PL 4 · cols. 279–282
Cyprianus, Epistolae II-XXI
Letter XXI
Migne Reading Room
PL 4 · cols. 279–282
Letter XXI
LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 135)
(a) ‹confessus› · call in col 279
Est confessus Oxon.
"Has confessed": Oxford edition.
(printed under page 135)
(b) ‹tuam gravationem› · call in col 279
Perpetua gravatione Impr.
"By constant burdening": printed editions.
(printed under page 135)
(c) ‹litteras quas› · call in col 279
Litteras tuas quos Oxon. ex Vat.
"Your letter, which" (masculine quos): Oxford edition, from the Vatican MS.
(printed under page 135)
(d) ‹memorare› · call in col 280
Memorari Oxon. ex Vat.
"To be mentioned": Oxford edition, from the Vatican MS.
(printed under page 135)
(e) ‹diceres› · call in col 280
Dicis Impr.
"You say": printed editions.
(printed under page 135)
(f) ‹metatorem› · call in col 280
Majorem et atrociorem Vat.
"Greater and more savage": Vatican MS.
(printed under page 135)
(g) ‹deputande› · call in col 280
Deputandos Vat.
"To be assigned": Vatican MS.
(printed under page 135)
(h) ‹da› · call in col 280
Des Oxon.
"You should give": Oxford edition.
(printed under page 135)
(i) ‹cum jussi sumus› · call in col 280
Cum jussimus Impr.
"When we ordered": printed editions.
STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE (Baluze) ‹Sed et Statium› · col 279 Sed et Statium. Ita codex meus et Gratianopolitanus. Ita quoque constat habuisse vetera exemplaria Latinii. Sic etiam legendum esse censuerat Pamelius, cum antea scriptum esset statim. Vide notas ad epistolam liv.
But also Statius. So my manuscript and the Grenoble one. It is also established that Latinius's old copies had it so. So too Pamelius had judged it should be read, whereas before immediately had been written. See the notes on letter liv.
(Baluze) ‹Machario› · col 279 Machario. Satis scio scribendum fuisse Macario, si constaret Afros scripsisse uti Graeci scribebant. At cum invenirem hoc vocabulum in vetustis exemplaribus Cypriani scriptum cum aspiratione, scirem praeterea Afros et plerosque Latinos quaedam vocabula scripsisse diverse, ut patet in verbo catecuminus et in verbo acolytus, tum etiam in vocabulo Arrius, censui debere me in hoc loco sequi scripturam veterum exemplarium sancti Cypriani. Sic etiam scribit Franciscus Maria Florentinius in editione vetustissimi martyrologii, vi idus decembris: In Africa sanctorum Primi, Macharii, Justi. Et in epistola xxix sancti Augustini, in nova editione, scriptum est Machario, juxta fidem codicis Cisterciensis ex quo edita est.
Macharius. I know well that Macario should have been written, if it were established that the Africans wrote as the Greeks wrote. But since I found this word written with the aspirate in the old copies of Cyprian, and knew besides that the Africans and most Latins wrote certain words differently, as is plain in the word catecuminus and in the word acolytus, and also in the name Arrius, I judged that in this place I ought to follow the spelling of the old copies of St Cyprian. So too Francesco Maria Fiorentini writes in his edition of the very ancient martyrology, on the sixth day before the Ides of December: In Africa, of Saints Primus, Macharius, Justus. And in St Augustine's letter xxix, in the new edition, Machario is written, following the authority of the Cîteaux manuscript from which it was edited.
(Baluze) ‹Epist. XXI› · col 279 Epist. xxi. — Duo tantum hujus epistolae vetera exemplaria habui, unum ex urbe Gratianopolitana, aliud ex bibliotheca mea. Angli unum laudant ex Vaticana, illud nimirum, ut opinor, quod notatum est numero 199 in bibliotheca Vaticana. Habuisse se eam in suis codicibus testatur Latinius, sed ita corruptam ut vix intelligi sententia ejus posset. Pamelius et Rigaltius fatentur se nullum vetus illius exemplar habuisse.
