PL 4 · cols. 282–286

Cyprianus, Epistolae XXII-LI

Letter XXII

EPISTOLA XXII.

Letter 22.

(Pamel., XXIII. Rigalt., Baluz., Paris., XXII. Oxon., Lips., XXVII.)

(Pamelius, 23. Rigault, Baluze, Paris, 22. Oxford, Leipzig, 27.)

AD CLERUM ROMAE CONSISTENTEM, DE MULTIS CONFESSORIBUS ET DE LUCIANI INVERECUNDIA ET CELERINI CONFESSORIS MODESTIA.

To the clergy abiding at Rome, concerning many confessors, and concerning the shamelessness of Lucian and the modesty of the confessor Celerinus.

ARGUMENTUM. — His litteris Cyprianus Clerum Romanum certiorem reddit de seditiosa lapsorum postulatione, ut ad pacem restituerentur et de inverecundia Luciani. Quae quo melius intelligantur, litteras tum suas, tum Celerini et Luciani transmittendas curat Cyprianus.

Argument. — By this letter Cyprian informs the Roman clergy of the seditious demand of the lapsed that they should be restored to peace, and of the shamelessness of Lucian. So that these things may be better understood, Cyprian has letters transmitted, both his own and those of Celerinus and Lucian.

I. Cyprianus presbyteris et diaconibus Romae consistentibus fratribus salutem. Post factas ad vos litteras, fratres charissimi, quibus actus noster expositus et disciplinae ac diligentiae quantulacumque ratio declarata est, aliud accessit quod nec ipsum latere vos debuit. Nam frater noster Lucianus, et ipse unus de confessoribus, fide quidem calidus et virtute robustus, sed minus Dominica lectione fundatus, quaedam conatus est, imperiti jampridem se vulgi auctorem

1. Cyprian to the presbyters and deacons abiding at Rome, his brothers, greeting. After the letter written to you, dearest brothers, in which our conduct was set forth and some account, however slight, of our discipline and diligence was declared, something else has come up which ought not to be hidden from you either. For our brother Lucian, himself also one of the confessors, ardent indeed in faith and robust in virtue, but less grounded in the reading of the Lord, has attempted certain things, for a long time now as the author of the ignorant common people himself

Editors' notes and page, col. 282

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 136)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in left col

Ignis vapore; et pressura nostra intoler. erat Oxon.

"With the heat of fire; and our oppression was intoler[able]" Oxford edition.

(printed under page 136)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in left col

Tam enim ut Oxon.

"For so ... that" Oxford edition.

(printed under page 136)

Robustus minus Impr.

"Strong, less ..." printed editions.

(printed under page 136)

(d) ‹anchor: se vulgi auctorem› · call in right col

Imperite jam se auctorem Ver.

"Unskilfully now himself the author" the Verona manuscript.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE. (Baluze, lemma "Afficerent") · left col Afficerent. Ita editio Morelli et reliquae. Codex Latinii et meus, ut non afficiebat. Gratianopolitanus, ita quod non efficiebatur.

"Afficerent" (they affected). So Morel's edition and the rest. The manuscript of Latinius and my own have "ut non afficiebat"; the Grenoble manuscript, "ita quod non efficiebatur".

(Baluze, lemma "Bussi in pejerario") · left col Bussi in pejerario. Ita Morellius. Rigaltius conjecit legendum esse in petrario, id est in lapidicina. Codex Vaticanus et Latinius, in perario vel imperario, quod adjuvare potest conjecturam Rigaltii. Unus Bodleianus, pegrario. Meus, pignerario. Gratianopolitanus imperario, ut in codice Latinii. Angli posuerunt in contextu conjecturam Rigaltii. Maximus episcopus Taurinensis in homilia de non timendis hostibus carnalibus: Piraterium latine experimentum dici potest. Haec homilia olim exstabat in editionibus operum sancti Ambrosii. Sed monachi Benedictini recte monuerunt esse Maximi.

"Bussi in pejerario." So Morel. Rigault conjectured that one should read "in petrario", that is, in a stone quarry. The Vatican manuscript and Latinius have "in perario" or "imperario", which may support Rigault's conjecture. One Bodleian manuscript has "pegrario"; mine, "pignerario"; the Grenoble manuscript "imperario", as in Latinius's manuscript. The English editors put Rigault's conjecture into the text. Maximus, bishop of Turin, in the homily on not fearing carnal enemies: "Piraterium can be called in Latin experimentum (a trial)." This homily once stood in the editions of the works of St Ambrose, but the Benedictine monks rightly pointed out that it is Maximus's.

(Baluze, lemma "In quaestione") · left col In quaestione. Infra Epist. LXIX, pag. 123, tot confessores quaestionati et torti, non ut veritas quaereretur, sed ut per tormenta quaestionis cogerentur ad relinquendam veritatem. Hinc quaestionarii in actis sanctorum Luciani et Marciani dicti quorum officium erat reos applicare ad quaestionem et tormentis exagitare. Iidem dicti carnifices, ut ostendit in suo glossario latino doctissimus amicus olim noster Carolus Dufresnius Cangius. Quaestionis autem tormenta cogebant interdum innocentes ad confitendum crimina de quibus accusabatur, uti notatum a nobis est in notis ad vitas Paparum Avenionensium, pag. 599.

"In quaestione" (under examination). Below, Letter LXIX, p. 123: "so many confessors examined and tortured", not so that the truth might be sought, but so that by the torments of examination they might be forced to abandon the truth. Hence in the Acts of Saints Lucian and Marcian those are called "quaestionarii" whose office was to put the accused to the question and harass them with torments. The same were called "carnifices" (executioners), as our once friend, the most learned Charles du Fresne du Cange, shows in his Latin glossary. The torments of the question, moreover, sometimes forced the innocent to confess crimes of which [one] was accused, as we noted in the notes to the Lives of the Avignon Popes, p. 599.

(Baluze, lemma "Animum") · left col Animum. Codex Vaticanus et meus, tum etiam is qui fuit Latinii habent animam.

"Animum" (mind). The Vatican manuscript and mine, and also the one that was Latinius's, have "animam" (soul).

(Baluze, lemma "III. — Comitibus") · left col to right col III.— Comitibus. Ita editio Morelliana. Angli maluerunt omnibus, testati se ita scriptum vidisse in codice Vaticano. Sic etiam codex Latinii. At Gratianopolitanus habet comitibus. Meus motibus, quod propius accedit ad vocem comitibus.

