PL 4 · cols. 268–272

Cyprianus, Epistolae II-XXI

Letters XVI–XVIII

praecepta et Christi praemia cogitantur! Voluntas est illic tantum Dei; et in carne adhuc licet vobis positis, vita jam vivitur non praesentis saeculi, sed futuri.

precepts and the rewards of Christ are pondered! There the will of God alone holds sway; and although you are still placed in the flesh, the life that is lived is already not that of the present age, but of the age to come.

IV. Nunc est, fratres charissimi, ut memores mei sitis, ut inter magnas atque divinas cogitationes vestras nos quoque animo ac mente volvatis, simque in precibus et orationibus vestris cum vox illa, purificatione confessionis illustris et jugi honoris sui tenore laudabilis, ad Dei aures penetrat, et aperto sibi coelo, de his subacti mundi partibus ad superna transmissa, impetrat de Domini bonitate quod postulat. Quid enim petitis de indulgentia Domini quod non impetrare mereamini, qui sic Domini mandata servastis qui evangelicam disciplinam sincero fidei vigore tenuistis, qui incorrupto honore virtutis cum praeceptis Domini et cum Apostolis ejus fortiter stantes, nutantem multorum fidem martyrii vestri veritate solidastis? Vere Evangelii testes et vere martyres Christi, radicibus ejus innixi, super petram robusta mole fundati, disciplinam cum virtute junxistis, ad timorem Dei caeteros provocastis, martyria vestra exempla fecistis. Opto vos, fortissimi ac beatissimi fratres, semper bene valere et nostri meminisse.

IV. Now it remains, dearest brothers, that you be mindful of me, that amid your great and divine thoughts you turn us over too in heart and mind, and that I may be in your prayers and supplications when that voice, made illustrious by the purification of confession and praiseworthy for the unbroken course of its honour, penetrates to the ears of God, and, heaven being opened to it, sent up from these lower regions of the world to the heights above, obtains from the goodness of the Lord what it asks. For what do you ask of the Lord's indulgence that you do not deserve to obtain, you who have so kept the commandments of the Lord, who have held fast the evangelical discipline with the sincere vigour of faith, who, standing firm with the uncorrupted honour of virtue alongside the precepts of the Lord and alongside His apostles, have made firm by the truth of your martyrdom the wavering faith of many? Truly witnesses of the Gospel and truly martyrs of Christ, resting upon His roots, founded with sturdy mass upon the rock, you have joined discipline with virtue, you have stirred the rest to the fear of God, you have made your martyrdoms examples. I wish you, bravest and most blessed brothers, ever to fare well and to remember us.

EPISTOLA XVI.

Letter XVI.

(Pamel., XVII. Rigalt., Baluz., Paris., XVI. Oxon., Lips. XXIII.)

(Pamelius, 17; Rigault, Baluze, Paris, 16; Oxford, Leipzig, 23.)

CONFESSORUM AD CYPRIANUM.

From the confessors to Cyprian.

ARGUMENTUM. — Libellus martyrum nomine a Luciano scriptus.

Argument. — A certificate written by Lucian in the name of the martyrs.

Universi confessores Cypriano Papae salutem.

All the confessors to Pope Cyprian, greeting.

Editors' notes and page, col. 268

Footnotes

(e) ‹robusta mole› · call in col 268

Super petrae robustam molem Bod. 3.

"Upon the rock's sturdy mass": Bodleian MS 3.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE (Baluze, continued) · col 267 veterum librorum.

(continued) ...of the old books.

(Baluze) ‹Torcular vestrum› · col 267 Torcular vestrum. Ita legi in octo codicibus antiquis. At veteres editiones ante Pamelianam et novem vetera exemplaria habent nostrum. Nostra editio est melior.

Your winepress. So I have read in eight ancient manuscripts. But the old editions before Pamelius's and nine old copies have our. Our edition is the better.

(Baluze) ‹Torquente sentitis› · col 267 Torquente sentitis. Hanc lectionem reperi in omnibus libris antiquis et in omnibus editionibus, nisi quod codex Turonensis habet fudistis pro sentitis. Nescio porro unde Rigaltius sumpsit id quod est in ejus editione, ubi legitur torquentes tantum. Puto tamen eum in hunc errorem inductum fuisse ex codice Corbeiensi, in quo omissa est per incuriam librarii vox sentitis. Nam caetera sunt paria. Miror autem Anglos praetulisse editionem Rigaltii, quae obscuritatem inducit in hoc loco. Vetus, quae nostra est, plana est et minime difficilis intellectu.

You feel ... the one torturing. I have found this reading in all the ancient books and in all the editions, except that the Tours manuscript has you poured out for you feel. Further, I do not know where Rigault took what stands in his edition, where only torturing is read. I think, however, that he was led into this error by the Corbie manuscript, in which the word sentitis was omitted through the copyist's carelessness; for the rest is the same. I am surprised, though, that the English preferred Rigault's edition, which brings obscurity into this place. The old reading, which is ours, is plain and not at all hard to understand.

