PL 4 · cols. 362–372
Cyprianus, Epistolae LII-LXII
Letters LXI–LXII
Migne Reading Room
PL 4 · cols. 362–372
Letters LXI–LXII
LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 175)
(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 363
Lege Dei Lam. Ebor. Bod. 2.
"by the law of God": Lambeth, York, Bodleian 2.
(printed under page 175)
(b) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 363
Prohibeatur vir Lam. Bod. 2.
"let a man be forbidden": Lambeth, Bodleian 2.
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Fingatur MR.
"Fingatur" (be fashioned): MR.
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(d) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 363
Frugalioribus et innocentibus cibis NC. 1, 2. Lam. Ebor. Lin.
"with more frugal and innocent food": New College 1, 2, Lambeth, York, Lincoln.
(printed under page 175)
(e) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 363
Quantum vult Lam. Ebor. NC. 1. Bod. 2.
"as much as he wishes": Lambeth, York, New College 1, Bodleian 2.
(printed under page 175)
(f) ‹anchor: et hic quod› · call in col 363
Et id quod Lam. Ebor. Bod. 2.
"and that which": Lambeth, York, Bodleian 2.
STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE. [Baluze] Quod puto ego (continued) · col 363
(continued) ex unico codice Cauchii mutavit lectionem superiorum editionum, quae est haec nostra. Illam enim exhibent omnia vetera exemplaria. Et probabile est ita factum esse in libro Cauchii per errorem librarii, ut saepe accidit in libris veterum, praecipue vero in operibus sancti Cypriani, quorum nulla reperiuntur antiqua exemplaria in quibus non exstent istiusmodi errores.
[Baluze] II. Succedaneos · col 363 II. — Succedaneos. Ita veteres editiones et undecim libri veteres. Hoc porro vocabulum exstat apud Plautum, apud quem, prout variant interdum libri veteres, scriptum quandoque reperitur succidaneos. Quae est lectio novem veterum exemplarium sancti Cypriani. Vide A. Gellium, lib. IV, cap. 6.
II. "Substitutes" (succedaneos). So the old editions and eleven old books. This word occurs, moreover, in Plautus, in whom, as the old books sometimes vary, it is at times found written "succidaneos". That is the reading of nine old copies of Saint Cyprian. See Aulus Gellius, book IV, ch. 6.
[Baluze] Sexus arte mutetur · col 363 Sexus arte mutetur. Constitutio Constantii et Constantis in titulo Codicis Theodosiani de adulteris, ubi sexus perdidit locum. Seneca, Epist. CXXII: Non videtur tibi contra naturam vivere qui commutavit cum feminis vestem? Quintilianus, lib. V, cap. 9, ait signum esse mollis et parum viri si vir muliebrem vestem sumpserit. Portentosam historiam de exoleto Neronis narrat Dio Chrysostomus Orat. XX. Vide Guillelmi Beveregii annotationes in canonem XIII synodi Gangrensis.
"That sex be changed by art." The constitution of Constantius and Constans in the Theodosian Code's title on adulterers: "where sex has lost its place." Seneca, Letter CXXII: "Does not the man who has exchanged clothing with women seem to you to live against nature?" Quintilian, book V, ch. 9, says that it is a sign of one soft and hardly a man if a man has put on women's clothing. Dio Chrysostom, Oration XX, tells a monstrous story about Nero's catamite. See William Beveridge's annotations on canon XIII of the synod of Gangra.
[Baluze] Quaerat · col 363 Quaerat. Quatuor libri veteres habent acquirat. Caeterum omnes fere libri veteres sequentia distinguunt ab hoc verbo et alteram periodum inchoant. Quod nos existimavimus esse sequendum.
"Let him seek." Four old books have "acquirat" (let him acquire). Moreover, almost all the old books divide what follows from this word and begin a new sentence. We have judged that this should be followed.
[Baluze] Vitae aeternae · col 363 Vitae aeternae. Sic emendavimus ex codice Fuxensi et Gratianopolitano, cum antea male legeretur vitae suae. Infra, Epist. LXXI, pag. 127: Quando una sit Ecclesia, quae vitae aeternae gratiam consecuta. Et tamen quidam libri veteres habent vitae suae.
"Of eternal life." So we have corrected from the Foix and Grenoble manuscripts, where before "of his life" was wrongly read. Below, Letter LXXI, p. 127: "since there is one Church, which has obtained the grace of eternal life." And yet some old books have "of his life".
[Baluze] Frater charissime · col 364 Frater charissime. Haec est vera lectio, quam exhibent multa vetera exemplaria manuscripta et antiquae editiones, etiam Morelliana, et ea quoque quam Simon Goulartius emisit post Pamelianam. At Pamelius, qui fili videbat scriptum in Manutiana, ita scripsit in sua. Et hinc ea prava lectio derivata est in editionem Rigaltii et in Anglicanam. Quod ideo visum est admonere ne quis deinceps in hoc fallatur. Nam is qui nuper composuit vitam sancti Cypriani, ea falsa scriptura deceptus, hinc capi posse [472] putavit argumentum ad asserendum dignitatem episcopi Magno, ad quem Epistola LXXVI, scripta est, tamenetsi ibi Cyprianus eum vocet filium, non fratrem, ut solet scribens ad episcopos. Sciebat enim Euchratium fuisse episcopum. Et nihilominus videbat illum appellari filium in calce istius Epistolae.
"Dearest brother." This is the true reading, which many old manuscript copies and the old editions show, Morel's among them, and also the one Simon Goulart issued after Pamelius's. But Pamelius, who saw "son" written in Manutius's edition, wrote it so in his own. And from there that faulty reading passed into Rigault's edition and the English one. It seemed right to point this out so that no one is misled by it hereafter. For the man who recently wrote the life of Saint Cyprian, deceived by that false text, thought an argument could be drawn from it [472] for claiming episcopal rank for Magnus, to whom Letter LXXVI was written, even though Cyprian there calls him "son", not "brother", as he usually does when writing to bishops. For he knew that Euchratius had been a bishop, and yet saw him called "son" at the end of this Letter.