III. — "Comitibus" (companions). So Morel's edition. The English editors preferred "omnibus" (all), testifying that they saw it so written in the Vatican manuscript. So too Latinius's manuscript. But the Grenoble manuscript has "comitibus"; mine "motibus", which comes nearer to the word "comitibus".

(Baluze, lemma "Maris, Collecta") · right col Maris, Collecta. Haec lectio reperitur in editione Morellii, in veteri libro meo, et in Gratianopolitano. Pamelius mutavit ex ingenio, absque ullius veteris exemplaris auctoritate, et posuit, Macarius, Cornelia, quia videbat Macarii et aliorum decem martyrum festum celebrari sexto idus aprilis. Et tamen Maris nomen non est obscurum in historia ecclesiastica. Maris episcopus Chalcedonensis claruit aevo Juliani imperatoris. Alter Maris etiam episcopus Chalcedonensis interfuit concilio Chalcedonensi, Maris Dolichensis concilio Constantinopolitano primo. Nota est controversia de epistola Ibae episcopi Edesseni ad Marim Persam in concilio quinto, cujus etiam mentio facta est in Ephesino. Maris monachi meminit Theodoretus in capite 20 Historiae religiosae.

"Maris, Collecta." This reading is found in Morel's edition, in my old book, and in the Grenoble manuscript. Pamelius changed it on his own judgement, without the authority of any old copy, and put "Macarius, Cornelia", because he saw that the feast of Macarius and ten other martyrs is kept on the sixth day before the Ides of April. And yet the name Maris is not obscure in church history. Maris, bishop of Chalcedon, flourished in the time of the emperor Julian. Another Maris, also bishop of Chalcedon, took part in the Council of Chalcedon; Maris of Doliche in the first Council of Constantinople. Well known is the controversy over the letter of Ibas, bishop of Edessa, to Maris the Persian at the fifth council, which was also mentioned at the council of Ephesus. Theodoret mentions a monk Maris in chapter 20 of the Religious History.

(Baluze, lemma "409 Epist. XXII") · right col 409 Epist. XXII. — Hanc epistolam, quae primum excusa est in editione Manutiana, in nullo eorum veterum exemplarium quibus utor reperi quam in Fuxensi, in Gratianopolitano, in uno meo, et in eo quod servatur in monasterio Remensi sancti Dionysii. Angli unicum habuerunt ex bibliotheca Bodleiana. Pamelius eam invenerat in codice Anglicano Joannis Harrisii.

409 Letter XXII. — This letter, first printed in the Manutius edition, I have found in none of the old copies I use except the Foix manuscript, the Grenoble manuscript, one of mine, and the one kept in the monastery of St Denis at Reims. The English editors had a single one, from the Bodleian Library. Pamelius had found it in the English manuscript of John Harris.

(Baluze, lemma "I. — Post factas") · right col I. — Post factas. Editio Morellii, codex meus, Gratianopolitanus et unus Bodleianus habent: Factis ad vos litteris.

I. — "Post factas" (after ... written). Morel's edition, my manuscript, the Grenoble manuscript and one Bodleian manuscript have: "Factis ad vos litteris" (the letter having been written to you).

(Baluze, lemma "Imperii jampridem") · right col Imperii jampridem. Vox jampridem deest in codice Remensi. In Fuxensi scriptum est imperitia sua pridem se. Quae lectio videtur convenire cum iis quae paulo ante dixit Cyprianus de Luciano, illum minus Dominica lectione fundatum fuisse. Vocatur autem (continues)

"Imperii jampridem" [sic]. The word "jampridem" (long since) is missing in the Reims manuscript. In the Foix manuscript is written "imperitia sua pridem se" (by his own unskilfulness formerly himself). This reading seems to agree with what Cyprian said a little before about Lucian, that he was less grounded in the Lord's reading. Moreover, is called (continues)

(printed under page 136)

Page

running head: EPISTOLA XXII. 282
marginal letters: A ‹sum clerum, Uranium›; B ‹tione, ut ad pacem restituerentur›; C ‹Robustus minus Impr.› (in the Variae lectiones at the page foot); D ‹Nota est controversia de epistola Ibae› (in Baluze's notes)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the column opens with the end of the previous work (another unit); not set here: the unit begins at EPISTOLA XXII.

PL 4:283

constituens, ut manu ejus scripti libelli gregatim multis nomine Pauli darentur, cum Mappalicus martyr cautus et verecundus, legis ac disciplinae memor, nullas contra Evangelium litteras fecerit, sed tantum domestica pietate commotus matri suae, quae lapsa fuerat, mandaverit pacem dari; Saturninus quoque post tormenta adhuc in carcere constitutus nullas ejusmodi litteras emiserit. Lucianus vero, non tantum Paulo adhuc in carcere posito nomine illius libellos manu sua scriptos passim dedit, sed et post ejus excessum eadem facere sub ejus nomine perseveravit dicens hoc sibi ab illo mandatum, nesciens domino magis quam conservo obtemperandum.

setting up, so that certificates written by his hand were given out in droves to many in the name of Paul, although Mappalicus the martyr, cautious and modest, mindful of the law and of discipline, wrote no letters against the Gospel, but, moved only by family devotion, gave instruction that peace be granted to his mother, who had lapsed; Saturninus too, still held in prison after his tortures, sent out no letters of this kind. Lucian, however, not only gave out everywhere, while Paul was still held in prison, certificates written in his own hand in Paul's name, but even after his death persisted in doing the same things under his name, saying that this had been commanded him by Paul, not knowing that one must obey the Lord rather than a fellow servant.

Editors' notes and page, col. 283

Footnotes

[The foot images show only the lower part of the page. Any variant readings and the opening of Baluze's notes on this page lie above the crop and are not set here.] STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE (continued). (Baluze, end of a note, lemma above the crop) · col 283

(continued) [...] epist. XXXII: Sunt enim quidam qui eo difficilia majoris aestimant quia minus intellecta mirantur, et tanquam puerilia reputant quae jucunda lucidi sermonis serenitas illustrat. Notum est quod tradit Quintilianus, lib. VIII, cap. 2, fuisse praeceptorem aliquem qui discipulos obscurare quae dicerent juberet.

(Baluze, lemma "Scripti libelli") · col 283 Scripti libelli. Codex Fuxensis, in quo bis descripta est haec epistola, habet in uno loco libellus scriptus gregatim multis nomine Pauli daretur.

"Scripti libelli" (certificates written). The Foix manuscript, in which this letter is copied twice, has in one place "libellus scriptus gregatim multis nomine Pauli daretur" (a certificate written should be given wholesale to many in the name of Paul).

