Antonii Carmen adversus gentes

(Commentarius: notes keyed by lemma, no call marks) (printed under page 133)

(1) ‹Antonius› · lemma in col 261

Antonius. Quem Paulinus heic alloquatur, quis me doceat? Nominativum pro vocativo adhibitum ab antiquis ostendit Vossius, lib. IV, cap. 5, de Arte Grammat. MURATOR.

Antonius. Who will tell me whom Paulinus is addressing here? That the ancients used the nominative for the vocative Vossius has shown, book IV, chapter 5, of his De arte grammatica. MURATORI.

(printed under page 133)

(2) ‹Talia carmina pando› · lemma in col 261

Talia carmina pando. Corn. Valerius Vonckius, vir clarus, Observata ad hoc Antonii carmen exhibet in Specimine Critico, pagg. 4-10, quorum nonnulla recenset anonymus lipsiensis in Actis eruditor. 1746, pag. 215, seqq. Unde potiora quae ad carmen istud illustrandum spectant, excerpere animus est. Heic itaque Vonckius legit: Talia carmine pando. Elegantius tamen, quam ferat aetas ac stylus auctoris. GALLAND.

Talia carmina pando ("such songs I unfold"). Cornelius Valerius Vonck, a distinguished man, gives Observations on this poem of Antonius in his Specimen criticum, pp. 4–10, some of which an anonymous Leipzig reviewer surveys in the Acta eruditorum for 1746, p. 215 ff. From these I mean to extract the more important ones bearing on the illustration of this poem. Here, then, Vonck reads: Talia carmine pando ("such things I unfold in song"). More elegant, however, than the age and the author's style would allow. GALLANDI.

(printed under page 133)

(3) ‹Chelyn modulata voce rogavit› · lemma in col 261

Chelyn modulata voce rogavit. Licentius fortasse quam par sit, mutat vir criticus chelyn in Deum. Quidni porro scripserit auctor: David ipse chelyn rogavit? Nimirum respexerit ad Psalm. LVI, 9; CVII, 3: Exsurge, gloria mea, exsurge psalterium et cithara. VONCK.

Chelyn modulata voce rogavit ("besought the lyre with modulated voice"). With more licence perhaps than is fitting, the critic changes chelyn ("lyre") to Deum ("God"). Why indeed should the author not have written David ipse chelyn rogavit ("David himself besought the lyre")? No doubt he had in view Psalm 56:9 and 107:3: "Arise, my glory; arise, psaltery and harp." VONCK.

(printed under page 133)

(4) ‹Qui mergi› · lemma in col 261

Qui mergi. Ni poetica licentia Paulinus est usus, carminis rationi aliquid deest. Fortasse pro mergi legendum mersos. MURATOR.—Cl. Muratorius, ut laboranti metro succurreret, pro mergi reponebat mersos. Vonckius, qui mergi funestos. Neutra tamen emendatione opus. Sic enim etiam Virgilius per hiatum ejusmodi, Eclog. III, v. 6: Et succus pecori et lac subducitur agnis. Atque ita optimi poetae saepissime. Noster mox v. 15, similiter. A. LIPS.

Qui mergi ("who [saw] the horsemen sunk"). Unless Paulinus used poetic licence, something is lacking to the metre of the verse. Perhaps for mergi read mersos. MURATORI.—The distinguished Muratori, to help the limping metre, substituted mersos for mergi; Vonck, qui mergi funestos. Neither emendation is needed, however. For Virgil too uses a hiatus of this kind, Eclogue III, line 6: "And the sap is drained from the flock and the milk from the lambs." And so the best poets very often. Our author likewise shortly, at line 15. A[nonymus] LIPS[iensis].

(printed under page 133)

(5) ‹Et fons› · lemma in col 261 · (runs on into col 262)

Et fons. Heic quoque laborat aliquantulum versus. Scriberem: Manna cui e coelo, cui, fons, etc. MUR. Quo metrum huic versui restituant, editor quidem rescribit Manna cui e coelo, cui fons; criticus vero facilius transponit fons et. Sed nihil hoc loco mutandum ob poetae licentiam, lipsiensi anonymo jure videtur. GALLAND.

Et fons ("and a spring"). Here too the verse limps somewhat. I would write: "Manna for whom from heaven, for whom a spring," etc. MURATORI. To restore the metre to this line, the editor rewrites Manna cui e coelo, cui fons; the critic more easily transposes to fons et. But the Leipzig anonymous rightly judges that nothing should be changed here, because of poetic licence. GALLANDI.

(printed under page 133)

(6) ‹Ex aere figurat› · lemma in col 262

Ex aere figurat. Tertullianus, in Apolog., cap. 13, idem ethnicis objiciebat: « Domesticos deos quos Lares dicitis, domestica potestate tractatis pignorando, demutando aliquando in cacabulum de Saturno, aliquando in trullam de Minerva; ut quisque contritus atque contusus est, dum diu colitur, ut quisque dominus sanctiorem expertus est domestica necessitae. Publicos aeque publico jure foedatis, quos in hastario vectigales habetis. Si Capitolium, si olitorium forum petitur, sub eadem voce praeconis, sub eaden hasta, sub eadem annotatione quaestoris divinitas addicta conducitur. » Cacabulum Tertulliano memoratum, quod vas spurcitiarum fuit, a Paulino modeste innuitur per haec verba: Aut nagis in species convertat saepe pudendas. MUR.

Ex aere figurat ("shapes out of bronze"). Tertullian, in the Apology, chapter 13, threw the same charge at the pagans: "Your household gods, whom you call Lares, you treat with a householder's power, pawning them, changing them, sometimes making a Saturn into a cooking-pot, sometimes a Minerva into a ladle, as each one is worn out and battered from long worship, as each master has found a holier one in domestic need. Your public gods you defile no less by public right, holding them as taxable at the auction-house. If the Capitol, if the vegetable market is sought, under the same crier's voice, under the same spear, under the same entry of the quaestor, divinity is knocked down and hired out." The pot mentioned by Tertullian, which was a vessel for filth, Paulinus modestly hints at in these words: "Or rather turns them often into shameful forms." MURATORI.

(printed under page 133)

(7) ‹Mittat confictam› · lemma in col 262

Mittat confictam. Leg. mittat confracta monetae. VONCK.

Mittat confictam ("sends the [image] made up"). Read mittat confracta monetae ("sends the broken pieces to the mint"). VONCK.

(printed under page 133)

(8) ‹Mentesque deorum› · lemma in col 262

Mentesque deorum. In pecudum caesarum extis deorum mentem stulte perquirebant Gentiles. Ovid., lib. V, Metam.: Fibra quoque aegra notas veri, monitusque deorum Prodiderat....

Mentesque deorum ("and the minds of the gods"). In the entrails of slaughtered beasts the Gentiles foolishly searched out the mind of the gods. Ovid, Metamorphoses, book V [recte XV]: "The sickly entrail too had betrayed signs of the truth and the warnings of the gods…."

(printed under page 133)

(Commentarius: notes keyed by lemma, no call marks) (printed under page 134)

(1) ‹Mentesque deorum› · from col 262 · (continued; the first visible line sits at the crop edge)

(continued) Hunc eorumdem errorem Seneca, et ipse ethnicus, improbabat, Natur. Quaest., lib. II: « Nimis deum otiosum, et pusillae rei ministrum facis, si aliis somnia, aliis exta disponit, etc. » Consule lib. Caes. Bulengeri, de Magia, etc. MURATOR.

