebrate the Lord's [rite]. Our author seems to have in view the passage of St Paul, (1 Cor. 16:2), where the individual faithful are bidden, on the first day of the week, that is, on every Lord's day, to set aside what has pleased them. And Justin Martyr explains the custom of the Christian Church in this respect, Apology 2: "On the day called the day of the Sun there is a gathering in one place of all who stay in a city or in the country." And when he has described the solemn rites of the prayers and of the Eucharist, he adds: "and those who are well off and willing, each according to his own choice, give what he wishes, and what is collected is deposited with the president, and he himself succours orphans and widows," etc. It should be observed that by the word Dominicum three things are signified among the ancients. 1. The day itself; so it is found in (Rev. 1:9), and Ignatius, Letter to the Trallians. 2. The church; thus the Council of Neocaesarea, canon 5, orders a catechumen entering "into the Lord's [house]" to stand in the place of the catechumens. And Jerome in the Chronicle uses the word Dominicum in this way, and in our vernacular languages the Church of our countrymen and the Dohm of the Germans are clearly derived from this source. 3. It is used for the mysteries customarily celebrated at the aforesaid place and time; thus "to perform the Lord's [rite]" is to carry out the Christian sacred rites. And perhaps this bears on what is said here, You think you celebrate the Lord's [rite]? Certainly so close was the bond between the receiving of the Eucharist and the right of sharing in the offerings that they always proceeded at an equal pace, and those were regarded as excluded to whom this privilege of "communion with offering" was denied: on which matter see the Council of Ancyra, canon 5, and also what is said in Letter 2. St Augustine seems to have spoken in this sense, sermon 215 de Tempore: Offer oblations which are consecrated on the altar; a man of means ought to blush if he communicates from another's oblation.
Subcinericium panem. LXX habent ἐγκρυφίαν μικρόν. Hesychio interprete, ἐγκρυφίας, ἄρτου εἶδος ὁ ἐν σποδῷ γενόμενος, τῷ μὴ εἶναι κλίβανον.
Bread baked under the ashes. The Septuagint have "a small ash-cake." As Hesychius interprets it, "enkryphias, a kind of bread made in the ashes, because there is no oven."
Fidelia farris. Vas fictile. LXX: ὑδρία τοῦ ἀλεύρου οὐκ ἐξέλιπε, καὶ ὁ καψάκης τοῦ ἐλαίου.
A jar of meal. An earthenware vessel. Septuagint: "the jar of meal did not fail, and the flask of oil."
Verus et justus. Lectionem illam sequitur auctor noster quae habet. ἄνθρωπος ἐκεῖνος ἀληθινός, δίκαιος:
True and just. Our author follows that reading which has: "that man true, just:"
Editors' notes and page, col. 1134
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- running head: [left part cut off] E IN CYPRIANUM NOTAE. 1134
- marginal letters: A ‹gust. hunc locum saepius›; B ‹In tabula jam lotum›; C ‹auctor noster locum D. Pauli›; D ‹ita κυριακὸν τελεῖν›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: column begins with "gust." completing "Au-" broken from col. 1133; whole column is editors' matter (notes on Cyprian: ‹gust. hunc locum saepius laudat›), set in full; running head printed across the page and cut off at left; "omnia" partly damaged in type; "serm. 215" figure unsure (213?); final punctuation after "δίκαιος" unsure (colon or semicolon); "ἐς τὸ κυριακὸν" read as printed (two-letter form, not εἰς), slightly unsure; "II Reg. IX, 30" taken in Protestant numbering = 2 Kings; "Apoc. I, 9" kept as printed; "jus oblationes participandi" kept as printed
cujus loco alia exemplaria reponunt ἀμεμπτος, alia ἄμωμος. Quae hic redundant de offerendo vitulum pro peccatis, in graecis passim exemplaribus occurrunt; et revera, θυσίαις superaddi solent, τὰ περὶ ἁμαρτίας. Vid. Ps. XXXIX, 10.
in place of which other copies substitute ἀμεμπτος [blameless], others ἄμωμος [spotless]. The words that are redundant here about offering a calf for sins occur here and there in the Greek copies; and indeed, τὰ περὶ ἁμαρτίας [the offerings for sin] are regularly added to θυσίαις [sacrifices]. See Ps. 39:10.
Praemium enim bonum. Sic etiam legit Vulgatus interpres. Graeca habent, θέμα ἀγαθόν, unde θεματικοὶ ἀγῶνες, in quibus deposito aliquo praemio certatur: qui et ἀργυρῖται; oppositi στεφανίταις et φυλλίταις.
For the reward is good. So too reads the Vulgate translator. The Greek has θέμα ἀγαθόν [a good prize], whence θεματικοὶ ἀγῶνες [prize contests], in which men compete for some prize put up: these are also called ἀργυρῖται [contests for money], as opposed to the στεφανῖται and φυλλῖται [contests for a crown and for leaves].
Quale munus. Impensae munerariorum apud Ethnicos, in hominum laniena et pernicie versabantur; Christiani in iisdem sublevandis sumptus fecerunt. Spectaculum illud Deo opt. max. alterum diabolo dignum. Porro non solum in largitionibus, sed multo magis in perpessionibus; spectaculum Deo, Angelis, et hominibus facti sunt Christiani; referente Apostolo I Cor. IX, 9: Munus coram summo Deo, videtur opponi illis quae fiunt, coram hominibus.
What a gift. Among the heathen the outlays of the givers of shows were spent on the butchery and destruction of men; the Christians laid out their expenses in relieving the same. The one spectacle was worthy of God, the best and greatest, the other of the devil. Moreover, not only in largesses but much more in sufferings Christians were made a spectacle to God, to the angels and to men, as the Apostle relates (1 Cor. 9:9): A gift before the most high God seems to be set in contrast to those things which are done before men.
Quadriga vel Consulatus. Majorum magistratuum honores et insignia. Curules, inquit Festus, equi quadrigales.
The four-horse chariot or the consulship. The honours and insignia of the higher magistracies. Curule horses, says Festus, are the horses of a four-horse chariot.
Ac nisi editio honesta successerit. Sic lib. ad Donatum, Stulta prorsus et vana jactura, frustrantis spectaculi voluptate id parare voluisse, quod nec populus acciperet, et perderet magistratus.
And unless an honourable exhibition has followed. So in the book To Donatus: A loss utterly foolish and vain, to have wished to procure by the pleasure of a disappointing show that which the people would not receive and the magistrate would lose.
Ambustionem. Graeca habent κόλασιν αἰώνιον. Noster, constans in hac lectione, πύρωσιν legisse videtur.
Burning. The Greek has κόλασιν αἰώνιον [eternal punishment]. Our author, consistent in this reading, seems to have read πύρωσιν [burning].
Quid sub Apostolis fecerit credentium populus. Ad illa pariter tempora provocat auctor noster, sub finem lib. de Orat.
What the people of believers did under the Apostles. Our author likewise appeals to those times towards the end of the book On Prayer.
Dies nos vel redditionis. Tertullianus, de Resurrect. carnis, c. 32, redhibitionem ponit. Altera lectio quae reditionem habet, Rigaltio non displicet: ut reditio quae spontanea videtur, persecutioni opponatur, quae est violenta. Vel potius, ut per reditionem intelligatur in Paradisum aditus, unde expulsus peccator Adamus, et progenies Adami infecta peccato. Hoc peccatum abolevit Christus, atque inde boni Christiani redeunt in paradisum, quo Cainus fratricidio non rediit, inquit Cyprianus, de Zelo et Livore, sub finem.
The day of our restoring. Tertullian, On the Resurrection of the Flesh, ch. 32, puts redhibitionem [restoration]. The other reading, which has reditionem [return], does not displease Rigault: so that a return, which seems voluntary, is set against persecution, which is violent. Or rather, so that by return is understood entry into Paradise, from which Adam the sinner was expelled, and the offspring of Adam infected with sin. This sin Christ has abolished, and thence good Christians return to paradise, whither Cain did not return because of his fratricide, says Cyprian, On Jealousy and Envy, towards the end.
IN LIBRUM DE BONO PATIENTIAE.
On the Book On the Good of Patience.
De bono Patientiae. Ipse Cyprianus in celebri ejus epistola ad Jubaianum, titulum hunc tuetur; ubi ait: Propter hoc, etiam libellum de Bono Patientiae quantum valuit nostra mediocritas, permittente Domino et inspirante, conscripsimus. Unde etiam facile discitur quo tempore et ex qua occasione eumdem ediderit tractatum. Nimirum post motam de haereticorum Baptismo litem, scil. circa annum 255, scripsisse apparet; ut exacerbatis hinc inde partium animis remedium afferret: cui rei, quo rectius consuleretur, per totum operis decursum, ne vel voculam unam interponit (quod singularis prudentiae qua in rebus gerendis usus est, indicio esse possit), quae infelicis controversiae memoriam refricaret. Porro libelli hujus non modo meminit Pontius, sed etiam Hieron. adv. Lucifer., August. l. III. cont. Cresc., c. 1. Etiam l. VII. de Baptismo, contra Donat., c. 54, nec non l. IV, ad Bonif., c. 8, et alibi passim.
On the good of patience. Cyprian himself, in his celebrated letter to Jubaianus, vouches for this title, where he says: For this reason we have also composed, as far as our poor ability availed, with the Lord permitting and inspiring, a little book On the Good of Patience. From this it is also easily learned at what time and on what occasion he published this same treatise. Evidently he appears to have written it after the dispute about the baptism of heretics had been stirred up, that is, about the year 255, so as to bring a remedy to the minds of the parties, exasperated on both sides: and in order to provide the better for this, throughout the whole course of the work he does not insert even one little word (which may serve as evidence of the singular prudence he showed in conducting affairs) that might rekindle the memory of the unhappy controversy. Further, this little book is mentioned not only by Pontius but also by Jerome, Against Lucifer, and Augustine, book 3 Against Cresconius, ch. 1; also book 7 On Baptism, against the Donatists, ch. 54, as well as book 4 To Boniface, ch. 8, and here and there elsewhere.
Hanc se sectari philosophi quoque profitentur. Tertullianus pariter ait, lib. de Patientia: Philosophi quidem, qui alicujus sapientiae animalia deputantur, tantum illi subsignant, ut cum inter se variis sectarum libidinibus, et sententiarum aemulationibus discordent, solius tamen patientiae in commune memores, huic uni studiorum suorum commiserint pacem: in eam conspirant, in eam foederantur, illam affectatione virtutis unanimiter student, omnem sapientiae ostentationem de patientia praeferunt.
The philosophers too profess that they pursue this. Tertullian likewise says, in the book On Patience: The philosophers indeed, who are reckoned creatures of some wisdom, set their seal to it so far that, though they disagree among themselves through the various caprices of their sects and the rivalries of their opinions, yet, mindful in common of patience alone, to it alone they have entrusted the peace of their pursuits: in it they are united, in it they are leagued together, they unanimously apply themselves to it in their striving after virtue, they display all their show of wisdom by means of patience.
Cum Deo virtus ista communis. Tert. de Patientia c. 3: Penes nos ratio et structio, satis aperte non sermonibus modo in praecipiendo, sed etiam passionibus in sustinendo, probant his quibus credere datum est, patientiam Dei esse naturam, effectum et praestantiam ingenitae cujusdam proprietatis.
This virtue is shared with God. Tertullian, On Patience, ch. 3: With us reason and instruction, quite openly, not only by words in teaching but also by sufferings in enduring, prove to those to whom it has been given to believe that patience is the nature of God, the effect and excellence of a certain inborn property.
Immortalitate interim posita. Sic Principes majestatem
Immortality being meanwhile set aside. So princes, their majesty,
Editors' notes and page, col. 1135
Page
- running head: 1135 OXONIENSIS EDITIO (rest cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A cujus loco alia exemplaria; B honores et insignia. Curules, inquit Festus; C prianus, de Zelo et Livore; D de Baptismo, contra Donat.
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: the whole column is Oxford-edition notes (cujus loco alia exemplaria...; heading IN LIBRUM DE BONO PATIENTIAE; De bono Patientiae. Ipse Cyprianus...), all set; column begins mid-sentence and ends with majes- split at the column break; "I Cor. IX, 9" as printed, the passage quoted is 1 Cor. 4:9, possibly a misprint for IV; "Dies nos vel redditionis" lemma set as printed, UNSURE whether it is defective; Greek accents set as nearly as legible (ἀμεμπτος printed without visible accent); "ratio et structio" set as printed
ponere dicuntur, cum dignitatis insignia exuentes, plebeio habitu in medium procedunt.
are said to lay down, when, stripping off the insignia of their rank, they come forward into public view in plebeian dress.
Oculos paulo ante formasset. Ac si non aperuisset oculos, sed fecisset. Sic Nonnus c. IX, Joan. ἀφωτίστοιο προσώπου.
He had formed the eyes a little before. As if He had not opened the eyes, but made them. So Nonnus, ch. 9 [of his paraphrase] of John: "of the lightless face".
Συμφερτὴν, ἀμέριστον ἔχων, ἀχάρακτον ὀπωπὴν, / Ἣν φύσις οὐκ ἐτύπωσε, λιποβλεφάροιο δὲ κύκλου, / Οἰδαλέον ξένον ὄμμα γενέθλιος εἶχεν ὀμίχλη.
Having a fused, undivided, unformed sight, which nature had not shaped; and a mist from birth held the swollen, strange eye of the lidless circle.
Ut consummetur in Christo. Respicere videtur auctor noster verba Servatoris dicentis τετέλεσται. Jo. XIX, 30, quasi non prophetias, sed patientiam adimplevisset.
That it might be completed in Christ. Our author seems to have in view the words of the Saviour saying "It is finished" (John 19:30), as though He had fulfilled not the prophecies but His patience.
Super quem Ecclesia. Similia habentur in Epistolis ad Florent. Pupien. ad Jubuian. ad Quint. et alibi: solet enim auctor noster cum Scripturae testimonium laudat, id scriptoris ipsius elogio illustrare. In lib. de Opere et Eleem. D. Paulum citans ait: Apostolus Paulus Dominicae inspirationis gratia plenus. Et in hoc ipso libro, Beatus Apostolus Paulus, plenus Spiritu sancto, et vocandis formandisque gentibus missus. Et paulo post, Paulus divini praecepti memor, ut et alibi passim.
Upon whom the Church. Similar things are found in the Letters to Florentius Pupianus, to Jubaianus, to Quintus and elsewhere: for our author is accustomed, when he cites a testimony of Scripture, to set it off with praise of the writer himself. In the book On Works and Alms, citing St Paul, he says: "The Apostle Paul, full of the grace of the Lord's inspiration." And in this very book, "The blessed Apostle Paul, full of the Holy Spirit, and sent to call and form the Gentiles." And a little after, "Paul, mindful of the divine precept", as also here and there elsewhere.
Fratrem parricidam. Lege Pompeia de parricidiis cavetur, ut parricidii teneatur, non solum qui patrem aut matrem interfecerit; sed qui fratrem, sororem, patruelem, etc. occiderit.
A parricide brother. By the Pompeian Law on parricides it is provided that not only he who has killed father or mother is held guilty of parricide, but also he who has slain a brother, a sister, a paternal cousin, etc.
Initium sumit a lacrymis. Plinius, lib. VII, in prooemio, hoc multis exsequitur: Hominem nudum et in nuda humo, natali die abjicit natura, ad vagitus statim et ploratum, nullumque tot animalium ad lacrymas, et has protinus vitae principio. At hercule risus praecox ille et celerrimus ante quadragesimum diem nulli datur.
It takes its beginning from tears. Pliny, book 7, in the preface, sets this out at length: "Nature casts man forth naked, and on the naked ground, on the day of his birth, straightway to wailing and weeping, and none other of so many animals to tears, and these at once at the very beginning of life. But, by Hercules, that early laughter, even the quickest, is granted to no one before the fortieth day."
Justitiae dicata innocentia. Baptismalis nimirum.
Innocence dedicated to righteousness. That is, baptismal [innocence].
Ncc post gestatam Eucharistiam. Lectionem Pamelii retinemus, paucorum licet codicum auctoritate fultam; revera enim melius respondet manui, cujus mentio hic habetur, gestata, quam gustata Eucharistia. Et quidem non dissimili loquendi genere usus alibi est Cyprianus, in Ep. nimirum ad Thibaritanos: Armemus, inquit, dextram gladio spirituali, ut sacrificia funesta fortiter respuat, et Eucharistiae memor, qua Domini corpus accepit. Sic in lib. de Lapsis. Quod non statim Domini corpus iniquitatis manibus accipiat. Insuper constat ex libro praedicto, panem eucharisticum fidelibus non tantum per sacerdotem distributum, sed ab iisdem domum deportatum.
Nor after the Eucharist had been carried. We keep Pamelius's reading, although it is supported by the authority of few manuscripts; for in truth "the Eucharist carried" answers better than "the Eucharist tasted" to the hand, which is mentioned here. And indeed Cyprian used a not dissimilar manner of speaking elsewhere, namely in the Letter to the Thibaritans: "Let us arm," he says, "the right hand with the spiritual sword, that it may bravely reject the deadly sacrifices, and, mindful of the Eucharist, by which it received the Lord's body." So in the book On the Lapsed: "That he does not at once receive the Lord's body with hands of iniquity." Moreover it is clear from the aforesaid book that the eucharistic bread was not only distributed to the faithful by the priest, but was also carried home by them.
Vermium poena consumit. In hanc mentem supra locutus est auctor noster in lib. de Mortalit. Erumpentes bestiolas vocat Tertull. lib. de Patientia.
The punishment of worms consumes. Our author spoke to this effect above, in the book On Mortality. Tertullian, in the book On Patience, calls them "little beasts bursting forth".