(Baluze, lemma "Multis") · col 283 Multis. In codice sancti Dionysii Remensis, scriptum est ructis, in Fuxensi rustis. In vita sanctae Tygris virginis Maurianae in Sabaudia edita in tomo quinto Junii Bollandiani legitur, pag. 75: Concessit etiam vallem Cottianam in gyrum Maurianae structam et rustes et fivum, quae muris et tectis ecclesiae ministrarent. Ubi Daniel Papebrochius conjicit per fustes intelligi debere rusticos, quos alias dicimus servos glebae. Ex quo fortassis colligi posset reponendum esse rusticis, tamquam Cyprianus in eo perstiterit quod paulo ante dixit, Lucianum se imperiti vulgi auctorem constituisse. Si quis hanc conjecturam approbat, ea uti potest.

"Multis" (to many). In the manuscript of St Denis at Reims is written "ructis", in the Foix manuscript "rustis". In the Life of St Tygris, virgin of Maurienne in Savoy, published in the fifth June volume of the Bollandists, one reads, p. 75: "He also granted the Cottian valley built round about Maurienne, and 'rustes' and 'fivum', to serve the walls and roofs of the church." There Daniel Papebroch conjectures that by "fustes" [sic] should be understood peasants, whom elsewhere we call serfs of the soil. From this one might perhaps gather that "rusticis" (to rustics) should be restored, as though Cyprian were holding to what he said a little before, that Lucian had made himself the leader of the unskilled crowd. If anyone approves this conjecture, he may use it.

(Baluze, lemma "Matri suae") · col 283 Matri suae. Haec tantum editio Manutii. Morellius et Pamelius adjecerunt et sorori. Nulla porro sororis mentio est in codice Remensi, neque in Fuxensi, in quibus scriptum est quae lapsa fuerat. In variis lectionibus quas habeo ex codice Veronensi nulla quoque sororis mentio. Exstat tamen in meo et in Gratianopolitano.

"Matri suae" (to his mother). This only, in Manutius's edition. Morel and Pamelius added "et sorori" (and to his sister). Further, there is no mention of a sister in the Reims manuscript nor in the Foix, in which is written "quae lapsa fuerat" (who had lapsed). In the variant readings I have from the Verona manuscript there is likewise no mention of the sister. It does stand, however, in mine and in the Grenoble manuscript.

(Baluze, lemma "Sub ejus nomine") · col 283 Sub ejus nomine. Codex Remensis, sub ejusmodi occasione perseveraverit.

"Sub ejus nomine" (under his name). The Reims manuscript: "sub ejusmodi occasione perseveraverit" (should have persisted on such a pretext).

(Baluze, lemma "Litteras non nosset") · col 283 to col 284 Litteras non nosset. Hinc ergo colligi potest hunc Aurelium esse diversum ab Aurelio lectore ecclesiae Carthaginensis, de cujus ordinatione agitur in epistola XXXII. Sic in prima collatione Carthaginensi inter Catholicos et Donatistas, cap. 133, Trifolius episcopus Aborensis subscribit pro Paulino Zumensi praesente litteras nesciente. Et in professione Zenonis chorepiscopi sectae quartodecimanorum, relata in actione prima concilii Chalcedonensis, Flavius Palladius subscribit pro eo ob quod praesens diceret litteras se ignorare. Immo in concilio Chalcedonensi, post relecta acta quaedam Ephesinae primae synodi, subscribit Elias episcopus Hadrianopolis per Romanum episcopum Myrorum, ob quod nesciebam litteras, et Cajumas episcopus Phoenicensis vel Phaunae, ut est in veteribus libris, per coepiscopum suum Dionysium, [lines at the top of col 284 above the crop] [...] bens epist. 88 de electione Franconis episcopi Parisiensis, ait se illam approbare si est optime litteratus. Anno 1097, cum vacaret ecclesia Pragensis, electus est Normannus diaconus ut illic episcopus esset, vir, quae prima est in clerico virtus, inquit Cosmas decanus Pragensis, apprime litteratus. In concilio Remensi anni 991, Arnulphus episcopus Aurelianensis ait in capite 28 nullum 410 pene hoc tempore Romae fuisse qui litteras didicerit. In hac autem epistola et in pluribus aliis in eamdem sententiam scriptis, sic de libellis martyrum loquitur Cyprianus, ut minime neget eorum meritis lapsos adjuvari posse. Nam in Epistola XIII edicit, ut qui libellos a martyribus acceperunt, et praerogativa eorum apud Deum adjuvari possunt, si incommodo aliquo et infirmitatis periculo occupati fuerint, non exspectata ipsius praesentia, apud presbyterum quemcumque praesentem, vel si presbyter repertus non fuerit et urgere exitus coeperit, apud diaconum quoque exomologesin delicti sui facere possint, etc. Credebat ergo Cyprianus martyrum praerogativa, vel ut ait in Epistola XIV, auxilio eorum adjuvari apud Dominum in delictis suis posse. Sic etiam in libro de Lapsis, pag. 187, fatetur martyrum mandatis aliquid concedi posse, si justa, si licita, si non contra ipsum Dominum a Dei sacerdote facienda, si obtemperantis facilis et prona consensio, si petentis fuerit religiosa moderatio. Quare non ipsam consuetudinem, quae dudum in Ecclesia vigebat, sed abusum vituperat, et nimiam nonnullorum confessorum, inprimis Luciani licentiam, qui libellos in hanc sententiam scriptos dabant: Communicet ille cum suis; nec observabant quod Cyprianus praeceperat in Epistola XI, ut diligenter inspicerent et actum et opera et merita singulorum, ipsorum quoque delictorum genera et qualitates, et quos ipsi noverant quorum poenitentiam satisfactioni proximam conspiciebant, eos nominatim libellis designarent. Duo autem adhuc observanda sunt; 1° confessores non dedisse pacem, sed petiisse ut daretur; 2° ne illud quidem ausos fuisse postulare, ut ante reditum Cypriani pax lapsis daretur, sed hac in re morem episcopo suo gessisse. Quare non eorum auctoritate quinque presbyteri, sed sua improbitate adducti sunt ut ante reditum episcopi, ac eo prorsus inconsulto, lapsos ad communionem admitterent.