(Baluze) ‹III. — Comitum› · col 267 III. — Comitum. In quibusdam vetustis codicibus scriptum est militum, quam lectionem non probo. Illam affero tantum ut interdum proferam aliqua exempla licentiae veterum librariorum.

III. — Of your companions. In some old manuscripts of soldiers is written, a reading I do not approve. I cite it only so as now and then to bring forward some examples of the licence of the old copyists.

(Baluze) ‹Vestra pugna› · col 267 Vestra pugna. Haec est, ut opinor, vera lectio hujus loci, quam et veteres editiones et plures optimi libri confirmant. Alia, quae sequitur, videtur esse ex glossemate. In quibusdam itaque codicibus legitur, vestra confessio vel pugna. Morellii editio habet vestra confessio tantum. Eam lectionem adjuvant ea quae dicuntur paulo ante: Beatum facit prima et una confessio.

Your fight. This, in my opinion, is the true reading of this place, which both the old editions and many of the best books confirm. The other, which follows, seems to come from a gloss. So in some manuscripts we read your confession or fight. Morel's edition has only your confession. That reading is supported by what is said a little before: the first and single confession makes blessed.

(Baluze) ‹Subigitur› · col 267 Subigitur. Codices Carnotensis et sancti Arnulphi subjicitur.

Is subdued. The Chartres manuscript and that of Saint-Arnoul have is subjected.

(Baluze) ‹Nec mors metuitur› · cols 267–268 Nec mors metuitur. Tertullianus in libro de Spectaculis ait Christianos esse expeditum morti genus. Antoninus Pius in rescripto ad Asianos, apud Rufinum, lib. IV, cap. 13, ait Christianos animam ponere pro Deo suo et mortem libenter amplecti. Vide Luciferum Calaritanum in libro ad Constantium de moriendo pro Dei Filio.

Nor is death feared. Tertullian, in his book On the Spectacles, says the Christians are a race ready for death. Antoninus Pius, in his rescript to the people of Asia, in Rufinus, book IV, chapter 13, says the Christians lay down their life for their God and gladly embrace death. See Lucifer of Cagliari in his book to Constantius, On dying for the Son of God.

(Baluze) ‹IV. — De Domini bonitate› · col 268 IV. — De Domini bonitate. Haec est lectio omnium editionum quae prodierunt ante eam quae est Rigaltii, qui istic posuit voluntate. Accepit autem hanc lectionem ex antiquo codice monasterii sancti Remigii Remensis, ex Corbeiensi et ex Fuxensi: usus est enim his tribus exemplaribus. Eadem exstat in Turonensi. Bonam, quae nostra est, exhibent omnes fere reliqui veteres libri, etiam ii quos editio Anglicana commemorat. Et tamen Angli retinuerunt in contextu lectionem quam non esse bonam ostendunt etiam sequentia. Duo libri veteres praeferunt pietate.

IV. — Of the Lord's goodness. This is the reading of all the editions that appeared before Rigault's, who put will there. He took this reading from an old manuscript of the monastery of Saint-Remi at Reims, from the Corbie one and from the Foix one: for he used these three copies. The same stands in the Tours manuscript. The good reading, which is ours, is given by nearly all the other old books, even those the English edition mentions. And yet the English kept in the text a reading which what follows also shows not to be good. Two old books show piety.

(Baluze) ‹De indulgentia Domini› · col 268 De indulgentia Domini. In codice Turonensi et in Corbeiensi legitur, de indulgentia et Domini voluntate quod non impetrare. Vide notas nostras ad caput 36 Lactantii de Mortibus Persecutorum.

Of the Lord's indulgence. In the Tours and Corbie manuscripts we read, of the indulgence and the will of the Lord, what not to obtain. See our notes on chapter 36 of Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors.

(Baluze) ‹Evangelicam disciplinam› · col 268 Evangelicam disciplinam. Ante editionem Manutianam legebatur evangelicam viam. Sed hanc lectionem in nullo eorum veterum codicum reperi quibus usus sum. Et tamen ea placuit Morellio.

The gospel discipline. Before Manutius's edition the gospel way was read. But I have found this reading in none of the old manuscripts I have used. And yet it pleased Morel.

(Baluze) ‹Epist. XVI› · col 268 Epist. xvi. — Istius epistolae, quae primum prodiit in editione Manutiana, habui duo vetera exemplaria, unum e bibliotheca mea, aliud ex urbe Gratianopolitana. Angli nullum laudant praeter Veronense, id est, ut puto, editionem Manutianam, uti Rigaltius quandoque laudat codicem Veronensem pro editione Manutiana. Recte, ut opinor; nam mihi constat eos qui editionem illam adornarunt usos fuisse codice Veronensi.

Letter XVI. — Of this letter, which first appeared in Manutius's edition, I had two old copies, one from my own library, the other from the city of Grenoble. The English cite none but the Verona one, that is, I think, Manutius's edition, just as Rigault sometimes cites the Verona manuscript for Manutius's edition. Rightly, in my opinion; for I am certain that those who prepared that edition used the Verona manuscript.

