PL 4 · cols. 307–314
Cyprianus, Epistolae XXII-LI
Letter XXXI
Migne Reading Room
PL 4 · cols. 307–314
Letter XXXI
LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 147)
(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 307
Nos docet Bod. 1.
"Nos docet" (teaches us) first Bodleian manuscript.
(printed under page 147)
(b) ‹anchor: evangelicae disciplinae vigore› · call in col 307
Rigore Bod. 1.
"Rigore" (by the rigour) first Bodleian manuscript.
(printed under page 147)
(c) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 307
Castris Vat.
"Castris" (by the camps) Vatican manuscript.
(printed under page 147)
(d) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 307
Et ingenita omit. Lin.
Lin. omits "et ingenita" (and inborn).
(printed under page 147)
(e) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 308
Consiliorum haeredes Snir Lin.
"Consiliorum haeredes" (heirs of the counsels) Snir [sic], Lin.
(printed under page 147)
(f) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 308
Operari Lin.
"Operari" (to work) Lin.
(printed under page 147)
(g) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 308
Quam ut debeat Lin.
"Quam ut debeat" (than that it ought) Lin.
(printed under page 147)
(h) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 308
Ruat Lin.
"Ruat" (may fall) Lin.
STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE. (Baluze, lemma "Vexillarius") · col 307 Vexillarius, id est signifer seditionis, ut vocatur in Epistola LV, pag. 83, ad Cornelium, eo modo quo Paschasius vocatur signifer furoris in epistola concilii Aquileiensis ad Gratianum imperatorem, et eo etiam modo quo Latinus Pacatus Drepanius ducem copiarum Maximi tyranni vocavit vexillarium sacrilegae factionis, in panegyrico quem dixit Theodosio Augusto, et auctor panegyrici dicti Maximiano Augusto ejus adversarium vocat signiferum nefariae factionis. Sic Robertus Gervasii episcopus Senecensis in tractatu de Schismate, Bartholomaeum archiepiscopum Barensem vocat vexillarium schismaticae pravitatis, in notis ad Vitas Paparum Avenionensium, pag. 1270.
"Vexillarius" (standard-bearer), that is, the standard-bearer of sedition, as he is called in Letter LV, p. 83, to Cornelius; in the way that Paschasius is called the standard-bearer of madness in the letter of the council of Aquileia to the emperor Gratian, and in the way too that Latinus Pacatus Drepanius called the leader of the forces of the tyrant Maximus "standard-bearer of a sacrilegious faction" in the panegyric he spoke to Theodosius Augustus, and the author of the panegyric spoken to Maximian Augustus calls his adversary "standard-bearer of a wicked faction". So Robert Gervais, bishop of Senez, in the treatise On the Schism, calls Bartholomew, archbishop of Bari, "standard-bearer of schismatic depravity", in the notes to the Lives of the Avignon Popes, p. 1270.
(Baluze, lemma "Futurus") · col 307 Futurus. Ita codex Veronensis. Miror Anglos, qui Rigaltianam editionem sequi solent, excudisse futurus. Pessime Reinhartus, qui, repudiata editione Rigaltii, quae bona est, veterem revocavit et scripsit: Privati et furto ac fraudulenter. In libro meo veteri legitur futuros ac fraudolenter. Pamelius existimavit Futurum et Felicissimum esse eumdem hominem.
"Futurus." So the Verona manuscript. I wonder that the English editors, who usually follow Rigault's edition, printed "futurus". Very badly Reinhart, who, rejecting Rigault's edition, which is good, brought back the old one and wrote: "Privati et furto ac fraudulenter" (deprived both by theft and fraudulently). In my old book one reads "futuros ac fraudolenter". Pamelius thought that Futurus and Felicissimus were the same man.