"Litteras non nosset" (did not know letters). From this, then, it can be gathered that this Aurelius is different from Aurelius, reader of the church of Carthage, whose ordination is treated in Letter XXXII. So in the first conference of Carthage between Catholics and Donatists, chapter 133, Trifolius, bishop of Abora, signs for Paulinus of Zuma, who was present but did not know letters. And in the profession of Zeno, chorepiscopus of the Quartodeciman sect, reported in the first session of the Council of Chalcedon, Flavius Palladius signs for him "because, being present, he said he did not know letters". Indeed at the Council of Chalcedon, after certain acts of the first synod of Ephesus were read again, Elias, bishop of Hadrianopolis, signs through Romanus, bishop of Myra, "because I did not know letters", and Cajumas, bishop of Phoenice or Phauna, as it is in the old books, through his fellow bishop Dionysius, [...] [lines above the crop] [...] [ha]ving letter 88 on the election of Franco, bishop of Paris, says that he approves it if he is very well lettered. In the year 1097, when the church of Prague was vacant, the deacon Normannus was chosen to be bishop there, a man, says Cosmas, dean of Prague, "excellently lettered, which is the first virtue in a cleric". At the council of Reims in the year 991, Arnulf, bishop of Orléans, says in chapter 28 that at that time there was hardly anyone at Rome who had learned letters. In this letter, however, and in several others written to the same effect, Cyprian speaks of the martyrs' certificates in such a way as by no means to deny that the lapsed can be helped by their merits. For in Letter XIII he directs that "those who have received certificates from the martyrs, and can be helped by their privilege before God, if they are seized by some mishap and danger of sickness, may, without waiting for his presence, make the confession of their sin before any priest who is present, or, if no priest is found and death begins to press, before a deacon too", etc. Cyprian therefore believed that by the martyrs' privilege, or, as he says in Letter XIV, "by their help, [the lapsed] can be aided before the Lord in their sins". So too in the book On the Lapsed, p. 187, he admits that something can be granted to the martyrs' instructions, "if they are just, if lawful, if such as can be done by God's priest without going against the Lord Himself, if the consent of the one complying is easy and ready, if the moderation of the one asking is devout". Hence he finds fault not with the custom itself, which had long been in force in the Church, but with its abuse, and with the excessive licence of some confessors, above all Lucian, who gave certificates written to this effect: "Let him be in communion with his own"; nor did they observe what Cyprian had directed in Letter XI, that they should carefully examine the conduct, works and merits of each, and also the kinds and qualities of their sins, and should name individually in their certificates those whom they themselves knew and whose penance they saw to be close to satisfaction. Two things, moreover, are still to be observed: first, that the confessors did not give the peace, but asked that it be given; second, that they did not even dare to demand that peace be given to the lapsed before Cyprian's return, but in this matter deferred to their bishop. Therefore it was not by their authority but by their own wickedness that the five presbyters were led to admit the lapsed to communion before the bishop's return and wholly without consulting him.

(Baluze, lemma "II. — Evangelii ratio") · col 284 II.—Evangelii ratio. Codex Fuxensis, evangelicae traditionis disciplina.

II. — "Evangelii ratio" (the rule of the Gospel). The Foix manuscript: "evangelicae traditionis disciplina" (the discipline of the Gospel tradition).

(Baluze, lemma "Lucianus epistolam scripsit") · col 284 Lucianus epistolam scripsit. Id est Epistolam XVI.

"Lucianus epistolam scripsit" (Lucian wrote a letter). That is, Letter XVI.

(printed under page 137)

Editors' prose

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

a Et sorori quae lapsae fuerunt Oxon.

a "And to his sister, who had lapsed" (plural verb), Oxford edition.

b Ab illo esse mandatum Bod. 1.

b "that it had been commanded by him", Bodleian MS 1.

c Nomine haec Vat.

c "in the name ... these [words]", Vatican MS.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE.

NOTES OF ÉTIENNE BALUZE.

iterum imperitus in hac ipsa epistola. Sanctus Hieronymus in epistola ad Nepotianum de vita clericorum: Celeritate dicendi apud imperitum vulgus admirationem sui facere indoctorum hominum est. Et infra: Nihil tam facile quam vilem plebeculam et indoctam concionem linguae volubilitate decipere, quae quicquid non intelligit plus miratur. Arnulphus Lexoviensis, epist. XXXII: Sunt enim quidam qui eo difficilia majoris aestimant quia minus intellecta mirantur, et tanquam puerilia reputant quae jucunda lucidi sermonis serenitas illustrat. Notum est quod tradit Quintilianus, lib. VIII, cap. 2, fuisse praeceptorem aliquem qui discipulos obscurare quae dicerent juberet.

... again unskilled in this same letter. Saint Jerome, in the letter to Nepotian on the life of clerics: To win admiration for oneself among the unskilled crowd by rapidity of speech is the mark of unlearned men. And below: Nothing is so easy as to deceive a common rabble and an unlearned assembly by glibness of tongue; whatever it does not understand, it admires the more. Arnulf of Lisieux, letter 32: For there are some who esteem difficult things the more highly because they admire what is less understood, and reckon as childish what the pleasing serenity of lucid speech makes clear. It is well known what Quintilian relates, book 8, chapter 2, that there was a certain teacher who bade his pupils obscure what they said.

Scripti libelli. Codex Fuxensis, in quo bis descripta est haec epistola, habet in uno loco libellus scriptus gregatim multis nomine Pauli daretur.

Written certificates. The Foix codex, in which this letter is copied twice, has in one place a written certificate was given in crowds to many in the name of Paulus.

Multis. In codice sancti Dionysii Remensis, scriptum est ructis, in Fuxensi rustis. In vita sanctae Tygris virginis Maurianae in Sabaudia edita in tomo quinto Junii Bollandiani legitur, pag. 75: Concessit etiam vallem Cottianam in gyrum Maurianae structam et rustes et fivum, quae muris et tectis ecclesiae ministrarent. Ubi Daniel Papebrochius conjicit per rustes intelligi debere rusticos, quos alias dicimus servos glebae. Ex quo fortassis colligi posset reponendum esse rusticis, tamquam Cyprianus in eo perstiterit quod paulo ante dixit, Lucianum se imperiti vulgi auctorem constituisse. Si quis hanc conjecturam approbat, ea uti potest.

To many. In the codex of Saint-Denis of Reims is written ructis, in the Foix codex rustis. In the life of Saint Tygris, virgin of Maurienne in Savoy, published in the fifth volume of the Bollandists' June, p. 75, we read: He granted also the Cottian valley lying round about Maurienne, and the rustes and the fivum, to serve the walls and roofs of the church. There Daniel Papebroch conjectures that by rustes should be understood rustics, whom we otherwise call serfs of the soil. From this it might perhaps be gathered that rusticis ("to rustics") should be restored, as though Cyprian were persisting in what he had said a little before, that Lucianus had set himself up as leader of the unskilled crowd. If anyone approves this conjecture, he may use it.