(Baluze) ‹Cypriano papae› · col 268 Cypriano papae. Codex meus et editio Manu- (continues)

To Cyprian the pope. My manuscript and Manutius's edition (continues)

(printed under page 129)

Page

running head: [cut at left edge] IVI CYPRIANI 268
marginal letters: A ‹praecepta et Christi praemia›; B ‹ptis Domini et cum Apostolis›; C ‹d Honoretur Man. Voss. (in the Variae lectiones)›; D ‹cana commemorat. Et tamen Angli (in Baluze's notes)›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 4:269

Scias nos universis de quibus apud te ratio constiterit quid post commissum egerint, dedisse pacem, et hanc formam per te et aliis episcopis innotescere voluimus. Optamus te cum sanctis martyribus pacem habere. Praesente de clero et exorcista et lectore, Lucianus scripsit.

Know that we have granted peace to all those concerning whom an account has been established before you of what they did after the offence was committed, and we have wished this form to become known through you to the other bishops as well. We wish you to have peace with the holy martyrs. In the presence of [members] of the clergy, both an exorcist and a reader, Lucian wrote [this].

EPISTOLA XVII.

Letter 17.

(Erasm., III, 19. Pamel., XXIII. Rigalt., Baluz., Paris., XVII. Oxon., Lips., XXVI.)

(Erasmus, III, 19. Pamelius, XXIII. Rigault, Baluze, Paris, XVII. Oxford, Leipzig, XXVI.)

AD PRESBYTEROS ET DIACONOS, DE PRAECEDENTI ET DUABUS SEQUENTIBUS EPISTOLIS.

To the presbyters and deacons, concerning the preceding letter and the two following.

ARGUMENTUM. — Nulla ratio habenda libellorum martyrum, ante pacem Ecclesiae redditam.

Argument. — No account is to be taken of the martyrs' certificates before peace has been restored to the Church.

Cyprianus presbyteris et diaconibus fratribus salutem. Dominus loquitur et dicit: Super quem respiciam, nisi super humilem et quietum, et trementem

Cyprian to the presbyters and deacons, his brothers, greeting. The Lord speaks and says: Upon whom shall I look, if not upon the humble and quiet, and the one who trembles at

Editors' notes and page, col. 269

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 130)

(a) ‹apud te› · call in col 269

Ad te Ver.

"To you": Verona MS.

(printed under page 130)

(b) ‹—› · call not in col 269 (the column carries only call a; b and c fall in col 270, before call d)

Esse hujusmodi Lam. Ebor. NC. 2.

"To be of this kind": Lambeth and York MSS, New College MS 2.

(printed under page 130)

Tum magis Bod. 1. Manut. tunc maxime Neap.

"Then more": Bodleian MS 1, Manutius's edition; "then most of all": Naples MS.

(printed under page 130)

Page

running head: 269 EPISTOLA XVI (cut off at the image edge; presumably EPISTOLA XVII.)
marginal letters: A ‹Scias nos universis›; B ‹Cyprianus presbyteris et diaconibus›; C ‹codicibus mss. Liberati› (in the Baluze notes at the page foot, not set); D ‹Optamus te. Angli putarunt› (in the Baluze notes at the page foot, not set)
old-edition numerals: (none) in the text block; 403 appears mid-line in the Baluze notes (after ‹communicarent.›), not set

PL 4:270

sermones meos (Isa. LXVI, 2)? Hoc cum debeamus omnes esse, tum modo hujusmodi illi esse debent quibus laborandum est ut, post gravem lapsum, vera poenitentia et humilitate tota promereri Dominum possint. Legi autem et universorum confessorum litteras, quas voluerunt per me collegis omnibus innotescere et ad eos pacem a se datam pervenire de quibus apud nos ratio constiterit quid post commissum egerint. Quae res cum omnium nostrum consilium et sententiam exspectet, praejudicare ego et soli mihi rem communem vindicare non audeo. Et ideo instetur interim epistolis quas ad vos proxime feceram, quarum exemplum collegis quoque multis jam misi; qui rescripserunt placere sibi quod statuimus, nec ab eo recedendum esse donec, pace nobis a Domino reddita, in unum convenire et singulorum causas examinare possimus. Sed et quid mihi Caldonius collega meus scripserit quidque ego ei rescripserim ut sciretis, utriusque epistolae exemplum litteris

my words (Isa. 66:2)? Although we all ought to be this, then above all ought those to be such who must labour so that, after a grave fall, they may be able by true penitence and complete humility to win the favour of the Lord. I have also read the letter of all the confessors, which they wished to be made known through me to all our colleagues, and they wished the peace granted by them to reach those about whom it should have been established before us what they have done after their offence. Since this matter awaits the counsel and judgement of all of us, I do not dare to prejudge it and to claim a common matter for myself alone. And therefore let the letters which I recently wrote to you be adhered to meanwhile, a copy of which I have already sent to many colleagues as well; and they wrote back that what we have decided pleases them, and that there must be no departing from it until, when peace has been restored to us by the Lord, we can assemble together and examine the cases of individuals. But so that you might also know what Caldonius my colleague wrote to me and what I wrote back to him, a copy of each letter to the letter

Editors' notes and page, col. 270

Footnotes

(d) ‹sententiam exspectet› · call in col 270

Spectet M. R. Manut. Expectet Oxon. Baluz. Lips.