(Baluze, lemma "Epist. XXXI") · col 307 Epist. XXXI. — Haec Epistola valde mutila et nihilominus interpolata est in codice sancti Arnulphi Metensis; cui paulo post initium insertum est prolixum fragmentum ex libro de Laude Martyrii, nimirum ab his verbis pag. 343, ut quantum in exprimenda, usque ad secum ipse convolvens. Sed post ista reditur ad epistolam in his verbis pag. 44, habitum nuptiarum non habentem usque ad finem. Praeterea magna pars istius Epistolae disjuncta exstat supra in codice illo post Epistolam XVII, quae data est ad Cornelium et incipit: Et egisse nos.
Letter XXXI. — This letter is badly mutilated and nonetheless interpolated in the manuscript of St Arnulf of Metz, in which, a little after the beginning, a long fragment from the book On the Praise of Martyrdom has been inserted, namely from the words on p. 343 "ut quantum in exprimenda" as far as "secum ipse convolvens". But after these it returns to the letter at the words on p. 44 "habitum nuptiarum non habentem" (not having the wedding garment), as far as the end. Besides, a large part of this letter stands separately above in that manuscript after Letter XVII, which is addressed to Cornelius and begins: "Et egisse nos".
(Baluze, lemma "I. — Quamquam... sibi") · col 307 to col 308 I.—Quamquam... sibi. In variis excerptis quae exstant in calce Operum sancti Cypriani in veteri codice, qui fuit olim monasterii Fossatensis, nunc vero meus est, cum illic descriptum sit initium istius Epistolae, sic legitur in titulo: Incipit ad Romanos. Quamquam sibi bene conscius. Et in fine additum est: Explicit ad Romanos. Sed istud falsum esse constat ex tenore ipsius Epistolae, quae certo scripta est a Clero Romano ad Cyprianum, uti etiam adnotatum est in codice Gratianopolitano in fronte Epistolae: Cleri Romani ad Cyprianum. Et tamen Hincmarus in libro de Praedestinatione adversus Gothescalcum pag. 73, citat ex Epistola ad Romanos. Ex quo liquet errorem esse vetustum.
I. — "Quamquam... sibi" (although ... to itself). Among various excerpts at the end of St Cyprian's Works in an old manuscript which once belonged to the monastery of Saint-Maur-des-Fossés and is now mine, where the beginning of this letter is copied, one reads in the title: "Here begins [the letter] to the Romans. Quamquam sibi bene conscius." And at the end is added: "Here ends [the letter] to the Romans." But this is plainly false from the tenor of the letter itself, which was certainly written by the Roman clergy to Cyprian, as is also noted in the Grenoble manuscript at the head of the letter: "Of the Roman clergy to Cyprian". And yet Hincmar, in the book On Predestination against Gottschalk, p. 73, cites it as from the Letter to the Romans. From which it is clear that the error is old.
(Baluze, lemma "Decretis coelestibus") · col 308 Decretis coelestibus. Hanc lectionem reperi in octo codicibus antiquis. Angli monent in codice Vaticano legi castris coelestibus. Quam lectionem merito ait Rigaltius sibi non placere. De castris coelestibus vide quae notantur ad Epistolam XLIV.
"Decretis coelestibus" (by heavenly decrees). I found this reading in eight old manuscripts. The English editors note that in the Vatican manuscript "castris coelestibus" (by the heavenly camps) is read. Rigault rightly says that this reading does not please him. On "castris coelestibus" see what is noted on Letter XLIV.
(Baluze, lemma "Dum illas probamus") · col 308 Dum illas probamus. Infra, Epist. LXXI, pag. 127: Quae salubriter suggeruntur, si sint vera et legitima, ipsa potius nostra ducamus. Quod enim probamus nostrum facimus, ut ait imperator Justinianus in constitutione de Conceptione Digestorum. Item Coelestinus papa, sive quis alius auctor sit collectionis cujusdam quae inter decreta ejus circumfertur, loquens de sententiis sancti Augustini de gratia Christi, ait eas suas fecisse antistites apostolicos cum probarunt. Cassianus, lib. VI de Incarnatione Domini, cap. 9: Repetamus confessionem symboli et tuam. Tua enim quae illius, quia confessionem illius tuam confitendo fecisti. Joannes Saresberiensis in prologo Policratici: Quicquid ubique bene dictum est, 418 facio meum. Idem, Epist. CCXXX: Nonne et omnia nostra facimus quibus nostram impertimur auctoritatem.