Ut itineris sui duces nuncuparet, caput bubulum, et terrestre figmentum. Tertullianus adversus Judaeos cap. 1, ait processisse eis bubulum caput, et quod huic figmento universus Israel relicto Deo honorem dederunt, dicentes: Hi sunt Dei qui nos ejecerunt de terra Aegypti. Ita autem verba haec concepit auctor noster, ut non unum sed multiplex idolum ab Israelitis cultum referat. Et revera non temere et ex Hebraeo solum idiomate LXX interpretes plurali numero usi sunt dicentes: οὗτοι οἱ θεοί σου, Ἰσραὴλ, et, ποίησον ἡμῖν θεοὺς οἳ προπορεύσονται ἡμῶν. Etenim ex prophetia Amos, V, 26, (a D. Stephano laudata) constat, ab Israelitis non tantum conflatum vitulum aureum, sed tabernaculum Moloch, et imaginem Idolorum, Sidus Dei Rempham, figuras quas fecerunt. A Psalmista, Ps. LXXVII, 64, dicuntur Israelitae, hoc facinore Deum ad aemulationem accendisse: idque merito. Cultum scil. Deo opt. max. debitum, quique in Tabernaculo columna ignis et nube conspicuus apparuit; Molocho sive Soli tamquam praesentiori numini tribuebant, (et ipsius tabernaculum, thensamve septem conclavium, pro planetarum numero, referente R. Simeon in Jalkut), circumferebant. Insuper cultum Jehovae, sive Deo summo, qui est, erat, futurus est, peculiare; Rephan sive Saturno (sic enim apud Aegyptios appellatur) temporis Deo, et planetarum summo, cujus
That they should name as leaders of their journey a calf's head and an earthly figment. Tertullian, Against the Jews, ch. 1, says that a calf's head went before them, and that to this figment the whole of Israel, having abandoned God, gave honour, saying: "These are the gods who brought us out of the land of Egypt." Our author, however, so framed these words as to report that not one but a manifold idol was worshipped by the Israelites. And indeed it was not rashly, nor merely from Hebrew idiom, that the Seventy translators used the plural number, saying: "These are your gods, Israel", and, "Make us gods who shall go before us." For from the prophecy of Amos 5:26 (cited by St Stephen) it is clear that the Israelites made not only a molten golden calf, but also "the tabernacle of Moloch, and the image of idols, the star of the god Rempham, figures which they made." By the Psalmist, Ps. 77:64, the Israelites are said by this crime to have kindled God to jealousy: and deservedly so. For the worship owed to God, best and greatest, Who appeared visibly in the Tabernacle in the pillar of fire and the cloud, they gave to Moloch, that is, to the Sun, as to a more present deity, and they carried about his tabernacle, or shrine of seven chambers according to the number of the planets (as Rabbi Simeon reports in the Yalkut). Moreover the worship proper to Jehovah, that is, to the supreme God, Who is, was and is to come, to Rephan, that is, to Saturn (for so he is called among the Egyptians), god of time and highest of the planets, whose
Editors' notes and page, col. 1136
Page
- running head: NIENSIS EDITIONIS 1136 (cut at left edge)
- marginal letters: A tatem ponere dicuntur; B ipso libro, Beatus Apostolus; C Et quidem non dissimili; D cultum referat. Et revera
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (notes of the Oxford edition), set in full: tatem ponere dicuntur; Oculos paulo ante; Ut consummetur; Super quem Ecclesia; Fratrem parricidam; Initium sumit; Justitiae dicata; Ncc post gestatam; Vermium poena; Ut itineris sui. Column begins with the fragment "tatem" broken from col. 1135 and ends mid-sentence at "cujus". The three-line Greek verse quotation from Nonnus is set as one paragraph with " / " marking the line breaks. UNSURE: second word of the Nonnus verse (ἀμέριστον) and some Greek accents, small type; "Jubuian." as read. Left column (1135) visible at the image edge is not set.
emblema bos stellatus (ob agriculturam cui praefuit, et sidus ejus ἐπὶ μετώπου ἄκρου, inquit Cyrillus) transtulerunt.
transferred, as an emblem, a starred ox (on account of the agriculture over which he presided, and his star "on the top of the forehead", says Cyril).
Bonis patientiae et impatientiae malis. Eadem plane methodo utitur Tertull. in lib. de Patient.
The goods of patience and the evils of impatience. Tertullian uses plainly the same method in the book On Patience.
In viduis loboriosam castitatem. Simili formula Tertullianus de Virg. velandis, continentiae laboratioris meminit. Et inter virgines et viduas comparationem instituens, dicit: Virginitatem gratia constare, continentiam vero virtute. Non concupiscendi cui concupiscendo inoleveris, grande certamen est. Cujus autem concupiscendi ignoraveris fructum, facile non cupisces.
In widows, a laborious chastity. With a similar formula Tertullian, On the Veiling of Virgins, mentions "a more laborious continence". And, drawing a comparison between virgins and widows, he says: "Virginity stands by grace, but continence by virtue. Not to desire that in which you have grown up by desiring is a great struggle. But that whose fruit in desiring you have not known, you will easily not desire."
Singulae stolae albae. Codices mss. non pauci legunt ἐδόθη αὐτοῖς ἑκάστῳ στολὴ λευκή. Deinceps in graeco textu solum occurrit πληρώσονται, quodque hic de numero habetur, interpretamenti loco apponitur.
White robes, one each. Not a few manuscripts read "there was given to each of them a white robe". Further on, in the Greek text there occurs only "they shall be fulfilled", and what is found here about the number is added by way of interpretation.
Igne enim Domini. LXX legunt, ἀποσκορακισμὸν ἐν φλογὶ πυρὸς, ἐν γὰρ πυρὶ κυρίου κριθήσεται πᾶσα ἡ γῆ, καὶ ἐν τῇ ῥομφαίᾳ αὐτοῦ πᾶσα σάρξ.
For by the fire of the Lord. The Seventy read: "rejection in a flame of fire, for by the fire of the Lord all the earth shall be judged, and all flesh by His sword."
Dominum adora. Legisse videtur Cyprianus non τῷ Θεῷ προσκύνησον, sed τῷ Κυρίῳ.
Worship the Lord. Cyprian seems to have read not "worship God" but "worship the Lord".
IN LIBRUM DE ZELO ET LIVORE.
ON THE BOOK ON JEALOUSY AND ENVY.
De zelo et livore. Liber iste, ejusdem fere argumenti cum praecedente, ex eadem occasione etiam scriptus videtur. Sed cum in Epistola ad Jubaianum, tractatus de Patientia, non autem hujus de Zelo et livore meminerit Cyprianus; par est credere, tempore scriptionis istius Epistolae, alterum duorum tractatuum solummodo fuisse elucubratum. Proinde auctorem nostrum hunc non ante annum proxime sequentem, nimirum 256 edidisse. Ulterius autem illud opus minime dilatum, exinde suadetur, quod statim persecutio ingrueret, quae publica clade privatas simultates, quemadmodum ruinae solent incendia, extingueret: quaeque etiam Cyprianum ipsum perculit, et Curubas amandavit. Libellum hunc Pontius evidenter designat, quando ait: Quis livorem de venenata invidiae malignitate venientem, dulcedine remedii salutaris inhiberet? Ejusdem meminit Hieron. in Comment. in Epist. ad Galat. c. V, ubi appellat librum de Zelo et Livore valde optimum (hoc addito elogio), quem qui legerit, non dubitabit annumerare operibus carnis invidiam. Pariter laudat Augustin., lib. IV, c. 8, 9, 11, De Baptism., cont. Donatistas, et etiam l. V, c. 14. Citat etiam Beda nostras in I Epist. D. Petri, c. ult.
On jealousy and envy. This book, of almost the same argument as the preceding, seems also to have been written on the same occasion. But since in the Letter to Jubaianus Cyprian mentions the treatise On Patience, but not this one On Jealousy and Envy, it is fair to believe that at the time that Letter was written only the one of the two treatises had been worked out. Accordingly our author did not publish this one before the year next following, namely 256. That the work was not delayed any further is suggested by the fact that persecution at once broke in, which by a public disaster extinguished private quarrels, as falling buildings are wont to extinguish fires: and which also struck Cyprian himself and sent him away to Curubis. Pontius clearly indicates this little book when he says: "Who would check envy, coming from the poisoned malignity of jealousy, with the sweetness of a saving remedy?" Jerome mentions the same in his Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians, chapter V, where he calls the book On Jealousy and Envy "very excellent" (adding this praise), and says that whoever has read it will not hesitate to number envy among the works of the flesh. Augustine likewise praises it, book IV, chapters 8, 9, 11, On Baptism, against the Donatists, and also book V, chapter 14. Our countryman Bede also cites it on the First Epistle of St Peter, last chapter.
Circuit, aliquem devorare quaerens. In sacro textu περιπατεῖ; plurimi codices mss. habent περιέρχεται. Ita Israelitae urbem Hierecuntem circumambulando destruebant. In libro Job, dicitur diabolus orbem pererrare; hic nos singulos circuire perhibetur: ita intentus in uniuscujusque, ut in omnium perniciem.
He goes about, seeking someone to devour. In the sacred text, "walks about"; very many manuscripts have "goes around". So the Israelites destroyed the city of Jericho by walking around it. In the book of Job the devil is said to roam over the world; here he is said to go around each one of us: as intent on the ruin of each one as on the ruin of all.
Ipse zelo ante dejectus. Sunt qui superbiae potius quam invidiae, angelorum lapsum imputant; sed adeo individuo nexu vitia ista cohaerent, ut seorsim consistere neutrum possit: imo alterum alteri parens simul sit et proles.
He himself was first cast down by jealousy. There are those who impute the fall of the angels to pride rather than to envy; but these vices cling together by so indivisible a bond that neither can stand apart: indeed each is at once parent and offspring of the other.
Livor exponitur. E medio tollitur, ex idiomate auctoris, de quo supra monuimus in lib. ad Donat.
Envy is put out. It is removed from the midst, according to the author's idiom, about which we gave notice above on the book To Donatus.
Rapacitatem statuit. Consistere facit; cohibet, ita supra siccitas dicitur flumina statuere.
He stays rapacity. He makes it stand still; he restrains it; so above drought is said to "stay" the rivers.
Videris quam sis. Consideres, reputes. De hac Cypriani phrasi egimus in libro ad Donat.
You shall see what you are. You are to consider, to reflect. We have dealt with this phrase of Cyprian's on the book To Donatus.
Christus passus est. Locus hic saepius affertur.
Christ suffered. This passage is quite often adduced.
Doctorem quoque eum maximum. Sacer textus solummodo habet μέγας κληθήσεται. Illi vero quibus coelestis regni politia magis quam domus sua nota videtur; peculiarem aureolam doctoribus assignant, ita ut etiam in coelis doctoratus gradus sit capessendus, vid. Dan. XII, 3.
Him also the greatest teacher. The sacred text has only "shall be called great". But those to whom the polity of the heavenly kingdom seems better known than their own house assign a special aureole to teachers, so that even in the heavens the degree of doctor is to be taken; see Dan. XII, 3 (Dan. 12:3).
Nec charus. Charitatis cultor, benignus et amicus.
Nor dear. A cultivator of charity, kind and friendly.
Incipietis mori. Μέλλετε ἀποθνήσκειν.
You will begin to die. "You are about to die."
Portemus et imaginem. De hac lectione saepius monuimus.
Let us also bear the image. We have often given notice about this reading.
Soboles subsiciva. Legendum suadet Rigaltius successiva; sed codicum suffragiis destitutus. Ego lectioni receptae adhaerendum censeo, ut ex vulgari loquendi formula, filii quasi ex parentum stirpe surculi abscissi habeantur, qui arboris ingenio respondent. Sic Rom. XI. Apostolus Judaeos bonae olivae germen, Gentes oleastri compellat. Et Isaias pariter c. V, Israelitas vitis generosae stoloni comparat, qui pro uvis fecerat labruscas. Epistola ad Euchratium de histrione, simili fere modo dicit auctor noster: Non potest videri cessasse, qui vicarios substituit, et qui pro se uno plures succidaneos suggerit.
Offspring cut off as slips. Rigaltius urges that "successive" be read; but he is without the support of the manuscripts. I judge that we must keep to the received reading, so that, according to a common manner of speaking, sons are held to be as it were slips cut from the stock of their parents, which answer to the nature of the tree. So in Rom. XI (Rom. 11) the Apostle calls the Jews the shoot of the good olive, the Gentiles that of the wild olive. And Isaiah likewise, chapter V (Isa. 5), compares the Israelites to the sucker of a noble vine, which instead of grapes had yielded wild grapes. In the Letter to Eucratius about the actor our author says in much the same way: "He cannot be seen to have ceased who has put substitutes in his place, and who supplies many replacements for himself alone."
Cor viri cogitet justa. Haec frustra quaesiveris in bibliis quae textum Hebraeum sequuntur; sed lectioni LXX. omnino respondent. Et quidem nihil perturbatius, quam liber hic Proverbiorum in codicibus graecis. Verba ipsa sunt, καρδία ἀνδρὸς λογιζέσθω δίκαια, ἵνα ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ διορθωθῇ τὰ διαβήματα αὐτοῦ. Sed si attentius rem pensitemus, apparebit LXX interpretes non longe hic a scopo aberrasse: legerunt scil. ארח pro רוח quomodo legisse videtur Chaldaeus paraphrastes dum ait אלהא מתקן ארחתיה aut saltem secreta viarum hominum, idem esse cum spiritu ejus duxerunt.
Let the heart of a man think just things. You would look for these words in vain in the Bibles that follow the Hebrew text; but they answer entirely to the reading of the Seventy. And indeed nothing is more confused than this book of Proverbs in the Greek manuscripts. The words themselves are: "Let the heart of a man think just things, that by God his steps may be set straight." But if we weigh the matter more attentively, it will appear that the Seventy translators did not stray far from the mark here: they read, that is, "way" for "spirit", as the Chaldee paraphrast seems to have read when he says "God sets right his ways"; or at least they held that the secrets of men's ways are the same as his spirit.
MARTIN. JOS. ROUTH. S. T. P.
MARTIN JOSEPH ROUTH, S.T.P.,
COLLEGII S. MAGDALENAE OXON. PRAESIDIS,
PRESIDENT OF ST MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD,
IN QUATUOR D. CYPRIANI LIBROS ANNOTATIONES SELECTAE.
SELECT ANNOTATIONS ON FOUR BOOKS OF ST CYPRIAN.
(E Script. Ecclesiastic. opusc. praecip. t. I. edit. alt. Oxon. 1840, p. 330-359.)
(From Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum opuscula praecipua, volume I, second edition, Oxford 1840, pp. 330–359.)
IN LIBRUM DE IDOLORUM VANITATE.
ON THE BOOK ON THE VANITY OF IDOLS.
CAPUT PRIMUM. — Quod idola dii non sint; et quod Deus unus sit; quod per Christum salus credentibus data sit. Cum in nonnullis codd. scriptis, atque veteribus aliquot ante Baluzianam, seu Benedictinam, editionibus omnia haec pro titulo seu potius argumento operis recte seorsum posita sint, ita imprimenda ea curavi. Caeterum ad tertium quod attinet hujus tituli articulum, qui qualis hic exstat, editioni Manutianae primitus debetur, consimiliter scribit auctor in sequentibus,
CHAPTER ONE. — That idols are not gods; and that God is one; that through Christ salvation has been given to believers. Since in some manuscripts, and in several old editions before the Baluzian, or Benedictine, all this is rightly placed apart as the title, or rather the argument, of the work, I have had it printed so. As for the third article of this title, which in the form in which it stands here is owed in the first place to the Manutian edition, the author writes in like manner in what follows,
Editors' notes and page, col. 1137
Page
- running head: 1137 SELECTAE IN CYPRIAN[UM] (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A emblema bos stellatus; B Dominum adora. Legisse videtur Cyprianus non; C designat, quando ait; D IN LIBRUM DE IDOLORUM VANITATE.
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter: notes (Selectae notae) ending ‹emblema bos stellatus›, ‹In librum de zelo et livore›, and the start of Routh's notes ‹In librum de idolorum vanitate›. Full-width title block between them not set (cut off): MARTIN. JOS. ROU[TH] / COLLEGII S. MAGDALENAE OX[...] / IN QUATUOR D. CYPRIANI LIBROS [...] / (E Script. Ecclesiastic. opusc. praecip. t. I, edit. [...]); it stands after ‹circumambulando de-›. Last word ‹de-› hyphenated across the column break. ‹laboratioris› set as printed; possibly a misprint for laboriosioris, unsure. ‹qualis› partly damaged type, looks like ‹qualls›. Roman numerals in small capitals (c. V, lib. IV, l. V, I Epist.) set as capitals.
- misprints kept as printed: ‹loboriosam› (lemma ‹In viduis loboriosam castitatem›) for laboriosam (Q3a).
- other: a full-width band stands across cols 1137/1138 in mid-page: the 12 paragraph(s) above it in col 1138 are set here, after the 9 above it in col 1137 (reading order, moved on receipt); the band itself (its title lines) is not set by the volunteer page: set it here, at the move, with full_width
- running head: 1137 SELECTAE IN CYPRIANUM NOTAE. 1138
- marginal letters: A ‹emblema bos stellatus›; B ‹Dominum adora. Legisse videtur›; C ‹designat, quando ait›; D ‹IN LIBRUM DE IDOLORUM VANITATE.›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: reading order: upper left column, upper right column (from "Circuit ... de-/struebant" joined across the columns to "Cor viri cogitet justa"), then the full-width band, then the lower left column; lower right column is in c1138
- other: editors' title band heading Martin Routh's notes (MARTIN. JOS. ROUTH. S. T. P. / COLLEGII S. MAGDALENAE OXON. PRAESIDIS, / IN QUATUOR D. CYPRIANI LIBROS ANNOTATIONES SELECTAE. / source line) printed across the full page width, set once here; whole page is editors' prose (Oxford notes, then Routh)
- other: UNSURE: "loboriosam" as read at this resolution; the Hebrew (ארח, רוח, אלהא מתקן ארחתיה) and small Greek are blurred; "E Script." first letter damaged (looks like F); "t. I." punctuation uncertain; the stray mark before "Portemus" not set
Quod vero et Christus sit, et quomodo per ipsum nobis salus venerit, sic est ordo, sic ratio.
"But that Christ also exists, and how salvation has come to us through Him, this is the order, this the reasoning."
Et dies festos tanto honore celebrabant. Locum hunc sic restituere ausus sum, reposito tanto pro dando ex duobus codd. scriptis, uno Vossiano inter lectiones variantes in editione Oxoniensi, seu Fellina, adducto, altero meo, quem ex bibliotheca Tewaterana nuper comparavi. Pro voce honore praestabant honores vel honorem editiones ante Baluzium, exceptis vetustissimis illis ante Erasmianam.
And they celebrated feast days with such great honour. I have ventured to restore this passage thus, putting back "tanto" in place of "dando" from two manuscripts, one the Vossian, adduced among the variant readings in the Oxford, or Fell, edition, the other my own, which I lately acquired from the Tewater library. For the word "honore" the editions before Baluze offered "honores" or "honorem", except those very old ones before the Erasmian.
An sic et haec apud singulos veritas. Ita ediderat,
Whether thus also this truth with individuals. So had edited,
Editors' notes and page, col. 1138
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- running head: E IN CYPRIANUM NOTÆ. 1138 (cut off at left edge)
- marginal letters: A struebant. In libro Job; B ut etiam in coelis doctoratus; C bibliis quae textum Hebraeum; D Quod vero et Christus sit
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: the 12 paragraph(s) of this column above the full-width band are set under col 1137 (reading order, moved on receipt)
- running head: 1137 SELECTAE IN CYPRIANUM NOTAE. 1138
- marginal letters: A ‹struebant. In libro Job›; B ‹ut etiam in coelis doctoratus›; C ‹bibliis quae textum Hebraeum›; D ‹Quod vero et Christus sit›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: this file holds only the lower right column (below the full-width band), continuing the CAPUT PRIMUM paragraph of c1137; the upper right column is set in c1137 in reading order; editors' prose (Routh)
qui ante Baluzium ornavit suam hujus libelli editionem, Jacobus Gronovius, posito an sit et hoc, pro vulgato, an stet haec. Firmantque hanc emendationem neglectam a Baluzio, si modo umquam venerit ea ad notitiam ejus, codices duo Cypriani apud Novum Collegium in Oxonio conservati, numeris 2 et 3, a me designati. Exstat in eodem collegio alius praeterea Cypriani liber scriptus; sed vero nullius horum codicum lectiones variantes ad hunc quidem quod attinet libellum in Oxoniensi editione comparent. Consentit et cum lectione emendatiori codex Cypriani meus ex bibliotheca cl. Drury nunc a me comparatus.
who before Baluze adorned his own edition of this little book, namely Jacobus Gronovius, who put an sit et hoc in place of the common reading an stet haec. And this emendation, neglected by Baluze (if indeed it ever came to his notice), is confirmed by two codices of Cyprian preserved at New College in Oxford, designated by me with the numbers 2 and 3. There is besides in the same college another manuscript book of Cyprian; but in truth the variant readings of none of these codices appear in the Oxford edition, at least as far as this little book is concerned. My own codex of Cyprian, now acquired by me from the library of the celebrated Drury, also agrees with the more correct reading.