(printed under page 134)

(2) ‹Etiam vendit› · lemma in col 263

Etiam vendit. Ad hoc spectant rursus, quae ex Tertulliano nuper attulimus. Julius Firmicus, de Err. prof. Relig., cap. 16: « Vendebatur deus, ut prodesset emptori, et emptor suppliciter adorabat quidquid paulo ante viderat subhastatum. » MURATOR.

Etiam vendit ("he even sells"). To this again refer the words we cited from Tertullian a moment ago. Julius Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions, chapter 16: "A god was sold to be of use to the buyer, and the buyer humbly adored what he had seen put up at auction a little before." MURATORI.

(printed under page 134)

(3) ‹Philosophos credam› · lemma in col 263

Philosophos credam. Eleganter in hanc rem scripsit S. Eucherius in Paraenet. ad Valerian. Inter alia haec habet: « Brevi tibi liquebit, quanto haec nostra, id est pietatis veritatisque praecepta, aliis philosophorum praeceptis praeferri debeant. In illis namque eorum praeceptis vel adumbrata virtus, vel falsa sapientia: in his vero consummata justitia, solida veritas continetur. Unde licet dicere, philosophiae alios nomen usurpasse, nos vitam. Etenim qualia possunt ab his dari praecepta vivendi? Causam nesciunt. MUR.

Philosophos credam ("should I trust the philosophers"). St Eucherius wrote elegantly on this in his Exhortation to Valerian. Among other things he has this: "You will soon see how far these precepts of ours, that is, of piety and truth, ought to be preferred to the other precepts of the philosophers. For in those precepts of theirs is contained either a shadowed virtue or a false wisdom; in these, perfected justice and solid truth. Hence one may say that others usurped the name of philosophy, we its life. For what sort of precepts for living can be given by them? They do not know the cause." MURATORI.

(printed under page 134)

(4) ‹Sunt Cynici› · lemma in col 263

Sunt Cynici. Vulgo κυνικοὶ dicebantur hi philosophi, hoc est canini, ἀπὸ τοῦ κυνός a cane, Diogenes Laert. In Antisthenis Vita haec ait: κατῆρξε πρῶτος τοῦ κυνισμοῦ, Cynicam primus sectam instituit, et in ea princeps fuit. Hinc de illo Ausonius canit: / Inventor primus Cynices ego. Quae ratio isthaec? / Alcides multo dicitur esse prior. / Alcida quondam fueram doctore secundus, / Nunc ego sum Cynices primus, et ille deus. / Idem vero Laertius, in Prooem., Cynicos de ignominia sic appellatos asserit: Καὶ ἀπὸ σκωμμάτων, ὡς οἱ κυνικοί. Suetonius in Vespasiano: « Demetrium Cynicum in itinere obvium sibi post damnationem; ac neque assurgere, neque salutare se dignantem, oblatrantem etiam nescio quid, satis habuit Canem appellare. » Eleganter quoque Augustinus, de Civ. Dei, lib. XIV, cap. 20: « Hoc illi canini philosophi, hoc est Cynici, non viderunt, proferentes contra humanam verecundiam quid aliud quam caninam, hoc est immundam, sententiam. » MURATOR.

Sunt Cynici ("there are the Cynics"). These philosophers were commonly called kynikoi, that is, "doggish," from kyōn, "dog," says Diogenes Laertius. In the Life of Antisthenes he says: "he was the first to begin Cynicism," he first founded the Cynic sect and was its head. Hence Ausonius sings of him: "I am the first founder of the Cynic way. — What reasoning is this? Alcides is said to be much earlier. — Once I was second, with Alcides for teacher; now I am first of the Cynics, and he is a god." The same Laertius, in his Preface, asserts that the Cynics were so called from a term of abuse: "and some from jibes, like the Cynics." Suetonius in his Vespasian: "When Demetrius the Cynic met him on the road after his condemnation, and neither deigned to rise nor to greet him, and even barked out something or other, he thought it enough to call him a dog." Augustine too, elegantly, City of God, book XIV, chapter 20: "This those dog-philosophers, that is, the Cynics, did not see, when they put forward against human modesty an opinion that was nothing but doggish, that is, unclean." MURATORI.

(printed under page 134)

(5) ‹Sectantes incerti› · lemma in col 263

Sectantes incerti. Plato plerumque Socrati adhaesit, ac idcirco inter Socraticos refertur a Laertio in Prolegom. Quia vero τὴν ἀρχαίαν Ἀκαδημίαν συστησάμενος, veterem Academiam instituit, sectae novae fundamenta jecit. Hinc Platonicorum secta. Proprie tamen ii vocabantur Academici. Laertius in Platonis Vita: Ἐτάφη ἐν τῇ Ἀκαδημίᾳ, ἔνθα τὸν πλεῖστον χρόνον διετέλεσε φιλοσοφῶν· ὅθεν καὶ Ἀκαδημαϊκὴ προσηγορεύθη ἡ παρ' αὐτοῦ αἵρεσις: Sepultus est in Academia, ubi plurimum temporis philosophatus fuerat: unde et quae ab eo fluxit secta Academica est appellata. Augustinus de Civ. Dei, cap. 12, lib. VIII: Cum Speusippus sororis Platonis filius, et Xenocrates in scholam ejus quae Academia vocabatur, eidem successissent, ob hoc et ipsi et eorum successores Academici appellabantur. Recentiores tamen philosophi nobilissimi quibus Plato sectandus placuit, noluerunt se dici Peripateticos aut Academicos, sed Platonicos.

Sectantes incerti ("following the uncertain"). Plato mostly kept to Socrates, and so is counted among the Socratics by Laertius in his Prolegomena. But because, "having founded the Old Academy," he established the Old Academy, he laid the foundations of a new sect. Hence the sect of the Platonists. Properly, however, they were called Academics. Laertius in the Life of Plato: "He was buried in the Academy, where he spent most of his time philosophizing; hence the school that came from him was called the Academic": he was buried in the Academy, where he had philosophized most of his time; whence the sect that flowed from him was also called Academic. Augustine, City of God, chapter 12, book VIII: "Since Speusippus, son of Plato's sister, and Xenocrates succeeded him in his school, which was called the Academy, for this reason both they and their successors were called Academics. Yet the most distinguished more recent philosophers who chose to follow Plato did not wish to be called Peripatetics or Academics, but Platonists."

(printed under page 134)

(6) ‹Incerti dogma› · lemma in col 264

Incerti dogma. Prudentius in Apotheosi: / Consule barbati deliramenta Platonis, / Consule et hircosos Cynicos, quos somniat, et quos / Texit Aristoteles torta vertigine nervos.

Incerti dogma ("the doctrine of the uncertain"). Prudentius in the Apotheosis: "Consult the ravings of bearded Plato, consult too the goatish Cynics, and the sinews that Aristotle dreams and weaves with twisted whirl."

(printed under page 134)

(7) ‹Diu animae› · lemma in col 264

Diu animae. Versus aliquantum laborat. Scriberem: / Quos animae quaesita diu substantia turbat. MUR.