"Dum illas probamus" (while we approve them). Below, Letter LXXI, p. 127: "What is wholesomely suggested, if it is true and lawful, let us rather count as our own." For what we approve we make our own, as the emperor Justinian says in the constitution on the composition of the Digest. Likewise Pope Celestine, or whoever else is the author of a certain collection that circulates among his decrees, speaking of St Augustine's opinions on the grace of Christ, says that the apostolic bishops made them their own when they approved them. Cassian, On the Incarnation of the Lord book VI, chapter 9: "Let us repeat the confession of the creed, and yours. For what is its is yours, since by confessing it you made its confession yours." John of Salisbury in the prologue of the Policraticus: "Whatever has been well said anywhere, 418 I make mine." The same, Letter CCXXX: "Do we not also make our own all things to which we impart our authority?"
(Baluze, lemma "II. — Navim") · col 308 II. — Navim. Codex sancti Remigii Remensis, navem ecclesiasticae disciplinae illidat. Divionensis et recentior Victorinus, navem Ecclesiae falsos illidat in scopulos.
II. — "Navim" (the ship). The manuscript of St Remigius of Reims: "navem ecclesiasticae disciplinae illidat" (dash the ship of church discipline). The Dijon and the more recent St Victor manuscript: "navem Ecclesiae falsos illidat in scopulos" (dash the ship of the Church on false rocks).
(printed under page 147)
LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 148)
(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 309
Protulit Lin. Bod. 2.
"Protulit" (brought forth) Lin., second Bodleian manuscript.
(printed under page 148)
(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 309
Degeneres Lin.
"Degeneres" (degenerate) Lin.
(printed under page 148)
(c) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 309
Minoris Bod. 1.
"Minoris" (of a lesser) first Bodleian manuscript.
(printed under page 148)
(d) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 309
Tacuisse Lin.
"Tacuisse" (to have kept silent) Lin.
(printed under page 148)
(e) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 309 or 310
Hoc evasuri in retinendis illos diaboli laqueos viderentur, quod Lin.
"Hoc evasuri in retinendis illos diaboli laqueos viderentur, quod" (they would seem about to escape this, in keeping them in the devil's snares, that) Lin.
(printed under page 148)
(f) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 310
Accepta Lin. Bod. 1. Benev. Manut. Oxon. Lips.
"Accepta" (received) Lin., first Bodleian manuscript, Benevento, Manutius, Oxford and Leipzig editions.
STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE. (Baluze, lemma "Antiqua... severitas") · col 309 Antiqua... severitas. Ista, quae addita sunt in editione Manutiana, desunt in antiquis editionibus et in duobus antiquis codicibus. Habentur autem in aliis.
"Antiqua... severitas" (the ancient ... severity). These words, which were added in Manutius's edition, are missing in the old editions and in two old manuscripts. They are found, however, in others.
(Baluze, lemma "Litterae probaverunt") · col 309 Litterae probaverunt. Postea sequitur in codice sancti Arnulphi fragmentum ex libro de Laude Martyrii.
"Litterae probaverunt" (the letters proved). After this, in the manuscript of St Arnulf, follows the fragment from the book On the Praise of Martyrdom.
(Baluze, lemma "III. — Irretientes") · col 309 III. — Irretientes. In uno libro meo veteri legitur retinentes; in Remensi sancti Dionisii, in retinendis illis diaboli laqueis.
III. — "Irretientes" (ensnaring). In one old book of mine one reads "retinentes" (holding back); in the Reims manuscript of St Denis, "in retinendis illis diaboli laqueis" (in keeping them in the devil's snares).