Letter XXI. — I had only two old copies of this letter, one from the city of Grenoble, the other from my own library. The English cite one from the Vatican, namely, I think, the one marked number 199 in the Vatican Library. Latinius testifies that he had it in his manuscripts, but so corrupt that its sense could hardly be understood. Pamelius and Rigault admit they had no old copy of it.
(Baluze) ‹I. — Anguem majorem› · cols 279–280 I. — Anguem majorem. Id est Decium imperatorem, quem execrabile animal vocat Lactantius in libro de Mortibus Persecutorum. Sic Prudentius in carmine de sancto Fructuoso episcopo Tarraconensi, Aemilianum praesidem vocat cruentum colubrum. Sic Hunericus, rex Vandalorum, vocatur veternosus anguis in historia passionis martyrum qui vi non. julii passi sunt apud Carthaginem sub ejus imperio. Et auctor vitae Gregorii Papae IX, apud Odoricum Rainaldum, an. 1238, § 72, Fridericum II imperatorem vocat tortuosum colubrum. Nabuchodonosor vocatur aquila grandis ab Hieronymo et Theodoreto, ut notat Fronto Ducaeus in annotationibus ad tomum primum operum sancti Joannis Chrysostomi. Ad Decium pertinent haec verba Cypriani de Celerino in Epistola xxxiv, pag. 47: Hic inter persecutionis initia cum ipso infestationis principe et auctore corgressus; et fortassis ea quae de hominis maligni, velut serpentis astutia venenata, ait in Epistola xlvi, pag. 60.
I. — The greater serpent. That is, the emperor Decius, whom Lactantius calls an accursed animal in the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors. So Prudentius, in the poem on St Fructuosus, bishop of Tarragona, calls the governor Aemilianus a bloody snake. So Huneric, king of the Vandals, is called a lethargic serpent in the history of the passion of the martyrs who suffered at Carthage under his rule on the sixth day before the Nones of July. And the author of the life of Pope Gregory IX, in Odorico Rinaldi, year 1238, § 72, calls the emperor Frederick II a twisting snake. Nebuchadnezzar is called a great eagle by Jerome and Theodoret, as Fronton du Duc notes in his annotations on the first volume of the works of St John Chrysostom. To Decius belong these words of Cyprian about Celerinus in Letter xxxiv, page 47: He, at the beginnings of the persecution, joined battle with the very prince and author of the assault; and perhaps what he says in Letter xlvi, page 60, about the poisoned cunning of a malignant man, like a serpent's.
(Baluze) ‹Metatorem antichristi› · col 280 Metatorem antichristi. Lucifer episcopus Calaritanus Constantium imperatorem Arrianum vocat praecursorem antichristi, quod idem est. Contra Lactantius, lib. iv, cap. 11, Christum vocat metatorem templi Dei, id est Ecclesiae. De metatoribus vide quae dicuntur infra ad Epistolam lxxxi.
The forerunner (quartermaster) of the antichrist. Lucifer, bishop of Cagliari, calls the Arian emperor Constantius the precursor of the antichrist, which is the same thing. Lactantius, on the other hand, book iv, chapter 11, calls Christ the metator (the one who marks out) of the temple of God, that is, of the Church. On metatores see what is said below on Letter lxxxi.
(Baluze) ‹Te novi› · col 280 Te novi. Quamvis editio Morellii, ex qua aliae propagatae sunt, habeat tenoris, cum tamen veteres libri, etiam unus quem laudat Latinius, habeant te novi, hanc lectionem arbitratus sum esse retinendam, tum quia veterum librorum auctoritate nititur, tum quia videtur esse melior.
I knew you. Although Morel's edition, from which the others descend, has of the tenor, yet since the old books, including one that Latinius cites, have te novi, I judged this reading should be kept, both because it rests on the authority of the old books and because it seems the better.
(Baluze) ‹II. — Quoniam partim› · col 280 II. — Quoniam partim. Ita reposui secutus fidem libri mei veteris et Gratianopolitani. Vaticanus in editione Anglicana laudatus habet quoniam partem. Editiones, quod tam placuit.