[Baluze] Epist. LXII. — I. Pomponio · col 364 Epist. LXII. — I. Pomponio, Episcopo Dionysianensi in provincia Byzacena. Interfuit concilio Carthaginensi sub Cypriano. Concilio Cabarsussitano subscripsit Fortunatus episcopus Dionysianensis. In collatione Carthaginensi inter Catholicos et Donatistas adfuit Victor episcopus Dionysianensis Donatista, qui profitetur se non habere adversarium. Quamquam id negatum est statim ab Aurelio episcopo Macomadiensi catholico.
Letter LXII. — I. "To Pomponius," bishop of Dionysiana in the province of Byzacena. He took part in the council of Carthage under Cyprian. Fortunatus, bishop of Dionysiana, signed the council of Cabarsussi. At the Conference of Carthage between Catholics and Donatists, Victor, Donatist bishop of Dionysiana, was present, who declared that he had no rival. That, however, was at once denied by Aurelius, Catholic bishop of Macomades.
[Baluze] Cum presbyteris · col 364 Cum presbyteris. In uno libro meo veteri legitur presbyteris Romanis.
"With the presbyters." In one old book of mine is read "Roman presbyters".
[Baluze] Cum semel statum · col 364 Cum semel statum. Restituimus lectionem veterum (continues)
"When once [they had resolved to keep] their state." We have restored the reading of the old (continues)
(printed under page 175)
LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 176)
(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 365 (printed under the left column)
Fortiter consuleremus per Lin.
"we should take strong counsel through": Lincoln.
(printed under page 176)
(b) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 365 (printed under the left column)
Per omnes vias ecclesiasticae disciplinae Bod. 1, 2. Omnes utilitates et salutes ecclesiasticae disciplinae Ebor. Lam. NC. 1.
"through all the ways of the Church's discipline": Bodleian 1, 2. "all the benefits and safeguards of the Church's discipline": York, Lambeth, New College 1.
(printed under page 176)
(c) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 366 (printed under the right column)
Diuturnus Bod. 1.
"Diuturnus" (long-lasting): Bodleian 1.
(printed under page 176)
(d) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 366 (printed under the right column)
Diaboli manus Lin. NC. 2.
"the devil's hands": Lincoln, New College 2.
(printed under page 176)
(e) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 366 (printed under the right column)
Si pudice Bod. 2.
"if chastely": Bodleian 2.
STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE. [Baluze] Cum semel statum (continued) · col 365
(continued) librorum quibus nos usi sumus. Sic etiam in uno Bodleiano legi testatur editio Anglicana. Rigaltius ediderat, cum in statu suo esse et continentiam firmiter tenere decreverint. Quam lectionem ego in exemplari meo editionis Manutianae vidi scriptam in margine et illic adnotatum eam esse ex codice Veronensi, cum quo consentire etiam videtur Fuxensis, in quo sic legitur, cum semel in statu essent, continentiam firmiter tenere decreverint.
[Baluze] II. Ructu · col 365 II. — Ructu. Antea legebatur fructu, non solum in editionibus, sed etiam in libris antiquis. Rigaltius monuit scriptum esse ructu in Veronensi, eamque lectionem pronuntiavit esse verissimam. Ego contra putabam esse falsissimam. Quid enim, aiebam, commune arbitrio cum ructu, quo res inhonesta significatur, quam Stoici, ut Cicero testatur, aequo passu incedere volebant cum crepitu; Columella, lib. VI, cap. 6, cum sonitu ventris; Hieronymus, in Epistola ad Principiam virginem et in libro II adversus Jovinianum cum crepitu ventorum qui oritur ex ventre pleno et exaestuanti? Conjiciebam itaque legendum fortean esse cum arbitrio et ritu, ut apud Hieronymum in libro II adversus Jovinianum, vel nutu, ut apud T. Livium, lib. IV: sub nutu atque arbitrio, et apud Cyprianum Epist. LXIX, ubi legitur Christum Ecclesiam gubernare suo arbitrio et nutu. Sed cum animadvertissem vocabulum ructus in eodem sensu positum esse a Pontio diacono in Vita sancti Cypriani, amplexus sum lectionem quam Rigaltius ait esse verissimam. Haec sunt verba Pontii: Absit ut malum hoc intra conscientiam religiosae mentis admittam ut de tam beatissimo Martyre ructus hominis judicaret.
II. "Belch" (ructu). Formerly "fructu" was read, not only in the editions but also in the old books. Rigault noted that "ructu" was written in the Verona manuscript and pronounced that reading most true. I, on the contrary, thought it most false. For what, I said, has "judgement" in common with a belch, a word meaning an indecent thing, which the Stoics, as Cicero attests, would have go side by side with breaking wind; Columella, book VI, ch. 6, with the noise of the belly; Jerome, in the letter to the virgin Principia and in book II Against Jovinian, with the breaking of wind that rises from a full and heaving belly? So I conjectured that perhaps one should read "with judgement and rite" (ritu), as in Jerome, book II Against Jovinian, or "nod" (nutu), as in Livy, book IV, "under the nod and judgement", and in Cyprian, Letter LXIX, where it is read that Christ governs the Church by his judgement and nod. But when I noticed that the word "ructus" was used in the same sense by Pontius the deacon in the Life of Saint Cyprian, I embraced the reading that Rigault says is most true. These are Pontius's words: "Far be it from me to admit this evil within the conscience of a devout mind, that a man's belch should pass judgement on so most blessed a martyr."