(Baluze, lemma "Mandando") · col 309 Mandando. Sic in actis Collationis Carthaginensis inter Catholicos et Donatistas videmus plures episcopos mandasse collegis suis ut suam praesentiam sua pro ipsis subscriptione exhiberent. Sic, ne e longinquo tantum exempla repetantur, Natalis ab Oea sententiam dixit in Concilio Carthaginensi sub Cypriano pro se et pro Pompeio Sabratensi et Dioga Leptimagnensi, qui mihi mandaverunt.
"Mandando" (by commissioning). So in the acts of the Conference of Carthage between Catholics and Donatists we see that several bishops commissioned their colleagues to stand for their presence by signing for them. So too, not to fetch examples only from afar, Natalis of Oea gave his opinion in the Council of Carthage under Cyprian for himself and for Pompeius of Sabratha and Dioga of Leptis Magna, "who commissioned me".
(Baluze, lemma "Non est immunis") · col 309 Non est immunis. Cicero apud Ammianum Marcellinum lib. XXVII: Quid enim interest inter suasorem facti et probatorem? quod sumptum est ex secunda Philippica. Seneca, Troade: Qui non vetuit peccare cum possit, jubet. Et infra: Ad auctorem redit sceleris coacti culpa. Auctor Epistolae ad Celantiam, inter Opera Hieronymi: Quantum enim ad peccati rationem pertinet, nocuit qui et nocere disposuit. Valerius Maximus lib. IX, caput 2: Iniquo animo scelus intueri scelus admittere fuit. Arator, lib. II Actuum Apostolorum: Nec poena sequestrat quos par culpa ligat.
"Non est immunis" (is not free). Cicero in Ammianus Marcellinus, book XXVII: "For what difference is there between the one who urges a deed and the one who approves it?" — which is taken from the second Philippic. Seneca, Trojan Women: "He who did not forbid a sin when he could, commands it." And below: "The guilt of a crime done under compulsion returns to its author." The author of the Letter to Celantia, among the Works of Jerome: "For as far as the reckoning of sin goes, he has done harm who also planned to do harm." Valerius Maximus, book IX, chapter 2: "To look on a crime with a wicked mind was to commit the crime." Arator, Acts of the Apostles book II: "Nor does punishment separate those whom equal guilt binds."
(Baluze, lemma "Imperavit") · col 309 to col 310 Imperavit. Haec lectio videtur optima. Et tamen illam non inveni nisi in uno veteri libro. Caeteri et editiones Pamelianae vetustiores habent impetravit. Pamelius autem mutavit, secutus conjecturam Costerii, quamvis fateatur se ubique legisse impetravit. Sic in Epistola XLIV Codicis Encyclii scriptum est in codice Bellovacensi, quibus impetrare divino judicio, pro imperare. Facilis error, qui admissus est etiam in alio veteri codice ejusdem ecclesiae, in breviario nimirum Liberati cap. 18, ubi pro, nihil impetrantes dimisit, uti habent editiones et tres libri veteres, codex ecclesiae Bellovacensis habet imperantes. Sic apud Fulgentium Placiadem lib. II Mythol., ubi agit de Vulcano et Minerva, legendum est Jupiter imperavit, pro eo quod ibi legitur impetravit. Confirmat lectionem a me retentam in hoc loco Cypriani Lactantius in epitome Divinarum Institutionum cap. 64: Vetus praeceptum est non occidere. Quod sic accipi debet, non tamquam jubeamur ab homicidio tantum, quod olim legibus publicis jubetur, manus abstinere, sed nec jussione interposita nec verbo licebit periculum inferre. Illum enim tormentis subdi oportere cujus consilio atque instinctu alius ad accusationem accesserit pronuntiavit imperator Constantinus in titulo Codicis Theodosiani ad legem Juliam Majestatis. Et apud Julium Paulum lib. V, tit. 23: Mandatores caedis perinde ut homicidae puniantur. Salvianus lib. VII, cap. 19: Potestas quippe magna et potentissima, quae inhibere scelus maximum potest, quasi probat debere fieri, si sciens patitur perpetrari. In cujus enim manu est ut prohibeat, jubet agi si non prohibet admitti. Ennodius lib. I Epist. V: Fecisse scelus creditur qui potuisse facere perhibetur. Pacianus in Paraenesi ad Poenitentiam: Addo etiam non solas manus in homicidio plecti, sed et omne consilium quod alterius animam impegit in mortem. Epistola episcoporum Aegypti ad Leonem imperatorem in capite VII Codicis Encyclii: Postea etiam homicida pene manibus propriis hoc nefas efficiens, et propterea condemnandus, quando agenti qui jubet malum fieri in supplicio proximus est.