Cap. II.—Apollo Admeto pecus pavit. Hoc pro vulgato Admeti posuerat Gronovius in jam dicta edit. hujus libelli, quae Minucio Felici adjecta, anno 1705, circiter viginti annos ante Cypriani editionem Baluzianam prodiit. Suffragantibus dictis duobus Novi Collegii mss. hanc praetuli lectionem. Ubicumque autem ab editione illa Baluzii in his Cypriani opusculis discedam, id vero, prout jam feci in Firmiliani epistola, nusquam non adnotaturus sum, raro alibi lectionis varietatem adducens.
Chapter II.—Apollo pastured the flock for Admetus. Gronovius had put this in place of the common reading Admeti in the already mentioned edition of this little book, which, appended to Minucius Felix, came out in the year 1705, about twenty years before Baluze's edition of Cyprian. With the support of the two said New College manuscripts I have preferred this reading. Wherever, moreover, I depart from that edition of Baluze in these small works of Cyprian, I shall note it without exception, as I have already done in the letter of Firmilian, while elsewhere I shall seldom adduce a variety of reading.
Inde falcem ferens pingitur. Vulgo additur senex post ferens, quod in edit. sua recte omiserat Gronovius. Primus vocem recepit Pamelius ex ms. Cambonensi, sed nesciunt eam quatuor codices in edit. Oxon. adducti, praeter tres illos Novi collegii mstos, meumque codicem jam supra memoratum, olim Tewateranum, et vetustissimas Cypriani editiones. Quapropter vocem praetermisi. Nunc addere licet duos codices Drurianos, alterumque olim cl. Meermanni jam meum, duodecimo saeculo scriptum.
Hence he is painted carrying a sickle. Commonly senex is added after ferens, which Gronovius had rightly omitted in his edition. Pamelius was the first to admit the word, from the Cambron manuscript, but it is unknown to the four codices adduced in the Oxford edition, besides those three New College manuscripts, and my codex already mentioned above, formerly Tewater's, and the oldest editions of Cyprian. For this reason I have left the word out. Now one may add the two Drury codices, and another, formerly the celebrated Meerman's and now mine, written in the twelfth century.
Cap. III.—Hoc ita esse Alexander. (Vid. in hunc loc. Oxon. edit. notam, cui haec Routh. subjunxit). De epistolis visis a Plutarcho aliisque veteribus scriptoribus, non de iis quae hodie circumferuntur nomine Alexandri insignitae, haec et plura annotavit doctissimus Oxonii episcopus. Male autem omittitur post ita verbum esse, et post scribit punctum in textu Baluziano, unde, ut olim monui, errores isti transiverant in meum.
Chapter III.—That this is so, Alexander. (See on this passage the note of the Oxford edition, to which Routh appended the following.) It was concerning the letters seen by Plutarch and other ancient writers, not concerning those which today circulate marked with Alexander's name, that the most learned bishop of Oxford annotated these things and more. Moreover the word esse is wrongly omitted after ita, and the full stop after scribit, in Baluze's text, whence, as I once pointed out, those errors had passed into mine.
Cap. IV.—Meretrices. In editionibus multis, quae Baluzianam praecedunt, verba quae sequuntur uncis inclusa sunt, neque agnoscuntur vel tribus codd. scriptis Novi Collegii aut duobus olim Drurianis aut Meermanniano; exstant vero in codice Tewaterano, quem supra commemoravi.
Chapter IV.—Harlots. In many editions which precede Baluze's, the words that follow are enclosed in brackets, and they are not recognized either by the three manuscript codices of New College or by the two formerly Drury's or by Meerman's; they are found, however, in the Tewater codex, which I mentioned above.
Est et Venus calva. Lactantius lib. 1 Div. Instit. cap. 20: Urbe a Gallis occupata, obsessi in Capitolio Romani, cum ex mulierum capillis tormenta fecissent, aedem Veneri calvae consecrarunt. Hunc locum post Fellum attulit Baluzius. Verum, dum plures causae hujus appellationis ab auctoribus afferuntur, ob causam aliquam minus honestam ita vocatam fuisse Venerem, hic innuit Cyprianus.
There is also a bald Venus. Lactantius, Divine Institutes book 1, chapter 20: When the City had been seized by the Gauls, the Romans besieged on the Capitol, having made engines out of women's hair, consecrated a temple to Bald Venus. Baluze brought forward this passage after Fell. But while several reasons for this title are put forward by authors, Cyprian here hints that Venus was so called for some less than honourable reason.
Cap. V.—Et Assyrii et Persae. Cum voces et Medi omnes pene msti omittant, editionem principem hic secutus sum. Sed Syri pro Assyrii plurimi codices scripti praestant.
Chapter V.—Both the Assyrians and the Persians. Since almost all the manuscripts omit the words et Medi, I have here followed the first edition. But very many manuscript codices offer Syri in place of Assyrii.
Faciant... auspicantur. Pluralia haec pro vulgatis faciat et auspicatur posuit Jacobus Gronovius, Cellarium secutus, qui Veronensem codicem in sua edit. hujus libelli Minucio Felici affixi, appellat. Halae, anno 1699, haec Cellarii edit. typis mandata est. Sed lectionem codicis Veronensis jam ante cum laude attulerat Rigaltius in notis ad Cyprianum. Addendi mstus Novi Collegii 2, Tewateranus et vetustior ex Drurianis. Retulit interim Mabillonius in Itinere suo Italico, p. 23, istum codicem Veronensem majusculis litteris ante annos mille scriptum fuisse.
Faciant... auspicantur. Jacobus Gronovius put these plurals in place of the common faciat and auspicatur, following Cellarius, who cites the Verona codex in his edition of this little book appended to Minucius Felix. This edition of Cellarius was printed at Halle in the year 1699. But Rigaltius had already earlier brought forward the reading of the Verona codex with praise in his notes on Cyprian. To be added are New College manuscript 2, the Tewater manuscript, and the older of the Drury manuscripts. Mabillon meanwhile reported in his Iter Italicum, p. 23, that this Verona codex was written in capital letters a thousand years ago.
Sed acceptum tempus certo fine custodiunt. Videlicet, tempus sibi assignatum, fine fixo ac determinato, regna Romana habent.
But they keep the time received within a fixed limit. That is to say, the Roman kingdoms hold the time assigned to them, with a fixed and determined end.
Et victus. Verba haec neglexi, quae sine idonea causa addita sunt a Baluzio; quaeque interea praeteejus
And conquered. I have disregarded these words, which were added by Baluze without adequate reason; and which meanwhile, contrary to
Editors' notes and page, col. 1139
Page
- running head: 1139 M. J. ROUTH (rest cut off at image edge)
- marginal letters: A qui ante Baluzium ornavit suam hujus libelli editio-; B editione illa Baluzii in his Cypriani opusculis disce-; C mus Oxonii episcopus. Male autem omittitur post ita; D omnes pene msti omittant, editionem principem hic
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: whole column is M. J. Routh's notes on the treatise on idols (qui ante Baluzium ornavit...), set in full; column begins mid-sentence; last word praete- cut at image edge, continuation not seen (probably praeter-), English left incomplete; Admeto has a damaged e (prints like Admcto); Meermanniano partly illegible (damaged type), reading UNSURE
mentem in editione illa posthuma Baluzii post voces et captus est locata sunt.
his intention, were placed in that posthumous edition of Baluze after the words et captus est.
Et eo facilius et navigavit et vicit. Particulam et in Oxoniensi aliisque editt. vocibus eo facilius praefixam restitui; eadem vero particula ante verbum navigavit in iisdem libris omissa est. Utroque loco eam servavit codex Novi Collegii, quem nomino secundum; itidem ms. Drury recentior ille; sed omittit particulam ante navigavit vetustior ejus ms. aliter quam ms. Meerman.
Et eo facilius et navigavit et vicit. The particle et, prefixed to the words eo facilius in the Oxford and other editions, I have restored; but the same particle before the verb navigavit is omitted in the same books. In both places it was kept by the New College codex which I call the second; likewise by that more recent Drury manuscript; but the older manuscript of his omits the particle before navigavit, unlike the Meerman manuscript.
CAP. VI. — Stultum et prodigum. Credulum Baluzius, qui hanc lectionem quidem faciliorem praeposuit alteri lectioni prodigum, quam praestant editiones omnes, praeter Gravii illam, omnesque fere libri manuscripti. Et voces conjunctae infra videntur, Cuncta prodiga et stulta, inquit Cyprianus, voluptatum frustrantium depereunt, De Op. et Eleemos., cap. 16. In codice autem meo nuper Tewaterano incredulum exstat. Perditum quidem pro prodigum scriptum olim fuisse conjecit Rigaltius; et habes in eodem capite cum populo perditionis ac mortis; sed malim ego pro prodigum reponere proditum. Cicero in Epist. ad Atticum III, 15. Ego proditus, inductus, conjectus in fraudem. Vide Forcellini Lexic. in v.
Chapter VI. — Stultum et prodigum. Credulum is read by Baluze, who preferred this reading, easier indeed, to the other reading prodigum, which all the editions supply, except that of Graevius, and almost all the manuscript books. And the words are seen joined below: 'All things prodigal and foolish', says Cyprian, 'of pleasures that deceive, perish', On Works and Almsgiving, ch. 16. But in my codex, lately Tewater's, incredulum stands. Rigault conjectured that perditum was once written for prodigum; and you have in the same chapter cum populo perditionis ac mortis; but I would rather restore proditum for prodigum. Cicero in the Letters to Atticus 3, 15: 'I, betrayed, led on, cast into the snare.' See Forcellini's Lexicon under the word.
Hostanes. Plinius lib. XXX Hist. Nat. cap. 2: Primus, quod exstet, ut equidem invenio, commentatus de ea (magia) Osthanes, Xerxem regem Persarum bello, quod is Graeciae intulit, comitatus: ac velut semina artis portentosae sparsisse, obiter infecto quacumque commeaverit mundo. Diligentiores paulo ante hunc ponunt Zoroastrem alium Proconnesium: quod certum est, hic nomine Osthanes ad rabiem, non aviditatem modo scientiae ejus, Graecorum populos egit. Attulit Plinianum hunc locum Fellus; nunc vero ex Harduini editione repraesentatum.
Hostanes. Pliny, book 30 of the Natural History, ch. 2: 'The first, so far as is extant, as I for my part find, to have written about it (magic) was Osthanes, who accompanied Xerxes, king of the Persians, in the war which he brought upon Greece; and he scattered, as it were, the seeds of the monstrous art, infecting the world along the way wherever he had travelled. The more careful place a little before him another Zoroaster, of Proconnesus. What is certain is that this Osthanes drove the peoples of the Greeks not merely to an eagerness but to a frenzy for that knowledge.' Fell adduced this passage of Pliny; but now it is reproduced from Hardouin's edition.
Et Angelos veros sedi ejus dicit assistere. Nostros pro veros habet codex ms. in Var lectt. edit. Oxon. Fortasse olim in veros corrupta est vox servos.
Et Angelos veros sedi ejus dicit assistere. Nostros for veros is read by a manuscript codex in the various readings of the Oxford edition. Perhaps the word servos was once corrupted into veros.
Consecratis. In textu Baluziano exstat consecrati et habet quidem congregati unus ms. in edit. Oxon. adductus, codexque Novi Collegii numero I a me designatus. Porro, ut lectio varians, ad marg. edit. Erasmianae conservati positum est. Cum vero optimam esse censeam superiorum editionum lectionem consecratis, quam quidem firmant duo alteri Novi Collegii codices, meusque olim Tewateranus, et ms. Drurianus uterque, hanc eamdem a Cellario positam, tum a a Joanne quoque Lindnero in edit. sua retentam, pro Baluzii lectione consecrati huc ego revocavi.
Consecratis. In Baluze's text consecrati stands, and indeed one manuscript cited in the Oxford edition reads congregati, as does the New College codex designated by me with the number 1. Further, conservati is placed as a variant reading in the margin of the Erasmian edition. But since I judge the best reading to be that of the earlier editions, consecratis, which indeed the two other New College codices confirm, and my codex formerly Tewater's, and both Drury manuscripts, this same reading, set by Cellarius and also retained by Johann Lindner in his edition, I have brought back here in place of Baluze's reading consecrati.
CAP. VII. — Morbis lacessunt. Vulgo morbos lacessunt. Ex cod. 2. Novi Collegii locum correxi.
Chapter VII. — Morbis lacessunt. Commonly morbos lacessunt. I have corrected the passage from New College codex 2.
Ad superstitionem sui. Hoc est, daemonum; supra scripsit auctor, ad cultum sui.
Ad superstitionem sui. That is, of the demons; above the author wrote ad cultum sui.
Fecerint terrore participes. Vulgo errore; quod cum terrore fide msti Coll. Nov. 3, nixus mutavi. Ad oram quoque codicis, quem codicem Novi Collegii secundum nomino, haec lectio ascripta est. De daemonibus agens posuit Lactantius in Epitome sua, cap. 28, somnia immittunt aut plane terrores.
Fecerint terrore participes. Commonly errore; which I have changed to terrore, relying on the authority of New College manuscript 3. This reading is also written in the margin of the codex which I call the second New College codex. Treating of demons, Lactantius set down in his Epitome, ch. 28, 'they send dreams or outright terrors'.
CAP. VIII. — Unus igitur omnium Dominus Deus. Vulgo existente verbo est post Dominus, idem suasu trium mstorum Novi Collegii, atque Erasmianae editionis delevi. Nunc addere licet ms. Drurianum utrumque. Habet mstus Tewater: Unus ergo omnium Dominus, unus Deus. Addunt unus est ante Deus Cellarii, Gronovii et Lindneri editiones.
Chapter VIII. — Unus igitur omnium Dominus Deus. Since the word est commonly stands after Dominus, I deleted it on the persuasion of the three New College manuscripts and of the Erasmian edition. Now both Drury manuscripts may be added. The Tewater manuscript reads: 'One therefore is the Lord of all, one God.' The editions of Cellarius, Gronovius and Lindner add unus est before Deus.
Nec hic tu de homine mireris, pro lectione Fellina, Nec hoc tantum de homine mireris, a Gronovio, Cellario Lindneroque praelata. Sententia mea est debere lectionem editionis principis nec hic tu revocari. In msto quoque Tewaterano super vocem hoc eadem manu hic ut lectio varians posita est.
Nec hic tu de homine mireris, in place of Fell's reading, Nec hoc tantum de homine mireris, preferred by Gronovius, Cellarius and Lindner. My opinion is that the reading of the editio princeps, nec hic tu, ought to be brought back. In the Tewater manuscript too, hic is placed by the same hand above the word hoc as a variant reading.
CAP. IX. — Sensu major est. Scribendum censu pro sensu conjecerat aliquis apud Marshalli Interpretationem Op. S. Cypriani Anglicam. Dixi olim, voces istas inter se saepe confundi; et censum vocem Cyprianicam esse agnovi. Verumtamen nil mutandum esse
Chapter IX. — Sensu major est. Someone in Marshall's English translation of the works of St Cyprian had conjectured that censu should be written for sensu. I said formerly that those words are often confused with each other; and I acknowledged that census is a Cyprianic word. Nevertheless, that nothing is to be changed
Editors' notes and page, col. 1140
Page
- running head: M. J. ROUTH
- marginal letters: A ejus mentem in editione; B conjecit Rigaltius; C habet quidem congregati; D mnia immittunt aut plane terrores
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: whole column is Routh's notes (ejus mentem in editione illa posthuma Baluzii...), set in full; cut-off left-column fragments visible in images belong to col. 1139, not set; "numero I" printed as small-capital numeral, read as I; last line partly cut at foot but legible; column ends mid-sentence at "esse"
Lactantii verba ostendunt in Epitome Div. Instit. cap. 2: Unus igitur Deus est... quem nec aestimare sensu valeat humana mens, nec eloqui lingua mortalis. Sublimior enim ac major est, quam ut possit aut cogitatione hominis aut sermone comprehendi.
the words of Lactantius in the Epitome of the Divine Institutes, chapter 2, show: "God therefore is one... Whom the human mind cannot estimate by sense, nor mortal tongue utter. For He is more sublime and greater than that He could be comprehended either by the thought of man or by speech."
Et cum homo latius (for. laxius) maneat. Minucius cap. 32, § 1, quum homo laxius maneam. Sic ibi cum Fulvio Ursino expressimus, quia Cicero, quem imitari solet Minucius, habitare laxe pro domo sua cap. 44, dixit. Codices vero omnes Cypriani, si transcripsit Felicem, prae se latius ferunt, ut dubitare incipiam an nec prior ille, latius, ut Sabaeus et Fr. Balduinus legunt, scripserit. Cellarius, afferente Lindnero. Utrique auctori ascribendum laxius existimo, quod in latius vel lacius, hoc enim habent msti, facile transibat. Jam fluxisse, questus est apud imp. Diocletianum Galerius, annos quindecim, in Illyricum vel ad ripam Danubii se relegatum cum gentibus barbaris luctatum esse, cum alii intra laxiores et quietiores terras delicate imperarent. Lactantius De Mortibus Persecutorum, cap. 18.
And though man dwells more broadly (perhaps more spaciously). Minucius, chapter 32, § 1: "when I, a man, dwell more spaciously." So we printed it there with Fulvius Ursinus, because Cicero, whom Minucius is accustomed to imitate, said "to dwell spaciously" in For His House, chapter 44. But all the manuscripts of Cyprian, if he copied Felix, show "more broadly", so that I begin to doubt whether the earlier writer too did not write "more broadly", as Sabaeus and Fr. Balduinus read. Cellarius, as cited by Lindner. I judge that "more spaciously" should be ascribed to both authors, which easily passed into latius or lacius, for the manuscripts have this. Galerius complained before the emperor Diocletian that fifteen years had already flowed by in which, relegated to Illyricum or to the bank of the Danube, he had been struggling with barbarian peoples, while others ruled delicately within more spacious and quieter lands. Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, chapter 18.
Dei vocabulum totum est. Obscurius dictum. Fortasse pro totum rescribendum solum est. Proprio vocabulo non indigere Deum, ait quoque Lactantius in Epitome, his verbis usus, eumque esse sine nomine, quod proprio vocabulo non indigeat, quia solus sit, c. 4. Omiserunt vocem codices Novi Collegii, 2 et 3. Habent Deus non Dei editiones post Pamelium et ante Baluzium, qui Dei revocavit. Deus ms. Drury recentior, Dei autem vetustior. Porro, cum in versu sequenti ante vocem diffusus scribatur ipse pro totus in vetustissimis editionibus, et in codicibus quinque in edit. Oxon. commemoratis, aliisque omnibus mstis, quibus in hoc libello edendo usus sum, vocem ipse, praeeunte Gronovio, ponendam curavi.
The name of God is whole. Said rather obscurely. Perhaps for "whole" one should write "sole". Lactantius too says in the Epitome that God does not need a proper name, using these words: "and that He is without a name, because He does not need a proper name, since He is alone," chapter 4. The manuscripts of New College 2 and 3 omitted the word. The editions after Pamelius and before Baluze have Deus, not Dei; Baluze restored Dei. The more recent Drury manuscript has Deus, but the older Dei. Further, since in the following line before the word diffusus, ipse is written for totus in the oldest editions, and in the five manuscripts mentioned in the Oxford edition, and in all the other manuscripts which I used in editing this little book, I have had the word ipse put in, following Gronovius.