Matri suae. Haec tantum editio Manutii. Morellius et Pamelius adjecerunt et sorori. Nulla porro sororis mentio est in codice Remensi, neque in Fuxensi, in quibus scriptum est quae lapsa fuerat. In variis lectionibus quas habeo ex codice Veronensi nulla quoque sororis mentio. Exstat tamen in meo et in Gratianopolitano.

To his mother. So only the edition of Manutius. Morel and Pamelius added and to his sister. Moreover there is no mention of a sister in the Reims codex, nor in the Foix codex, in which is written who had lapsed (singular). In the variant readings that I have from the Verona codex there is likewise no mention of a sister. It does stand, however, in my own codex and in that of Grenoble.

Sub ejus nomine. Codex Remensis, sub ejusmodi occasione perseveraverit.

Under his name. The Reims codex: persevered on an occasion of this kind.

Litteras non nosset. Hinc ergo colligi potest hunc Aurelium esse diversum ab Aurelio lectore ecclesiae Carthaginensis, de cujus ordinatione agitur in epistola XXXII. Sic in prima collatione Carthaginensi inter Catholicos et Donatistas, cap. 133, Trifolius episcopus Aborensis subscribit pro Paulino Zumensi praesente litteras nesciente. Et in professione Zenonis chorepiscopi sectae quartodecimanorum, relata in actione prima concilii Chalcedonensis, Flavius Palladius subscribit pro eo ob quod praesens diceret litteras se ignorare. Immo in concilio Chalcedonensi, post relecta acta quaedam Ephesinae primae synodi, subscribit Elias episcopus Hadrianopolis per Romanum episcopum Myrorum, ob quod nesciebam litteras, et Cajumas episcopus Phoenicensis vel Phaunae, ut est in veteribus libris, per coepiscopum suum Dionysium,

Did not know letters. From this, then, it can be gathered that this Aurelius is different from Aurelius the reader of the church of Carthage, whose ordination is treated in letter 32. So in the first conference of Carthage between Catholics and Donatists, chapter 133, Trifolius, bishop of Abora, signs for Paulinus of Zuma, who was present but did not know letters. And in the profession of Zeno, chorepiscopus of the sect of the Quartodecimans, recorded in the first session of the Council of Chalcedon, Flavius Palladius signs for him because, being present, he said that he did not know letters. Indeed, at the Council of Chalcedon, after certain acts of the first synod of Ephesus had been read again, Elias, bishop of Hadrianopolis, signs through Romanus, bishop of Myra, because I did not know letters, and Cajumas, bishop of Phoenice or Phauna, as it stands in the old books, through his fellow bishop Dionysius,

propter quod litteras ignorem. Itaque sequens aetas providit huic incommodo, et statuit ut illiterati ad ecclesiasticum servitium non admitterentur, quia litteris carens non potest sacris aptus esse officiis, ut legitur in epistola Papae Gelasii ad episcopos per Lucaniam et Brutios et Siciliam constitutos. Fulbertus episcopus Carnotensis, ad Robertum regem Francorum scribens epist. 88 de electione Franconis episcopi Parisiensis, ait se illam approbare si est optime litteratus. Anno 1097, cum vacaret ecclesia Pragensis, electus est Normannus diaconus ut illic episcopus esset, vir, quae prima est in clerico virtus, inquit Cosmas decanus Pragensis, apprime litteratus. In concilio Remensi anni 991, Arnulphus episcopus Aurelianensis ait in capite 28 nullum 410 pene hoc tempore Romae fuisse qui litteras didicerit. In hac autem epistola et in pluribus aliis in eamdem sententiam scriptis, sic de libellis martyrum loquitur Cyprianus, ut minime neget eorum meritis lapsos adjuvari posse. Nam in Epistola XIII edicit, ut qui libellos a martyribus acceperunt, et praerogativa eorum apud Deum adjuvari possunt, si incommodo aliquo et infirmitatis periculo occupati fuerint, non exspectata ipsius praesentia, apud presbyterum quemcumque praesentem, vel si presbyter repertus non fuerit et urgere exitus coeperit, apud diaconum quoque exomologesin delicti sui facere possint, etc. Credebat ergo Cyprianus martyrum praerogativa, vel ut ait in Epistola XIV, auxilio eorum adjuvari apud Dominum in delictis suis posse. Sic etiam in libro de Lapsis, pag. 187, fatetur martyrum mandatis aliquid concedi posse, si justa, si licita, si non contra ipsum Dominum a Dei sacerdote facienda, si obtemperantis facilis et prona consensio, si petentis fuerit religiosa moderatio. Quare non ipsam consuetudinem, quae dudum in Ecclesia vigebat, sed abusum vituperat, et nimiam nonnullorum confessorum, inprimis Luciani licentiam, qui libellos in hanc sententiam scriptos dabant: Communicet ille cum suis; nec observabant quod Cyprianus praeceperat in Epistola XI, ut diligenter inspicerent et actum et opera et merita singulorum, ipsorum quoque delictorum genera et qualitates, et quos ipsi noverant quorum poenitentiam satisfactioni proximam conspiciebant, eos nominatim libellis designarent. Duo autem adhuc observanda sunt; 1° confessores non dedisse pacem, sed petiisse ut daretur; 2° ne illud quidem ausos fuisse postulare, ut ante reditum Cypriani pax lapsis daretur, sed hac in re morem episcopo suo gessisse. Quare non eorum auctoritate quinque presbyteri, sed sua improbitate adducti sunt ut ante reditum episcopi, ac eo prorsus inconsulto, lapsos ad communionem admitterent.