"Imperavit" (commanded). This reading seems the best. And yet I have found it only in one old book. The others and Pamelius's older editions have "impetravit" (obtained). Pamelius, however, changed it, following Coster's conjecture, although he admits he read "impetravit" everywhere. So in Letter XLIV of the Codex Encyclius, the Beauvais manuscript has "quibus impetrare divino judicio" for "imperare". An easy error, which was made also in another old manuscript of the same church, namely in the Breviarium of Liberatus, chapter 18, where for "nihil impetrantes dimisit" (he dismissed them having obtained nothing), as the editions and three old books have, the manuscript of the church of Beauvais has "imperantes". So in Fulgentius Planciades, Mythologies book II, where he treats of Vulcan and Minerva, "Jupiter imperavit" should be read for what is read there, "impetravit". Lactantius confirms the reading I have kept in this place of Cyprian, in the Epitome of the Divine Institutes, chapter 64: "It is an old precept not to kill. This must be taken thus: not as though we were bidden only to keep our hands from murder, which public laws also once commanded, but that it will not be lawful to bring danger on anyone either by giving an order or by a word." For the emperor Constantine declared, in the title of the Theodosian Code on the Julian law of treason, that he by whose counsel and prompting another came to accuse must be put to torture. And in Julius Paulus, book V, title 23: "Those who order a killing are to be punished just as murderers." Salvian, book VII, chapter 19: "For a great and most powerful authority, which can restrain the greatest crime, as good as approves that it should be done if it knowingly allows it to be committed. For he in whose hand it is to forbid, commands it to be done if he does not forbid it to be committed." Ennodius, book I, Letter V: "He is believed to have done the crime who is said to have been able to do it." Pacian in the Exhortation to Penance: "I add also that not only the hands are punished in a murder, but also every counsel that has driven another's soul to death." The letter of the bishops of Egypt to the emperor Leo, in chapter VII of the Codex Encyclius: "Afterwards also a murderer, accomplishing this outrage almost with his own hands, and therefore to be condemned, since he who orders evil to be done is next to the doer in punishment."
(printed under page 148)
LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 149)
(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 311
Facta vulnera Lin.
"Facta vulnera" (the wounds made) Lin.
(printed under page 149)
(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 311
Sarcirent Bod. 1.
"Sarcirent" (they might mend) first Bodleian manuscript.
(printed under page 149)
(c) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 311
Illibata dignitate servare Vat.
"Illibata dignitate servare" (to keep with unimpaired dignity) Vatican manuscript.
(printed under page 149)
(d) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 311
Tradidissent martyris Bod. 1.
"Tradidissent martyris" (they had handed over ... of the martyr) first Bodleian manuscript.
(printed under page 149)
(e) ‹anchor: occasione› · call in col 311
Occisione Lin.
"Occisione" (by slaughter) Lin.
(printed under page 149)
(f) ‹anchor: amittit illud› · call in col 311
Violat, violat illud Oxon.
"Violat, violat illud" (violates, violates that) Oxford edition.
(printed under page 149)
(g) ‹anchor: litteris tuis illuminasti› · call in col 311
Animasti Fab.
"Animasti" (you have given courage) Fab.
(printed under page 149)
(h) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 312
Persecutus Oxon.
"Persecutus" (having pursued) Oxford edition.
(printed under page 149)
(i) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 312
Armasti Bod. 1.
"Armasti" (you have armed) first Bodleian manuscript.
(printed under page 149)
(j) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 312
Hanc totam confidentiam Bod. 1.