"Looks to": Morel, Rigault, Manutius; "awaits" (spelled expectet): Oxford edition, Baluze, Leipzig edition.

(printed under page 130)

(e) ‹qui rescripserunt› · call in col 270

Perscripserunt Manut.

"Wrote in full": Manutius's edition.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE (Baluze, continued) · col 269 tiana, Papati. Sic etiam legebat Latinus Latinius in libris suis veteribus. Vide tom. iv Analectorum Mabillonii, pag. 104. Sic Thomati pro Thomae in collatione cum Severianis, et Menati pro Menae in vetustis codicibus mss. Liberati. Papae nomen olim commune erat omnibus episcopis. Postea istud displicuit Romanis. Qua de re vide quae dicta olim a nobis sunt ad Epistolam 81 Lupi Ferrariensis, et Ludovicum Caelium Rhodiginum, lib. vi, cap. 43.

(continued) ...have Papati. So too Latinus Latinius read in his old books. See volume iv of Mabillon's Analecta, page 104. So Thomati for Thomae in the conference with the Severians, and Menati for Menae in the old manuscript codices of Liberatus. The name papa was once common to all bishops. Later this displeased the Romans. On which see what we said long ago on Letter 81 of Lupus of Ferrières, and Ludovicus Caelius Rhodiginus, book vi, chapter 43.

(Baluze) ‹Dedisse pacem› · col 269 Dedisse pacem. Vel hic locus ostendit errorem Goulartii scribentis nuspiam neque apud Tertullianum neque apud Cyprianum inveniri martyres pacem dedisse lapsis. Praeterea ex epistola Luciani ad Celerinum et ex epistola istius ad Lucianum liquet Paulum et caeteros in carcere constitutos dedisse pacem lapsis. Et nota est tempestas quae orta est in ecclesia Africana quia Cyprianus recusabat eis dare pacem quibus concessa erat a martyribus. Tertullianus in libro de Pudicitia: Pacem quidam in Ecclesia non habentes a martyribus in carcere exorare consueverunt. Vide Henrici Valesii notas ad librum vi Historiae ecclesiasticae Eusebii, cap. 42.

Had given peace. Even this place shows the error of Goulart, who writes that nowhere, either in Tertullian or in Cyprian, are martyrs found to have given peace to the lapsed. Further, from Lucian's letter to Celerinus and from the latter's letter to Lucian it is clear that Paul and the others held in prison gave peace to the lapsed. And the storm is well known that arose in the African church because Cyprian refused to give peace to those to whom the martyrs had granted it. Tertullian in his book On Modesty: Some who do not have peace in the Church have been accustomed to beg it from the martyrs in prison. See Henri de Valois's notes on book vi of Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History, chapter 42.

(Baluze) ‹Optamus te› · cols 269–270 Optamus te. Angli putarunt verba haec interminationem continere, ita nimirum ut, si haec minus praestaret Cyprianus, martyres cum ipso non communicarent. Quam observationem ut certam et minime ambiguam repetunt in observationibus ad Epistolam xxii, quae data est ad presbyteros et diaconos Romae consistentes. At ego non video quonam modo excommunicatio possit his verbis intelligi. Videbant Lucianus et caeteri qui cum eo erant confessores Cyprianum se praebere admodum difficilem in recipiendis lapsis quibus martyres et confessores, quorum illi magnam in hoc credebant esse auctoritatem, pacem dederant, quibus Lucianus et caeteri dederant pacem in nomine martyrum et confessorum, et aegre ferebant duram illam antistitis sui disciplinam, quam praeter aequum et bonum esse putabant. Hanc ob causam, quia seditio propterea commota erat in quibusdam oppidis provinciae, optant ei scribentes ut pacem habeat cum martyribus, ut severitatem misericordia mitiget, sic concordiam et pacem redintegrari posse inter eum et martyres ac plebem commotam. An ideo minantur excommunicationem, si eorum desideriis non adquiescat? Non ita sane. Preces sunt, non mandata, nec minae. Aliud est optare, aliud jubere, aliud poenam intentare. Nemo sic petit ut minetur, inquit Hieronymus in vita Pauli primi eremitae. Item Petrus Venerabilis, abbas Cluniacensis, lib. i, epist. 8: Precibus non minis, obsequiis non contumeliis, solet quod petitur impetrari. Sane Cyprianus vehementer admodum conqueritur de audacia Luciani, non tamen propter minas excommunicationis, quarum ne verbo quidem meminit, sed quia, quod ei minime conveniebat neque licebat, pacem dederat lapsis in nomine martyrum et confessorum absque ulla interventione auctoritatis episcopi, et quia se vulgi imperiti auctorem constituerat, quod eo suasore seditiones multas esse factas et conflatas constabat. Haec est Cypriani conquestio de Luciano. Quae quamvis magna et justa foret, ei tamen Cyprianus non minatur excommunicationem. Vide quae adnotamus ad Epistolam xxx.