because I do not know letters. Accordingly the following age provided against this inconvenience, and decreed that the illiterate should not be admitted to the Church's service, because one lacking letters cannot be fit for the sacred offices, as we read in the letter of Pope Gelasius to the bishops established throughout Lucania, Bruttium and Sicily. Fulbert, bishop of Chartres, writing to Robert, king of the Franks, letter 88, on the election of Franco as bishop of Paris, says that he approves it if he is very well lettered. In the year 1097, when the church of Prague was vacant, Normannus the deacon was elected to be bishop there, a man, says Cosmas, dean of Prague, thoroughly lettered, which is the first virtue in a cleric. At the Council of Reims in the year 991, Arnulf, bishop of Orléans, says in chapter 28 that at this time there was scarcely anyone at Rome who had learned letters. In this letter, however, and in several others written to the same effect, Cyprian so speaks of the martyrs' certificates as by no means to deny that the lapsed can be helped by their merits. For in Letter 13 he lays down that those who have received certificates from the martyrs, and can be helped before God by their prerogative, if they are overtaken by some misfortune and danger of sickness, may, without awaiting his own presence, make confession of their sin before any presbyter who is at hand, or, if no presbyter be found and death begin to press, before a deacon also, etc. Cyprian therefore believed that by the martyrs' prerogative, or, as he says in Letter 14, by their aid, they could be helped before the Lord in their sins. So too in the book On the Lapsed, p. 187, he acknowledges that something can be granted to the martyrs' commands, if they are just, if lawful, if not such as would have to be done by a priest of God against the Lord Himself; if the consent of the one obeying be easy and ready, if the request of the one asking be religiously moderate. Wherefore he finds fault not with the custom itself, which had long flourished in the Church, but with its abuse, and with the excessive licence of certain confessors, above all Lucianus, who gave certificates written to this effect: Let him communicate with his own; nor did they observe what Cyprian had enjoined in Letter 11, that they should carefully examine the conduct, the works and the merits of each, and also the kinds and qualities of the sins themselves, and should designate by name in the certificates those whom they themselves knew and whose penance they saw to be close to satisfaction. Two things further are to be observed: first, that the confessors did not give the peace, but asked that it be given; second, that they did not even dare to request that the peace be given to the lapsed before Cyprian's return, but in this matter deferred to their bishop. Wherefore it was not by their authority, but led by their own wickedness, that the five presbyters admitted the lapsed to communion before the bishop's return, and without consulting him at all.

II.—Evangelii ratio. Codex Fuxensis, evangelicae traditionis disciplina.

II.—The rule of the Gospel. The Foix codex: the discipline of the Gospel tradition.

Lucianus epistolam scripsit. Id est Epistolam XVI.

Lucianus wrote a letter. That is, Letter 16.

Page

running head: 283 DIVI CYPRIANI (cut off at the right edge)
marginal letters: A constituens, ut manu ejus scripti; B beside the variant readings at the page foot (a Et sorori); C est haec epistola, habet in uno loco (Baluze's notes); D tionibus quas habeo ex codice (Baluze's notes)
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 4:284

Aurelii quoque adolescentis tormenta perpessi nomine libelli multi dati sunt ejusdem Luciani manu scripti, quod litteras ille non nosset.

In the name of Aurelius also, a young man who had endured tortures, many certificates were given, written in the hand of the same Lucian, because Aurelius did not know his letters.

II. Cui rei ut aliquatenus posset obsisti, litteras ad eos feci, quas ad vos sub epistola priore transmisi, quibus petere et suadere non destiti ut dominicae legis et Evangelii ratio teneretur. Postquam vero ad eos litteras misi, ut quasi moderatius aliquid et temperantius fieret, universorum confessorum nomine, idem Lucianus epistolam scripsit, qua pene omne vinculum fidei et timor Dei et mandatum Domini et Evangelii sanctitas et firmitas solveretur. Scripsit enim omnium nomine universis eos pacem dedisse et hanc formam

II. So that this might in some measure be resisted, I wrote a letter to them, which I sent on to you with my former letter. In it I did not cease to ask and urge that the rule of the Lord's law and of the Gospel be kept. But after I had sent the letter to them, so that something might, as it were, be done with more moderation and restraint, the same Lucian wrote a letter in the name of all the confessors, by which almost every bond of faith, the fear of God, the commandment of the Lord, and the holiness and firmness of the Gospel were loosed. For he wrote in the name of all that they had given peace to all, and this form

Editors' notes and page, col. 284

Page

running head: …IVI CYPRIANI 284 (left part cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹Aurelii quoque adolescentis›; B ‹c Nomine haec Vat.› (in the Lectiones variantes); C ‹pite 28 nullum› (in Baluze's notes); D ‹ipsam consuetudinem› (in Baluze's notes)
old-edition numerals: (none in the text set; 410 after nullum in Baluze's notes, not set)

PL 4:285

per me aliis episcopis innotescere velle, cujus epistolae exemplum ad vos transmisi. Additum est plane, de quibus ratio constiterit quid post commissum egerint. Quae res majorem nobis conflat invidiam, ut nos cum singulorum causas audire et excutere coeperimus, videamur multis negare quod se nunc omnes jactant a martyribus et confessoribus accepisse.

they wished to become known through me to other bishops, a copy of which letter I have sent to you. It has indeed been added: those concerning whom an account has been established of what they did after the offence committed. This matter stirs up greater ill-will against us, so that, when we have begun to hear and examine the cases of individuals, we seem to many to be refusing what all now boast that they have received from the martyrs and confessors.

III. Denique hujus seditionis origo jam coepit. Namque in provincia nostra per aliquot civitates in praepositos impetus per multitudinem factus est, et pacem, quam semel cuncti a martyribus et confessoribus datam clamitabant, confestim sibi repraesentari coegerunt, territis et subactis praepositis suis, qui ad resistendum minus virtute animi et robore fidei praevalebant. Apud nos etiam quidam turbulenti, qui vix a nobis in praeteritum regebantur et in nostram praesentiam differebantur, per hanc epistolam velut quibusdam facibus accensi, plus exardescere et pacem sibi datam extorquere coeperunt. De quibus quales ad clerum nostrum litteras fecerim, exemplum vobis misi. Sed et quid mihi Caldonius collega pro integritate et fide sua scripserit, quidque ego ei rescripserim, utrumque ad vos legendum transmisi. Exempla quoque epistolae Celerini boni et robusti confessoris, quam ad Lucianum eumdem confessorem scripserit, item quid Lucianus ei rescripserit, misi vobis, ut sciretis et laborem circa omnia et diligentiam nostram, et veritatem ipsam disceretis, Celerinus confessor quam sit moderatus et cautus, et humilitate ac timore sectae nostrae verecundus, Lucianus vero circa intelligentiam Dominicae lectionis, ut dixi, minus peritus, et circa invidiam verecundiae nostrae relinquendam facilitate sua molestus. Nam, cum Dominus dixerit in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti gentes tingui (Matth. XXVIII, 19) et in Baptismo praeterita peccata dimitti (Joan. III, 5), hic, praecepti et legis ignarus, mandat pacem dari et