"Hanc totam confidentiam" (all this confidence) first Bodleian manuscript.
(printed under page 149)
(k) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 312
Mederetur Lin.
"Mederetur" (would heal) Lin.
(printed under page 149)
(l) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 312
Prius; Ecclesiae disting. Oxon.
The Oxford edition punctuates "Prius; Ecclesiae" (before; of the Church).
STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE. (Baluze, lemma "Proficere") · col 311 Proficere. Ita emendandum esse existimavi, secutus auctoritatem veterum exemplarium et editionum pro eo quod posteriores editiones praeferunt procedere. Sed hanc tamen ultimam lectionem ego me reperisse fateor in duobus libris meis veteribus, in Gratianopolitano et in uno Victorino, tum etiam in editione Manutiana. Codex Remensis sancti Dionysii et Lamonianus habent prodesse, eodem sensu.
"Proficere" (to profit). I judged that it should be corrected thus, following the authority of the old copies and editions, in place of what the later editions show, "procedere" (to proceed). But I admit that I have found this last reading in two old books of mine, in the Grenoble and in one St Victor manuscript, and also in Manutius's edition. The Reims manuscript of St Denis and the Lamoignon manuscript have "prodesse" (to benefit), with the same sense.
(Baluze, lemma "IV. — Martyrii honorem") · col 311 IV. — Martyrii honorem. Hoc fragmentum istius Epistolae exstat, ut diximus, in loco non suo in codice sancti Arnulphi.
IV. — "Martyrii honorem" (the honour of martyrdom). This fragment of this letter stands, as we said, out of its place in the manuscript of St Arnulf.
(Baluze, lemma "V. — Et ruinas") · col 311 V.— Et ruinas. Editio Spirensis et tres libri veteres non habent haec duo vocabula. Veneta vetus habet. Duo alii libri veteres praeferunt laqueos pro ruinas.
V. — "Et ruinas" (and the ruins). The Speyer edition and three old books do not have these two words. The old Venetian [edition] has them. Two other old books show "laqueos" (snares) for "ruinas".
(Baluze, lemma "Funera") · col 311 to col 312 Funera. Codex sancti Arnulphi habet vulnera. Quae lectio mihi videtur esse melior; 419 eamque posuissem in contextu, si tum cum hic locus cudebatur habuissem codicem illum. At si quis retinendam putat vocem funera, intelligere oportet mortes, seu potius cadavera mortuorum. Supra in Epistola ad Donatum, p. 3: Viventes in ultroneum funus ornantur. Funus enim frequenter sumitur pro corpore mortuo sive cadavere. Apud Virgilium lib. IX Aeneidos, funus lacerum, id est cadaver dilaniatum, ut Servius intepretatur. Juvenalis in prima Satyra: Ducitur iratis plangendum funus amicis. Statius initio Thebaidos, tumulisque carentia regum funera. Silius Italicus lib. VIII: Fratrisque petebat Mancini stratum sparsa inter funera corpus. Tacitus lib. I Annalium, ut porta triumphali duceretur funus. Ubi vide notas Freinshemii. Epitome Aurelii Victoris in Diocletiano: Funus ejus Galieni sepulchro infertur. Apuleius lib. VIII Metamorphoseon: Funus vero toto feralem pompam prosequente populo deducitur ad sepulturam. Ammianus Marcellinus lib. XVI: Rex Chonodomarius lapsus per funerum strues. Idem lib. XXIX: Funus ejus per Vespillones illatum pullati praecedere honorati quamplures. Item liber XXXI: Imperator diris pavoribus circumseptus, paulatimque insiliens funerum moles, ad lancearios confugit. Julius Capitolinus in Antonino philosopho: Denique prius quam funus conderetur. Optatus Milevitanus lib. II: Unicuique sepulchro sufficit unum funus et clauditur. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Paulinum de Institutione Monachi: Quanti hodie sic vivendo portant sua funera, et quasi sepulchra dealbata, pleni sunt ossibus mortuorum. Idem in Epitaphio Nepotiani: Quem haeredem putavimus funus tenemus. Idem in Vita Malchi monachi: Prosecutus ergo me de monasterio quasi funus efferret. Rufinus lib. I, c. 8, Hist. eccles.: Funera liberorum. Libellus precum oblatus Valentiniano et Marciano (continues)