We desire for you. The English thought these words contain a threat, namely that, if Cyprian failed to do these things, the martyrs would not communicate with him. This observation they repeat, as certain and not at all doubtful, in their observations on Letter xxii, which is addressed to the presbyters and deacons residing at Rome. But I do not see in what way excommunication can be understood from these words. Lucian and the other confessors who were with him saw that Cyprian was showing himself very hard in receiving the lapsed to whom the martyrs and confessors, whose authority in this matter they believed to be great, had given peace — to whom Lucian and the others had given peace in the name of the martyrs and confessors — and they took ill that strict discipline of their bishop, which they thought went beyond what was fair and good. For this reason, since a sedition had been stirred up on that account in certain towns of the province, they write wishing that he may have peace with the martyrs, that he may temper severity with mercy, so that concord and peace might be restored between him and the martyrs and the agitated people. Do they then threaten excommunication if he does not yield to their wishes? Surely not. These are prayers, not commands, nor threats. It is one thing to wish, another to order, another to threaten a penalty. "No one asks in such a way as to threaten," says Jerome in the Life of Paul the first hermit. Likewise Peter the Venerable, abbot of Cluny, book i, letter 8: By prayers, not threats, by services, not insults, what is asked is usually obtained. Cyprian certainly complains very strongly of Lucian's boldness, yet not because of threats of excommunication, of which he makes not even a word of mention, but because — what did not at all befit him and was not lawful — he had given peace to the lapsed in the name of the martyrs and confessors without any intervention of the bishop's authority, and because he had made himself the leader of the ignorant crowd, since it was evident that many seditions had been made and stirred up at his urging. This is Cyprian's complaint about Lucian. And though it was great and just, Cyprian still does not threaten him with excommunication. See what we note on Letter xxx.

(Baluze) ‹Praesente› · col 270 Praesente. Haec vox deest in libro meo vetere, ubi locus vacuus relictus est. In Gratianopolitano scriptum est Praeterea. Editio Manutii habet presbyter. Ego puto ponendum esse praesente de clero et exorcista et lectore, ut significare voluerint confessores epistolam scriptam esse praesentibus exorcista et lectore, praesente pro praesentibus, ut apud Plautum legisse me memini praesente nobis. Dicebant autem, ut docet Nonius Marcellus, absente nobis et praesente nobis pro praesentibus et absentibus nobis. Et mox affert locum Plauti ex Amphitryone. Vide etiam in verbo Praesente et Salmasium ad scriptores Historiae Augustae, pag. 91.

In the presence of. This word is missing in my old book, where a blank space has been left. In the Grenoble manuscript Moreover is written. Manutius's edition has presbyter. I think one should set in the presence, of the clergy, of the exorcist and the reader, the confessors meaning that the letter was written in the presence of the exorcist and the reader — praesente for praesentibus, as I remember having read in Plautus praesente nobis. For they said, as Nonius Marcellus teaches, absente nobis and praesente nobis for praesentibus et absentibus nobis. And he then cites a passage of Plautus from the Amphitryon. See also, on the word Praesente, Saumaise on the writers of the Augustan History, page 91.

(Baluze) ‹Lucianus› · col 270 Lucianus. A quo scriptam esse hanc epistolam docet Cyprianus Epist. xxii.

Lucian. That this letter was written by him Cyprian shows in Letter xxii.

(Baluze) ‹Epist. XVII› · col 270 Epist. xvii. — Pamelius, in annotationibus ad epistolam xxi, notat istam esse fictitiam. Non possum autem divinare quibus rationibus permotus ita senserit.

Letter XVII. — Pamelius, in his annotations on letter xxi, remarks that this one is spurious. But I cannot guess by what reasons he was moved to think so.

(Baluze) ‹Sententiam exspectet› · col 270 Sententiam exspectet. Melius in codice Carnotensi spectet. Atque ita posuissem si codicem illum, qui (continues)

Awaits the judgement. Better in the Chartres manuscript, looks to. And I would have set it so if that manuscript, which (continues)

(printed under page 130)

Page

running head: EPISTOLA XVII. 270
marginal letters: A ‹sermones meos›; B ‹causas examinare possimus›; C ‹Preces sunt, non mandata› (beside the Baluze notes, not set); D ‹ubi locus vacuus relictus est› (beside the Baluze notes, not set)
old-edition numerals: 47 in the text block, after ‹collegis omnibus›, not set
other: the calls b (after ‹omnes esse›) and c (after ‹tum modo›) stand in this column; their footnotes are printed under col 269 and listed in n269

PL 4:271

meis junxi. Quod totum peto fratribus nostris legatis, ut magis ac magis ad patientiam componantur, nec delicto proprio adjiciant adhuc aliud delictum, dum nec nobis nec Evangelio volunt servire, nec secundum universorum confessorum litteras causas suas examinari permittunt. Opto vos, fratres charissimi, semper bene valere et nostri meminisse. Fraternitatem universam salutate. Valete.

of mine I have joined. I ask that all of this be read to our brethren, so that they may be settled more and more into patience, and not add yet another offence to their own offence, while they are willing to serve neither us nor the Gospel, and do not allow their cases to be examined in accordance with the letter of all the confessors. I pray, dearest brethren, that you may always fare well and remember us. Greet the whole brotherhood. Farewell.