Diu animae ("long … of the soul"). The verse limps somewhat. I would write: "Whom the long-sought substance of the soul troubles." MURATORI.

(printed under page 134)

(8) ‹Qui praeter titulum› · lemma in col 264

Qui praeter titulum. Egregius utique, celeberrimusque Platonis est liber, ubi de animae Immortalitate quaestionem habet: sed si cum christianorum assertis, certissimisque nostrae fidei documentis componatur, nil certi continet intus. Homini ethnico, et longe a vera religione posito magnum fuit sapientiae portentum, non irridendam omnino de ejusdem animae perennitate proferre sententiam: in qua tamen quot errores erraverit, non est meum heic investigare, sed monere tantummodo, ibi in incertum pleraque ferri. Theodoritus, scriptor eruditissimus, Serm. V contra Graecos, hanc Platonis sententiam acutissime examinat, ac nutantem saepissime deprehendit. Addit porro: Καὶ ὁ μὲν σοφώτατος Πλάτων περὶ τῆς ἀθανασίας τῆς ψυχῆς παμπόλλους λόγους διεξελθὼν οὐδ' Ἀριστοτέλη τὸν φοιτητὴν ἔπεισε τόνδε στέρξαι τὸν ὅρον. Ita vertit Acciajolus: At Plato quidem sapientissimus, qui complures sermones de immortalitate animae disseruit, ne Aristoteli quidem auditori suo persuasit eam positionem. MURATOR.

Qui praeter titulum ("which beyond its title"). Excellent indeed, and most celebrated, is the book of Plato in which he treats the question of the soul's immortality; but if it is set beside the assertions of Christians and the most certain proofs of our faith, it holds nothing certain within. For a pagan, placed far from the true religion, it was a great prodigy of wisdom to put forward an opinion on the perpetuity of the soul not wholly to be laughed at; yet how many errors he strayed into in it is not my business to investigate here, only to point out that most of it drifts into uncertainty. Theodoret, a most learned writer, in Discourse V against the Greeks, examines this opinion of Plato most acutely and very often catches it wavering. He adds further: "And the most wise Plato, having gone through very many arguments on the immortality of the soul, did not persuade even his pupil Aristotle to accept this definition." Acciaioli translates it thus: "But Plato, most wise, who discoursed at length on the immortality of the soul, did not persuade even his own hearer Aristotle of that position." MURATORI.

(printed under page 134)

(9) ‹Sunt etiam Physici› · lemma in col 264

Sunt etiam Physici. Φύσις graece, latine dicitur natura: hinc Physici, seu naturales philosophi. Laertius in Prooem.: Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς περὶ φύσιν πραγματείας φυσικοὶ προσηγορεύθησαν: Et alii, quod de natura rerum scripsere, Physici sunt appellati. MURATOR.

Sunt etiam Physici ("there are also the Physicists"). Physis in Greek is called natura in Latin: hence Physici, or natural philosophers. Laertius in his Preface: "And some were called physicists from their study of nature": and others, because they wrote on the nature of things, were called Physici. MURATORI.

(printed under page 134)

(10) ‹Namque unus baculum› · lemma in col 264

Namque unus baculum. Laertius in Vita Diogenis: θεασάμενός ποτε παιδίον ταῖς χερσὶ πῖνον, ἐξέρριψε τῆς πήρας τὴν κοτύλην: Intuitus Diogenes aliquando puerum cava bibentem manu, cotylum pera productum abjecit. Hoc Diogeni universa scriptorum cohors adjudicat, ac Seneca potissimum Ep. 90, et S. Hieronymus, advers. Jovian., lib. II, qui Paulino concordes, non puerum, ut Laertius habet, sed rusticum Diogeni magistrum fuisse consentiunt. Quum vero Antisthenis, cynicorum antesignani, auditor iste fuerit, ac, cynicam philosophiam sectatus, cynici supra omnes cognomentum meruerit, utique miror cur Paulinus cynicos a physicis aperte distinguens, cuidam postea e physicis hoc Diogenis factum adscribat. Neque reponatur, veteres tripartitam coluisse philosophiam, ac propterea physicam, quae pars e tribus erat, cynicis etiam competere; siquidem cynici hanc philosophiae partem aversabantur, ac uni ethicae operam dabant. Sunt Laertii verba in Menedemo: Ἀρέσκει οὖν αὐτοῖς (κυνικοῖς) τὸν λογικὸν καὶ τὸν φυσικὸν τόπον περιαιρεῖν, μόνῳ δὲ προσέχειν τῷ ἠθικῷ: Placet ergo illis (cynicis) logicam ac naturalem philosophiam tollere, at uni ethicae animum intendere. Quae vero Paulinus addit, omnino cynicis, non physicis conveniunt. MURATOR.

Namque unus baculum ("for one [kept only] a staff"). Laertius in the Life of Diogenes: "Seeing once a child drinking from its hands, he threw the cup out of his wallet": Diogenes, once seeing a boy drinking from his hollowed hand, took the cup out of his wallet and threw it away. The whole band of writers assigns this to Diogenes, Seneca above all in Letter 90, and St Jerome, Against Jovinian, book II, who, agreeing with Paulinus, hold that Diogenes' teacher was not a boy, as Laertius has it, but a countryman. Since, however, that man was a hearer of Antisthenes, the standard-bearer of the Cynics, and, following the Cynic philosophy, earned above all the name of Cynic, I certainly wonder why Paulinus, plainly distinguishing the Cynics from the Physicists, afterwards ascribes this deed of Diogenes to one of the Physicists. Nor let it be replied that the ancients cultivated a threefold philosophy, and therefore physics, which was one of the three parts, belonged to the Cynics too; for the Cynics shunned this part of philosophy and gave their attention to ethics alone. These are Laertius' words in the Menedemus: "They (the Cynics) are pleased, then, to do away with the logical and the physical branch, and to attend only to the ethical": it pleases them (the Cynics), then, to remove logical and natural philosophy and to apply their mind to ethics alone. What Paulinus adds, though, suits the Cynics entirely, not the Physicists. MURATORI.

(printed under page 134)

(11) ‹Hi neque vina bibunt› · lemma in col 264 · (continues)

Hi neque vina bibunt. Expresse de cynicis id Laertius tradidit in Menedemi Cynici Vita: ἔνιοί τε γοῦν καὶ βοτάνοις, καὶ παντάπασι ὕδατι χρῶνται· Plerique etiam herbis, et aqua frigida utuntur. Et de Diogene in ejus Vita sic ait: ἐν οἴκῳ τε ἐδίδασκε διακονεῖσθαι λιτῇ τροφῇ (continues)

Hi neque vina bibunt ("these drink no wine"). Laertius expressly records this of the Cynics in the Life of Menedemus the Cynic: "some of them indeed live on herbs and on water alone": many also live on herbs and cold water. And of Diogenes he says in his Life: "at home he taught them to wait on themselves, on plain food (continues)

(printed under page 134)

(Commentarius: notes keyed by lemma, no call marks. CROP: the top of both foot images is cut; the left column's opening lines are read from the column image c265_1 (Q3a); the lines lost at the top of the right column are marked […].) (printed under page 135)

(1) ‹Hi neque vina bibunt› · from col 264 · (continued)

(continued) χρωμένους, καὶ ὕδωρ πίνοντας. Domi etiam ministrare docuit cibo levi ac vili contentos, et aqua. MURATOR.