II. — That partly. So I have restored, following the authority of my old book and of the Grenoble one. The Vatican manuscript cited in the English edition has that a part. The editions: which so pleased.
(printed under page 135)
LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 136)
(a) ‹erat› · call in col 281
Ignis vapore; et pressura nostra intoler. erat Oxon.
"By the heat of fire; and our distress was unbearable": Oxford edition.
(printed under page 136)
(b) ‹ex quo› · call in col 281
Tam enim ut Oxon.
"For so that": Oxford edition.
(printed under page 136)
(c) ‹sed minus› · call in col 282
Robustus minus Impr.
"Robust (but) less": printed editions.
(printed under page 136)
(d) ‹vulgi auctorem› · call in col 282
Imperite jam se auctorem Ver.
"Unskilfully now (making) himself the leader": Verona MS.
STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE (Baluze) ‹Afficerent› · col 281 Afficerent. Ita editio Morelli et reliquae. Codex Latinii et meus, ut non afficiebat. Gratianopolitanus, ita quod non efficiebatur.
Affected. So Morel's edition and the rest. Latinius's manuscript and mine: so that it did not affect. The Grenoble one: so that it was not brought about.
(Baluze) ‹Bassi in pejerario› · col 281 Bassi in pejerario. Ita Morellius. Rigaltius conjecit legendum esse in petrario, id est in lapidicina. Codex Vaticanus et Latinius, in perario vel imperario, quod adjuvare potest conjecturam Rigaltii. Unus Bodleianus, pegrario. Meus, pignerario. Gratianopolitanus imperario, ut in codice Latinii. Angli posuerunt in contextu conjecturam Rigaltii. Maximus episcopus Taurinensis in homilia de non timendis hostibus carnalibus: Piraterium latine experimentum dici potest. Haec homilia olim exstabat in editionibus operum sancti Ambrosii. Sed monachi Benedictini recte monuerunt esse Maximi.
Of Bassus, in the pejerarium. So Morel. Rigault conjectured that in the petrarium, that is, in the quarry, should be read. The Vatican manuscript and Latinius: in perarium or imperarium, which can support Rigault's conjecture. One Bodleian: pegrarium. Mine: pignerarium. The Grenoble one: imperarium, as in Latinius's manuscript. The English put Rigault's conjecture in the text. Maximus, bishop of Turin, in the homily on not fearing fleshly enemies: Piraterium can be called in Latin "a trial". This homily once stood in the editions of the works of St Ambrose. But the Benedictine monks rightly pointed out that it is Maximus's.
(Baluze) ‹In quaestione› · col 281 In quaestione. Infra Epist. lxix, pag. 123, tot confessores quaestionati et torti, non ut veritas quaereretur, sed ut per tormenta quaestionis cogerentur ad relinquendam veritatem. Hinc quaestionarii in actis sanctorum Luciani et Marciani dicti quorum officium erat reos applicare ad quaestionem et tormentis exagitare. Iidem dicti carnifices, ut ostendit in suo glossario latino doctissimus amicus olim noster Carolus Dufresnius Cangius. Quaestionis autem tormenta cogebant interdum innocentes ad confitendum crimina de quibus accusabantur, uti notatum a nobis est in notis ad vitas Paparum Avenionensium, pag. 599.
Under interrogation. Below, Letter lxix, page 123: so many confessors interrogated and tortured, not that the truth might be sought, but that by the torments of interrogation they might be forced to abandon the truth. Hence in the acts of Saints Lucian and Marcian those are called quaestionarii whose office was to put the accused to the question and harass them with torments. The same were called executioners, as our very learned late friend Charles du Fresne du Cange shows in his Latin glossary. And the torments of interrogation sometimes forced the innocent to confess crimes of which they were accused, as we noted in the notes on the Lives of the Avignon Popes, page 599.
(Baluze) ‹Animum› · col 281 Animum. Codex Vaticanus et meus, tum etiam is qui fuit Latinii habent animam.
Mind. The Vatican manuscript and mine, and also the one that was Latinius's, have soul.