Cap. X. — Quod vero est Christus sit, etc. In verbis, sic est ordo, sic ratio, verbum est ante ratio delevi, quod addidit, reclamantibus caeteris, Baluzius.
Chapter X. — But that Christ is, etc. In the words "so is the order, so the reason", I have deleted the word est before ratio, which Baluze added, against the protest of the rest.
Indisciplinati et superbi postmodum facti. Negligentes et indisciplinati, etc. (Baluzii edit.) Cod. Vossii in edit. Oxon. adductus meusque mstus Tewateranus negligentes disciplinarum praestant. Duo autem Novi Collegii codices negligentes disciplinam. Alter vero ejusdem collegii codex, sed illi postmodum indisciplinati facti, et fiducia patrum inflati, exhibet; quomodo ms. Drurianus vetustior se habet. In textum recepta est lectio indisciplinati in editione Cypriani Morelliana, quae, anno 1564, typis impressa est. Porro de eadem voce hoc notavit in editione sua hujus tractatus Cellarius, usum ea fuisse Vulgatum interpretem in Sapientiae lib. cap. XVII, comm. 1, et Glossas vet. habere indisciplinatus, ἀμαθής. Ego interea ablegatis verbis negligentes et, quae tamen et ms. Meerman. agnoscit, Cyprianum scripsisse existimo, Sed illi indisciplinati, et superbi postmodum facti, ut istud, negligentes disciplinarum, vel, disciplinae, vocis Cyprianicae indisciplinati interpretamentum habeatur.
Having afterwards become undisciplined and proud. "Negligent and undisciplined", etc. (Baluze's edition). The manuscript of Vossius cited in the Oxford edition and my Tewater manuscript give "negligent of disciplines". But two manuscripts of New College have "negligent of discipline". The other manuscript of the same college, however, shows "but they afterwards became undisciplined, and puffed up by confidence in their fathers"; and so the older Drury manuscript has it. The reading "undisciplined" was received into the text in Morel's edition of Cyprian, which was printed in the year 1564. Further, concerning the same word Cellarius noted in his edition of this treatise that the Vulgate translator used it in the book of Wisdom, chapter 17, verse 1, and that the old Glosses have indisciplinatus, ἀμαθής. Meanwhile, setting aside the words "negligent and", which nevertheless the Meerman manuscript also recognizes, I judge that Cyprian wrote "But they having become undisciplined and proud afterwards", so that the phrase "negligent of disciplines", or "of discipline", is to be taken as a gloss on Cyprian's word "undisciplined".
Soli et coeli sic profugi†, Tertullianus Apologet., c. 21. Dispersi, palabundi, et coeli et soli qui extorres vagantur per orbem.
Fugitives from their own soil and sky: Tertullian, Apology, chapter 21: "Dispersed, wandering about, and exiles from their own sky and soil, they roam through the world."
Cap. XI. — Multo melioris obsequii et fidei fortioris. Multo fidelioris et melioris obsequii (Baluzii edit.). Ex codicibus Novi Collegii 2 et 3, meoque msto olim Tewaterano, verba, melioris obsequii et fidei fortioris in textum recepi. In cod. vero Novi Coll. dicto 1, et in cod. Druriano vetustiori posita sunt tantum verba multo fideliores, omissis illis, melioris obsequii et fidei fortioris, quod et factum est in editione Gronovii. Melioris obsequii et fidei fortioris ms. Drurianus recentior omissa voce multo. Cum lectione Baluziana consentit ms. meus olim Meermanni.
Chapter XI. — Of much better obedience and stronger faith. "Of much more faithful and better obedience" (Baluze's edition). From the manuscripts of New College 2 and 3, and from my manuscript formerly Tewater's, I have received into the text the words "of better obedience and stronger faith". But in the New College manuscript called 1, and in the older Drury manuscript, only the words "much more faithful" are set, those words "of better obedience and stronger faith" being omitted, which was also done in Gronovius's edition. The more recent Drury manuscript has "of better obedience and stronger faith", omitting the word "much". My manuscript, formerly Meerman's, agrees with Baluze's reading.
Illuminator et deductor humani generis. Vulgo doctor, sed deductor receperunt olim Cellarius et Gronovius, recentiusque Lindnerus, dum diu ante Rigaltius hoc annotaverat: «deductor humani generis: sic legitur antiquissimis Cypriani et Tertulliani exemplaribus.» Exstat porro deductor in codd. duobus Novi
Enlightener and guide of the human race. Commonly "teacher", but Cellarius and Gronovius formerly received "guide", and more recently Lindner, while long before Rigaltius had noted this: "guide of the human race: so it is read in the most ancient copies of Cyprian and Tertullian." Further, "guide" stands in two manuscripts of New
Editors' notes and page, col. 1141
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- running head: 1141 SELECTÆ IN CYPRIANU (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹Lactantii verba ostendunt›; B ‹terras delicate imperarent›; C ‹tes et indisciplinati, etc.›; D ‹tur per orbem›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: the whole column is editors' notes on Cyprian's treatise on idols (Selectae in Cyprianum notae), beginning ‹Lactantii verba ostendunt›; set in full. The column begins and ends mid-discussion; the last word is Novi (a sentence continuing into the next column), not hyphenated. The right-hand column visible at the image edge is the next column and is not set. UNSURE: profugi read from a blurred lemma (it may look like prologi); Morelliana (the print may read Morelhana or Morellana); "dicto 1" (it may be a small-capital I); "c. 4" (the print shows ç). Small capitals CELLARIUS set as Cellarius and CAP. set as Cap.
Collegii, Drurianoque vetustiori ac Tewaterano meis. Vox Tertulliani est, cum alibi exstans tum etiam in ipso hoc Apologetici loco, quem huc transtulit Cyprianus. Pro eadem rector habet ms. Drurianus recentior, doctor Meermannanus.
College, and in my older Drury and my Tewater [manuscripts]. The word is Tertullian's, occurring both elsewhere and also in this very passage of the Apology, which Cyprian transferred here. In its place the more recent Drury ms. has rector, the Meerman has doctor.
Hic est virtus Dei, etc. Tertullianus Apologet. cap. 23. Dei virtus, et Dei spiritus, et sermo, et sapientia, et ratio, et Dei Filius. Confer et initium lib. ejus de Oratione, supra pag. 97. Ita et in sequentibus multa huc translata sunt ex cap. XX ejusd. Apologet. quemadmodum in superioribus plurima jam ante debuerat auctor Minucio Felici.
This is the power of God, etc. Tertullian, Apology ch. 23: "the power of God, and the spirit of God, and the word, and wisdom, and reason, and the Son of God." Compare also the beginning of his book On Prayer, above, p. 97. So too in what follows much has been transferred here from ch. 20 of the same Apology, just as in the earlier parts the author had already owed a great deal to Minucius Felix.
In virginem delabitur. Quoniam hoc pro vulgato illabitur, tres exhibent codices in edit. Oxon. adducti, et tres illi apud Novum Collegium, meique itidem manuscripti, idem ego praetuli, quod et fecit Lindnerus Cellarium secutus, verbum praestat Tertullianus.
He descends into a virgin. Since three codices cited in the Oxford edition, and those three at New College, and likewise my own manuscripts, offer this in place of the common reading illabitur, I have preferred the same, as Lindner also did following Cellarius; Tertullian vouches for the word.
Carnem Spiritus sanctus induitur. Confer Rom. I, 3, 4, ubi duae naturae Christi sic signantur.
The Holy Spirit puts on flesh. Compare Rom. 1:3-4, where the two natures of Christ are marked in this way.
CAP. XII. — Monentibus annuntiabitur. Hanc editionis principis lectionem, quam firmant septem saltem codices manuscripti, pro voce admonentibus, reposui.
Chapter XII. — It will be announced to those who warn. This reading of the first edition, which at least seven manuscript codices confirm, I have restored in place of the word admonentibus.
Uno qui exercitio et exemplo hominis fungeretur. Quod obscurius hic scripsit auctor, in omnibus libris exstat.
By one who would perform the exercise and example of a man. What the author has written rather obscurely here stands in all the books.
CAP. XIII. — Existimabant magum de licentia potestatis. Positum est licentia potestatis pro eo quod est amplitudo ejus. Tertullianus, cap. 20. Apologetici: Quem igitur solummodo hominem praesumpserant de humilitate, sequebatur ut magum existimarent de potestate. Tertullianum imitatus est Cyprianus, hunc vicissim Arnobius, l. I, c. 46.
Chapter XIII. — They thought Him a magician from the licence of His power. Licence of power is put for its amplitude. Tertullian, ch. 20 of the Apology: "Him therefore whom they had presumed to be merely a man from His lowliness, it followed that they should think a magician from His power." Cyprian imitated Tertullian, and Arnobius in turn imitated him, bk 1, ch. 46.
Hunc magistri eorum... tradiderunt. Hic locus nonnihil aliter repraesentatur in editione Manutiana, faventibus quidem codicibus scriptis, quibus ego usus sum, verbisque Tertulliani in cap. 21 Apologetici quae imitatur Cyprianus; haud vero operae pretium videtur, ut moveantur voces hic receptae idemque significantes. Tertullianus haec inter, quomodo in priore libelli parte, Minucium auctorem sibi proposuit.
Their teachers handed Him over. This passage is presented somewhat differently in the Manutian edition, with the support indeed of the manuscript codices which I have used, and of the words of Tertullian in ch. 21 of the Apology which Cyprian imitates; but it does not seem worth the trouble to displace the words received here, which mean the same thing. In these passages he set Tertullian before himself as his source, as in the earlier part of the treatise he set Minucius.
CAP. XIV. — Nam et crucifixus, praevento carnificis officio, etc. Tertullianus, in Apologet. cap. 21: Et tamen suffixus spiritum cum verbo sponte dimisit, praevento carnificis officio.
Chapter XIV. — For even when crucified, the executioner's office being forestalled, etc. Tertullian, in the Apology ch. 21: "And yet, fastened [to the cross], He sent forth His spirit with a word of His own accord, the executioner's office being forestalled."
Qualis et fuerat. Sic codd. Novi Coll. 2 et 3. Edidit Baluzius talis qualis et fuerat, cum prius extitisset vel, talis ut fuerat, vel, talis ut ante fuerat. Habent talis ut fuerat codex Novi Coll. I et mss. Meerman. et Tewater. et Drurianus vetustior. Ut fuerat sine talis ms. Drurianus recentior.
Such as He had also been. So New College codices 2 and 3. Baluze printed talis qualis et fuerat, whereas before there had stood either talis ut fuerat or talis ut ante fuerat. Talis ut fuerat is the reading of New College codex 1, of the Meerman and Tewater mss., and of the older Drury. Ut fuerat without talis is the reading of the more recent Drury ms.
Simul junctis. Exstare hanc lectionem in codicibus Regio et Veronensi monuit Rigaltius in Notis, Junctis est, ait ille, illud Lucae, συνηθροισμένοις τοῖς ἕνδεκα: Luc. XXIV, 33. Idemque ante me recepit Cellarium secutus Lindnerus. Junctus exhibent Manutii, Felli, Gronoviique editiones, Pamelii msti et aliquot codices Baluziani, codex Novi Coll. I, meusque, nuper Tewateranus, et Drurianus recentior. Sed vinctus est editionis principis scriptura, faventibus codice Novi Col. 2 meisque scriptis Meermannano et Druriano vetustiori, et novem praeterea libris scriptis, quos adducit Baluzius, cui quidem ita placuit, ut ipsam in edit. suam revocaverit: « tamquam si Christus discipulis suis apparuisset cum fasciis et vestitu, in quibus corpus ejus positum fuerat in sepulchro cum syndone in quo Joseph ab Arimathaea corpus illius involverat. » Haec ille: quae tamen a sacra historia nimis dissentirent. Sed in editione Veneta, quae prodiit anno quo princeps illa Cypriani editio Romana, quaeque vix alibi, quod sciam, ab ea discedit, positum est victus. Haec vox itidem in editione quadam vetusta sine loco et anno comparet, in editione quoque Erasmiana et in cod. Nov. Coll. 3, sine sensu tamen. Quam facilis interea transitus esset vocis junctus, vel junctis, in alteram
Joined together. Rigault pointed out in his Notes that this reading stands in the Royal and Verona codices: "Junctis," he says, "is the phrase of Luke, συνηθροισμένοις τοῖς ἕνδεκα" (Luke 24:33). Lindner, following Cellarius, adopted the same before me. Junctus is offered by the editions of Manutius, Fell and Gronovius, by Pamelius's manuscripts and some of Baluze's codices, by New College codex 1, by mine, lately Tewater's, and by the more recent Drury. But vinctus is the reading of the first edition, with the support of New College codex 2 and of my manuscripts the Meerman and the older Drury, and besides of nine manuscript books which Baluze cites, who indeed liked it so well that he brought it back into his edition: "as if Christ had appeared to His disciples with the bands and clothing in which His body had been laid in the tomb, with the linen cloth in which Joseph of Arimathea had wrapped His body." So he says: yet this would differ too much from the sacred history. But in the Venetian edition, which came out in the same year as that first Roman edition of Cyprian, and which scarcely anywhere else, so far as I know, departs from it, victus is printed. This word likewise appears in a certain old edition without place or year, also in the Erasmian edition and in New College codex 3, though without sense. Meanwhile how easy would be the passage of the word junctus, or junctis, into the other,
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- running head: E IN CYPRIANUM NOTÆ. (cut at left edge) 1142
- marginal letters: A Collegii, Drurianoque; B 3, 4, ubi duae; C videtur, ut moveantur; D Gronoviique editiones
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (notes on Cyprian, Quod idola dii non sint, chs 11-14), first words "Collegii, Drurianoque vetustiori"; begins mid-sentence from col. 1141; last word al- split at column break; Greek in Rigault quote faint, read as printed (συνηθροισμένοις) UNSURE; "cap. 20. Apologetici" printed though the quoted passage is Apol. 21, left as printed; small-capital numerals (xx, I, XXIV) set as capitals; left-column fragments belong to col. 1141 and are not set
vinctus inde patet, quod in codice Novi Coll. I, apud Firmiliani epistolam hae voces inter se confunduntur. Vid. § 32.
vinctus, is evident from the fact that in the codex New Coll. I, in the letter of Firmilian, these words are confused with one another. See § 32.
Ultoris vigore et judicis potestate. Fortasse legendum est, in ultoris. Paulo supra scribit Cyprianus, Non intelligendo primum adventum qui in passione praecesserit occultus, unum tantum credunt, qui erit in potestate manifestus. Confer Tertullian. cap. ultimum libri adversus Judaeos. Exstat ut ultoris in cod. Nov. Coll. I.
Ultoris vigore et judicis potestate. Perhaps we should read in ultoris. A little above, Cyprian writes: "Not understanding the first advent, which preceded hidden in the passion, they believe in one only, which will be manifest in power." Compare Tertullian, the last chapter of the book Against the Jews. The reading ut ultoris stands in cod. New Coll. I.
Magistro et Deo. Fortasse delendum et. Habet codex Veronensis, probante Rigaltio, non magistro, sed Deo, codexque Novi Col. I, Domino Deo. Sed malim legere magistro Deo, auctore Tertulliano, quem Cyprianus hic produxit, Discipuli, inquit, quoque diffusi per orbem ex praecepto magistri Dei paruerunt.
Magistro et Deo. Perhaps et should be deleted. The Verona codex, with Rigault's approval, has non magistro, sed Deo, and the codex New Col. I has Domino Deo. But I would prefer to read magistro Deo, on the authority of Tertullian, whom Cyprian has drawn on here: "The disciples also," he says, "spread throughout the world, obeyed the precept of God their master."
CAP. XV. — Si Christum fuerimus secuti, Imitati edit. Baluz. Felli edit. aliaeque. Revocandam judicavi pristinam lectionem secuti, quam praestabant codices sex scripti in edit. Oxon. nominati liberque Novi Coll. 1, duoque ex meis Meermann. et Drurianus vetustior. Addas codicem Vindobonensem, saec. IX, ut ex Catalogo Denis. constat, vol. I, col. 582. Quidni altera lectio imitati hujus interpretamentum censeatur?
Chapter XV. Si Christum fuerimus secuti: Baluze's edition, Fell's edition and others have Imitati. I judged that the original reading secuti should be restored, which was offered by the six manuscript codices named in the Oxford edition, and by the book New Coll. 1, and by two of my own, the Meermann and the older Drury. You may add the Vienna codex of the ninth century, as is established from Denis's Catalogue, vol. I, col. 582. Why should the other reading, imitati, not be judged a gloss on this one?
IN LIBRUM DE MORTALITATE.
On the Book On Mortality.
Recte additum fuisse a doctissimo Fello quod ille de Hieronymo posuit notae suae fine, ostendit versio Armeniaca Eusebiani Chronici, quae his demum temporibus publici juris facta est, ubi nullum exstat verborum ab Hieronymo additorum vestigium. Vide Eusebiani Chronici edit. Jo. Baptistae Aucher, Venetiis an. 1818, vol. II, p. 299.
That the most learned Fell rightly added what he set down about Jerome at the end of his note is shown by the Armenian version of Eusebius's Chronicle, which has only in these times been made public, where there exists no trace of the words added by Jerome. See the edition of Eusebius's Chronicle by Jo. Baptista Aucher, Venice, in the year 1818, vol. II, p. 299.
CAPUT PRIMUM. — Veritatis errore. Habet Tacitus Hist. II, 72, errore veri, h. e. ignorantia rei vel facti. Cons. Forcellini Lexicon Lat., voce Error.
Chapter I. Veritatis errore. Tacitus, Histories 2.72, has errore veri, that is, ignorance of a thing or of a fact. Consult Forcellini's Latin Lexicon, under the word Error.
CAP. II. — Perpetua laetitia. Exstat in textu Baluziano perpetua securitas, sed invenitur lectio altera, quam revocavi, cum in omnibus libris editis, tum in scriptis, quos consulere mihi licuit, duobus nempe Novi Collegii codicibus, et quatuor penes me membraneis, e quibus Meermannanus duodecimo saeculo scriptus est, praeter Drurianum recentiorem, quem non possideo. Exstat itidem vox laetitia in codice quodam Vindobonensi saeculi XIII. Vid. Denis Catal. vol. II, col. 2129. Adde quod nulla varietas hoc loco notata est in lectionibus edit. Oxon. subjectis.
Chapter II. Perpetua laetitia. In Baluze's text there stands perpetua securitas, but the other reading, which I have restored, is found both in all the printed books and in the manuscripts I have been able to consult, namely the two codices of New College and four parchment ones in my possession, of which the Meermann was written in the twelfth century, besides the more recent Drury, which I do not possess. The word laetitia stands likewise in a certain Vienna codex of the thirteenth century. See Denis's Catalogue, vol. II, col. 2129. Add that no variation is noted at this place in the readings appended to the Oxford edition.