(printed under page 135)

(2) ‹Nec lecto recubant› · lemma in col 265

Nec lecto recubant. Celebre Diogenis Cynici dolium etiamnum habetur, in quo philosophus ille noctu diuque recubabat. Hunc alii Cynici imitati, Cresollius in Mystagog., lib. IV, cap. 20, sect. 5, de his ait: « Inanissimae gloriae caussa Cynici dormiebant in herbaceis toris, aut nuda humo, ut ea vitae duritate et fucata patientia, omnium in se oculos converterent. » Pallio itaque substrato incubare etiam isti solebant, quod innuit Martial. lib. IV, Epigr. 52 de Cynico agens: / Quem nudi tegit uxor abolla grabati. / Abolla autem pallium erat. MURATOR.

Nec lecto recubant ("nor do they lie on a bed"). The tub of Diogenes the Cynic, in which that philosopher lay by night and by day, is famous to this day. Other Cynics imitated him; Cresollius in the Mystagogus, book IV, chapter 20, section 5, says of them: "For the sake of the emptiest glory the Cynics slept on beds of grass or on the bare ground, so that by this hardness of life and painted endurance they might turn all eyes upon themselves." So they also used to lie on a cloak spread beneath them, as Martial hints, book IV, epigram 52, speaking of a Cynic: "whom a cloak, the wife of his bare pallet, covers." The abolla was a cloak. MURATORI.

(printed under page 135)

(3) ‹Nec frigora› · lemma in col 265

Nec frigora. Iis tantum vestibus caruere Cynici, quae frigori arcendo inserviunt; tunica enim destituti solo utebantur pallio. S. Cyprianus in his exerti, ac seminudi pectoris inverecundam jactantiam arguit. Vide Augustin. lib. XIV, de Civ. Dei, cap. 20. MUR.

Nec frigora ("nor the cold"). The Cynics went without only those garments that serve to keep off the cold; for, lacking a tunic, they used the cloak alone. St Cyprian rebukes in them the shameless display of a bared and half-naked chest. See Augustine, City of God, book XIV, chapter 20. MURATORI.

(printed under page 135)

(4) ‹Ingratique Deo› · lemma in col 265

Ingratique Deo. Recte Seneca, lib. de Brev. vitae, cap. 14, Cynicos ait: Naturam hominis excedere. Tot corporis ab his philosophis quaesita incommoda superbiae potius, quam verae sapientiae miracula fuere. Diogenes fastum Platonis se aliquando calcare profitebantur, cui Plato: At fastu alio. Tatianus Assyrius in elegantissima oratione adversus Graecos supra his consulatur. MURATOR.

Ingratique Deo ("and ungrateful to God"). Rightly Seneca, in the book On the Shortness of Life, chapter 14, says that the Cynics "go beyond the nature of man." So many bodily hardships sought out by these philosophers were marvels of pride rather than of true wisdom. Diogenes once professed that he was trampling on Plato's pride, and Plato answered: "Yes, with another pride." Let Tatian the Assyrian, in his most elegant oration against the Greeks, be consulted on these matters. MURATORI.

(printed under page 135)

(5) ‹Quae sint capitolia› · lemma in col 265

Quae sint capitolia. Mutila heic, et absque interpunctione (qua totus Codex MS caret) non facile enucleanda oratio occurrit. Adderem tamen binum est, ac ita distinguerem: / Quae sint Capitolia? Primum / Hic deus est, uxorque dei est, ipsamque sororem / Esse volunt, etc. / Ita Muratori: Vonckius autem sic legit ac distinguit: / Quae sint Capitolia, primus / His deus:

Quae sint capitolia ("what the Capitols are"). The sentence here is mutilated, and without punctuation (which the whole manuscript lacks) it is not easy to unravel. I would, however, add a twofold est, and punctuate thus: "What are the Capitols? First, here is the god, and the god's wife, and they will have her his sister too," etc. So Muratori; Vonck, however, reads and punctuates thus: "What the Capitols are: first for them a god:"

(printed under page 135)

(6) ‹Ipsamque sororem› · lemma in col 265

Ipsamque sororem. Virgilius heic a Paulino memoratus Aeneid. lib. I, sic Junonem de se loquentem inducit: / Ast ego quae divum incedo regina, Jovisque / Et soror et conjux.... / Greg. Nazianz. Orat. I, in Julian. Ἥρα τοῦ μεγάλου Διὸς ἀδελφὴ, καὶ ὁμόζυγος. Juno magni Jovis soror, et conjux. Hanc ethnicis impudentiam exprobrat Augustinus, lib. IV, cap. 10, de Civ. Dei. Minucius quoque: Deos colitis incestos cum matre, cum filia, cum sorore conjunctos. MURATOR.

Ipsamque sororem ("and her, his sister"). Virgil, mentioned here by Paulinus, brings in Juno speaking of herself thus, Aeneid book I: "But I, who walk as queen of the gods, both sister and wife of Jove…." Gregory Nazianzen, Oration I against Julian: "Hera, sister and consort of great Zeus": Juno, sister and wife of great Jove. Augustine reproaches the pagans with this shamelessness, book IV, chapter 10, of the City of God. Minucius too: "You worship gods incestuously joined with mother, with daughter, with sister." MURATORI.

(printed under page 135)

(7) ‹Vergilius› · lemma in col 265

Vergilius. Ita Codex. Politianus Miscell. Ep. 2, cap. 77, et lib. V, Ep. 3, apertis testimoniis evincit Vergilium, non Virgilium esse scribendum. Ita marmora plura, ita vetustissimi libri ferunt. Cael. Rhodig. lib. VII Antiq. lect., cap. 4, et Manut. in Orthogr. aliis exemplis prolatis contrariam tuentur sententiam. Horum rationes apud Dausquium in Orthogr. recolendae, apud quem Virgilius rectius sonat. MURATOR.

Vergilius. So the manuscript. Politian, Miscellanea, Ep. 2, chapter 77, and book V, Ep. 3, proves by plain testimonies that Vergilius, not Virgilius, should be written. So many inscriptions and the oldest books have it. Caelius Rhodiginus, Antiquae lectiones book VII, chapter 4, and Manutius in his Orthographia, bringing forward other examples, defend the contrary opinion. Their reasons are to be reviewed in Dausquius' Orthographia, with whom Virgilius sounds more correct. MURATORI.

(printed under page 135)

(8) ‹Natam stuprasse› · lemma in col 265 · (runs on into col 266, with lines lost at the crop)

Natam stuprasse. Non hic aliam intelligi quam Proserpinam Jovis e Cerere filiam fatebuntur omnes, quum ista Plutonis deinde fuerit mancipata conjugio. Verum quis illam a Jove stupratam affirmavit? Eusebius Caesar. lib. II, de Praep. Evang., haec habet: Κύει μὲν ἡ Δημήτηρ· ἀνατρέφεται δὲ ἡ κόρη· μίγνυται […] […] immiscetur prioris oblitus sceleris, ac draconis forma suscepta illam comprimit. Haec autem iisdem pene verbis Eusebius e Clemente Alexandr. in monit. ad Gent., hausit, cui Arnobium advers. Gent., lib. V, fuse rem hanc tractantem addere potes. Hinc lucem accipiet Ovidii locus VI Metamor. Inquit is Jovis adulteria recensens: / Aureus ut Danaen, Asopida luserit ignis, / Mnemosynen pastor, variusque Deoida serpens. / Deois heic Proserpina est, Cereris ex Jove filia: Graece enim Δηὼ ἀπὸ τοῦ δηῶ hoc est invenio, dicitur Ceres, et inde patronymicum nomen Deoidis Proserpinae communicatum. Orpheus (seu quis alius sit auctor) ex hoc nefando concubitu Liberum genitum ait, cui adstipulatur Diodorus Sic. lib. III Bibl. Hist. MUR.