(Baluze) ‹III. — Comitibus› · cols 281–282 III. — Comitibus. Ita editio Morelliana. Angli maluerunt omnibus, testati se ita scriptum vidisse in codice Vaticano. Sic etiam codex Latinii. At Gratianopolitanus habet comitibus. Meus motibus, quod propius accedit ad vocem comitibus.
III. — Companions. So Morel's edition. The English preferred all, testifying that they saw it so written in the Vatican manuscript. So too Latinius's manuscript. But the Grenoble one has companions. Mine has movements, which comes closer to the word companions.
(Baluze) ‹Maris, Collecta› · col 282 Maris, Collecta. Haec lectio reperitur in editione Morellii, in veteri libro meo, et in Gratianopolitano. Pamelius mutavit ex ingenio, absque ullius veteris exemplaris auctoritate, et posuit, Macarius, Cornelia, quia videbat Macarii et aliorum decem martyrum festum celebrari sexto idus aprilis. Et tamen Maris nomen non est obscurum in historia ecclesiastica. Maris episcopus Chalcedonensis claruit aevo Juliani imperatoris. Alter Maris etiam episcopus Chalcedonensis interfuit concilio Chalcedonensi, Maris Dolichensis concilio Constantinopolitano primo. Nota est controversia de epistola Ibae episcopi Edesseni ad Marim Persam in concilio quinto, cujus etiam mentio facta est in Ephesino. Maris monachi meminit Theodoretus in capite 20 Historiae religiosae.
Maris, Collecta. This reading is found in Morel's edition, in my old book, and in the Grenoble one. Pamelius changed it by conjecture, without the authority of any old copy, and set Macarius, Cornelia, because he saw that the feast of Macarius and ten other martyrs was kept on the sixth day before the Ides of April. And yet the name Maris is not obscure in church history. Maris, bishop of Chalcedon, was prominent in the time of the emperor Julian. Another Maris, also bishop of Chalcedon, took part in the Council of Chalcedon; Maris of Doliche in the first Council of Constantinople. Well known is the controversy over the letter of Ibas, bishop of Edessa, to Maris the Persian at the fifth council, which was also mentioned at Ephesus. Theodoret mentions the monk Maris in chapter 20 of the Religious History.
(Baluze) ‹Epist. XXII› · col 282 Epist. xxii. — Hanc epistolam, quae primum excusa est in editione Manutiana, in nullo eorum veterum exemplarium quibus utor reperi quam in Fuxensi, in Gratianopolitano, in uno meo, et in eo quod servatur in monasterio Remensi sancti Dionysii. Angli unicum habuerunt ex bibliotheca Bodleiana. Pamelius eam invenerat in codice Anglicano Joannis Harrisii.
Letter XXII. — This letter, which was first printed in Manutius's edition, I found in none of the old copies I use except the Foix one, the Grenoble one, one of mine, and the one kept in the monastery of Saint-Denis at Reims. The English had a single one, from the Bodleian Library. Pamelius had found it in an English manuscript of John Harris.
(Baluze) ‹I. — Post factas› · col 282 I. — Post factas. Editio Morellii, codex meus, Gratianopolitanus et unus Bodleianus habent: Factis ad vos litteris.
I. — After ... sent. Morel's edition, my manuscript, the Grenoble one and one Bodleian have: A letter having been sent to you.
(Baluze) ‹Imperii jampridem› · col 282 Imperii jampridem. Vox jampridem deest in codice Remensi. In Fuxensi scriptum est imperitia sua pridem se. Quae lectio videtur convenire cum iis quae paulo ante dixit Cyprianus de Luciano, illum minus Dominica lectione fundatum fuisse. Vocatur autem (continues)
Of the ignorant [the lemma is printed Imperii, for the text's imperiti], long since. The word long since is missing in the Reims manuscript. In the Foix one is written by his ignorance some time ago himself. This reading seems to fit what Cyprian said a little before about Lucian, that he was less grounded in the Lord's reading. He is called, moreover, (continues)
(printed under page 136)