Incipere regnare. Codex Sorbonicus in perpetuo. Alius vetus, cum Christo perpetuo regnaturum. BAL. Olim scripsit Joan. Fred. Gronovius Observatt. de Scriptoribus Ecclesiast. post adductum hunc Cypriani locum: « Incipere regnare. Membranae; qui se non credat cum Christo in perpetuo regnare. Quod credo mutasse, quibus videbatur incommode positum solum regnare, quasi jam nunc regnent. At optimis auctoribus praesens infinitivi pro futuro usitatum. Cicero lib. IV ad Atticum: Cato tamen affirmat se vivo illum non triumphare. Livius lib. XXXIV. Postero die Nabis Argis se cedere ac deducere praesidium, quando ita Romanis placeret, et captivos et perfugas redditurum dixit: »; Plautus Rudente, « Sive lenonem facere hoc quod fecit, » cap. XIV, p. 150, edition. Daventr. Verumtamen ita scribit Cyprianus infra, illic comparantes domos, ubi inciperent semper habitare, de Opere et Eleemos., cap. penult. Porro habent aliqui apud S. Paulum ad Romanos VIII, 13. Si enim secundum carnem vixeritis, incipietis mori, μέλλετε ἀποθνήσκειν. Neque mutant quid hoc Cypriani loco, codices quibus usus sum msti.
Incipere regnare. The Sorbonne codex has in perpetuo. Another old one has cum Christo perpetuo regnaturum. BALUZE. Joan. Fred. Gronovius once wrote, in his Observations on the Ecclesiastical Writers, after citing this passage of Cyprian: "Incipere regnare. The parchments: who does not believe that he will reign with Christ in perpetuity. This, I believe, was changed by those to whom regnare set alone seemed awkwardly placed, as if they were reigning already now. But among the best authors the present infinitive is used for the future. Cicero, book IV to Atticus: 'Cato nevertheless affirms that while he lives that man shall not triumph.' Livy, book XXXIV: 'On the next day Nabis said that he was withdrawing from Argos and leading out his garrison, since it so pleased the Romans, and that he would return the captives and the deserters.'"; Plautus in the Rudens, "or that the pimp does this which he did," chap. XIV, p. 150, Deventer edition. Nevertheless Cyprian writes thus below, "preparing homes there, where they would begin to dwell for ever," On Works and Almsgiving, the penultimate chapter. Moreover, some have in Saint Paul, Romans 8:13: "For if you live according to the flesh, you will begin to die," μέλλετε ἀποθνήσκειν. Nor do the manuscript codices which I have used change anything at this place of Cyprian.
CAP. IV. — Vinolentia invitat. For. legend. irritat.
Chapter IV. Vinolentia invitat. Perhaps read irritat.
Cogeris maledicere. Etiam Christo interdum.
Cogeris maledicere. Even against Christ at times.
Compelleris jurare, quod non licet. Cyprianus de Bono Patientiae, p. 252, ed. Baluzii... deinde ut non jures, neque maledicas, ut tua ablata non repetas, ut
Compelleris jurare, quod non licet. Cyprian, On the Good of Patience, p. 252, Baluze's edition: "then that you do not swear, nor curse, that you do not demand back what has been taken from you, that
Editors' notes and page, col. 1143
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- running head: 1143 M. J. ROUTH
- marginal letters: A ‹teram vinctus inde patet›; B ‹codices sex scripti in edit. Oxon.›; C ‹ziano perpetua securitas, sed invenitur›; D ‹usitatum. Cicero lib. IV ad Atticum›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (Routh's critical notes on Cyprian), set in full: notes continuing from the previous column (editors' matter: ‹teram vinctus inde patet›), and the notes on De Mortalitate (editors' matter: ‹IN LIBRUM DE MORTALITATE›). Column begins with the word fragment "teram" carried over from the previous column. Running quotation marks at the line starts of Gronovius's quotation omitted; a stray mark printed before "Plautus" set as a semicolon (UNSURE). "Novi Coll. I" (small capitals) and "Novi Coll. 1" (figure) set as printed. Greek words partly blurred; read as μέλλετε ἀποθνήσκειν (UNSURE).
accepta alapa et alteram maxillam verberanti praebeas, ut fratri in te peccanti, etc. Sed, quamquam minime negandum est quin plurimi veteres scriptores κατὰ τὴν λέξιν interpretati sint Christi ⟨et⟩ apostoli Jacobi de non jurando praeceptum, discimus tamen lectis aliis auctoribus ecclesiasticis, apud Christianos semper invaluisse rite et religiose jurandi morem. Cons. enim, praeter Tertullianum supra allatum, Constitut. Apost. VII, 3; Fr. Belduin. de Legibus Constantini M. lib. II, p. 209, ed. Lips.; Optatum de Schismate Donatist. lib. II, c. 22, p. 45, ed. Dupin.; S. Gregorium Naz. Epistola 219. Conferas et de eadem re S. Scripturae locos, quos hic memorabo, Apoc. X, 6; Heb. VI, 16, 17; I Thess. V, 27.
having received a slap, you should offer the other cheek too to the one striking you, as to a brother sinning against you, etc." But, although it is by no means to be denied that very many ancient writers interpreted according to the letter the precept of Christ and of the apostle James about not swearing, we nevertheless learn, from reading other ecclesiastical authors, that among Christians the custom of swearing duly and religiously always prevailed. Consult, besides Tertullian cited above, Apostolic Constitutions 7.3; Fr. Baudouin, On the Laws of Constantine the Great, book 2, p. 209, Leipzig ed.; Optatus, On the Donatist Schism, book 2, ch. 22, p. 45, Dupin's ed.; St Gregory Nazianzen, Letter 219. Compare also on the same matter the passages of Holy Scripture which I shall mention here: Rev. 10:6; Heb. 6:16-17; 1 Thess. 5:27.
CAP. VI. — Et delectat hic, etc. Ἐρωτηματικῶς legenda.
Chapter VI. — And here it delights, etc. To be read interrogatively.
CAP. VII. — Christum credentium magistrum. Vulgo, Christum credentium Dominum et magistrum. Sed vero nescientibus hoc additamentum tam editionibus Cypriani vetustioribus, quam libris scriptis, quos ipse contuli, praeter alios novem, quorum varietas in edit. Oxon. adducta est, idem istud expunxi. Simili de causa vocem scilicet post docens, delendam censui. Idem porro utroque loco in editione nuper factum esse video S. Cypriani Epistolarum ad martyres et confessores, in usum confessorum Ecclesiae Gallicanae. Lond. 1792. Ubi edit. Oxoniensem secutum se esse, sed tamen variantes lectiones eidem subjectas nonnumquam selegisse, editor profitetur.
Chapter VII. — Christ the teacher of believers. Commonly, Christ the Lord and teacher of believers. But since both the older editions of Cyprian and the manuscript books which I myself collated, besides nine others whose variant readings are cited in the Oxford edition, know nothing of this addition, I have struck it out. For a like reason I judged that the word scilicet after docens should be deleted. Moreover, I see that the same has lately been done in both places in the edition of St Cyprian's Letters to the Martyrs and Confessors, for the use of the confessors of the Gallican Church, London 1792, where the editor declares that he has followed the Oxford edition, but has nevertheless sometimes chosen the variant readings set beneath it.
CAP. VIII. — Et Spiritus nos perducat ad Deum Patrem. Et Christus nos perducat ad Deum Patrem. Bal. At propter antecedentia verba veterem reduxi lectionem, quae firmatur scriptis codicibus, quos sciam, omnibus praeter paucos ex plus triginta Baluzianis. Quinetiam, dum hunc quidem locum mutat, oblitus est vir doctissimus canonis artis criticae, qui obscuriorem, caeteroquin probam, lectionem jubet nos amplecti.
Chapter VIII. — And may the Spirit lead us through to God the Father. And may Christ lead us through to God the Father, Baluze. But on account of the preceding words I have restored the old reading, which is confirmed by all the manuscript codices known to me, except a few out of the more than thirty of Baluze. What is more, in altering this passage the most learned man forgot the canon of the critical art which bids us embrace the more obscure reading, provided it is otherwise sound.
CAP. IX. — Scriptura divina, dicens, etc. Videsis infra quae de hoc libro Ecclesiastico ad libellum de Opere et Eleemosyna § I, annotavimus.
Chapter IX. — The divine Scripture, saying, etc. See below what we have noted about this book Ecclesiasticus on the treatise On Works and Almsgiving, § 1.
CAP. XI. — Monet... dicit. Haec verba pro editis moneat dicat, ex codice Novi Collegii 2, ac quatuor de meis mstis recepi.
Chapter XI. — He warns... he says. I have adopted these words in place of the printed moneat, dicat, from codex 2 of New College and four of my manuscripts.
CAP. XII. — Christianam fidem. Vulgo Christiani fidem. In codice Novi Coll. 2, et in duobus meis non Christiani, sed Christianam inveni, quod hoc loco fortasse melius.
Chapter XII. — The Christian faith. Commonly, the faith of a Christian. In codex 2 of New College and in two of mine I found not Christiani but Christianam, which in this place is perhaps better.
Gubernator. Navis gubernator. Hunc locum antea mutilum, cum legeretur Nam pro Navis, nos supplevimus ope duorum veterum exemplarium. In tribus deest vocabulum Nam, quod alibi et in editionibus ponitur ante gubernator. Error est; sed tamen error ille ostendit veram esse lectionem, quam nos afferamus. Haec Baluz. Sed praeterquam quod orta possit esse particula nam, in editionibus veteribus reperta, ex antecedente voce corona, neutra vox vel nam vel navis ullis fere mstis agnoscitur, quippe cum ex neque in tribus illis Baluzianis, neque in libris editionis Oxoniensis gratia collatis, neque in septem, quos ego inspexi, codicibus compareant; ad oram tantum msti Tewaterani collocata vox navis est. Hanc ergo ut interpretamentum marginale contextu eliminandam censui, quae primum a Baluzio inducta est. Adde quod Floro Lugdunensi ante medium saeculum nonum scribenti ignota vox fuit. Etenim abest a codice vetusto Commentarii ejus inediti in Epistolas Paulinas, qui ex Cypriano aliisque undecim patribus contextus est, ubi verba Cypriani afferuntur. Aliud praeter hoc meum, ut obiter id notem, Floriani operis exemplum penes Majorem Carthusiam exstare memorat cl. Mabillonius in Disquisitione De Bedae et Flori Diaconi Lugdunensis Commentario in Paulum ex Augustino, alio nimirum ejusdem Flori, non Bedae, ut vulgo censetur, commentario. Vide p. 488, novae edit. Vet. Analectorum Mabillonii.
The helmsman. The helmsman of the ship. This passage, formerly mutilated since Nam was read for Navis, we have completed with the help of two old copies. In three the word Nam, which elsewhere and in the editions is placed before gubernator, is missing. It is an error; but nevertheless that error shows that the reading we put forward is the true one. So Baluze. But besides the fact that the particle nam, found in the old editions, may have arisen from the preceding word corona, neither word, whether nam or navis, is acknowledged by almost any manuscripts, since they appear neither in those three of Baluze, nor in the books collated for the Oxford edition, nor in the seven codices which I inspected; only in the margin of the Tewater manuscript is the word navis placed. I therefore judged that this word, which was first brought in by Baluze, should be removed from the text as a marginal gloss. Add that the word was unknown to Florus of Lyons, writing before the middle of the ninth century. For it is absent from an old codex of his unpublished Commentary on the Pauline Epistles, which is woven together from Cyprian and eleven other fathers, where the words of Cyprian are cited. Another copy of Florus' work besides this one of mine, to note it in passing, is recorded by the celebrated Mabillon as extant at the Grande Chartreuse, in his Disquisition On the Commentary of Bede and of Florus, Deacon of Lyons, on Paul from Augustine, namely another commentary of the same Florus, not of Bede, as is commonly supposed. See p. 488 of the new edition of Mabillon's Vetera Analecta.
Conflictatio in adversis probatio est virtutis. Vulgo
Struggle in adversities is the proof of virtue. Commonly
Editors' notes and page, col. 1144
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- running head: M. J. ROUTH 1144
- marginal letters: A accepta alapa et alteram; B Cypriani vetustioribus, quam; C fra quae de hoc libro; D in tribus illis Baluzianis
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (Routh's notes on Cyprian), set in full: "accepta alapa..."; "Cap. VI. — Et delectat"; "Cap. VII. — Christum credentium"; "Cap. VIII. — Et Spiritus"; "Cap. IX. — Scriptura divina"; "Cap. XI. — Monet"; "Cap. XII. — Christianam fidem"; "Gubernator"; "Conflictatio in adversis". "et" after Christi blotted, read ⟨et⟩. "dum hunc" and "de hoc" look like b in the image, read as h. "quippe cum ex neque" set as printed, "ex" unsure. Column begins mid-sentence and ends at "Vulgo". Fragments of the left column (1143) at the image edge not set.
veritatis, quae quidem lectio in codice Novi Coll. 1, exstat, sed ex uno Bodleiano in Variis Lectt. edit. Oxon. memorato, codice altero Novi Coll. meoque Tewaterano virtutis, id quod olim conjeceram legendum, recepi. Ad oram autem codicis Novi Coll. altera lectio veritatis exstat, et aliud nescio quid in uno de meis mstis positum est.
veritatis [of truth], which reading indeed stands in New College codex 1; but from the single Bodleian [codex] mentioned in the Variant Readings of the Oxford edition, from the other New College codex and from my Tewater codex I have adopted virtutis [of virtue], which I had once conjectured should be read. In the margin of the New College codex, moreover, the other reading veritatis stands, and something else, I know not what, is set down in one of my manuscripts.
Solidata est. Solida est habet editio Baluziana perinde atque Oxoniensis; cum vero in duodecim scriptis codicibus, quos Oxoniensis commemorat, vox solidata exstet, astipulantibus utroque Novi Collegii codice, et quatuor meis, hanc principis caeterarumque vetustiorum editionum lectionem revocandam esse censui. Idem quoque factum nunc vidi in editione, cujus modo mentionem feci, in usum ecclesiae gallicae confessorum adornata.
Solidata est [has been made firm]. The Baluze edition, just like the Oxford one, has Solida est [is firm]; but since the word solidata stands in the twelve written codices which the Oxford [edition] records, with both New College codices and four of mine agreeing, I judged that this reading of the editio princeps and of the other older editions ought to be restored. I have now seen that the same has also been done in the edition I have just mentioned, prepared for the use of the confessors of the Gallican church.
CAP. XIV. — Praemium viae ejus, pro praemium vitae praemium viae ex tribus codd. scriptis in edit. Oxon. memoratis, et Novi Coll. ms. 1, libens recepi.
Chapter XIV. — Praemium viae ejus [the reward of his way]: in place of praemium vitae [the reward of life] I have gladly adopted praemium viae from three written codices mentioned in the Oxford edition and from New College ms. 1.
CAP. XV. — Pavore mortalitatis et temporis. Delendam esse particulam et olim opinabar, eo quod legeretur paulo post, tempore mortalitatis. Nunc malim pro temporis rescribere terroribus.
Chapter XV. — Pavore mortalitatis et temporis [through dread of the mortality and of the time]. I once thought that the particle et should be deleted, because a little later there is read tempore mortalitatis [in the time of the mortality]. Now I would prefer to write terroribus [terrors] in place of temporis.
CAP. XVII. — Nec enim sanguinem nostrum quaerit Deus, sed fidem. — Nec enim Deus sanguinem nostrum desiderat, sed fidem quaerit. Et istud desiderat adjecimus ex quibusdam codicibus nostris, et ex quibusd. Anglicanis. Potest tamen esse glossema. BALUZ. Scripturam principis aliarumque editionum atque unius codicis membranei mei reposui. Diverso tantum ordine verborum habet Novi Coll. cod. 1: Nec enim quaerit sanguinem Deus nostrum, sed fidem. Et ms. olim Meerman: Nec enim sanguinem Deus nostrum, sed fidem quaerit. Itidem edit. Oxon, Nec enim Deus sanguinem nostrum, sed fidem quaerit. Sed in libro meo olim Tewaterano hoc positum est: Nec enim sanguinem nostrum Deus desiderat, sed tantum fidem. Cumque lectione Baluziana consentiunt ms. Novi Coll. 2, et ms. olim Drurianus recentior ille, sed alter vetustior habet, Nec enim sanguinem Deus noster, sed fidem quaerit.
Chapter XVII. — Nec enim sanguinem nostrum quaerit Deus, sed fidem [For God does not seek our blood, but faith]. — Nec enim Deus sanguinem nostrum desiderat, sed fidem quaerit [For God does not desire our blood, but seeks faith]. And this desiderat we have added from certain of our codices and from certain English ones. It may, however, be a gloss. BALUZE. I have restored the text of the editio princeps and of the other editions and of one parchment codex of mine. New College cod. 1 has it with only a different order of words: Nec enim quaerit sanguinem Deus nostrum, sed fidem. And the ms. formerly Meerman's: Nec enim sanguinem Deus nostrum, sed fidem quaerit. Likewise the Oxford edition: Nec enim Deus sanguinem nostrum, sed fidem quaerit. But in my book formerly Tewater's this is set down: Nec enim sanguinem nostrum Deus desiderat, sed tantum fidem [For God does not desire our blood, but only faith]. And with the Baluze reading agree New College ms. 2 and the ms. formerly Drury's, the more recent one; but the other, older one has Nec enim sanguinem Deus noster, sed fidem quaerit [For our God does not seek blood, but faith].
CAP. XIX. — Commeatum sibi precaretur. Veniam absentiae longioris a Domino: hoc est vitae hic in terris moram. FELL. Doloris mortisve remissionem commeatum antiqui dixerunt. Senecae illud afferunt lexicographi: Longum mihi commeatum dederat valetudo, repente me invasit.
Chapter XIX. — Commeatum sibi precaretur [he should pray for leave for himself]. Leave for a longer absence from the Lord: that is, a delay of life here on earth. FELL. The ancients called a respite from pain or death commeatum. The lexicographers adduce this from Seneca: Longum mihi commeatum dederat valetudo, repente me invasit [My illness had given me a long leave; suddenly it attacked me].
CAP. XX. — De persecutione sollicitus, de accersitione securus. Ita scribendum conjeceram pro ablativis sollicitis et securis, antequam hanc lectionem in meis Novique Coll. codicibus, quibus addas quinque Pamelianos, deprehendi. Sensus loci videtur esse, Illorum gratia de persecutione sollicitus; ne vi ejus coacti fidem denegent; de accersitione securus, utpote certus, eos accersitione divina de seculo liberatos fore. Vid. paulo infra; et jam supra sub initium § 2, habes, Laetus itaque de morte jam proxima, et de vicina accersitione securus. Imo geminum istud fine libelli exstat: Jam de sua immortalitate secura, adhuc de nostra incolumitate sollicita. At vero Fellus ad verba, de persecutione sollicitis, de accersitione securis, hoc adnotavit, « Martyrii coronam refugiunt, coelestia gaudia non expetunt. » Utrum mavis, accipe.
Chapter XX. — De persecutione sollicitus, de accersitione securus [anxious about the persecution, secure about the summons]. I had conjectured that it should be written thus in place of the ablatives sollicitis and securis, before I found this reading in my codices and in those of New College, to which you may add five of Pamelius's. The sense of the passage seems to be: anxious about the persecution for their sake, lest, compelled by its force, they deny the faith; secure about the summons, as being certain that they would be freed from the world by the divine summons. See a little below; and already above, near the beginning of § 2, you have: Laetus itaque de morte jam proxima, et de vicina accersitione securus [Joyful therefore about death now very near, and secure about the approaching summons]. Indeed, the twin of this stands at the end of the treatise: Jam de sua immortalitate secura, adhuc de nostra incolumitate sollicita [now secure of her own immortality, still anxious for our safety]. But Fell annotated this at the words de persecutione sollicitis, de accersitione securis: « They flee the crown of martyrdom, they do not seek the heavenly joys. » Take whichever you prefer.