[Baluze] Virgines cum masculis · col 365 Virgines cum masculis. Hieronymus in Epistola ad Paulum Concordiensem: Unum miser locutus, quod virgines saepius deberent cum mulieribus esse quam cum masculis, toties oculos urbis offendi, cunctorum digitis notor. Vide Homiliam sancti Joannis Chrysostomi adversus eos qui apud se virgines subintroductas habent, itemque ejusdem Homiliam; Quod regulares feminae viris cohabitare non debeant.
"Virgins with men." Jerome, in the letter to Paul of Concordia: "Wretch that I am, I said one thing, that virgins ought more often to be with women than with men, and I have offended the eyes of the city so many times; I am pointed at by everyone's fingers." See Saint John Chrysostom's Homily against those who keep virgins brought in to live with them, and likewise his Homily That women under a rule ought not to live with men.
[Baluze] Exuenda est · col 366 Exuenda est. Costerius, ut testatur Pamelius, existimabat legendum esse eruenda, uti ego reperi in duobus libris veteribus optimis. Sed hanc conjecturam pluribus argumentis refellit Gronovius, cap. XIV Observationum suarum in Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis.
"Must be stripped off." Coster, as Pamelius attests, thought one should read "eruenda" (must be rooted out), as I found in two excellent old books. But Gronovius refutes this conjecture with many arguments in chapter XIV of his Observations on the Ecclesiastical Writers.
[Baluze] Periculo proximus · col 366 Periculo proximus. Hieronymus. in Epistola ad Paulam de interpretatione alphabeti Hebraici: Nemo, ut beatus Cyprianus ait, satis tutus periculo proximus. Idem in Epistola de Vitando suspecto Contubernio: Securius est perire posse quam juxta periculum non perisse.
"Close to danger." Jerome, in the letter to Paula on the interpretation of the Hebrew alphabet: "No one, as blessed Cyprian says, is safe enough when close to danger." The same, in the letter On Avoiding Suspect Cohabitation: "It is safer to be able to perish than not to have perished when beside danger."
[Baluze] Ut separentur · col 366 Ut separentur. Nescio quo modo factum est ut haec verba et ea quae sequuntur, postea quam conscientia gravissima cohaeserat, omissa sint in editione Rigaltii, cum exstent in omnibus anterioribus editionibus et in omnibus libris nostris veteribus, tum etiam in sex Anglicanis. Quo magis mirum est Anglos eam quoque partem omisisse in sua editione. Vetus codex Remigianus et Fuxensis habent conscientiae glutino cohaeserunt. Hieronymus in Epistola de Vitando suspecto Contubernio: Si peccatorum vos existimarem glutino cohaesisse.
"That they be separated." I do not know how it came about that these words, and those that follow, "after a most grievous conscience had bound them together", were omitted in Rigault's edition, though they stand in all the earlier editions and in all our old books, and also in six English ones. It is all the more surprising that the English editors also omitted that part in their edition. The old manuscript of Saint-Remi and the Foix manuscript have "they have been bound together by the glue of conscience". Jerome in the letter On Avoiding Suspect Cohabitation: "if I thought you had been bound together by the glue of sins."
[Baluze] [473] Sine ulla fabula · col 366 [473] Sine ulla fabula. Id est re passim vulgata, ut ait Varro libro V, de Lingua Latina. Horatius, Satyra I: Mutato nomine de te Fabula narratur. Petronius in Historia matronae Ephesinae: Una igitur in tota civitate fabula erat. Apuleii Apologia: Mulier sancte pudica, tot annis viduitatis sine culpa, sine fabula. Ovidius lib. II Tristium: Strinxerit ut nomen fabula nulla tuum. Lib. IV, Eleg. 10: Nomine sub nostro fabula nulla fuit. Amorum lib. III, Eleg 1: Fabula, nec sentis, tota jactaris in urbe. Lib. II de Arte amandi; Ut quamque attigeris, fabula turpis erit. Possem multa similia exempla proferre. Sed ista sufficiunt.
[473] "Without any talk" (fabula): that is, a matter spread everywhere, as Varro says in book V On the Latin Language. Horace, Satire I: "Change the name, and the tale is told of you." Petronius in the story of the Matron of Ephesus: "So there was one tale in the whole city." Apuleius's Apology: "a woman of holy chastity, through so many years of widowhood without fault, without talk." Ovid, Tristia book II: "that no talk might graze your name." Book IV, Elegy 10: "Under my name there has been no talk." Amores book III, Elegy 1: "You are the talk of the whole city, and do not perceive it." Book II of the Art of Love: "Whichever woman you touch, there will be shameful talk." I could bring forward many similar examples, but these are enough.
[Baluze] Melius est ut nubant · col 366 Melius est ut nubant. Inde ansam sumunt Prote- (continues)
"It is better that they marry." From this the Prote- (continues)
(printed under page 176)
LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 177)
(a) ‹anchor: suis cadant› · call in col 367
Pro delictis Lam. Ebor. NC. 1.
"Pro delictis" (for offences): Lambeth, York, New College 1.
(printed under page 177)
(b) ‹anchor: carnem in saeculum› · call in col 367
In aeternum Lam. Ebor. Bod. 2. Lin.
"In aeternum" (for ever): Lambeth, York, Bodleian 2, Lincoln.
(printed under page 177)
(c) ‹anchor: putet se posse› · call in col 367
Posse deest in Oxon.
"Posse" (can) is missing in the Oxford edition.
STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE. [Baluze] Melius est ut nubant (continued) · col 367
(continued) stantes declamitandi adversus vota. Sed si ex verbis Cypriani sequitur tolerata olim in nonnullis ecclesiis fuisse virginum connubia, probata fuisse minime sequitur. Nam S. Augustinus, qui de nonnullis virginibus ait, melius nuberent quam urerentur, lib. de Virginit., cap. 34, probat ex Scripturis non solum capessere nuptias, sed etiamsi non nubatur, nubere velle damnabile esse virginibus, lib. de Bono Viduitatis, cap. 9. Sed sancti Doctoris verba referenda sunt. Multas, inquit in lib. de Virginit. cap. 34, earum revocat a nubendo, non amor praeclari propositi, sed aperti dedecoris timor, veniens et ipse de superbia, qua formidatur magis hominibus displicere, quam Deo. Haec igitur quae nubere volunt, et ideo non nubunt quia impune non possunt, quae melius nuberent quam urerentur, id est, quam occulta flamma concupiscentiae in ipsa conscientia vastarentur, quas poenitet professionis et piget confessionis, nisi correctum cor dirigant, et Dei timore rursus libidinem vincant, in mortuis deputandae sunt. Et in libro de Bono Viduitatis, cap. IX: In conjugali quippe vinculo si pudicitia conservatur, damnatio non timetur: sed in viduali et virginali continentia, excellentia muneris amplioris expetitur; qua expetita et electa et voti debito oblata, jam non solum capessere nuptias, sed etiamsi non nubatur, nubere velle damnabile est. Nam ut hoc demonstraret Apostolus, non ait, cum in deliciis egerint, in Christo nubunt, sed, nubere volunt: habentes, inquit, damnationem; quoniam primam fidem irritam fecerunt: etsi non nubendo, tantum volendo: non quia ipsae nuptiae vel talium damnandae judicantur, sed damnatur propositi fraus, damnatur fracta voti fides, damnatur non susceptio a bono inferiore, sed ruina ex bono superiore: postremo damnantur tales, non quia conjugalem fidem posterius inierunt, sed quia continentiae primam fidem irritam fecerunt (I Tim., V, 11, 12). Quam non violabilia vota crediderit Cyprianus perspici potest ex hac ipsa epistola, et ex sexagesima et libro de Habitu Virginum. Corruptas virgines non mariti sed Christi adulteras esse declarat, pag. 103 et 172. Hinc eis tam gravem poenitentiam imponendam esse duxit. Eas sese Christo dicavisse et tam carne quam mente Deo vovisse docet, pag. 174, eorumque membra Christo dicata esse, et in aeternum continentiae honore pudica virtute devota, pag. 100.
[Baluze] III. Oculi saepe fallantur · col 367 III. — Oculi saepe fallantur. Sic antiquae editiones, septem vetera exemplaria nostra, et duo Anglicana. Alia duo nostra et duo item Anglicana habent oculos saepe fallat. Alia sex nostra et editio Manutii, oculus saepe fallatur. Notum est illud: Frons, oculi, vultus persaepe mentiuntur.
III. "The eyes are often deceived." So the old editions, seven of our old copies, and two English ones. Two others of ours and likewise two English ones have "it often deceives the eyes". Six others of ours and Manutius's edition: "the eye is often deceived". The saying is well known: "The brow, the eyes, the face very often lie."
[Baluze] Mulier potest esse · col 367 Mulier potest esse. Mulieris nomen generale est et in universum significat feminas expertas venerem et inexpertas, id est virgines. Hinc illud Hieronymi in Epistola de vitando suspecto Contubernio: Mulieres cito senescunt, praesertim quae juxta viros sunt. Ad quam rem apposite Ovidius, lib. III de Arte amandi: Adde quod et partus faciunt breviora juventae Tempora. Attamen saepe vocabulum mulieris sumitur pro iis tantum quae viros expertae sunt, ut istic et apud Tertullianum, in libro de Virginibus velandis. Quintilianus, lib. VI, cap. 1, tradit Ciceronem, cum eum quidam objurgarent quod sexagenarius Popiliam virginem duxisset, respondisse: Cras mulier erit. Ulpianus, in lib. Alioquin Dig. de contrah. empt. ait: Quid si ego me virginem emere putarem, cum esset mulier, emptio valebit. In sexu enim non est erratum. Lactantius, lib. I, cap. 17: Si virgo fuit primo, postea mulier. Hieronymus in libro adversus Helvidium, in primo libro adversus Jovianum, et in Epistola ad Eustochium de Virginitate servanda, refert locum Pauli apostoli ex capite septimo prioris Epistolae ad Corinthios, ubi pro eo quod in editione Vulgata scriptum est, mulier innupta et virgo, vetus interpres posuit: Divisa est virgo et mulier. Atque hunc locum ex illa veteri versione citat etiam Tertullianus in libro de Virginibus velandis. Ex quo apparet veterem hunc interpretem mulierem vocasse eam quae virgo non est. Idem sensit sanctus Ambrosius, seu quis alius, lib. III Offic. cap. 8, scribens, mulieres suas et pueros direptioni futuros. Optatus Milevitanus, lib. II: Inde revertentes Urbanus Formensis et Felix [474] Idicrensis invenerunt matres quas de castimonialibus fecerant mulieres. Hinc nova mulier apud Catullum in carmine de Attine. M. Cato, apud A. Gellium, lib. XVII, cap. 6. Voconiam legem suadens his verbis usus est: Principio vobis mulier magnam dotem attulit. Hieremiae cap XV: Mulieres in Sion humiliaverunt et virgines in civitatibus Juda. Nos Lemovices etiamnum mulierem, Moulier, vocamus feminam in matrimonio constitutam, deducto videlicet vocabulo a voce latina. mollier, quam Varro apud Lactantium, cap. 12 de Opificio Dei, ait ita vocatam a mollitie. Itali dicunt moglie. Vide to. II Capitularium p. 796.