"Funera" (funerals). The manuscript of St Arnulf has "vulnera" (wounds). This reading seems to me the better; 419 and I would have put it in the text if I had had that manuscript when this passage was being printed. But if anyone thinks the word "funera" should be kept, he must understand deaths, or rather the bodies of the dead. Above, in the Letter to Donatus, p. 3: "The living are adorned for a voluntary funeral." For "funus" is frequently taken for a dead body or corpse. In Virgil, Aeneid book IX, "funus lacerum", that is, a mangled corpse, as Servius interprets it. Juvenal in the first Satire:
"The corpse is carried out, to be mourned by angry friends." Statius at the beginning of the Thebaid: "and the bodies of kings lacking tombs". Silius Italicus, book VIII: "and he was seeking the body of his brother Mancinus, laid low among the scattered dead." Tacitus, Annals book I: "that the body be brought through the triumphal gate"; on which see Freinsheim's notes. The Epitome of Aurelius Victor on Diocletian: "His body is laid in the tomb of Gallienus." Apuleius, Metamorphoses book VIII: "The body is borne to burial, the whole people following the funeral procession." Ammianus Marcellinus, book XVI: "King Chonodomarius, slipping over the heaps of corpses." The same, book XXIX: "Very many dignitaries in mourning dress went before his body, carried by the undertakers." Likewise book XXXI: "The emperor, hemmed in by dire terrors and little by little leaping over the masses of corpses, fled to the lancers." Julius Capitolinus on Antoninus the philosopher: "In short, before the body was buried." Optatus of Milevis, book II: "For each tomb one body suffices, and it is closed." Jerome in the Letter to Paulinus on the Formation of a Monk: "How many today, by living thus, carry their own corpses, and like whitewashed tombs are full of dead men's bones." The same in the Epitaph of Nepotian: "Him whom we thought our heir we hold a corpse." The same in the Life of Malchus the monk: "So he escorted me from the monastery as if he were carrying out a corpse." Rufinus, Church History book I, chapter 8: "The corpses of children." The petition offered to Valentinian and Marcian (continues) (printed under page 149)
LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 150)
(a) ‹anchor: non utique transiliant› · call in col 313
Ut transiliant vetus innom. Spir.
"Ut transiliant" (so as to leap over) the old unnamed manuscript, Speyer edition.
(printed under page 150)
(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 313 or 314
Citari Lin.
"Citari" (to be summoned) Lin.
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(c) ‹anchor: nuptiarum non habentem› · call in col 314
Non habentium manus Bod. 1.
"Non habentium manus" (the hands of those not having) first Bodleian manuscript.
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(d) ‹anchor: vastam aeternamque› · call in col 314
Et tetram Vat.
"Et tetram" (and foul) Vatican manuscript.
STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE. (Baluze, lemma "Funera", from p. 149) · col 313
(continued) AA, a Basso episcopo Ephesino in concilio Chalcedonensi: Super haec etiam multos homines meorum diversis plagis morti tradiderunt, ita ut funera ante januas Sanctae Dei Ecclesiae quidam exponerent. Ubi pro funera auctores editionis Romanae posuerunt in margine cadavera per speciem interpretationis. Sulpitius Severus, lib. II Sacrae Historiae loquens de inventione sanctae Crucis Domini nostri Jesu Christi: Capiunt deinde consilium ut aliquem recens mortuum crucibus admoverent. Nec mora, quasi Dei nutu funeris extincti solemnibus exequiis deferebatur, concursuque omnium feretro corpus eruitur. — funus excussum, et inter spectatores suos adstitit. Comoedia Queroli: Et nos ipsi funus illud nescio quo ferebamus. Sidonius lib. VII, Epist. 17: Sibi maximus honorandi funeris partes ipse praeripit. Idem carmine XVI extremo: Seu mage funeribus mentem distractus humandis. Cassiodorus lib. III, Epist. 19: Areae ad recondenda funera. Acta Concilii Bagaiensis, pereuntium funeribus plena sunt littora. Liberatus cap. 11 loquens de morte Proterii episcopi Alexandrini: Occiditur, laniatur, ejicitur, et funus ejus incenditur; sparguntur et cineres ejus in ventos. Assentior Livineio et Acidalio, qui pro eo quod apud Drepanium in panegyrico Theodosii A. legitur, damnatorum fraena tractassent, putant reponendum esse funera.