Didicit immo remanentibus. Fide nixus msti Tewaterani aliorumque quatuordecim in edit. Oxon. memoratorum, in quibus sunt duo illi Novi Collegii codices, tractatus omnes Cypriani continentes, pronomen nobis in excusis additum ante remanentibus, sed obscuriorem faciens sermonem, expunxi. Idem nescit ms. uterque Drurianus.
Didicit immo remanentibus [he learned, rather, for those remaining]. Relying on the authority of the Tewater manuscript and of fourteen others mentioned in the Oxford edition, among which are those two New College codices containing all the treatises of Cyprian, I have struck out the pronoun nobis [to us], added in the printed editions before remanentibus but making the sentence more obscure. Neither of the Drury mss. knows it either.
CAP. XXI. — Improbat denique apostolus Paulus. Hanc omnium editionum lectionem Baluzius nescio quare cum altera increpat commutavit. In edit. Oxon. quae, pariter ac caeterae, praestat improbat, duo tantum codices memorantur, in quibus exstat verbum increpat; verum ibidem sine causa annotatum est, « Forte legendum improperat. » Porro tuentur lectionem
Chapter XXI. — Improbat denique apostolus Paulus [the apostle Paul, finally, disapproves]. This reading of all the editions Baluze, I know not why, exchanged for the other, increpat [rebukes]. In the Oxford edition, which, like the rest, offers improbat, only two codices are mentioned in which the verb increpat stands; but in the same place it is noted without reason: « Perhaps improperat [reproaches] should be read. » Furthermore, there uphold the reading
Editors' notes and page, col. 1145
Page
- running head: 1145 SELECTÆ IN CYPRIANU[M] (cut off at the right edge of the image)
- marginal letters: A ‹veritatis, quae quidem lectio in codice Novi Coll. 1,›; B ‹lendam esse particulam et olim opinabar›; C ‹tior habet, Nec enim sanguinem Deus noster›; D ‹libelli exstat: Jam de sua immortalitate secura›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: the whole column is the editors' Selectae notes on Cyprian (here on De mortalitate), first words ‹veritatis, quae quidem lectio›, set in full; the column begins mid-note and ends mid-word with lec- (lectionem) split at the column break; the adjoining right-hand column (1146), partly visible and cut off, is not set; a stray mark before CAP. XVII and the mark between usum and ecclesiae are treated as specks; BALUZ. and FELL. are printed in small capitals; coelestia is read as printed with œ, unsure
improbat codices scripti, quibus utor, omnes.
improbat all the manuscript codices that I use.
Cap. XXII. — Quis non ad meliora festinet? Positum est in contextu Baluziano, Quis non ad meliora venire festinet? Cum vero verbum venire frustra quaerendum sit vel in libris editis, vel scriptis illis quibus usus sum, illud delendum videtur. Adde quod neque Pamelius, neque variae lectiones in edit. Oxon. positae ejus mentionem faciunt. Ita et proxime post ob eamdem causam reformari pro transformari, quod exstat in Baluziano textu, reducere visum est.
Chapter XXII. — Who would not hasten to better things? In Baluze's text it is printed, Who would not hasten to come to better things? But since the word venire is sought in vain both in the printed books and in those manuscripts that I have used, it seems that it should be deleted. Add that neither Pamelius nor the variant readings given in the Oxford edition make any mention of it. So too, immediately after, for the same reason, it seemed right to restore reformari in place of transformari, which stands in Baluze's text.
Cap. XXIII. — Secundum fidem veri. Haec lectio, quam exhibent undecim exemplaria, in quibus pono Seguierianum, est optima. In duobus aliis scriptum est verbi. Morellius annotat se vidisse scriptum in antiquis veri alias verbi. Quod confirmat nostram lectionem. In codice Beccensi et in editione Morellii legitur veritatis: Haec Baluzius. Qui veri pro lectione vulgata veritatis primus posuit, faventibus quoque codice Novi Coll. 2, et Tewaterano meo. Sed quoniam praeter Baluzianos duos mstos praestat et codex vetustior Drurianus vocem verbi, dubito annon reponendum sit, secundum fidem verbi veritatis. Exstat tamen infra, si quid id refert, in lib. de Opere et Eleemosynis, cap. 4: Qui habet fidei veritatem servat Dei timorem.
Chapter XXIII. — According to the faith of the true. This reading, which eleven copies present, among which I count the Séguier codex, is the best. In two others verbi is written. Morel notes that he had seen written in old copies veri, otherwise verbi. This confirms our reading. In the Bec codex and in Morel's edition veritatis is read. Thus far Baluze. He was the first to put veri in place of the common reading veritatis, with the support also of the New College codex 2 and of my Tewater codex. But since, besides Baluze's two manuscripts, the older Drury codex too offers the word verbi, I wonder whether secundum fidem verbi veritatis ought not to be restored. It occurs, however, below, if that matters at all, in the book On Works and Alms, chapter 4: He who has the truth of faith keeps the fear of God.
Cap. XXIV. — Quomodo et Deus manet in aeternum. Omissum est hoc S. Scripturae additamentum in codice Cypriani Tewaterano, sicut in vetustiore saltem Druriano, sed idem adductum est in Cypriani lib. III Testimoniorum, cap. 2, et in aliorum patrum operibus.
Chapter XXIV. — As God also abides for ever. This addition from Holy Scripture is omitted in the Tewater codex of Cyprian, as also at least in the older Drury codex, but the same is cited in Cyprian's book III of the Testimonies, chapter 2, and in the works of other fathers.
Cap. XXV. — Eximaris. Hanc lectionem pro vulgata exuaris reposui, fide nixus codicis unius inter lectiones editionis Oxon. variantes: sed forsitan nonnullis lectio altera ferenda esse videbitur, nisi auctoris verba, pag. 291, l. 20, aliud persuadeant. Nunc porro praelatum esse video verbum eximaris in editione ad usum exulum Gallicorum a me modo commemorata.
Chapter XXV. — You are taken away. I have put back this reading in place of the common exuaris, relying on the authority of a single codex among the variant readings of the Oxford edition; but perhaps to some the other reading will seem acceptable, unless the author's words at page 291, line 20, persuade otherwise. Now, moreover, I see that the word eximaris has been preferred in the edition for the use of the French exiles which I have just mentioned.
Cap. XXVI. — Hic interim degere. Lectionem editionis principis aliarumque pro istic, quod sine causa suffectum est, fide plurimorum codicum scriptorum nixus revocavi.
Chapter XXVI. — To dwell here meanwhile. Relying on the authority of very many manuscript codices, I have recalled the reading of the first edition and of others in place of istic, which was substituted without cause.
Adhuc de nostra salute sollicita. Delevi particulam et ante adhuc vulgo positam, quam nesciunt edit. princeps, et septem illi scripti, quos contuli. Sed omisit voces et adhuc ms. Tewater. habetque sed adhuc codex unus in edit. Oxon. adductus.
Still anxious for our salvation. I have deleted the particle et commonly placed before adhuc, which the first edition and those seven manuscripts that I collated do not know. But the Tewater manuscript omitted the words et adhuc, and one codex cited in the Oxford edition has sed adhuc.
Prophetarum exultantium. Cogitabat Cyprianus evangelistae Joannis illud, Abraham pater vester exultavit videre diem meum: vidit et gavisus est. Joann., VIII, 56.
Of the prophets exulting. Cyprian was thinking of that saying of John the evangelist, Abraham your father exulted to see My day: he saw it and was glad. (John 8:56).
Triumphantes virgines. Vulgo, triumphantes illic virgines, sed, servato meliore vocum ordine, illic triumphantes virgines ms. olim Tewateranus; dum correctius fortasse nesciunt adverbium illic edit. princeps, et sex, quos contuli, codices manuscripti. Sed et voci remunerati praefixit illic ms. Tewater.
Triumphant virgins. Commonly triumphantes illic virgines, but the former Tewater manuscript, preserving a better order of the words, has illic triumphantes virgines; while, perhaps more correctly, the first edition and the six manuscript codices that I collated do not know the adverb illic. But the Tewater manuscript also prefixed illic to the word remunerati.
Ut cum his cito esse. Addunt quidem possimus edit. princeps aliaeque antiquae; cum vero verbum istud agnoscat tantum unus ex codd. scriptis in usum edit. Oxon. collatis, et tantum unus de meis, ipsum fortasse recte ego nunc duco relinquendum; etsi aliter visum est editori nupero nonnullorum Cypriani opusculorum, cujus supra feci mentionem.
That [we may] soon be with them. The first edition and other old ones do indeed add possimus; but since only one of the manuscript codices collated for the use of the Oxford edition recognizes that word, and only one of mine, I now consider, perhaps rightly, that it should be left out; although it seemed otherwise to the recent editor of some of Cyprian's shorter works, whom I mentioned above.
IN LIBRUM DE OPERE ET ELEEMOSYNIS.
On the book On Works and Alms.
Cap. VI. — Et viduarum ac pauperum. Particulam et, quae huic sententiae in principe aliisque editionibus, et in septem illis codicibus quos ipse contuli, praefixa est, quae vero in editt. Baluziana et Oxon. male omissa est, revocavi, cum fortasse in mstis voce praecedente orasset absorpta esset.
Chapter VI. — Both of widows and of the poor. The particle et, which is prefixed to this sentence in the first edition and other editions, and in those seven codices that I myself collated, but which is wrongly omitted in the Baluze and Oxford editions, I have recalled, since perhaps in the manuscripts it had been absorbed by the preceding word orasset.
Exsurge in nomine Jesu Christi. Istud in nomine Jesu Christi addunt nonnullae versiones, simul cum his patribus Cypriano Ambrosio Cassiodoroque.
Arise in the name of Jesus Christ. Some versions add this in nomine Jesu Christi, together with these fathers, Cyprian, Ambrose and Cassiodorus.
Editors' notes and page, col. 1146
Page
- running head: [cut off]E IN CYPRIANUM NOTÆ. 1146
- marginal letters: A ‹tionem improbat codices›; B ‹quoniam praeter Baluzianos›; C ‹Cap. XXVI. — Hic interim degere›; D ‹Ut cum his cito esse›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: column begins with the word fragment "tionem", broken from col. 1145; editors' matter set: the whole column is editors' notes on Cyprian (first words: tionem improbat codices; Cap. XXII. — Quis non ad meliora festinet?), continuing into notes on De opere et eleemosynis; the left column visible in the images belongs to col. 1145 and is not set; "Baluzius" printed in small capitals.
Cap. VII. — Illic erit et cor tuum. Illic pro ibi ex codicibus scriptis reposui, quia in ipsius Cypriani, lib. III Testimoniorum sanctae Scripturae p. 59, edit. Oxon. sic locus evangelistae affertur.
Chapter VII. — There will your heart be also. I have restored illic ("there") in place of ibi from the manuscript codices, because in Cyprian's own book 3 of the Testimonies of Holy Scripture, p. 59 of the Oxford edition, the evangelist's passage is cited thus.
Cap. IX. — Sed vereris et metuis. Restituit priorem lectionem, Si vereris et metuis, Baluzius, quam mutaverat, fide nixus quatuor manuscriptorum, Fellus. Iis alios septem nunc addo, lectionem quae mihi placet, praestantes, atque ita prorsus constituta est oratio mox infra, ubi verbum metuis occurrit.
Chapter IX. — But you dread and fear. Baluze restored the earlier reading, "If you dread and fear", which Fell had altered, relying on the authority of four manuscripts. To these I now add seven others which offer the reading that pleases me, and the wording a little further below, where the word metuis occurs, is constructed in exactly this way.
Cap. XI. — Subsidia. Addunt vitae editiones Manutianam secutae, sed vocem delevi, idcirco quod monuit Pamelius praeter Manut. nullum codicem ipsam legere. Attamen in editione Lugdunensi, quae Manutianae praeivit, eamdem inveni. Porro autem vocem tibi post operanti nesciunt codices, quos ipse inspexi, quod ideo noto, quia vox non valde desideratur.
Chapter XI. — Resources. The editions that followed the Manutian edition add vitae ("of life"), but I have deleted the word, because Pamelius pointed out that no codex reads it except Manutius. However, I found the same word in the Lyons edition, which preceded the Manutian. Further, the codices that I myself inspected do not have the word tibi after operanti, which I note for this reason: the word is not much missed.
Cap. XIII. — Reditus tuos divide. Scripturam correctiorem revocavi, verum in Cypriani editionibus et manuscriptis frequenter scribitur redditus; tueturque Baluzius.
Chapter XIII. — Divide your revenues. I have restored the more correct spelling, although in the editions and manuscripts of Cyprian redditus is frequently written, and Baluze defends it.
Cap. XIV. — Quae matrona locuples. Quae matrona in ecclesia Christi locuples. Valde puto ista in ecclesia Christi, quae desunt in antiquis editionibus, in decem codicibus nostris, et in quinque Anglicanis, addita vero sunt a Manutio, non debere esse in hoc loco. Non tamen ausus sum expungere, quia ea reperi in undecim vetustis exemplaribus. Baluz. Exstant quoque in mstis Tewaterano ac Meermannano meis, una cum altero ex Drurianis. Cum vero eadem omittant undecim fortasse codices Baluzii, et quinque Anglici, neque in vetustiori ex Drurianis, neque altero meo ms., neque in cod. 1 Novi Coll. exstent, istaec verba importuna et editionibus vetustissimis ignota relinquenda judicavi.
Chapter XIV. — What wealthy matron. What wealthy matron in the church of Christ. I strongly think that the words in the church of Christ, which are absent from the old editions, from ten of our codices and from five English ones, but were added by Manutius, ought not to stand in this place. Yet I did not dare to strike them out, because I found them in eleven old copies. Baluze. They are also found in my manuscripts, the Tewater and the Meerman, together with one of the Drury manuscripts. But since perhaps eleven of Baluze's codices and five English ones omit them, and they are found neither in the older of the Drury manuscripts, nor in my other manuscript, nor in codex 1 of New College, I have judged that these intrusive words, unknown to the oldest editions, should be left out.
Cap. XV. — Dominicum celebrare te credis. Eucharistiam, quae est coena Dominica, hoc loco significari cum Fello statuendum est. Interea cum particulam et ante Dominicum positam, quam nesciunt edd. princeps et Erasmiana, simul ac scripti libri nostri, jam olim decrevissem ejicere, postea illam in tribus aliis mstis deesse sensi.
Chapter XV. — You believe that you celebrate the Lord's [sacrifice]. It must be held, with Fell, that the Eucharist, which is the Lord's Supper, is meant in this place. Meanwhile, having long ago decided to throw out the particle et placed before Dominicum, which the first edition and the Erasmian do not have, nor do our manuscript books, I afterwards perceived that it is lacking in three other manuscripts as well.
Cap. XVI. — Infelicitatis. Vulgo infidelitatis. « Parum abfuit, » ait Baluzius, « quin ponerem infelicitatis juxta lectionem veterum editionum, quam confirmant viginti et duo exemplaria nostra et undecim Anglicana. Manutius posuit infidelitatis. Aliter Pamelio visum est » Haec Baluzius. Vix dubito, quin reduci ad hunc locum debeat vox infelicitatis, quae cum illa sterilitatis jungi solet; Sterile enim atque infelix solum haud raro dicitur. Hanc igitur vocem revocavi Rigaltio quoque probatam, et in sex mstis mihi visam; sed in alio quodam codice meo legitur infidelitatis.
Chapter XVI. — Of unfruitfulness (infelicitatis). Commonly infidelitatis ("of unfaithfulness"). "I very nearly put infelicitatis," says Baluze, "in accordance with the reading of the old editions, which twenty-two of our copies and eleven English ones confirm. Manutius put infidelitatis. Pamelius thought otherwise." So Baluze. I scarcely doubt that the word infelicitatis ought to be brought back to this place, since it is usually joined with sterilitatis ("barrenness"); for soil is not rarely called "barren and unfruitful". I have therefore restored this word, which Rigault also approved and which I have seen in six manuscripts; but in a certain other codex of mine infidelitatis is read.
Vidua et inops in opere invenitur. Ante Baluzium praestabant editi plerique vidua et inops vidua in opere larga invenitur. Praetuli ego codicum meorum scripturam pene omnium, tantum in cod. Novi Coll. 1, et in utroque Druriano vox vidua repetita est, dum dives in opere praestat cod. Novi Coll. 2, in vocibus enim inops et opere fit paronomasia, ut rhetores loquuntur. Nescit vocem larga editio Erasmi.
A widow and needy is found in work. Before Baluze most printed editions offered "a widow and needy, a widow is found generous in work". I have preferred the reading of nearly all my codices; only in New College codex 1 and in both Drury manuscripts is the word vidua repeated, while New College codex 2 offers "rich in work"; for in the words inops and opere there is a paronomasia, as the rhetoricians say. The edition of Erasmus does not have the word larga.
Christus illud Dei dona appellat. Referendum videtur illud ad gazophylacium supra.
Christ calls that the gifts of God. That (illud) seems to refer to the treasury (gazophylacium) above.
Cap. XX. — Et nunc, fili, mando, etc. Ad oram msti Druriani recentioris scripsit librarius. Mandata Tobiae ad filios saluberrima. Mox pro vocibus in gehennam substituerat ex codicibus mstis Fellus in tenebras, sed etiam libri scripti inter se hic variant.
Chapter XX. — And now, son, I command, etc. In the margin of the more recent Drury manuscript the scribe wrote: "Most wholesome commands of Tobit to his sons." Shortly after, in place of the words "into Gehenna" Fell had substituted "into darkness" from manuscript codices, but the manuscript books also vary among themselves here.
Cap. XXI. — Quadriga. Majorum magistratuum honores et insignia. Curules, inquit Festus, equi quadrigales. Fell.
Chapter XXI. — Four-horse chariot. The honours and insignia of the higher magistracies. "Curule horses," says Festus, "are four-horse-team horses." Fell.
Cap. XXII. — Ac nisi editio honesta successerit. Sic lib. ad Donatum: Stulta prorsus et vana jactura, frustrantis spectaculi voluptate id parare voluisse, quod nec populus acciperet, et perderet magistratus. Fell.
Chapter XXII. — And unless the show turns out creditably. So in the book To Donatus: "A wholly foolish and vain loss, to have wished to procure by the pleasure of a disappointing spectacle what the people would not receive and the magistrate would lose." Fell.
Editors' notes and page, col. 1147
Page
- running head: 1147 M. J. ROUTH SELECTÆ IN CY (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹Cap. VII. — Illic erit et cor tuum›; B ‹manuscriptis frequenter scribitur redditus›; C ‹culam et ante Dominicum positam›; D ‹et in utroque Druriano vox vidua›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter: the whole column is Routh's selected notes on Cyprian's De opere et eleemosynis (Cap. VII. — Illic erit et cor tuum), set in full; the right-hand column on the images belongs to col. 1148 and is cut off, not set; "cod.'1 Novi Coll." has a stray mark before 1, set as "cod. 1"; in Cap. XVI no full stop is printed before the closing » after "visum est"; overlapping lines between the thirds set once
Et vix tui meis pereuntibus adaequantur. Numero, ut mox apparet.
"And yours scarcely equal mine that are perishing." In number, as presently appears.
CAP. XXV. — Aequalitatis. Ita Erasmus et alii post eum. Nolui autem mutare, quamvis in omnibus fere codicibus antiquis et in vetustioribus editionibus legatur aequitatis. BALUZ. Recte praestant aequalitatis cod. Novi Coll. 2, et ms. meus nuper Tewateranus, cum recentiori ex Drurianis. Quibus libris simul addo Flori Lugdunensis Commentarium penes me ineditum, quem prius memoravi, super Epistolas Paulinas. Proxime scripserat auctor, aequaliter.