"Can be a woman" (mulier). The word "mulier" is general and in the broad sense means women who have known sexual union and those who have not, that is, virgins. Hence Jerome's saying in the letter On Avoiding Suspect Cohabitation: "Women age quickly, especially those who live beside men." On which Ovid aptly says, Art of Love book III: "Add that childbearing, too, makes the season of youth shorter." Yet the word "mulier" is often taken only for those who have known men, as here and in Tertullian, in the book On the Veiling of Virgins. Quintilian, book VI, ch. 1, relates that Cicero, when certain people reproached him for having married the virgin Popilia at sixty, replied: "Tomorrow she will be a woman." Ulpian, in the law Alioquin, Digest, On the Contract of Sale, says: "What if I thought I was buying a virgin when she was a woman? The sale will be valid. For there is no error as to sex." Lactantius, book I, ch. 17: "If she was first a virgin, afterwards a woman." Jerome, in the book Against Helvidius, in the first book Against Jovian (so printed, for Jovinian), and in the Letter to Eustochium On Keeping Virginity, cites the passage of Paul the apostle from the seventh chapter of the First Epistle to the Corinthians where, for what is written in the Vulgate edition, "the unmarried woman and the virgin", the old translator put: "The virgin and the woman are divided." And Tertullian too cites this passage from that old version in the book On the Veiling of Virgins. From this it appears that this old translator called "mulier" one who is not a virgin. Saint Ambrose, or whoever else it was, understood it the same way, Offices book III, ch. 8, writing that their wives (mulieres) and children would be given up to plunder. Optatus of Milevis, book II: "Returning from there, Urbanus of Forma and Felix [474] of Idicra found as mothers those whom they had made women out of consecrated virgins." Hence "nova mulier" (the new woman) in Catullus in the poem on Attis. Marcus Cato, in Aulus Gellius, book XVII, ch. 6, urging the Voconian law, used these words: "In the first place the woman brought you a great dowry." Jeremiah, ch. XV: "They humbled the women in Sion and the virgins in the cities of Judah." We of the Limousin still call a woman set in marriage "Moulier", the word being drawn, of course, from the Latin "mollier", which Varro, in Lactantius, On the Workmanship of God ch. 12, says was so called from softness (mollitie). The Italians say "moglie". See volume II of the Capitularies, p. 796.
[Baluze] Corrumpi possit · col 368 Corrumpi possit. Ita omnes editiones et omnes fere libri nostri veteres, tum etiam tres Anglicani. Tres tamen habent violari. Vocem autem istam primus in contextum Cypriani intulit Rigaltius. Emendationem nostram esse bonam hinc quoque colligi potest quod paulo supra in hac epistola scriptum est, corrumpi plurimas virgines.
"Can be corrupted." So all the editions and almost all our old books, and also three English ones. Three, however, have "violari" (be violated). Rigault was the first to bring that word into Cyprian's text. That our correction is good may also be gathered from the fact that a little above in this letter it is written, "that very many virgins are corrupted".
[Baluze] Inosculatio · col 368 Inosculatio. Haec est lectio veterum editionum et septem exemplarium, quam puto esse bonam, quamvis eam, quod sciam, non agnoscant antiqui Latini. Nam eo modo dici potest inosculatio quo videmus antiquos vocasse inoculationem genus insitionis quae fit per implastrationem; cum oculus unius arboris alteri adhibetur, seu oculus in arbore aperitur, ut videre est apud Plinium et Columellam. Sic inosculatio est applicatio osculi ad osculum. Manutius et qui postea secuti sunt posuerunt osculatio. Quam lectionem ego reperi in septem libris veteribus. Hieronymus, lib. I adversus Rufinum: Hebraei juxta linguae suae proprietatem deosculationem pro veneratione ponunt. Ecce in Hieronymo vocabulum aeque rarum in lingua latina ac inosculatio.
"Inosculatio" (kissing). This is the reading of the old editions and of seven copies, which I think is good, although, so far as I know, the ancient Latin writers do not recognize it. For "inosculatio" can be said in the same way as we see the ancients called "inoculatio" a kind of grafting done by budding, when the bud ("eye") of one tree is applied to another, or a bud is opened in a tree, as may be seen in Pliny and Columella. So "inosculatio" is the applying of mouth to mouth. Manutius and those who followed him set "osculatio". I found that reading in seven old books. Jerome, Against Rufinus book I: "The Hebrews, according to the idiom of their language, put 'deosculatio' for veneration." Here in Jerome is a word as rare in the Latin tongue as "inosculatio".
[Baluze] Si superveniens maritus · col 368 Si superveniens maritus. Apud Xenophontem, lib. V de Paedia Cyri: Si quis uxori suae ita morem gereret ut illam faceret magis amicam quam tibi, num te hoc beneficio laetum redderet? Vide quae in simili argumento dixit Venantius a Timisa in concilio Carthaginensi sancti Cypriani, p. 335.
"If a husband, coming upon them." In Xenophon, Education of Cyrus book V: "If someone so humoured your wife as to make her more his friend than yours, would he make you glad by this kindness?" See what Venantius of Thinisa said on a similar subject at Saint Cyprian's council of Carthage, p. 335.
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LECTIONES VARIANTES: none visible in the page-foot images. STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE. [Baluze] Zeli dolorem · col 369 Zeli dolorem. Ita omnes libri veteres et omnes editiones. Rigaltius posuit livorem, eamque lectionem retinuerunt Angli, quamvis fateantur dolorem legi in octo codicibus antiquis. Illud tamen moneo, codicem Veronensem et Fuxensem habere livorem. Hinc ergo accepit Rigaltius.
"The pain of jealousy." So all the old books and all the editions. Rigault set "livorem" (spite), and the English editors kept that reading, although they admit that "dolorem" is read in eight old manuscripts. I note this, however: the Verona and Foix manuscripts have "livorem". So that is where Rigault got it.