EPISTOLA XVIII.

Letter 18.

(Pamel., XIX. Rigalt., Baluz., Paris., XVIII. Oxon., Lips. XXIV.)

(Pamelius, XIX. Rigault, Baluze, Paris, XVIII. Oxford, Leipzig XXIV.)

CALDONII AD CYPRIANUM.

Caldonius to Cyprian.

ARGUMENTUM. — Cum lapsorum quidam, nova urgente persecutione, Christum confessi essent atque

Argument. — Since some of the lapsed, when a new persecution was pressing, had confessed Christ and

Editors' notes and page, col. 271

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 131)

(a) ‹proximus mihi vinculis› · call not in col 271: the call a stands after "Victoria" in col 272 (the reading concerns "proximus mihi vinculis" there); the footnote is printed under col 271

Proximus mihi vinclis Bod. 1.

"Next to me in chains" (contracted form vinclis): Bodleian MS 1.

(printed under page 131)

Page

running head: 271 DIVI CYPRIANI
marginal letters: A teris meis junxi. Quod totum peto fratribus nostris; B gente persecutione, Christum confessi essent atque; C novius, cap. 14 observationum suarum (in the notes, not set); D certa est, addidi ex libro meo (in the notes, not set)
old-edition numerals: (none) in the text block; 404 appears before ‹Epist. xviii.› in the Baluze notes under this column, not set
other: column begins with "teris", the end of "litteris" broken from the previous column; "nostris" in the first line is damaged in the type (looks like "nostiis") and is set as nostris; editors' matter set: the edition concordance "(Pamel., XIX. ...)" and the Argumentum "Cum lapsorum quidam"; the full-width lines "LECTIONES VARIANTES" and "STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE" are apparatus headings below the Argumentum and are not set; the rest of the column (the variant "Proximus mihi vinclis" and Baluze's notes "sero venit in manus meas" through "Rhabanus in libro de Computo") is page-foot apparatus for the later pass and is not set

PL 4:272

adeo antequam in exsilium proficiscerentur, pacem peterent, consulit Cyprianum Caldonius an pax illis danda foret.

indeed, before they set out into exile, were seeking peace, Caldonius consults Cyprian whether peace should be given to them.

Cypriano et compresbyteris Carthagini consistentibus Caldonius salutem. Necessitas temporum facit ut non temere pacem demus. Sed oportebat vobis scribere, quoniam ii qui, posteaquam sacrificaverunt, iterato tenti, extorres sunt facti. Videntur ergo mihi abluisse prius delictum dum possessiones et domos dimittunt, et poenitentiam agentes Christum sequuntur. Ergo Felix, qui presbyterium subministrabat sub Decimo, proximus mihi vinculis (plenius cognovi eumdem Felicem), Victoria conjunx ejus et Lucius fideles extorres facti reliquerunt possessiones, quas nunc fiscus tenet. Sed et mulier nomine Bona, quae tracta est a marito

Caldonius to Cyprian and the fellow presbyters abiding at Carthage, greeting. The necessity of the times brings it about that we do not give peace rashly. But it was needful to write to you, because those who, after they had sacrificed, were seized a second time, have been made exiles. They seem to me, therefore, to have washed away their former offence, since they give up possessions and homes and, doing penance, follow Christ. Thus Felix, who was ministering in the presbyterate under Decimus, nearest to me in chains (I have come to know this same Felix more fully), Victoria his wife, and Lucius, faithful ones made exiles, have left their possessions, which the treasury now holds. But also a woman by the name of Bona, who was dragged by her husband

Editors' notes and page, col. 272

Footnotes

(b) ‹conjunx ejus› · call in col 272

Conjux ejus Oxon. Lips.

"His wife" (spelled conjux): Oxford and Leipzig editions.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE (Baluze, continued) · col 271 sero venit in manus meas, habuissem eo tempore quo epistola ista excudebatur.

(continued) ...came into my hands late, I had had at the time when this letter was being printed.

(Baluze) ‹Patientiam› · col 271 Patientiam. Hanc lectionem non inveni nisi in duobus libris veteribus. Alii et veteres editiones praeferunt poenitentiam. Utraque lectio potest esse bona. Itaque nihil mutare volui. Nam persaepe in antiquis codicibus manuscriptis vidi patientiam positam pro poenitentia et e converso. Pamelius praetulit ultimam lectionem. Ea placuit etiam Reinharto.

Patience. I found this reading in only two old books. The others and the old editions show penance. Either reading can be good. So I chose to change nothing. For very often in ancient manuscript codices I have seen patience set for penance and the reverse. Pamelius preferred the latter reading. It also pleased Reinhart.