III. Finally, the origin of this sedition has already begun. For in our province, in several cities, an assault was made by the multitude upon their presiding officers, and the peace which all were clamouring had once been given them by the martyrs and confessors, they compelled to be granted to them at once, their presiding officers having been terrified and subdued, who were not strong enough in virtue of mind and in firmness of faith to resist. Among us too certain turbulent persons, who in the past were scarcely governed by us and were being put off until our presence, kindled by this letter as if by certain torches, began to blaze up the more and to extort the peace given to them. Concerning these, what sort of letter I wrote to our clergy, I have sent you a copy. But also what Caldonius our colleague wrote to me in keeping with his integrity and faith, and what I wrote back to him, I have sent both to you to be read. Copies also of the letter of Celerinus, a good and steadfast confessor, which he wrote to Lucian, likewise a confessor, and likewise what Lucian wrote back to him, I have sent to you, so that you might know both our labour and our diligence in all things, and might learn the truth itself: how moderate and cautious Celerinus the confessor is, and modest in the humility and fear of our sect, but Lucian, as I said, less skilled in the understanding of the Lord's reading, and troublesome through his easiness in leaving the ill-will to fall upon our modesty. For, although the Lord said that the nations are to be dipped in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit (Matt. 28:19), and that in Baptism past sins are forgiven (John 3:5), this man, ignorant of the precept and of the law, orders peace to be given and

Editors' notes and page, col. 285

Footnotes

[Editor's notice printed in italics in the text area of col 286, after the letter's close; it is editors' matter (Maran's, not Cyprian's) and is set once, in layer 1 of col 286.] LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 138)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 285

Nam Oxon.

"Nam" (for) Oxford edition.

(printed under page 138)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 285

Multitudinum Impr.

"Multitudinum" (of the multitudes) printed editions.

(printed under page 138)

Quamvis semel Veron. quam vix Lat.

"Quamvis semel" (although once) Verona manuscript; "quam vix" (which scarcely) Latinius.

(printed under page 138)

(d) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 285

Sententiam Bod. 1.

"Sententiam" (opinion) first Bodleian manuscript.

(printed under page 138)

(e) ‹anchor: laborem circa› · call in col 285

Laborare circa Bod. 1.

"Laborare circa" (to labour about) first Bodleian manuscript.

(printed under page 138)

(f) ‹anchor: veritatem ipsam› · call in col 285

Veritate ipsa Bod. 1.

"Veritate ipsa" (by the truth itself) first Bodleian manuscript.

(printed under page 138)

(g) ‹anchor: minus peritus› · call in col 285

Diximus imperitus Bod. 1.

"Diximus imperitus" (we said, unskilled) first Bodleian manuscript.

(printed under page 138)

Page

running head: 285 EPISTOLA XXII.
marginal letters: A per me aliis episcopis; B qui vix a nobis in praeteritum; C cianus vero circa intelligentiam; D beside the Variae lectiones at the page foot (f Veritate ipsa Bod. 1.), not beside text
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 4:286

peccata dimitti in Pauli nomine, et hoc sibi dicit ab illo esse mandatum, sicut in litteris ejusdem Luciani ad Celerinum factis animadvertetis: quibus minime consideravit quod non martyres Evangelium faciant, sed per Evangelium martyres fiant; quando et Paulus apostolus, quem Dominus vas electionis suae dixit (Act. IX, 15), posuerit in Epistola sua dicens: Miror quod sic tam cito demutamini ab eo qui vos vocavit in gratiam, ad aliud evangelium; quod non est aliud: nisi si sunt aliqui qui vos turbant et volunt convertere Evangelium Christi. Sed, licet nos aut Angelus de coelo aliter adnuntiet praeterquam quod adnuntiavimus vobis, anathema sit: sicut praediximus, et nunc iterum dico, si quis vobis adnuntiaverit praeterquam quod accepistis, anathema sit (Gal. I, 6, 8).

sins to be remitted in the name of Paul, and he says that this was commanded him by that man, as you will notice in the letter of the same Lucian written to Celerinus: in which he has not at all considered that it is not the martyrs who make the Gospel, but through the Gospel that martyrs are made; since Paul the apostle too, whom the Lord called His vessel of election (Acts 9:15), set down in his Epistle, saying: I marvel that you are so quickly changed from Him who called you into grace, to another gospel; which is not another: unless there are some who trouble you and wish to pervert the Gospel of Christ. But even if we or an Angel from heaven should announce otherwise than what we have announced to you, let him be anathema: as we have said before, so now I say again, if anyone has announced to you other than what you have received, let him be anathema (Gal. 1:6, 8).

IV. Opportune vero supervenerunt litterae vestrae, quas accepi, ad clerum factas, item quas beati confessores Moyses et Maximus, Nicostratus et caeteri Saturnino et Aurelio et caeteris miserunt, in quibus Evangelii plenus vigor et disciplina robusta legis Dominicae continentur. Laborantes hic nos et contra invidiae impetum totis fidei viribus resistentes multum sermo vester adjuvit ut divinitus compendium fieret, et priusquam venirent ad vos litterae quas vobis proxime misi, ut declararetis nobis quod secundum Evangelii legem nobiscum fortiter atque unanimiter etiam vestra sententia concurrat. Opto vos, fratres charissimi ac desiderantissimi, semper bene valere.

IV. Opportunely, however, there arrived your letter, which I received, written to the clergy, and likewise the one which the blessed confessors Moyses and Maximus, Nicostratus and the rest sent to Saturninus and Aurelius and the rest, in which the full vigour of the Gospel and the robust discipline of the Lord's law are contained. As we laboured here and resisted the onslaught of ill will with all the strength of faith, your words helped us greatly, so that by divine providence a shortcut came about, and, before the letter which I last sent you had reached you, you declared to us that your judgement too concurs with us, firmly and unanimously, according to the law of the Gospel. I wish you, dearest and most longed-for brothers, ever to fare well.

Quoniam opera sancti Cypriani vulgo citari solent secundum ordinem quem obtinent in editione Pamelii et in Rigaltiana, nosque hunc ordinem sequi decrevimus, typographus autem, ex cujus officina prodiit editio Rigaltiana, numerum XXIII omisit per saltum in edendis Epistolis, admonere visum est nos quoque eundem errorem retinuisse, propter rationem quam in initio istius admonitionis adduximus. D. Pr. Maran.