Natam stuprasse ("to have violated his daughter"). All will admit that no other is meant here than Proserpina, daughter of Jove by Ceres, since she was afterwards bound in marriage to Pluto. But who asserted that she was violated by Jove? Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation for the Gospel, book II, has this: "Demeter conceives; the maiden is brought up; [Zeus] unites […]" […] "he unites with her, forgetting his former crime, and taking the form of a serpent violates her." Eusebius drew this in almost the same words from Clement of Alexandria's Exhortation to the Gentiles, to whom you can add Arnobius, Against the Gentiles, book V, who treats the matter at length. From this a passage of Ovid, Metamorphoses VI, will receive light. Listing Jove's adulteries he says: "how as gold he deceived Danae, as fire Asopus' daughter, as a shepherd Mnemosyne, and as a spotted serpent Deo's daughter." Deois here is Proserpina, daughter of Ceres by Jove: for in Greek Ceres is called Dēō from dēō, that is, "I find," and from it the patronymic Deois was given to Proserpina. Orpheus (or whoever else is the author) says that Liber was born of this unspeakable union, and Diodorus of Sicily agrees, book III of the Library of History. MURATORI.

(printed under page 135)

(9) ‹Nunc serpens› · lemma in col 266

Nunc serpens. Serpentis figuram induit Jupiter, quum Proserpinae, ut nuper vidimus, se miscuit; Tauri, quum Europam asportavit; Cycni cum Ledam fefellit; ac denique arboris (nisi forte aurum pro arbos heic legendum sit, quum in aliam quamdam feminam nefandus adulter procubuit. Haec et alia Ovidius exprimit lib. VI Metam. / Fecit olorinis Ledam recubare sub alis; / Addidit ut Satyri celatus imagine pulchra / Juppiter implerit gemino Nycteida fetu: / Amphitrion fuerit, cum te Tirynthia cepit; / Aureus ut Danaen, Asopida luserit ignis, / Mnemosynen pastor, variusque Deoida serpens. / Venuste etiam Graecus quidam duobus hisce carminibus lusit: / Ζεὺς κύκνος, ταῦρος, σάτυρος, χρυσὸς δι' ἔρωτα / Λήδης, Εὐρώπης, Ἀντιόπης, Δανάης. / Fuit Jupiter cycnus, taurus, satyrus, aurum: propter amorem Ledae, Europae, Antiopes, Danaes. Hanc Jovis procaciam ridet Nazianzen. in orat. advers. Julian. τὰ πάντα γίνεται δι' ἀσέλγειαν, καὶ ἀκαθαρσίαν ὁ Ζεύς, etc. Quidvis efficitur Jupiter ob impuritatem, ac libidinem. Plura pete ex Arnobio, Lactantio, Clemente, aliisque vetustissimis Patribus. MUR.

Nunc serpens ("now a serpent"). Jupiter put on the shape of a serpent when he lay with Proserpina, as we have just seen; of a bull when he carried off Europa; of a swan when he deceived Leda; and finally of a tree (unless perhaps aurum, "gold," should be read here for arbos, "tree") when the unspeakable adulterer fell upon some other woman. Ovid expresses these things and others in Metamorphoses VI: "He made Leda lie beneath a swan's wings; he added how Jupiter, hidden in the fair form of a Satyr, filled Nycteus' daughter with twin offspring; how he was Amphitryon when he took you, woman of Tiryns; how as gold he deceived Danae, as fire Asopus' daughter, as a shepherd Mnemosyne, and as a spotted serpent Deo's daughter." A certain Greek also wittily played on this in these two verses: "Zeus became swan, bull, satyr, gold, for love of Leda, Europa, Antiope, Danae": Jupiter was swan, bull, satyr, gold, for love of Leda, Europa, Antiope, Danae. Nazianzen laughs at this wantonness of Jove in his oration against Julian: "Zeus becomes everything through licentiousness and impurity," etc.: Jupiter is made into anything whatever for impurity and lust. Seek more from Arnobius, Lactantius, Clement and other most ancient Fathers. MURATORI.

(printed under page 135)

(10) ‹Turpius his aquilam› · lemma in col 266

Turpius his aquilam. Per aquilam Ganymedem rapuit Jupiter. De hoc Virgil., lib. III Aeneid. / Quem praepes ab Ida / Sublimem pedibus rapuit Jovis armiger uncis. / Quidam tamen ipsum Jovem in aquilam conversum hujus rapinae auctorem faciunt. Est Graecum carmen: / Αἰετὸς ὁ Ζεὺς ἦλθεν ἐπ' ἀντίθεον Γανυμήδην. / Jupiter aquila factus volavit ad pulchrum Ganymedem. Ovidius quoque, lib. X Metam: / Rex superum Phrygii quondam Ganymedis amore / Arsit: et inventum est aliquid, quod Juppiter esse, / Quam quod erat, mallet. Nullo tamen alite verti / Dignatur, nisi quae portat sua fulmina terrae. / Est haec Paullini nostri mens isto in loco. MUR.

Turpius his aquilam ("more shamefully than these, an eagle"). By means of an eagle Jupiter carried off Ganymede. Of this Virgil, Aeneid book III [as printed]: "whom Jove's swift armour-bearer snatched aloft from Ida in his hooked talons." Some, however, make Jove himself, turned into an eagle, the author of this rape. There is a Greek verse: "Zeus as an eagle came to godlike Ganymede": Jupiter, become an eagle, flew to fair Ganymede. Ovid too, Metamorphoses book X: "The king of the gods once burned with love for Phrygian Ganymede, and something was found that Jupiter would rather be than what he was. Yet he deigns to be turned into no bird but the one that bears his thunderbolts to earth." This is our Paulinus' meaning in this place. MURATORI.

(printed under page 135)

(Commentarius: notes keyed by lemma, no call marks. CROP: the top of both foot images is cut; the left column's opening lines, with the lemma of note (1), are read from the column image c267_1 (Q3a); lines lost at the top of the right column are marked […].) (printed under page 136)

(1) ‹Aut neget esse Jovem› · lemma in col 267

Aut neget esse Jovem. S. Justinus martyr in Apolog., prima, quae hactenus habita secunda, sic loquitur (§ XXI.) ἀπείη δὲ σωφρονούσης ψυχῆς ἔννοια τοιαύτη περὶ θεῶν, ὡς καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν ἡγεμόνα, καὶ γεννήτορα πάντων, κατ' αὐτοὺς Δία, πατροφόντην τε, καὶ πατρὸς τοιούτου γεγονέναι, ἔρωτί τε κακῶν, καὶ αἰσχρῶν ἡδονῶν ἥττω γενόμενον, ἐπὶ Γανυμήδην, καὶ τὰς πολλὰς μοιχευθείσας γυναῖκας ἐλθεῖν. « Absit enim a casta mente haec de diis cogitatio, videlicet ipsum eorum ducem et patrem omnium secundum eos Jovem, parricidam, et patre tali genitum, et prae amoris impotentia a pravis foedisque voluptatibus victum, ad Ganymedem compluresque alias adulteriis imminutas feminas venisse. » Lactantius Ganymedis raptu memorato subdit: Haec qui fecit viderimus an maximus, certe optimus non est. Plura in hanc rem Augustin. cap. 9. de Civ. Dei. et Arnob. lib. III adversus gentes.