Chapter XXV. "Of equality." So Erasmus and others after him. I did not wish to change it, although in almost all the ancient codices and in the older editions "of equity" is read. BALUZE. The New College codex 2 rightly offers "of equality," as does my manuscript, lately the Tewater one, together with the more recent of the Drury manuscripts. To these books I add as well the Commentary of Florus of Lyons on the Pauline Epistles, unpublished and in my possession, which I mentioned before. Just before this the author had written "equally."
CAP. XXVI. — Praeclara et divina res. Melius procederet oratio, si legeretur res est.
Chapter XXVI. "A splendid and divine thing." The sentence would run better if "is a thing" were read.
Dies nos vel reditionis. Cyprianus jam ante in hoc libello reduces ad paradisum facere habet, et sub finem lib. de Mortalitate, nos paradiso restituit et regno, p. 281. Vid. et fin. epistolae ad Demetrianum. Primus Pamelius vocem redditionis ex mstis et Joannis Costeri castigationibus recepit. Exstat quidem ea in cod. Novi Coll. 2, atque idem significat, quod retributio, quae quidem Cypriani vox est. Verumtamen ego cum Rigaltio probans veterem lectionem reditionis eam revocare statui, quae in sex libris scriptis apud ed. Oxon., et in quatuor mstis meis, nam in Tewaterano primitus scripta fuerat, reperta est. Vocem reditionis agnoscit Plautus. Et conveniunt voces reditio et persecutio hoc loco positae cum illis accersitio et persecutio, quae supra in libro de Mortalitate nobis occurrebant, § 13.
"The day ... us, or of return." Cyprian already earlier in this little book has "to make [us] return to paradise," and towards the end of the book On Mortality, "restores us to paradise and the kingdom," p. 281. See also the end of the letter To Demetrianus. Pamelius was the first to admit the word "of repayment," from manuscripts and from the emendations of Joannes Costerus. It does indeed stand in the New College codex 2, and it means the same as "retribution," which is in fact a word of Cyprian's. Nevertheless I, approving with Rigault the old reading "of return," have decided to restore it; it is found in six written books cited in the Oxford edition, and in four manuscripts of mine, for in the Tewater one it had originally been written. Plautus recognizes the word "return." And the words "return" and "persecution" placed in this passage agree with those words "summoning" and "persecution" which met us above in the book On Mortality, § 13.
IN LIBRUM DE ZELO ET LIVORE.
On the book On Jealousy and Envy.
CAP. II. — Circuit ille, etc. Hinc firmatur optima conjectura cl. Oberthuri fine lib. Tertulliani de Oratione.
Chapter II. "He goes round," etc. From this is confirmed the excellent conjecture of the distinguished Oberthür at the end of Tertullian's book On Prayer.
Linguam convicio provocat. Oratio fortasse integrior esset, si ex sequentibus adderetur ad petulantiam, et pro voce petulantiam ibi inventa rescriberetur violentiam. Habes infra, manus ad caedis violentiam prompta.
"He provokes the tongue to abuse." The sentence would perhaps be more complete if "to insolence" were added from what follows, and if, in place of the word "insolence" found there, "violence" were written instead. You have below, "a hand ready for the violence of slaughter."
CAP. III. — Vel fallaces insidias vel apertas minas. Vel ante fallaces revocavi, quod omissum est a Baluzio, suffragantibus mihi codice Novi Coll. 2, et msto utroque meo, pariter atque editt. ante Baluzianam. Nunc addo codices scriptos Meermannanum et utrumque Drurianum.
Chapter III. "Either deceitful snares or open threats." I have restored "either" before "deceitful," which was omitted by Baluze, with the support of the New College codex 2 and both my manuscripts, as well as of the editions before Baluze's. I now add the written codices, the Meerman one and both Drury ones.
CAP. IV. — Dum diabolum qui zelat imitatur. Zabulum non diabolum praestat de codicibus meis unus, isque membraneus, et in editt. aliquot Cypriani ita vox scribitur. « Zabolus is est diabolus, pro διὰ enim Aetoles ζα dixere. » Gesneri Ling. Lat. Thes. in voce.
Chapter IV. "While he who is jealous imitates the devil." One of my codices, and that one of parchment, offers "zabulus," not "diabolus," and in some editions of Cyprian the word is so written. "Zabolus is the devil, for in place of dia the Aetolians said za." Gesner's Thesaurus of the Latin Language, under the word.
CAP. V. — In odium persecutionis facibus livoris exarsit. Odium persecutionis, quae est librorum tam scriptorum quam editorum lectio, odium significat, ex quo orta persecutio sit.
Chapter V. "He blazed up with the torches of envy into the hatred of persecution." "Hatred of persecution," which is the reading of the books both written and printed, means the hatred from which persecution arose.
Miti lenitate patientem. Etsi reducta fuit vox mitem pro miti in editionem Benedictinam, praetuli nunc ego lectionem alteram, codicibus scriptis meis firmatam.
"Patient with gentle mildness." Although the word "gentle" agreeing with the person, in place of "gentle" agreeing with "mildness," was brought back into the Benedictine edition, I have now preferred the other reading, confirmed by my written codices.
Simul. In uno libro meo scriptum est semel, et supra lineam vel simul. Hinc ergo, uti jam non semel diximus, orta est discrepantia quae istic reperitur in codicibus manuscriptis, quorum nonnulli habent semel, alii simul. BALUZ. Simul, quae edit. principis scriptura est, adstipulante ei uno ex mstis meis, revocavi, etsi interdum semel pro prorsus et in perpetuum veteres ponunt. Habet sibi pro simul codex meus olim Tewateranus, anno 1396 scriptus, et singula pro singulos. Mox lin. 30, videris pro perspice, cogita, posuit auctor: et sect. 6, verba, qui Christianum se mentitur, quorum ordinem sic sine causa primus mutavit Manutius, qui se Christianum mentitur, ex editt. vetustioribus restitui.
"At the same time." In one book of mine "once" is written, and above the line "or at the same time." From this, then, as we have said more than once already, arose the discrepancy which is found here in the manuscript codices, of which some have "once," others "at the same time." BALUZE. I have restored "at the same time," which is the reading of the first edition, with one of my manuscripts agreeing with it, although the ancients sometimes put "once" for "altogether" and "for ever." My codex, formerly the Tewater one, written in the year 1396, has "for himself" in place of "at the same time," and "single things" in place of "single ones." Presently, at line 30, the author put "you would see" in place of "look closely, consider"; and at section 6 I have restored from the older editions the words "who falsely claims himself a Christian," whose order Manutius was the first to change thus without cause, "who falsely claims to be a Christian."
CAP. XIII. — Et zeli ac livoris alienus. Vocis alienus cum genitivis istis constructioni, quam primus
Chapter XIII. "And a stranger to jealousy and envy." To the construction of the word "stranger" with those genitives, which first
Editors' notes and page, col. 1148
Page
- running head: …LECTÆ IN CYPRIANUM NOTÆ. 1148 (left part of head cut off at image edge)
- marginal letters: A Et vix tui meis pereuntibus; B cod. Novi Coll. 2, atque idem significat; C lentiam. Habes infra; D pro miti in editionem Benedictinam
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: whole column is editors' matter (selected notes on Cyprian): end of notes on the preceding treatise (editors' matter: Et vix tui meis pereuntibus); notes headed IN LIBRUM DE ZELO ET LIVORE (editors' matter: Circuit ille, etc.); the line-initial « opening the second line of the Gesner quotation (before Aetoles) is a typographic continuation mark and is not set; Greek διὰ / ζα read as printed, slightly unsure; Cap. small capitals set as CAP.; left column (1147) visible at the image edge, not set; column ends mid-sentence at "primus"
recepit Manutius, patrocinantur cod. uterque Novi Collegii ac meus Tewateranus. Nunc addo ms. utrumque Drurianum et Meermannanum cum Flori Lugdunensis Commentario inedito in Pauli Epistolas. Alteram vero constructionem, quae posita est in editt. Manutianam praecedentibus, et a zelo ac livore alienus, unus de libris meis habet. Proxime post in apostoli ῥήσει voces, carnalibus, tamquam, quae a textu Baluziano forte exciderant, restitui.
Manutius adopted, both manuscripts of New College and my Tewater one support. I now add both Drury manuscripts and the Meerman one, together with the unpublished Commentary of Florus of Lyons on the Epistles of Paul. The other construction, which is found in the editions before the Manutian, "and a stranger to jealousy and envy", one of my books has. Immediately after, in the Apostle's saying, I have restored the words "carnal" and "as", which had perhaps fallen out of the Baluzian text.
CAP. XIV. — Secundus homo de coelo. De hac varietate consulas Novi Testamenti editiones; easque et infra adi de scriptura illa portemus pro portabimus, siquidem in Graecis plurimi codices scripti et patres φορέσωμεν habent pro φορέσομεν.
CHAP. XIV. — The second man from heaven. On this variant you may consult the editions of the New Testament; and go to them also below on that reading "let us bear" for "we shall bear", since among the Greeks very many manuscripts and Fathers have "let us bear" for "we shall bear".
CAP. XV. — Esse talem. Exstat in edit. Baluziana, esse se talem non, ut prius positum erat, esse te talem. Sed expunxi se, quod ex priori voce ortum esse possit, auctoritate nixus codd. duorum apud edit. Oxon. et ms. Novi Coll. 2, et duorum meorum. Habet vero esse te talem ms. Novi Coll. 1. Nunc adde utrumque Drurianum et Meermannanum. Mox post vocem firmandus, positum est in ms. olim Tewater. et ornandus.
CHAP. XV. — To be such. In the Baluzian edition there stands "esse se talem", not, as had been printed before, "esse te talem". But I have struck out "se", which may have arisen from the preceding word, relying on the authority of two manuscripts cited in the Oxford edition, and of New College manuscript 2, and of two of my own. New College manuscript 1, however, has "esse te talem". Now add both Drury manuscripts and the Meerman one. Soon after, following the word "firmandus", there is set in the manuscript formerly Tewater's "et ornandus".
CAP. XVI. — Salutaris operatio. H. e. eleemosyna salutis aeternae efficax. Jam ante idem loquendi modus reperitur sub finem libri de Opere et Eleemosyna.
CHAP. XVI. — Saving work. That is, almsgiving effective for eternal salvation. The same manner of speaking is found already earlier, towards the end of the book On Works and Almsgiving.
CAP. XVII. — Laborabis. Praeferunt labores editio princeps et e codicibus meis unus, quod mihi olim minus recte placuit. Est autem prosperanda valetudo, quae eget ut firmior fiat.
CHAP. XVII. — You will labour. The first edition and one of my manuscripts offer "labores", which once pleased me, less rightly. But a health "to be prospered" is one that needs to be made stronger.
Si sectari non potes. Vulgo; Si autem eos sectari non potes. Editionum vetustiorum lectionem revocavi, quae Rigaltio probata, codicibus quinque apud edit. Oxon., codice utroque Novi Collegii, et Tewaterano firmata est. Nunc addo codicem antiquissimum Meermannanum, et vetustiorem ex duobus Drurianis. Ab altero autem atque alio praeterea msto membrum hoc abest.
If you cannot follow. Commonly: "But if you cannot follow them." I have brought back the reading of the older editions, which was approved by Rigaltius and is confirmed by five manuscripts cited in the Oxford edition, by both manuscripts of New College, and by the Tewater one. I now add the very ancient Meerman manuscript and the older of the two Drury ones. From the other, however, and from one further manuscript besides, this clause is missing.
CAP. XVIII. — Quo Cain non redit. Recepit in editionem suam Baluzius quo Cain non ingreditur, aitque hanc lectionem, quam habent tres libri veteres, putare se esse optimam, alteram vero, quae est redit, falsam. Cain enim, qui natus est postquam parentes ejus ejecti fuerant e paradiso, non posse dici rediisse in paradisum, cum in illo numquam fuisset. Itaque non dubitasse se addit, quin lectio horum trium librorum praeferenda sit. At vero haud ita valere hanc rationem crediderim, ut substitui debeat verbum ingreditur lectioni olim receptae et fere universis mstis confirmatae. Ex codicibus, quibus usus sum soli ingreditur praestant ms. Novi Coll. 2, et Drurianus recentior. Ait hoc loco Cyprianus Cain non redire ad veterem parentum suorum possessionem paradisum; quin et dici solet, redire animum ad Deum. Conferas et finem libelli de Opere et Eleemosynis, ubi nos reduces ad paradisum habes, notamque ad locum.
CHAP. XVIII. — Where Cain does not return. Baluze received into his edition "where Cain does not enter", and says that he thinks this reading, which three old books have, the best, but the other, which is "returns", false. For Cain, who was born after his parents had been cast out of paradise, cannot be said to have returned into paradise, since he had never been in it. And so, he adds, he did not doubt that the reading of these three books is to be preferred. But I should not think this reason so strong that the word "enters" ought to be substituted for the reading once received and confirmed by almost all the manuscripts. Of the manuscripts I have used, only New College manuscript 2 and the more recent Drury one offer "enters". Cyprian says in this place that Cain does not return to paradise, the ancient possession of his parents; and indeed it is commonly said that the soul returns to God. Compare also the end of the little book On Works and Alms, where you have "us brought back to paradise", and the note on the place.
Nativitate coelesti et lege divina. Vocem coelesti haud agnoscunt, aut decem codices scripti in edit. Oxon. memorati, aut sex de septem illis, quibus ego in edendis his libellis usus sum; deficit orationis membrum in Meermanni manuscripto. Supra vero habes easdem voces, nativitate coelesti.
By heavenly birth and divine law. The word "heavenly" is not recognized either by the ten manuscripts mentioned in the Oxford edition or by six of those seven which I used in editing these little books; in Meerman's manuscript the clause is lacking. Above, however, you have the same words, "by heavenly birth".
MONITUM.
NOTICE.
Meminerit lector quam nos paulo supra, dum appendicem primam instruxerimus, piguerit non potuisse, licet huc illuc enixe quaeritantes, sat opportune J. C. Trombellii anecdota reperire, ut ea suo loco apprime inserta ederentur, nec tamen desperasse iisdem fore interdum bono numine occurrendum. Jam non nos spes ea fefellit. En, nondum hoc tomo absoluto, in optima seminarii S. Sulpitii bibliotheca, favente pia ipsius procuratorum comitate ac benevolentia, incidit in manus hoc ultimum D. Cypriani opus tamdiu irrepertum. Quo igitur ac simul eximiis ejusdem Trombellii commentationibus, datis quibus debentur gratiis, utere, bone lector, et fruere.
Let the reader remember how sorry we were a little above, while we were furnishing the first appendix, not to have been able, though searching earnestly here and there, to find J. C. Trombelli's unpublished pieces in good enough time for them to be published duly inserted in their place; and yet that we did not despair of coming upon them sometime with good fortune. And now that hope has not deceived us. Behold, before this volume was finished, in the excellent library of the seminary of Saint-Sulpice, by the kind courtesy and goodwill of its procurators, there came into our hands this last work of St Cyprian, so long not found. Use it, then, good reader, and enjoy it, together with the excellent commentaries of the same Trombelli, giving thanks to those to whom thanks are owed.
S. CYPRIANI
OF ST CYPRIAN
EXHORTATIO AD POENITENTIAM.
EXHORTATION TO PENANCE.
JOANNIS CHRYSOSTOMI TROMBELLII PRAEFATIO.
PREFACE OF GIOVANNI CRISOSTOMO TROMBELLI.
I. Tametsi accurate summaque diligentia codices nostros perlustraverim, atque eos praesertim qui veterum auctorum epistolas et opuscula continent, saepe enim in iis latent pretiosae quaedam veterum scriptorum reliquiae, quas colligere evulgareque litterariae reipublicae plurimi interest, ubi tamen ad eos perveni, qui Cypriani scripta continent, diligentiam auxi, sperans scilicet quod Erasmo Manutio,
I. Although I examined our manuscripts carefully and with the greatest diligence, and especially those which contain letters and small works of ancient authors (for often there lie hidden in them certain precious remains of ancient writers, which it greatly concerns the republic of letters to collect and make public), yet when I came to those which contain the writings of Cyprian, I increased my diligence, hoping, that is, that what had happened to Erasmus, Manutius,
Editors' notes and page, col. 1149
Page
- running head: 1149 PRÆFATIO J. C. TROM[...] (cut off at the image edge; presumably TROMBELLII)
- marginal letters: A recepit Manutius, patrocinantur; B bet vero esse te talem; C pendicem primam instruxerimus; D I. Tametsi accurate
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter set: end of Trombelli's preface notes (recepit Manutius...), Monitum (Meminerit lector...), Trombelli's preface to the Exhortatio (I. Tametsi accurate...). Full-width lines not set: heading MONITU[M] above "Meminerit lector"; headings S. CYPRI[ANI], EXHORTATIO AD P[...], and JOANNIS CHRYSOSTOMI TROM[BELLII ...] above "I. Tametsi". UNSURE: Greek word after "apostoli" read as ῥήσει; Greek forms φορέσωμεν / φορέσομεν (vowel/accent hard to read in small Greek type); "accurate" printed with an apparent diaeresis on u (accürate), probably a speck, set as accurate. Column ends mid-sentence at "hoc tomo" and "Manutio," in each section.
- other: a full-width band stands across cols 1149/1150 in mid-page: the 3 paragraph(s) above it in col 1150 are set here, after the 6 above it in col 1149 (reading order, moved on receipt); the band itself (its title lines) is not set by the volunteer page: set it here, at the move, with full_width
- other: second full-width band (S. CYPRIANI / EXHORTATIO AD POENITENTIAM. / JOANNIS CHRYSOSTOMI TROMBELLII PRAEFATIO.) stands between the Monitum and Trombelli's preface in both columns: put in reading order by Q3a (2026-10-21): the Monitum's col 1150 part ‹absoluto, in optima seminarii› is moved here, after ‹En, nondum hoc tomo›, and the preface ‹I. Tametsi› follows; col 1150 keeps only the preface's continuation ‹Morelio acciderat›. The second band's title lines are to be set with full_width between ‹et fruere.› and ‹I. Tametsi›; the MONITUM heading with full_width before ‹Meminerit lector›.