(Baluze) ‹Delicto proprio› · col 271 Delicto proprio. Codex Carnotensis habet priori. Recte. Et ita reponendum est.

By their own sin. The Chartres manuscript has former. Rightly. And so it should be restored.

(Baluze) ‹Dum nec nobis› · col 271 Dum nec nobis. Hanc lectionem improbat Gronovius, cap. 14 observationum suarum in Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, aiens hunc fastum numquam fuisse beatissimi Cypriani, ut nolle sibi quemquam, non solum illos, servire quereretur. Ego puto hanc observationem falsam esse et Pamelium frustra vapulare a Gronovio in editione hujus loci. Pamelius enim non fuit primus qui ita scripserit, cum profiteatur se expressisse editiones Manutii et Morellii. Ipse Cyprianus ait in Epistola xxxviii, nec loci mei honore motus. Sunt etiam alia loca in quibus commemorat suam dignitatem et auctoritatem ut episcopus.

While not even to us. Gronovius rejects this reading, in chapter 14 of his observations on the Ecclesiastical Writers, saying that most blessed Cyprian never had such pride as to complain that anyone, not only those men, would not serve him. I think this observation is false and that Pamelius is beaten by Gronovius to no purpose over his edition of this place. For Pamelius was not the first to write it so, since he professes to have reproduced the editions of Manutius and Morel. Cyprian himself says in Letter xxxviii, not moved by the honour of my place. There are also other places in which he mentions his dignity and authority as bishop.

(Baluze) ‹Epist. XVIII› · col 271 Epist. xviii. — Prima editio istius epistolae prodiit ex typographia Manutii. In nullo autem eorum veterum exemplarium quibus utor illam reperi nisi in uno meo, in Gratianopolitano et in eo quod habui ex monasterio Remensi sancti Dionysii. Angli unum habuerunt ex bibliotheca Bodleiana. Pamelius nullum habuisse videtur, neque Rigaltius.

Letter XVIII. — The first edition of this letter came from Manutius's press. But among the old copies I use I found it only in one of my own, in the Grenoble one, and in the one I had from the monastery of Saint-Denis at Reims. The English had one from the Bodleian Library. Pamelius seems to have had none, nor Rigault.

(Baluze) ‹Caldonii ad Cyprianum› · col 271 Caldonii ad Cyprianum. Hanc inscriptionem, quae certa est, addidi ex libro meo.

Caldonius to Cyprian. This heading, which is certain, I have added from my own book.

(Baluze) ‹Temporum› · col 271 Temporum. Ita codices Remensis et Bodleianus, quibus consentiunt editiones Manutii et Rigaltii. At Morelliana et Anglicana praeferunt temporis. Quae lectio reperitur etiam in libro meo et in Gratianopolitano.

Of the times. So the Reims and Bodleian manuscripts, with which the editions of Manutius and Rigault agree. But Morel's and the English edition show of the time. This reading is also found in my book and in the Grenoble one.

(Baluze) ‹Iterato tenti› · cols 271–272 Iterato tenti. Sic emendavimus, repugnantibus licet antiquis codicibus et editionibus. Emendatio certa est. Nam et Celerinus, pag. 28, dicet: te pro nomine Domini nostri tentum, et Lucianus, pag. 30: iterato reclusi sumus. Sunt etiam alia loca his similia in lucubrationibus Cypriani. Sulpitius Severus, Dial. i, cap. 14: tentus in vinculis. Rufinus, lib. v Hist. eccl., cap. 16: Quis eorum pro nomine Domini tentus non est? Gesta pontificalia edita ab Emmanuele Schelstrato, pag. 431, tentus a Maximiano. Hieronymus in epistola ad Lucianum Boeticum: Adolescens ille qui opertus syndone sequebatur Jesum, quia tentus fuerat a ministris, terrenum abjiciens operimentum nudus evasit. Rhabanus in libro de Computo, cap. 61: Dominum eadem vespera tentum a Judaeis. Recte. Nam in Evangelio Matthaei scriptum est Judaeos manus injecisse in Jesum et tenuisse eum. Hinc in actis sancti Savini episcopi et martyris, in libro ii miscellaneorum nostrorum, pag. 47, Maximianus Aug. ait: Tamen, patres conscripti, concedam facultatem ut ubicumque inventi fuerint Christiani, teneantur a praefecto. Apud Ammianum Marcellinum, lib. xvi, sed fastus barbaricus ridens, tentis legatis adusque perfectum opus castrorum. Antoninus Constantiniensis in epistola consolatoria ad Arcadium: Ecce pro homine tentus es. Vide acta passionis sancti Stephani papae et martyris.