Since the works of Saint Cyprian are commonly cited according to the order which they hold in the edition of Pamelius and in the Rigaltian, and we have decided to follow this order, while the printer from whose workshop the Rigaltian edition came forth omitted the number XXIII by a skip in printing the Letters, it seemed good to point out that we too have retained the same error, for the reason which we adduced at the beginning of this admonition. Dom Pr. Maran.

Editors' notes and page, col. 286

Footnotes

(h) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 286

Quibus minus Bod. 1.

"Quibus minus" (to whom less) first Bodleian manuscript.

(printed under page 138)

(i) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 286

Praeterquod Bod. 1. Praeterquam adnuntiavimus Oxon.

"Praeterquod" (besides that) first Bodleian manuscript; "Praeterquam adnuntiavimus" (except that we announced) Oxford edition.

(printed under page 138)

(j) ‹anchor: vestra sententia› · call in col 286

Praesentia Bod. 1.

"Praesentia" (presence) first Bodleian manuscript.

(printed under page 138)

(k) ‹anchor: ac desiderantissimi› · call in col 286

Desideratissimi Oxon. Lips.

"Desideratissimi" (most longed-for) Oxford and Leipzig editions.

STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE. (Baluze, lemma "III. — Pacem quam semel") · col 285 III.— Pacem quam semel. Tertullianus in libro ad Martyres: Quam pacem quidam in Ecclesia non habentes a martyribus in carcere exorare consueverunt. Vide Dallaeum, lib. VII de poenis et satisfactionibus humanis, cap. 16.

III. — "Pacem quam semel" (the peace which once). Tertullian in the book To the Martyrs: "This peace some who do not have it in the Church have been accustomed to beg from the martyrs in prison." See Daillé, book VII On Human Penances and Satisfactions, chapter 16.

(Baluze, lemma "Caldonius") · col 285 Caldonius. Cujus epistola ad Cyprianum est XVIII, inter Epistolas Cypriani. Cyprianus autem ei respondet Epist. XIX.

"Caldonius." His letter to Cyprian is the eighteenth among Cyprian's Letters; Cyprian answers him in Letter XIX.

(Baluze, lemma "Lucianus") · col 285 Lucianus. Idem procul dubio cujus mentio est in Epistola LXXVIII, pag. 161, in qua vocatur Lucanus in quibusdam vetustis codicibus et editionibus.

"Lucianus." Without doubt the same who is mentioned in Letter LXXVIII, p. 161, where he is called Lucanus in some old manuscripts and editions.

(Baluze, lemma "Sectae nostrae") · col 285 to col 286 Sectae nostrae. Sic olim vocabatur Ecclesia catholica. Hodie vocabulum illud invidiosum est, ut pridem monuit Erasmus in caput XXIV Actorum. Vide Pamelii notas ad hanc epistolam et Xisti Betuleii notas ad Lactantium, pag. 482. (Sectae nomine in bonam partem frequenter utitur Tertullianus, pro confessione christiana, uti videre est libris de Fuga in persecutione, de Pallio et Apologetico contra gentes. Quem pro more suo imitatur Cyprianus, tum hic tum Epistola XXXIV, de Celerino, et praefat. lib. I Testimoniorum ad Quirinum. Sic etiam Actor. XXVI, αἵρεσιν in bonam partem accepisse Apostolum, testis est Beda Retractatione sua in Acta, pro quo ibidem sectam non male vertit noster interpres. Pamel.)

"Sectae nostrae" (of our sect). So the Catholic Church was once called. Today that word is odious, as Erasmus long ago pointed out on chapter XXIV of Acts. See Pamelius's notes on this letter and Xystus Betuleius's notes on Lactantius, p. 482. (Tertullian often uses the name "sect" in a good sense, for the Christian confession, as can be seen in the books On Flight in Persecution, On the Pallium and the Apology against the Gentiles. Cyprian imitates him, as is his way, both here and in Letter XXXIV, on Celerinus, and in the preface to book I of the Testimonies to Quirinus. So too in Acts XXVI the Apostle took αἵρεσιν (sect) in a good sense, as Bede witnesses in his Retractation on Acts; for which our translator there not badly renders "sectam". Pamelius.)

(Baluze, lemma "Minus peritus") · col 286 Minus peritus. Codex Remensis et Fuxensis, imperitus.

"Minus peritus" (less skilled). The Reims and Foix manuscripts: "imperitus" (unskilled).

(Baluze, lemma "Molestus") · col 286 Molestus. Codex Remensis et Gratianopolitanus et editio Manutii, modestus. Quo etiam modo scriptum est in libro meo vetere. Fuxensis in uno exemplari habet molestus, in alio immodestus.

"Molestus" (troublesome). The Reims and Grenoble manuscripts and Manutius's edition: "modestus" (modest). So too it is written in my old book. The Foix manuscript has "molestus" in one copy, "immodestus" (immodest) in the other.

(Baluze, lemma "IV. — Secundum Evangelii legem") · col 286 IV.—Secundum Evangelii legem. In codice Remensi et in uno exemplari Fuxensi legitur, legem misi et vobiscum fortiter et unanimiter etiam nostra concurrat.

IV. — "Secundum Evangelii legem" (according to the law of the Gospel). In the Reims manuscript and in one copy of the Foix manuscript one reads "legem misi et vobiscum fortiter et unanimiter etiam nostra concurrat" (the law I sent, and ours too may agree with you firmly and with one mind).

(printed under page 138)

Editors' prose

Since the works of Saint Cyprian are commonly cited according to the order which they hold in the edition of Pamelius and in the Rigaltian, and we have resolved to follow this order, while the printer from whose workshop the Rigaltian edition came forth omitted the number XXIII by a skip in printing the Letters, it has seemed good to give notice that we too have retained the same error, for the reason which we set out at the beginning of this notice.

D. Pr. Maran.

D. Prudentius Maran.

Page

running head: [S. CYPRIANI] EPISTOLA XXII. 286 (left part cut off in the image; only "PISTOLA XXII." and 286 visible)
marginal letters: A peccata dimitti in Pauli nomine; B IV. Opportune vero supervenerunt; C secundum ordinem quem obtinent; D k Desideratissimi (in the Variae lectiones at the page foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: editors' matter set: "Quoniam opera sancti Cypriani" (Maran's notice on the numbering, signed D. Pr. Maran.); "adnuntiet" is blurred in the image (could be read adnuntist), set as adnuntiet, UNSURE; full-width headings "[LEC]TIONES VARIANTES." and "[STEPH.] BALUZII NOTAE." stand across both columns below the text, are cut off at the left edge, and are not set; Variae lectiones (g–k) and Baluze's notes at the page foot are left for the later pass