- running head: 1149 PRAEFATIO J. C. TROMBELLII. 1150
- marginal letters: A ‹recepit Manutius, patrocinantur›; B ‹bet vero esse te talem› (corrected by Q7 from ‹utrumque Drurianum et Meermannanum›, the line below); C ‹pendicem primam instruxerimus›; D ‹I. Tametsi accurate summaque›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: reading order: upper left column, upper right column (the paragraph "Si sectari non potes" joined across the columns), then the full-width MONITUM band and its two-column text (left half then right half, one paragraph), then the full-width title band, then the lower left column; the lower right column is in c1150
- other: editors' headings: MONITUM (Migne's editors) and the title band S. CYPRIANI / EXHORTATIO AD POENITENTIAM. / JOANNIS CHRYSOSTOMI TROMBELLII PRAEFATIO., both printed across the full page width and set once here; whole page is editors' prose (Routh's notes, the Migne Monitum, Trombelli's preface)
- other: "accurate" printed with a stray diaeresis (accürate), set plain; "Novi" (Coll.) and Greek ῥήσει, φορέσωμεν/φορέσομεν small in the scan
Morelio acciderat, id mihi quoque eventurum. Cypriani codices cum illi studiose, exquisiteque pervolverunt, quaedam reperere, quae superiores typographos latuerant; quae tamen ob praestantiam suam videbantur exposcere, ut proferrentur in lucem. Mea me non prorsus fefellit opinio. E duobus quos possidemus, Cypriani codicibus alter altero copiosior est, atque adeo, ut universas fere Cypriani epistolas
and Morel would happen to me also. When they turned over the manuscripts of Cyprian zealously and thoroughly, they found certain things that had escaped earlier printers, which nevertheless, because of their excellence, seemed to demand to be brought out into the light. My expectation did not wholly deceive me. Of the two manuscripts of Cyprian which we possess, the one is fuller than the other, and so much so that almost all the letters of Cyprian
Editors' notes and page, col. 1150
Page
- running head: IO J. C. TROMBELLII. 1150 (left part of the head cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹non potes. Editionum›; B ‹greditur praestant ms.›; C ‹favente pia ipsius›; D ‹Morelio acciderat›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: editors' matter set: Trombelli's notes ‹non potes. Editionum vetustiorum›, ‹Cap. XVIII. — Quo Cain›, ‹Nativitate coelesti›; Monitum ‹absoluto, in optima seminarii›; Trombelli's preface to Ad Poenitentiam ‹Morelio acciderat›. Full-width lines not set: the heading [M]ONITUM. after the rule below the notes; the title [...] CYPRIANI [...] AD POENITENTIAM. and the line [...]STOMI TROMBELLII PRAEFATIO. after the second rule. UNSURE: coelesti in the third note may be printed with ae ligature; adparadisum may be only a narrow word space. "CAP." rendered "Chap." in the English.
- other: the 3 paragraph(s) of this column above the full-width band are set under col 1149 (reading order, moved on receipt)
- other: the Monitum's part in this column ‹absoluto, in optima seminarii … et fruere.› is also set under col 1149, after the Monitum's col 1149 part and before Trombelli's preface (second band put in reading order by Q3a, 2026-10-21); this column's part keeps only ‹Morelio acciderat …›, the continuation of the preface.
- running head: 1149 PRAEFATIO J. C. TROMBELLII. 1150
- marginal letters: A ‹non potes. Editionum vetustiorum›; B ‹greditur praestant ms. Novi Coll. 2›; C ‹favente pia ipsius procuratorum›; D ‹Morelio acciderat›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: this file holds only the lower right column (below the title band), continuing Trombelli's §I from c1149; the upper right column and the right half of the Monitum are set in c1149 in reading order; editors' prose (Trombelli's preface)
et opuscula complectatur: quae dum solertissime perquiro comparoque cum editis, se mihi libellus obtulit, quem inter evulgatos frustra perquisivi: inscribitur autem in dicto codice: « Exhortatio Cypriani de Poenitentia: » titulo nimirum (ut deinceps ostendam) ab amanuensi illi aptato. Quanta hujusce opusculi praestantia sit atque utilitas, deinceps dicam. Hoc sane audacter affirmare audeo, immerito illud hactenus in tenebris delituisse: tametsi enim nullum insit historicum monumentum, nulla in eo emineat eloquentia, careat quoque argumentis a ratione, aut veterum auctoritate petitis, sed Scriptura tantum innitatur, eaque jejune, ac sine ullo ornamento exposita; non continuo tamen est contemnendum: alioquin contemnas necesse est egregios eos Cypriani libros, qui « testimonia ad Quirinum » continent; in iis quippe sine ullo eloquentiae verborumque apparatu, sine ullo rationum veterumque subsidio, sola Scriptura adversus errores pugnatur, et fidei nostrae dogmata stabiliuntur.
and short works it contains: while I was searching these out most diligently and comparing them with the printed editions, a little book presented itself to me which I had sought in vain among those already published; in the said codex it is inscribed: « Exhortation of Cyprian on Penitence: », a title, namely (as I shall show further on), fitted to it by a copyist. How great the excellence and usefulness of this little work is, I shall say further on. This indeed I dare boldly to affirm, that it has undeservedly lain hidden in darkness until now: for although there is no historical record in it, no eloquence stands out in it, and it also lacks arguments drawn from reason or from the authority of the ancients, but rests on Scripture alone, and that set out meagrely and without any ornament, it is not for that reason to be despised; otherwise you must despise those excellent books of Cyprian which contain the « testimonies to Quirinus »; for in them, without any apparatus of eloquence and words, without any support from reasoning and from the ancients, errors are fought with Scripture alone, and the dogmas of our faith are established.
II. Idem porro consilium is iniit, cujus opusculum hic profero, vetustus ille quidem, et valde probabilis scriptor, aut Cyprianus scilicet ipse, aut alter ignotus, si vis, Cypriano tamen aetate par, Cypriani vestigiis ac studio insistens. Cyprianum scilicet indicare videtur disputandi, Scripturaeque testimonia allegandi ratio quam adhibet, simillima nimirum illi, quam in libro Testimoniorum is observavit. Atque huic quidem conjecturae Cypriani nomen huic opusculo in codice praepositum favet: quamvis enim ea in re interdum errarint amanuenses, haud raro tamen veros librorum auctores indicarunt.
II. Moreover, the same plan was adopted by him whose little work I here bring forward, an ancient writer indeed, and a highly credible one, namely either Cyprian himself or, if you will, another unknown man, yet equal to Cyprian in age, following in Cyprian's footsteps and pursuits. Cyprian, namely, seems to be indicated by the method of disputing and of citing the testimonies of Scripture which he employs, very like, to be sure, the one which he followed in the book of Testimonies. And indeed this conjecture is favoured by the name of Cyprian placed at the head of this little work in the codex: for although copyists have sometimes erred in this matter, nevertheless they have not seldom indicated the true authors of books.
At cum Scripturae interpretationem opusculi nostri auctor alleget valde diversam ab ea qua utitur Cyprianus, nemo quoque e veteribus libellum hunc Cypriano tribuerit, anceps haereo cuinam illum adscribam. Novi equidem postrema haec argumenta indissolubilia minime esse. Veteres scilicet modo unam, modo aliam Scripturae interpretationem sequebantur. Cujus rei adeo multa, adeo perspicua argumenta habemus, ut de ea jam nemo dubitet. Amanuenses etiam licentiam sane non levem sibi arrogarunt, substitueruntque non raro interpretationem quam diligerent, interpretationi qua usus fuerat auctor ille quem exscribebant.
But since the author of our little work cites an interpretation of Scripture very different from the one Cyprian uses, and none of the ancients, moreover, attributed this little book to Cyprian, I hesitate, in doubt to whom I should ascribe it. I know indeed that these last arguments are by no means conclusive. The ancients, namely, followed now one, now another interpretation of Scripture. Of this we have proofs so many and so clear that no one now doubts it. The copyists also arrogated to themselves a licence that was certainly not slight, and not seldom substituted an interpretation which they preferred for the interpretation which the author they were copying had used.
Editors' notes and page, col. 1151
Footnotes
(1) ‹anchor: jam nemo dubitet› · call in col 1151
Unicum exemplum, sed illud manifestum adhibeo. Augustinus, serm. 20, n. 3, sic versiculum 22 capitis xviii Ezechiel, allegat: In quacumque die conversus fuerit iniquus, et fecerit justitiam, annos iniquitatis ejus obliviscar. At serm. 39, n. 1 citat hoc modo: « Quo die conversus fueris, obliviscitur (Deus) mala tua praeterita. » Serm. vero 82, qui est de verbis Evangel., Matth., cap. xviii., n. 14, cum aliqua licet levi differentia rursus adducit; nempe ita: Iniquus in qua die conversus fuerit, ab iniquitatibus suis, et fecerit justitiam, omnes iniquitates ejus obliviscar. Et alibi etiam eumdem versiculum afferens cum aliquo discrimine affert: « Pulsat et clamat », inquit ille, n. 10 sermonis 87, qui est de verbis Matth. XX. « per prophetam Ezechielem: » In quacumque die conversus fuerit homo a via sua pessima, omnes iniquitates ejus obliviscar.
I offer a single example, but a clear one. Augustine, in Sermon 20, no. 3, quotes verse 22 of chapter 18 of Ezekiel thus: "On whatever day the wicked man is converted and does justice, I will forget the years of his iniquity." But in Sermon 39, no. 1, he cites it this way: "On the day you are converted, (God) forgets your past evils." Again, Sermon 82, which is on the words of the Gospel, Matthew chapter 18, no. 14, brings it in once more with a difference, though a slight one, namely: "The wicked man, on whatever day he is converted from his iniquities and does justice, I will forget all his iniquities." And elsewhere too, citing the same verse, he gives it with some variation: "He knocks and cries out," he says in no. 10 of Sermon 87, which is on the words of Matthew 20, "through the prophet Ezekiel: On whatever day a man is converted from his most evil way, I will forget all his iniquities."
(printed under page 567)
Page
- running head: 1151 PRÆFATIO J. C. TRO (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹et opuscula complectatur›; B ‹Cypriani libros, qui « testimonia ad Quirinum »›; C ‹terdum errarint amanuenses›; D stands in the footnote zone between the columns, beside the right column's footnote line "(2) notat", not beside text of this column
- old-edition numerals: (none)
III. Quod vero nemo ex veteribus, quos nunc habemus, libellum hunc alleget, mirum non est. Desiit enim haud multo post Cypriani tempora erroris quem libellus iste confutat: ideoque occasio etiam desiit, ob quam idem libellus allegaretur. Ad haec: Unde novimus veteres alios, quorum libros, desideramus, minime hunc allegasse? Levis itaque est quae a veterum silentio desumitur difficultas. At quamquam, uti dixi, ea argumenta dissolubilia fateor, probabilia sunt tamen.
III. But that none of the ancients whom we now possess cites this little book is not surprising. For not long after the times of Cyprian the error which this little book refutes ceased, and therefore the occasion also ceased on account of which the same little book might have been cited. Moreover: whence do we know that other ancients, whose books we lack, did not cite it? Slight, therefore, is the difficulty that is drawn from the silence of the ancients. But although, as I said, I confess that these arguments can be refuted, they are nevertheless probable.
IV. Quisquis tamen libellum hunc composuerit, simillimum veri est, eum Cypriani aequalem, aut certe non multum ab ejus aetate remotum fuisse, et in Scripturarum lectione detritum. An non Cypriani aequalem, aut certe haud multum ab illius aetate remotum ostendit ea quam sequitur, Scripturae interpretatio, et disciplina quam stabilire conatur? Indicat scilicet non obscure scriptor iste recipiendos quidem in Ecclesiam lapsos, et a spe veniae minime arcendos quorumvis criminum reos, dummodo canonicae poenitentiae sese subjicerent. Haec scilicet quaestio cum Cypriani tempore potissimum viguerit, haud obscure aetatem innuit, qua conscriptus est liber iste.
IV. Whoever composed this little book, however, it is most likely that he was a contemporary of Cyprian, or at least not far removed from his age, and well practised in the reading of the Scriptures. Do not the interpretation of Scripture which he follows, and the discipline which he tries to establish, show him to be a contemporary of Cyprian, or at least not far removed from his age? For this writer indicates, not obscurely, that the lapsed are indeed to be received into the Church, and that those guilty of any crimes whatsoever are by no means to be kept from the hope of pardon, provided that they submitted themselves to canonical penance. Since this question was most alive in Cyprian's time, it indicates, not obscurely, the age in which this book was written.
V. Quis porro in Scripturarum lectione detritum eum neget, postquam viderit percurrere illum tot Scripturarum libros, et ex iis seligere loca, quae mirum in modum catholicum dogma confirment, illique faveant consuetudini quam in Ecclesia servandam censuit Cyprianus?
V. Further, who would deny that he was well practised in the reading of the Scriptures, once he has seen him run through so many books of the Scriptures and select from them passages which confirm the catholic dogma in a remarkable way and favour that custom which Cyprian judged must be kept in the Church?
VI. Propterea vero verisimillimum tantummodo esse id arbitror, quod de Cypriano hujusce libelli auctore dixi, neque aliquid certi ea de re statuere ausus sum, quod noverim exstitisse jam pridem nonnullos etiam inter latinos, qui Cyprianum hoc in scribendi genere imitarentur, in quorum numero Pelagius ille eminuit, qui laudem quam aliunde acquisiverat, adversus divinam gratiam postea decertans sibi ademit. Quoniam porro ea quae verisimillima sunt, admitti commode possunt, quis mihi vitio vertet, si deinceps quoties de hujusce opusculi auctore incidet sermo, incidet autem saepe, eum Cyprianum esse dicam?
VI. For this reason, however, I judge what I have said about Cyprian as the author of this little book to be only most probable, and I have not dared to lay down anything certain on that matter, because I know that there existed long ago some, even among the Latins, who imitated Cyprian in this kind of writing, among whose number that well-known Pelagius was eminent, who afterwards, contending against divine grace, deprived himself of the praise which he had acquired from other quarters. But since things that are most probable may fittingly be admitted, who will count it a fault in me if henceforth, as often as talk falls upon the author of this little work (and it will fall upon him often), I say that he is Cyprian?
Editors' notes and page, col. 1152
Footnotes
(2) ‹anchor: jam pridem nonnullos› · call in col 1152
En quae in libros testimoniorum Cypriani notat Baluzius: « Si qua sunt loca in operibus sancti Cypriani, de quibus pronuntiari non possit ea certe illius esse, id vero imprimis asseri potest de libris Testimoniorum ad Quirinum. Plures enim codices plus habent quam vulgatae editiones, aliae minus. » Cur vero non pauci codices adeo copiosi sunt? An non quia posteriorum doctorum laboribus accreverunt? Dixi: etiam inter Latinos; nam inter Graecos eo in scribendi genere eminuit Damascenus plures libros simili de argumento edens, quos parallela, seu, si vis, Eclogas appellavit.
Here is what Baluze notes on Cyprian's books of Testimonies: "If there are any places in the works of Saint Cyprian of which it cannot be declared that they are certainly his, this can be asserted above all of the books of Testimonies to Quirinus. For many manuscripts have more than the common editions, others less." But why are not a few manuscripts so full? Is it not because they grew through the labours of later teachers? I said "among the Latins too", for among the Greeks John Damascene excelled in this kind of writing, publishing several books on a similar subject, which he called Parallela, or, if you like, Eclogae.
(printed under page 567)
(3) ‹anchor: imitarentur, in› · call in col 1152
« Ejusdem porro fere argumenti cum isto Cypriani opere est liber de Promissionibus et Praedictionibus Dei, qui vulgo tribuitur Prospero. » Baluzius, nota 1 in libros Testimoniorum sancti Cypriani.
"Of nearly the same subject as this work of Cyprian is the book On the Promises and Predictions of God, which is commonly attributed to Prosper." Baluze, note 1 on the books of Testimonies of Saint Cyprian.
(printed under page 567)
(4) ‹anchor: Pelagius ille eminuit› · call in col 1152
Vide quae tradunt Vossius Histor. Pelagian. l. i, c. 4, « de iis, quae Pelagius scripsit. » et Cave in histor. litt. de Pelagio ad annum 405, pag. 383, t. 1, edit. Basil., anni 1741. »
See what Vossius reports in his History of Pelagianism, book 1, chapter 4, "on the things that Pelagius wrote", and Cave in his Literary History, on Pelagius under the year 405, page 383, volume 1, Basel edition of 1741.
(printed under page 567)
Page
- running head: …TIO J. C. TROMBELLII. 1152 (left edge cut off)
- marginal letters: A ‹III. Quod vero nemo›; B ‹motum ostendit ea quam sequitur›; C ‹VI. Propterea vero verisimillimum›; D ‹notat Baluzius› (in the footnotes)
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- misprints kept as printed: "erroris" (§ III, Desiit enim … erroris quem; read error is), construed as error
VII. Nec modica, me quidem judice, hujusce libelli utilitas est. An non vero valde utilis libellus is est in quo usitatissimus Ecclesiae mos eminet, ut scilicet exortus error adductis pluribus Scripturarum testimoniis statim reprimatur; et in quo tanta vetustissimae versionis portio inest? Quod si eo ordine, quo codices eorum temporum conscripti erant, sacros libros hic allegari censes, emolumentum aliud continuo
VII. Nor, in my judgement at least, is the usefulness of this little book small. For is that not a very useful little book in which the most customary practice of the Church stands out, namely that an error which has arisen is at once repressed by the citing of many testimonies of the Scriptures; and in which so great a portion of a most ancient version is contained? But if you judge that the sacred books are cited here in the order in which the codices of those times were written, you at once have another advantage
in eo habes : Quod quidem hic multis commendare minime est opus; sed profecto non leve est. Habet etiam hoc commodi, ut sacras Scripturas allegans Ecclesiastici, librum adducat exemplo suo ostendens, quanto in pretio prioribus ipsis Ecclesiae saeculis habitus sit liber ille, quem nunc protestantes minimi faciunt. Sed de libelli auctore ac praestantia hactenus. Ecce autem libellum ipsum :
in it: which indeed there is very little need to commend here at length; but it is certainly no slight thing. It also has this advantage, that in citing the sacred Scriptures it brings forward the book of Ecclesiasticus, showing by its own example in how great esteem that book, of which the Protestants now make very little, was held in the very earliest centuries of the Church. But enough so far concerning the author and the excellence of the little book. Here, then, is the little book itself:
Editors' notes and page, col. 1153
Footnotes
(1) ‹anchor: the full-width title band ‹… DE POENITENTIA (1) INCIPIT.›, call after POENITENTIA (seen in col 1154's image, Q3a)› · call in col 1153
Fortasse: exhortatio ad Poenitentiam.
Perhaps: exhortatio ad Poenitentiam ("an exhortation to penance").
(printed under page 568)
(2) ‹anchor: Avertere› · call in col 1153
Ut puto, Averte.
As I think, Averte ("turn away").
(printed under page 568)
(3) ‹anchor: Convertimini, quia› · call in col 1153
Qui, ut puto.
Qui ("who"), as I think.
(printed under page 568)
Page
- running head: 1153 EXHORTATIO S. CYPRIANI DE (cut off at the image edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹VII. Nec modica, me quidem judice›; B ‹Per poenitentiam posse omnia›; C ‹dixit: Confortabor: volo›; D ‹injustitias tuas et sicut imbrem›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: a full-width band stands across cols 1153/1154 in mid-page: the 1 paragraph(s) above it in col 1154 are set here, after the 1 above it in col 1153 (reading order, moved on receipt); the band itself (its title lines) is not set by the volunteer page: set it here, at the move, with full_width
- other: the column continues with Per poenitentiam posse (another unit); not set here
- other: italic asterisks removed from the footnotes (unit rule: no italic markup; Q3a)
Editors' notes and page, col. 1154
Footnotes
(4) ‹anchor: oblitus est mei dierum› · call in col 1154
Puto legendum: diebus.
I think it should read: diebus ("for days").
(printed under page 568)
(5) ‹anchor: de malis, quod› · call in col 1154
Quae.
Quae ("which").
(printed under page 568)
Page
- running head: …CYPRIANI DE POENITENTIA. 1154 (start of head cut off at the left edge)
- marginal letters: A ‹nuo in eo habes›; B ‹averti faciem meam abs te›; C ‹cere non possunt. Non est gaudere›; D ‹non irascar vobis in aeternum›
- old-edition numerals: (none)
- other: the 1 paragraph(s) of this column above the full-width band are set under col 1153 (reading order, moved on receipt)
- other: the text of this column below the full-width band belongs to the next unit; not set here (rail-only part)