Held a second time. So we have emended, though the ancient manuscripts and editions resist. The emendation is certain. For Celerinus too, page 28, will say: you, held for the name of our Lord, and Lucian, page 30: we have been shut in again. There are other places like these in Cyprian's works. Sulpicius Severus, Dialogue i, chapter 14: held in chains. Rufinus, book v of the Ecclesiastical History, chapter 16: Which of them was not held for the name of the Lord? The pontifical acts published by Emmanuel Schelstrate, page 431: held by Maximian. Jerome in the letter to Lucianus of Baetica: That young man who, covered with a linen cloth, was following Jesus, because he had been held by the servants, cast off his earthly covering and escaped naked. Hrabanus in his book On Reckoning, chapter 61: the Lord, held by the Jews that same evening. Rightly. For in Matthew's Gospel it is written that the Jews laid hands on Jesus and held him. Hence in the acts of Saint Savinus, bishop and martyr, in book ii of our Miscellanea, page 47, Maximian Augustus says: Nevertheless, conscript fathers, I shall grant leave that wherever Christians are found, they be held by the prefect. In Ammianus Marcellinus, book xvi: but barbarian pride laughing, the envoys being held until the work of the camp was finished. Antoninus of Constantina in his consoling letter to Arcadius: See, you have been held for a man's sake. See the acts of the passion of Saint Stephen, pope and martyr.

(Baluze) ‹Presbyterium subministrabat› · col 272 Presbyterium subministrabat. Quamvis alii aliter sentiant, ego puto meliorem esse opinionem Pamelii censentis illic intelligi hunc Felicem vices exercuisse Decimi in ecclesia cujus cura commissa erat Decimo, qui, aut extorris aut tentus in carcere, non poterat exequi ministerium suum.

Was serving as presbyter. Though others think otherwise, I think the better opinion is Pamelius's, who holds that it is to be understood there that this Felix acted in place of Decimus in the church whose care had been entrusted to Decimus, who, being either an exile or held in prison, could not carry out his ministry.

(Baluze) ‹Proximus mihi vinculis› · col 272 Proximus mihi vinculis. Hanc lectionem, quam praefert editio Morellii, quam praeferunt etiam antiqui codices, revocari debere visum est. Est enim optima. Alia, quae habet vicinus pro vinculis, non potest esse bona.

Next to me in chains. This reading, which Morel's edition shows and the ancient manuscripts also show, seemed to me one that ought to be restored. For it is the best. The other, which has neighbour for in chains, cannot be good.

(Baluze) ‹Felix et Victoria› · col 272 Felix et Victoria. Vetus Kalendarium ecclesiae Carthaginensis editum a Mabillonio: V idus feb. sanctorum Felicis, Victoris et Januarii.

Felix and Victoria. The old Calendar of the church of Carthage published by Mabillon: On the fifth day before the Ides of February, of Saints Felix, Victor and Januarius.

(Baluze) ‹Extorres› · col 272 Extorres. Codex Dionysianus et meus habent extorrentes. In eodem codice meo scriptum est extorrentes in epistola 20, pag. 29, et de extorrentibus in epistola 39, pag. 52. Quo etiam modo positum est in editione Manutiana. Ita etiam habuisse codicem Veronensem hinc colligo quod in variis lectionibus ex codice illo descriptis, in margine exemplaris mei editionis Manutianae nulla varia lectio apposita est ad hanc epistolam. Extorris porro est qui extra patrium solum et terram patriam ejectus est. Cyprianus in libro de Lapsis, pag. 184: Relinquenda erat patria et patrimonii facienda jactura. Vide Baronium ad annum 25, et in annotationibus ad martyrologium Romanum die secunda januarii. Vide etiam Glossarium latinum Cangii.

Exiles. The Saint-Denis manuscript and mine have extorrentes. In the same manuscript of mine extorrentes is written in letter 20, page 29, and de extorrentibus in letter 39, page 52. It is also set that way in Manutius's edition. That the Verona manuscript also had it so I gather from the fact that among the variant readings copied from that manuscript in the margin of my copy of Manutius's edition no variant is entered for this letter. An exile, further, is one who has been cast out beyond his native soil and native land. Cyprian in the book On the Lapsed, page 184: One's homeland had to be left and the loss of one's patrimony suffered. See Baronius at the year 25, and in the annotations on the Roman martyrology for the second day of January. See also Du Cange's Latin Glossary.

(Baluze) ‹Sed et mulier› · col 272 Sed et mulier. Editio Morelliana, sed et seu per se aut per eosdem mulier nomine Bona. Codex Remensis, sed et super se opera eadem mulier nomine Ibono. Bodleianus, sed et super se et pro codem. Gratianopolitanus, sed et superest aut eodem. Meus, sed et super se opere eadem mulier nomine Bono. Alterius Bonae mentio est in martyrologio Romano die 24 aprilis. Sed illa erat Remensis. Altera vero Bona, cujus mentionem facit Petrus de Natalibus, lib. viii, cap. 71, erat Aegyptiaca, (continues)

But also a woman. Morel's edition: but also either by herself or through the same, a woman named Bona. The Reims manuscript: but also over herself by the same work a woman named Ibono. The Bodleian: but also over herself and for the same (printed codem). The Grenoble one: but also there remains, or by the same. Mine: but also over herself by the same work a woman named Bono. Another Bona is mentioned in the Roman martyrology on 24 April. But she was of Reims. The other Bona, whom Peter de Natalibus mentions, book viii, chapter 71, was an Egyptian, (continues)

(printed under page 131)