[Baluze] Praepositos et diaconos · col 369 Praepositos et diaconos. Vulgo Cyprianus praepositorum vocabulum adaptat episcopis. Heic tamen videtur loqui de presbyteris, conjungens eos cum diaconis. Clarius infra, Epist. LXV, pag. 113: Meminisse autem diaconi debent quoniam Apostolos id est episcopos et praepositos Dominus elegit. Certe presbyteri gubernabant Ecclesiam cum episcopo. Testis Cyprianus, qui nihil quod esset alicujus momenti agebat nisi coacto presbyterio. Clerus Romanus sic de se loquitur, pag. 7: Et cum incumbat nobis, qui videmur esse praepositi et vice pastoris custodire gregem. Sic etiam Celerinus loquens de clero Romano: Quarum jam causa audita, praeceperunt eas praepositi tantisper sic esse donec episcopus constituatur. Cyprianus in Epistola XI, quae est ad Martyres et Confessores, eadem voce clerum suum designat. Sed praepositorum est, inquit, praeceptum tenere et vel properantes, vel ignorantes instruere, ne qui ovium pastores esse debent, lanii fiant. Presbyteri vocantur etiam sacerdotes a Cypriano, velut cum ait, in Epistola XXXV, pag. 49. Numidicum in vita remansisse, ut eum Dominus clero Carthaginensi adjungeret, et desolatam per lapsum quorumdam presbyterorum copiam gloriosis sacerdotibus adornaret. Vide Epistolam XL, pag. 53.
"Those set over [you] and the deacons." Cyprian commonly applies the word "praepositi" to bishops. Here, however, he seems to be speaking of presbyters, joining them with the deacons. More clearly below, Letter LXV, p. 113: "But deacons ought to remember that the Lord chose apostles, that is, bishops and those set over others." Certainly presbyters governed the Church with the bishop. Witness Cyprian, who did nothing of any moment without calling the presbyterate together. The Roman clergy speak thus of themselves, p. 7: "And since it falls to us, who appear to be set over others, to guard the flock in place of the shepherd." So too Celerinus, speaking of the Roman clergy: "Their case having now been heard, those set over them directed that they remain so for the time being until a bishop is appointed." Cyprian, in Letter XI, which is to the Martyrs and Confessors, designates his own clergy by the same word: "But it belongs to those set over others," he says, "to keep the precept and to instruct those who are either hasty or ignorant, so that those who ought to be shepherds of the sheep do not become butchers." Presbyters are also called priests by Cyprian, as when he says in Letter XXXV, p. 49, that Numidicus remained alive so that the Lord might join him to the clergy of Carthage and adorn with glorious priests the company left desolate by the lapse of certain presbyters. See Letter XL, p. 53.
[Baluze] IV. Diaconum qui cum virgine · col 369 IV.— Diaconum qui cum virgine. Vide epistolam Hieronymi ad Sabinianum diaconum.
IV. "The deacon who with a virgin." See Jerome's letter to the deacon Sabinian.
[Baluze] Inspiciantur interim · col 369 Inspiciantur interim. Ita etiam apud Ivonem, par. VII, cap. 128. Sed apud Gratianum, XXVII, q. 1, cap. Quid si poenitentiam, legitur iterum. At glossa monet alibi legi interim quae est vera lectio.
"Meanwhile let them be examined." So too in Ivo, part VII, ch. 128. But in Gratian, C. XXVII, q. 1, chapter "Quid si poenitentiam", "iterum" (again) is read. The gloss, however, notes that "interim" is read elsewhere, which is the true reading.
[Baluze] Inspiciantur virgines · col 369 Inspiciantur virgines. Cum omnia quae ad virgines spectant debeant esse casta et pudica, miror eam mentem sedisse interdum antiquis ut juberent eas inspici per obstetrices, ut sciri posset an virgines essent, ut fecit sanctus Cyprianus. Immo eo usque audaciae olim processum est ut, teste Clemente Alexandrino in libro septimo Stromatum, quidam dicerent Mariam virginem, postquam peperisset, inspectam ab obstetricibus, inventam fuisse virginem. Adversus hanc fabulam vehementer exardescit Matthaeus Bossus, libro primo, Epist. LXXVII, ad Polycletum. Hunc tamen morem diu retentum fuisse in Ecclesia Dei facile probari potest. Sanctus Ambrosius, in Epistola ad Syagrium episcopum narrat historiam Indiciae virginis Veronensis; quae cum accusata fuisset impudicitiae, [475] et Syagrius eam ab obstetricibus inspici et videri vellet, rejecta est ejus postulatio, cum bonis testimoniis probatum fuisset illam inoffensi virginem muneris esse. Sanctus Augustinus, lib. III de Civitate Dei cap. 18: Obstetrix virginis cujusdam integritatem manu velut explorans, sive malevolentia, sive inscitia, sive casu, dum inspicit, perdidit. Nam inspectio ipsa saepe etiam falsum deprehendit, ut ait Quintilianus, lib. V, cap. 6. Recte itaque Rigaltius ad hunc locum sancti Cypriani dixit inspectionem virginum esse turpe negotium et virginitatem occidi inter manus obstetricum. Ars enim obstetricum est valde obscura et incerta in rebus istis; et Laurentius Joubertus, lib. V Errorum popularium cap. 4, contendit nihil certi statui posse ex inspectione ejus partis qua virgo mulier esse potest. Victor Vitensis, lib. II, cap. 7, loquens de persecutione Hunerici regis Vandalorum: Praecepit deinde sacras virgines congregari, dirigens Vandalos cum suae gentis obstetricibus ad inspicienda et contrectanda contra jura verecundiae verecunda pudoris. Vide Matthaeum Bossum, in Epistola ad Polycletum paulo ante laudata. Vide etiam caput Proposuisti in titulo Decretalium de Probationibus.