Aut neget esse Jovem ("let it either deny that he is Jove"). St Justin Martyr, in the Apology, the first, which until now was held to be the second, speaks thus (§ XXI): "But far be from a sound mind such a notion about the gods, that their very leader and the begetter of all, Zeus according to them, was a parricide and the son of such a father, and that, overcome by the love of evil and shameful pleasures, he went to Ganymede and to the many women he seduced." "For far from a chaste mind be this thought of the gods: that their very leader, the father of all according to them, Jove, a parricide and son of such a father, overcome through the weakness of love by base and foul pleasures, went to Ganymede and to many other women dishonoured by adulteries." Lactantius, having mentioned the rape of Ganymede, adds: "Whether he who did these things is greatest we may consider; best he certainly is not." More on this in Augustine, City of God, chapter 9, and Arnobius, book III, Against the Gentiles.

(printed under page 136)

(2) ‹Nomen habet certe› · lemma in col 267

Nomen habet certe. Quum tot sint Jovis flagitia, ut pote qui stupris familias exagitet, et saepe Jovem ethnici sine caussa inimicum habeant, nomen Jovis huic deo non competere, ait, seu, ut opinatur Lactantius, Div. Instr. lib. I, cap. 11. « Jovem Junonemque a juvando esse dictos Cicero interpretatur, et Jupiter quasi juvans pater dicitur: quod nomen in Deum minime congruit, quia juvare hominis est, opis aliquid conferentis in eum, qui sit alienus, et exigui beneficii. « Tum demonstrare pergit, quam parum summo Deo conveniat vocabulum istud. MUR.

Nomen habet certe ("he has a name, surely"). Since Jove's crimes are so many, seeing that he harasses households with debaucheries, and the pagans often have Jove as an enemy without cause, he says that the name of Jove does not fit this god; or, as Lactantius thinks, Divine Institutes book I, chapter 11: "Cicero explains that Jove and Juno are so called from juvare, 'to help,' and Jupiter is called as it were 'helping father'; which name by no means suits God, because helping belongs to a man, bringing some aid to one who is a stranger, and is a small kindness." Then he goes on to show how little that word befits the supreme God. MURATORI.

(printed under page 136)

(3) ‹Et Juppiter optime› · lemma in col 267

Et Juppiter optime. Plinius in Paneg. Parens ait, hominum deorumque optimi prius, deinde Maximi nomine colitur. Erat cognomen hoc praecipuum Jovis, illudque apud veteres scriptores saepissime occurrit. Nostram ad rem faciunt Lactantius lib. I. Inst. Div. cap. 10. ubi inquit: « Quid horum omnium pater Jupiter, qui in solemni precatione optimus, et maximus nominatur? » Et infra « Haec qui fecit viderimus an maximus, certe optimus non est: » Arnobius quoque lib. I. adversus gent. « Cum a vobis et Jupiter optimus, et maximus habeatur. » MUR.

Et Juppiter optime ("and Jupiter, best"). Pliny in the Panegyric says: "The parent of men and gods is worshipped first under the name of Best, then of Greatest." This was Jove's chief surname, and it occurs very often in the ancient writers. To our point are Lactantius, Divine Institutes book I, chapter 10, where he says: "What of the father of all these, Jupiter, who in solemn prayer is named best and greatest?" And below: "Whether he who did these things is greatest we may consider; best he certainly is not." Arnobius too, book I, Against the Gentiles: "Since Jupiter is held by you to be both best and greatest." MURATORI.

(printed under page 136)

(4) ‹Jane Pater› · lemma in col 267

Jane Pater. Veteres ut docet, Brissonius de Formul. lib. I. a Jano precationes auspicabantur. Martial. lib. X. epigr. 28. de hoc numine agens: / Annorum, nitidique sator pulcherrime mundi, / Publica quem primum vota precesque canunt. / Aurel. Victor in Brev. Hist. Rom.: « In sacris omnibus primum locum Jano detulerunt usque eo ut etiam quum aliis diis sacrificium fit, dato thure in altaria Janus prior nominetur, cognomento quoque addito, Pater. » Paulus Festi abbreviator in verbo Chaos: » Unde Janus detracta aspiratione nominatur, ideo quod fuerit omnium primus, cui primo supplicabatur « Arnob. lib. III. de ipso agens: » Atque ita per vos Dei nomen creditur, quem in cunctis anteponitis precibus. » Hinc, Ovid. lib. X. Fast. / Cur quamvis aliorum numina placem, / Jane tibi primum thura merumque fero? / Consulantur Macrob. lib. I. Saturn. cap. 9. Horat. Ep. 16, lib. I. Servius, in VII. Aeneid., etc. MURATORI. — Recte conjecisse videtur Vonckius, at Jane pater. Mox vers. 70. pro hunc rescribit: Hinc duplici pinxere figura, optimo quidem jure.

Jane Pater ("Father Janus"). The ancients, as Brisson teaches in De formulis book I, began their prayers with Janus. Martial, book X, epigram 28, speaking of this deity: "Fairest sower of the years and of the shining world, whom public vows and prayers invoke first." Aurelius Victor in the Brief History of Rome: "In all sacred rites they gave the first place to Janus, so much so that even when sacrifice is made to other gods, when incense is placed on the altars Janus is named first, with the surname Father added." Paulus, the abridger of Festus, under the word Chaos: "Whence he is named Janus, the aspirate removed, because he was first of all, and to him prayer was made first." Arnobius, book III, speaking of him: "And so through you he is believed to be a god, whom you place before all in your prayers." Hence Ovid, Fasti book X [as printed; the lines are in book I]: "Why, though I appease the powers of others, do I bring incense and wine first to you, Janus?" Let Macrobius, Saturnalia book I, chapter 9, Horace, Epistle 16, book I, Servius on Aeneid VII, etc., be consulted. MURATORI. — Vonck seems to have conjectured rightly at Jane pater ("but, father Janus"). Shortly after, at line 70, for hunc he rewrites Hinc duplici pinxere figura ("hence they painted him with double shape"), and with very good right.

(printed under page 136)

(5) ‹Janiculum› · lemma in col 267 · (runs on into col 268, with lines lost at the crop)

Janiculum. Cyprianus, lib. de Idol. vanit., de Saturno agens, Hunc fugatum, ait, hospitio Janus excepit, de cujus nomine Janiculum dictum est. Solin. Polyhist., cap. II. Arnob. lib. I, et Augustin. […] […] fuisset, vocare maluit Latium, et urbem Saturniam de suo nomine; et Janiculum Janus ad memoriam uterque posteritati reliquerunt. » Miror Dionysium Halicarnass. tam accuratum alioqui Romanarum antiquitatum scriptorem scriptis prodidisse Romulo Aeneae filio, Ascaniique et Remi fratre conditam Αἰνείαν πόλιν, ἀπὸ τοῦ πατρός, τὴν ὕστερον κληθεῖσαν Ἰανῖκλον, hoc est Urbem Aeneam a patre denominatam quae postea Janiculum appellata fuit. MUR.