(Baluze, lemma "VI. — Ecclesiastico nomini") · col 313 to col 314 VI.—Ecclesiastico nomini. Ita nos reposuimus editionem Anglicanam et auctoritatem quorumdam veterum librorum secuti. Si quis tamen legere malit nomine, non repugno.
VI. — "Ecclesiastico nomini" (to the Church's name). So we have restored it, following the English edition and the authority of some old books. If anyone prefers to read "nomine" (in the name), however, I do not object.
(Baluze, lemma "Non momentaneam") · col 314 Non momentaneam. Non enim lenta remedia nec segnes medicos expetunt quaedam tempora, ut apud Q. Curtium lib. III de se aiebat magnus Alexander. Sic in Epistola concilii Chalcedonensis ad Imperatores in editione Rustici diaconi legitur: Magnae passiones et medicamenta fortia et medicos indigent sapientes.
"Non momentaneam" (not momentary). "For some times call for neither slow remedies nor sluggish physicians", as Alexander the Great said of himself in Q. Curtius, book III. So in the Letter of the Council of Chalcedon to the Emperors, in the edition of the deacon Rusticus, one reads: "Great sufferings need both strong medicines and wise physicians."
(Baluze, lemma "Desiderare") · col 314 Desiderare. Duo libri veteres habent desiderare debere medicinam.
"Desiderare" (to long for). Two old books have "desiderare debere medicinam" (that it ought to long for medicine).
(Baluze, lemma "Poenitentia") · col 314 Poenitentia. Antea legebatur poenitentiam, eamque lectionem confirmant veteres editiones et septem vetera exemplaria. Nostram, quae videtur esse melior, confirmant tres antiqui codices.
"Poenitentia" (penance, ablative). Before, "poenitentiam" was read, and the old editions and seven old copies confirm that reading. Ours, which seems better, is confirmed by three old manuscripts.
(Baluze, lemma "Mittant legatos") · col 314 Mittant legatos. Tertullianus in libro de Poenitentia: Presbyteris advolvi et caris Dei adgeniculari, fratribus legationes deprecationis suae injungere.
"Mittant legatos" (let them send envoys). Tertullian in the book On Penance: "to fall down before the presbyters and kneel to God's dear ones, to enjoin on the brethren embassies for their pleading".
(Baluze, lemma "VII. — Convivium") · col 314 VII.—Convivium. Ita scriptum est in editione Morelliana et in tribus antiquis codicibus. Veteres editiones et quinque libri veteres praeferunt convivio.
VII. — "Convivium" (to the banquet). So it is written in Morel's edition and in three old manuscripts. The old editions and five old books show "convivio" (at the banquet).
(Baluze, lemma "VIII. — Episcopis vicinis") · col 314 VIII. — Episcopis vicinis. Qui cum viderent diversas esse in Ecclesia Christi opiniones circa lapsos, existimarent autem orienti malo occurrendum esse, Romam commearunt ut de eorum causa tractarent. Causa communis erat, quae commovebat universam Ecclesiam. Sciebant autem illi singulis episcopis in- (continues)
VIII. — "Episcopis vicinis" (neighbouring bishops). Who, seeing that there were differing opinions in the Church of Christ about the lapsed, and judging that the rising evil must be met, travelled to Rome to deal with their case. It was a common cause, which was stirring the whole Church. They knew, moreover, that to each bishop (continues)
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