"Let the virgins be examined." Since everything concerning virgins ought to be chaste and modest, I am surprised that the ancients were sometimes of a mind to order them examined by midwives, so that it could be known whether they were virgins, as Saint Cyprian did. Indeed, such boldness was once reached that, as Clement of Alexandria attests in the seventh book of the Stromata, some said that the Virgin Mary, after she had given birth, was examined by midwives and found to be a virgin. Matteo Bosso inveighs vehemently against this tale in book one, Letter LXXVII, to Polycletus. Yet that this custom was long kept in the Church of God can easily be proved. Saint Ambrose, in the letter to Bishop Syagrius, tells the story of Indicia, a virgin of Verona; when she had been accused of unchastity [475] and Syagrius wanted her examined and seen by midwives, his demand was rejected, since it had been proved by good testimony that she was a virgin of unblemished consecration. Saint Augustine, City of God book III, ch. 18: "A midwife, as if testing by hand the integrity of a certain virgin, destroyed it while examining her, whether from ill will, or ignorance, or by accident." For examination itself often finds what is false, as Quintilian says, book V, ch. 6. Rightly, then, Rigault said on this place of Saint Cyprian that the examination of virgins is a shameful business and that virginity is killed in the hands of midwives. For the midwives' art is very obscure and uncertain in these matters; and Laurent Joubert, Popular Errors book V, ch. 4, maintains that nothing certain can be established by examining the part by which a virgin can become a woman. Victor of Vita, book II, ch. 7, speaking of the persecution of Huneric, king of the Vandals: "He then ordered the consecrated virgins to be gathered, sending Vandals with midwives of their own race to examine and handle, against the laws of decency, the modest parts of shame." See Matteo Bosso, in the letter to Polycletus cited a little above. See also the chapter "Proposuisti" in the title of the Decretals On Proofs.
[Baluze] Sub eodem tecto · col 370 Sub eodem tecto. Hieronymus in Epistola de Vitando suspecto Contubernio: Separentur domus vestrae, dividaturque convivium, ne maledici homines sub uno tecto vos manentes lectulum quoque criminentur habere communem.
"Under the same roof." Jerome in the letter On Avoiding Suspect Cohabitation: "Let your houses be separated and your table divided, lest slanderous men accuse you, living under one roof, of sharing a bed as well."
[Baluze] Habitaverint · col 370 Habitaverint. Codex Fuxensis, habitare voluerint.
"Have lived." The Foix manuscript: "have wished to live".
[Baluze] Postmodum tales facile · col 370 Postmodum tales facile. Ita octo libri nostri veteres, quinque Anglicani, et veteres editiones. Vox tales deest in sex aliis vetustis exemplaribus. Major pars veterum exemplarium et editionum persuasit ut eam reponeremus.
"Afterwards such easily." So eight of our old books, five English ones, and the old editions. The word "tales" is missing in six other old copies. The greater part of the old copies and editions persuaded us to restore it.
[Baluze] Aliqua corrupta · col 370 Aliqua corrupta. Veteres editiones et sex vetera exemplaria habent aliquae corruptae. Vetus Remigianum et Fuxense, aliquae contumaces fuerint. Ita etiam Pithoeanum. Sed in isto supra vocem contumaces scriptum est per speciem emendationis corruptae. Lectio quae habet contumaces adjuvari potest ex iis quae paulo post sequuntur, superbi et contumaces necantur.
"Any corrupted one." The old editions and six old copies have "aliquae corruptae" (some corrupted women). The old Saint-Remi and Foix manuscripts: "some have been contumacious". So too Pithou's. But in that one, above the word "contumaces", "corruptae" is written by way of a correction. The reading that has "contumaces" can be supported by what follows a little after: "the proud and contumacious are put to death."
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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 179)
(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 371
Judicii sui sic tempus constituit non obedientibus et Bod. 1.
"so has he fixed the time of his judgement for the disobedient and": Bodleian 1.
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(b) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 371
Salubribus Lam. Ebor.
"Salubribus" (wholesome): Lambeth, York.
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(c) ‹anchor: pervenimus ad gloriam› · call in col 371
Fructus pervenientis ad gloriam Bod. 1.
"the fruit of one who comes to glory": Bodleian 1.
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(d) ‹anchor: not visible (near "scandalo suae pravitatis offen-")› · call in col 372
Scandalo se fratribus offerant Lam. Bod. 2. NC. 1.
"present themselves to the brethren as a stumbling-block": Lambeth, Bodleian 2, New College 1.
STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE. [Baluze] Salubribus praeceptis · col 371 Salubribus praeceptis. Veteres editiones et duo libri veteres praeferunt consiliis salutaribus. At omnes alii libri habent praeceptis. Post verbum salubribus nihil aliud ex ista epistola exstat in codice sancti Arnulphi, et eorum quae desunt loco adjecta sunt consequenter duo fragmenta aliarum epistolarum, unum nimirum ex Epistola LXIV, ad Epictetum, et aliud ex Epistola LXXI, ad Stephanum usque ad finem.
"By wholesome precepts." The old editions and two old books show "by salutary counsels". But all the other books have "precepts". After the word "salubribus", nothing more of this letter survives in the manuscript of Saint-Arnoul; in place of what is missing, two fragments of other letters are added in succession, namely one from Letter LXIV, to Epictetus, and another from Letter LXXI, to Stephen, to the end.
[Baluze] V. Ingredimur · col 371 V. — Ingredimur. Rigaltius posuit gradimur, ex libro nimirum Veronensi, cum quo consentit etiam Fuxensis. Vetus Remigianus habet graditur. Veram lectionem quam nos revocavimus exhibent omnia alia vetera exemplaria, septem Anglicana, et omnes editiones Rigaltiana antiquiores. Recte itaque fecit Reinhartus retinens lectionem veterum editionum. Angli maluerunt gradimur.