Janiculum. Cyprian, in the book On the Vanity of Idols, speaking of Saturn: "When he was put to flight," he says, "Janus received him as a guest, and from his name the Janiculum is called." Solinus, Polyhistor, chapter II; Arnobius, book I; and Augustine […] […] "had been, he preferred to call it Latium, and the city Saturnia from his own name; and Janus the Janiculum: each left them to posterity as a memorial." I am surprised that Dionysius of Halicarnassus, otherwise so accurate a writer on Roman antiquities, put it in writing that Romulus, son of Aeneas and brother of Ascanius and Remus, founded "the city Aeneia, named after his father, which was later called Janiculum": that is, the city Aenea named from his father, which was afterwards called Janiculum. MURATORI.

(printed under page 136)

(6) ‹Qui cum multa futura› · lemma in col 268

Qui cum multa futura. Est et haec aliorum opinio asserentium ideo bifrontem Janum fingi, quia praeterita respexerit, ac futura praeviderit. Ovidius tamen lib. I. Fast.; Macrob., lib. I. Saturn., August., lib VII, de Civ. Dei, cap. VIII, aliique diversas excogitarunt rationes, quas recolere volenti ad manum erunt eorum volumina. Macrobius vero lib. citato, et potissimum cap. VII. Paulino adstipulatur. MUR.

Qui cum multa futura ("who, when many things to come"). There is also this opinion of others, who assert that Janus is pictured with two faces because he looked back on the past and foresaw the future. Ovid, however, Fasti book I; Macrobius, Saturnalia book I; Augustine, City of God book VII, chapter VIII; and others devised different reasons, and their volumes will be at hand for anyone who wishes to review them. Macrobius, in the book cited and especially chapter VII, agrees with Paulinus. MURATORI.

(printed under page 136)

(7) ‹Janum Geminum› · lemma in col 268

Janum Geminum. Numa omnium primus Janum Geminum dedicavit. Velleius, lib. II. ita illum vocat: « Certe pacis argumentum Janus Geminus clausus dedit. » Plin. lib. XXXIV. cap. VII. « Praeterea Janus Geminus a Numa rege dicatus. » idem cap. II, lib. XXXIII. « Nota aeris fuit ex altera parte Janus Geminus, ex altera rostrum navis. » Ad hoc respiciunt sequentia Paullini carmina. Vide quoque Varronem, lib IV; de Lingua latina; Sueton., in Neron., cap. XIV, et Macrob., cap. IX, lib. I, Saturn. MUR.

Janum Geminum ("Twin Janus"). Numa first of all dedicated the Twin Janus. Velleius, book II, calls it thus: "Certainly the closed Twin Janus gave proof of peace." Pliny, book XXXIV, chapter VII: "Besides, the Twin Janus dedicated by King Numa." The same, book XXXIII, chapter II: "The stamp of the bronze coin was on one side the Twin Janus, on the other the beak of a ship." The following verses of Paulinus look to this. See also Varro, On the Latin Language book IV; Suetonius, Nero, chapter XIV; and Macrobius, Saturnalia book I, chapter IX. MURATORI.

(printed under page 136)

(8) ‹Nummus huic› · lemma in col 268 · (continues)

Nummus huic. Plutarchus, in Quaest. Rom. hac de de re scribit: Διὰ τί τὸ παλαιὸν νόμισμα πῇ μὲν εἶχεν Ἰανοῦ διπρόσωπον εἰκόνα, πῇ δὲ πλοίου πρύμναν, ἢ πρώραν ἐγκεχαραγμένην; πότερον (ὡς οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσιν) ἐπὶ τιμῇ Κρόνου πλοίῳ διαπεράσαντος εἰς Ἰταλίαν; « Cur antiquum numisma ab una parte Jani bifrontis imaginem, ab altera navis aut proram, aut puppim insculptam habet? An, quae vulgata opinio est, in honorem hoc fit Saturni, navigio in Italiam advecti? « Ipse quidem Plutarchus hanc rationem haud omnino probandam ait: sed huic acquievere probatissimi auctores. » Ovid. Fast., lib. I. cum Jano colloquens ita canit: / Sed cur navalis in aere / Altera signata est, altera forma biceps? / Janus respondet: / Caussa ratis superest: Tuscum rate venit in amnem. / Ante pererrato falcifer orbe deus. / At bona posteritas puppem formavit in aere / Hospitis adventum testificata dei. / Verum enim vero ab aliis dissidere videtur Paulinus, quum ipsi Jano adventum in Italiam tribuit, quod alii ad Saturnum referunt. Athenaeus, Deipnosoph., l. XV, non Italiae solum, sed et Graeciae in usu fuisse asserit hujus modi nummos; ait enim: Τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πολλὰς πόλεις, καὶ τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ἐπὶ τοῦ νομίσματος ἐγχαράττειν πρόσωπον δικέφαλον, καὶ ἐκ θατέρου μέρους ἢ σχεδίαν, ἢ στέφανον, ἢ πλοῖον. Civitates in Graecia multas, in Italia, Siciliaque monetam cudere impresam bicipiti facie, et ex altera parte vel rate, vel corona, vel navigio. Similes nummi visuntur etiamnum apud antiquitatis amatores et praesertim apud clarissimum virum S. R. I. (continues)

Nummus huic ("a coin for him"). Plutarch, in the Roman Questions, writes on this matter: "Why did the old coinage have on one side a two-faced image of Janus and on the other the stern or prow of a ship engraved? Is it, as most say, in honour of Kronos, who crossed over to Italy in a ship?" Why does the ancient coin have carved on one side the image of two-faced Janus, on the other a ship, either prow or stern? Is it, as the common opinion holds, done in honour of Saturn, who was carried to Italy by ship? Plutarch himself says this reason is not wholly to be approved; but the most approved authors have rested content with it. Ovid, Fasti book I, conversing with Janus, sings thus: "But why is one side of the bronze stamped with a ship, the other with a two-headed form?" Janus answers: "The ship's reason remains: the sickle-bearing god came by ship to the Tuscan river after wandering the world. But good posterity shaped a stern on the bronze, bearing witness to the coming of the guest-god." Yet Paulinus seems to differ from the others, since he assigns the coming into Italy to Janus himself, which others refer to Saturn. Athenaeus, Deipnosophists book XV, asserts that coins of this kind were in use not in Italy only but also in Greece; for he says: "Many cities in Greece and in Italy stamp on their coinage a two-headed face, and on the other side a raft, a crown, or a ship": many cities in Greece, in Italy and Sicily struck money stamped with a two-headed face, and on the other side a raft, a crown, or a ship. Similar coins are still to be seen among lovers of antiquity, and especially with the most distinguished S. R. I. (continues)

(printed under page 136)

(Commentarius: notes keyed by lemma, no call marks. CROP: the top of both foot images is cut; lines above the first visible line of each column are not visible and are marked […]. ℣ = the versicle sign Migne uses for "verse".) (printed under page 137)

(1) ‹Nummus huic› · from col 268 · (continued)

(continued) Com. Franciscum Mediobarbum Biragum, qui amplissimum in re nummaria thesaurum possidebat, praeteritisque annis laudatissimum emisit opus de Numism. Imper. quo Occonem mirabiliter auxit. Sed heu infortunium nostrum! Ereptus e vivis est hoc anno (A. 1697.) vir iste doctissimus, magnumque sui desiderium viris eruditis reliquit. MUR.