V. "We enter." Rigault set "gradimur" (we walk), from the Verona book of course, with which the Foix manuscript also agrees. The old Saint-Remi manuscript has "graditur". The true reading, which we have brought back, is shown by all the other old copies, seven English ones, and all the editions older than Rigault's. Reinhart therefore did rightly in keeping the reading of the old editions. The English editors preferred "gradimur".
[Baluze] Lucrati sumus fratres · col 372 Lucrati sumus fratres. Ista non reperi nisi in tribus codicibus antiquis. Alii, id est quatuordecim nostri et septem Anglicani, ita ferme habent, gratissimum est nobis. Stare eos ad salutem pariter nostro sermone formavimus. Difficile est inter ista constituere quid scripserit Cyprianus. Ego, si licet conjecturam facere, existimarem legendum esse ut in antiquis libris et editionibus: Quod si obtemperaverint, gratissimum est nobis. Stantes eos ad salutem pariter dignatione nostri sermonis formavimus.
"We have gained brothers." I found these words in only three old manuscripts. The others, that is, fourteen of ours and seven English ones, have roughly this: "it is most welcome to us. By our word we have alike formed them to stand firm for salvation." It is hard to settle among these what Cyprian wrote. If I may make a conjecture, I should judge that one ought to read as in the old books and editions: "But if they obey, it is most welcome to us. By the favour of our word we have alike formed them, standing, for salvation."
[Baluze] Christo Domino · col 372 Christo Domino. Hanc lectionem praeferunt septem vetera exemplaria. Alia octo et quatuor Anglicana habent Christi Domini et Dei nostri praecepta servantes placeamus.
"To Christ the Lord." Seven old copies show this reading. Eight others and four English ones have "keeping the precepts of Christ our Lord and God, let us please [him]."
[Baluze] Epist. LXIII · col 372 Epist. LXIII. — Sanctus Augustinus citat hanc epistolam et ex ea magnum fragmentum affert lib. IV de Doctrina christiana, cap. 21. Ac sicut dixerat Cypriani Epistolam ad Donatum ornatam esse spumeo verborum ambitu, sic istam ait scriptam esse submisso dicendi genere. Contra Goulartius putat Cyprianum istic vehementem fuisse.
Letter LXIII. — Saint Augustine cites this letter and quotes a long fragment of it in book IV On Christian Doctrine, ch. 21. And as he had said that Cyprian's letter to Donatus was adorned with a frothy sweep of words, so he says this one was written in the plain style. Goulart, on the contrary, thinks Cyprian was vehement here.
[Baluze] I. Ad Caecilium · col 372 I. — Ad Caecilium. Quamvis id quod dicturus sum videri possit aliquibus exigui momenti, dicam tamen. Posteditum librum Lactantii de Mortibus Persecutorum fuere qui disputarent [476] an Caecilii nomen scribendum esset cum diphthongo vel sine diphthongo. Ego vero aio plurimos veteres operum sancti Cypriani codices, et in his etiam Seguierianum omnium nostrorum vetustissimum, plures inscriptiones antiquas, et nummos veteres habere diphthongum. Novae tamen hujus disputationis praesidio fretus vir clarissimus, qui nuper nova editione donavit hunc librum Lactantii, hoc illius nomen scripsit absque diphthongo, ea de causa quod ita scriptum videbat in veteri codice ex quo liber ille emissus est in publicum, non animadvertens plurimos saepe errores contra orthographiam admissos esse a veteribus librariis et in antiquis inscriptionibus et nummis. Contendit autem vir optimus, ut id quoque dicam, librum illum non esse Lactantii, quia nomen ejus non habetur in veteri libro, omissum videlicet a librario festinante qui, ut in simili causa dixit Sirmondus vir istarum rerum peritissimus, cum omnia scriptoris istius nomina brevitatis studio describere nollet, pro ultimo, quod proprium erat, id potius imperite delegit quod primo loco occurrebat. Cum hanc viri celeberrimi observationem, qua ego usus eram, non inveniret novus ille editor in Sidonio Sirmondi, me in suspicionem malae fidei trahere voluit, tamquam si falso usus essem auctoritate Sirmondi ut id probarem quod susceperam probandum, non facturus haud dubie si legisset brevem istius praefationem de nominibus propriis mediae aetatis editam in initio notarum ad Sidonium. Vellem autem ut vir doctissi- (continues)
I. "To Caecilius." Although what I am about to say may seem to some of little moment, I will say it all the same. After the book of Lactantius On the Deaths of the Persecutors was published, there were some who disputed [476] whether the name Caecilius should be written with the diphthong or without it. I, for my part, say that a great many old manuscripts of Saint Cyprian's works, among them the Séguier manuscript, the oldest of all of ours, many ancient inscriptions, and old coins have the diphthong. Yet, relying on the support of this new dispute, the very distinguished man who recently presented this book of Lactantius in a new edition wrote that name of his without the diphthong, because he saw it so written in the old manuscript from which that book was made public, not noticing that a great many errors against spelling were often committed by the old copyists and in ancient inscriptions and coins. That excellent man maintains, moreover, to mention this too, that the book is not by Lactantius, because his name is not found in the old book; it was evidently left out by a hurrying copyist who, as Sirmond, a man most expert in these matters, said in a similar case, not wishing for brevity's sake to copy out all that writer's names, ignorantly chose, instead of the last, which was his proper name, the one that came first. When that new editor did not find in Sirmond's Sidonius this observation of the most celebrated man, which I had used, he tried to bring me under suspicion of bad faith, as if I had falsely used Sirmond's authority to prove what I had undertaken to prove; which he would doubtless not have done had he read Sirmond's short preface on the proper names of the Middle Ages, printed at the beginning of the notes on Sidonius. But I could wish that the most learned man (continues)
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