(printed under page 137)

(2) ‹Nomismata› · lemma in col 269

Nomismata. Numisma. et nomisma dicitur. Primum apud Horatium occurrit lib. II, ep. 1; et Martial., lib. I, epigr. 40. Alterum in antiquis glossis, et apud auctores praestantissimos. Certe melius graecae Orthographiae accommodatur, quae Νόμισμα habet. MUR.

Nomismata ("coins"). Both numisma and nomisma are said. The first occurs in Horace, book II, epistle 1, and Martial, book I, epigram 40; the second in ancient glossaries and in the most excellent authors. It certainly suits the Greek spelling better, which has nomisma. MURATORI.

(printed under page 137)

(3) ‹Capita haec et navia› · lemma in col 269

Capita haec et navia. Est ludus apud italos puerulos, quem vocant: giocare a testa, o arma, aut a testa, o croce, et apud Gallos jouer à croix ou pile. Ille ipse est, qui apud antiquos. Accipe auctoritatem. Aur. Victor (seu quis alius ille auctor sit), in lib. de Orig. gent. Rom.: « Istum etiam, » inquit; « usum signandi aeris, ac monetae in formam incutiendae Janus ostendisse traditur, in qua ab una parte caput ejus imprimeretur, altera navis, qua vectus ille erat. » En ut auctor iste in Jani adventu Paulino concordat. Subdit: Unde aleatores posito nummo, opertoque optionem conlusoribus ponunt enuntiandi, quid putent subesse, caput, aut navem, quod nunc vulgo: corrumpentes naviandi dicunt. » Tu vocem hanc naviandi corrige, et navia repone. His consonat Macrobius. lib. I, cap. 7 Saturn.: « Cum primus Janus aera signaret, servavit et in hoc Saturni reverentiam; ut quoniam ille navi fuerat adductus, ex una quidem parte sui capitis effigies, ex altera vero navis exprimeretur. Aes ita fuisse signatum hodieque intelligitur in aleae lusu, cum pueri denarios in sublime jactantes capita, aut naviam, lusu teste vetustatis, exclamant. » Andreas Schottus heic integre legi naviam, non navim ex 4. Mss. Pithaeorum ait; sed mihi potius navia, aut naviam legere placeret, id versus Pauliniani metro inconcusse docente. Certe Jo: Isaac. Pontanus in edit. Macrob. anni 1597, navia legit. MUR.

Capita haec et navia ("these heads and ships"). There is a game among little Italian boys which they call giocare a testa o arma, or a testa o croce, and among the French jouer à croix ou pile. It is the very one played among the ancients. Here is the authority. Aurelius Victor (or whoever that author is), in the book On the Origin of the Roman People: "Janus too," he says, "is said to have shown this practice of stamping bronze and striking money into shape, on which his head was impressed on one side, and on the other the ship in which he had been carried." See how this author agrees with Paulinus on the coming of Janus. He adds: "Hence dice-players, laying down a coin and covering it, offer their fellow-players the choice of saying what they think lies beneath, head or ship, which now, corrupting it, they commonly call naviandi." Correct this word naviandi and put back navia. Macrobius agrees with these, Saturnalia book I, chapter 7: "When Janus first stamped bronze, in this too he kept reverence for Saturn: since Saturn had been brought by ship, on one side the likeness of his own head was impressed, on the other a ship. That bronze was so stamped is understood even today in the game of chance, when boys tossing pennies into the air cry 'heads or ship,' the game bearing witness to antiquity." Andreas Schott says that here naviam is read in full, not navim, from the four manuscripts of the Pithous; but I would rather read navia or naviam, as the metre of Paulinus' verse unshakeably shows. Certainly Johannes Isaac Pontanus, in his edition of Macrobius of 1597, reads navia. MURATORI.

(printed under page 137)

(4) ‹A rege secundus› · lemma in col 269

A rege secundus. Ante Jovem filium Saturnus regnavit. Expulsus dein filio reliquit regni aut caelestis, aut terreni habenas. Lactantius lib. I. cap. 11. Div. Inst.: « Video alium deum regem fuisse primis temporibus, alium consequentibus. Potest ergo fieri, ut alius sit postea futurus. Atqui divinum imperium, aut semper immutabile est; aut si est mutabile, quod fieri non potest, semper utique mutabile est. » Hinc Saturnia regna: ac aetas aurea Saturni imperio adscribitur MUR. Vir clarus perperam a rege intelligit de Saturno, quum denotetur Janus, quem supra ℣. 67. dixerat priori prae Jove ordine in precibus gaudere. Idque adstruit sequens ℣. 78. Quo etiam pertinet, praeter scriptores citatos a Muratorio ad ℣. 67. Catonis locus de Re Rust. cap. 134: « Prius quam porcum feminam immolabis, Jano struem commoveto sic: Jane pater te hac strue commovenda bonas preces precor. » Tum deinde: « Fertum Jovi moveto, et mactato sic: Juppiter te hoc ferto obmovendo bonas preces precor, etc. » VONCK.

A rege secundus ("second from the king"). Before Jove his son, Saturn reigned. Then, driven out by his son, he left him the reins of the kingdom, whether heavenly or earthly. Lactantius, Divine Institutes book I, chapter 11: "I see that one god was king in the first times, another in the following. It can happen, then, that yet another will be in the future. But divine rule is either always unchangeable; or, if it is changeable, which cannot be, it is certainly always changeable." Hence "the reign of Saturn," and the golden age is ascribed to Saturn's rule. MURATORI. The distinguished man wrongly understands a rege of Saturn, when Janus is meant, whom he had said above, at verse 67, enjoys the earlier place before Jove in prayers. And the following verse 78 confirms it. To this belongs also, besides the writers cited by Muratori at verse 67, the passage of Cato, On Agriculture, chapter 134: "Before you sacrifice the sow, offer the heap of cakes to Janus thus: 'Father Janus, in offering you this heap I pray good prayers.'" And then: "Offer the cake to Jove and honour him thus: 'Jupiter, in offering you this cake I pray good prayers,'" etc. VONCK.

(printed under page 137)

(5) ‹Quique sacrificiis› · lemma in col 269

Quique sacrificiis. Quod superius innuerat repetit, nempe ethnicorum precationes, votaque a Jani invocatione inchoari, deinde ad Jovem verti: quod sane numinum maximum, omniumque rectorem numquam decebat. MUR.

Quique sacrificiis ("and who in sacrifices"). He repeats what he had hinted above: that the prayers and vows of the pagans began with the invocation of Janus and then turned to Jove, which surely never befitted the greatest of the deities and the ruler of all. MURATORI.

(printed under page 137)

(6) ‹Hic habet et matrem› · lemma in col 269 · (runs on into col 270)

Hic habet et matrem. Atyn pastorem deperiit Rhea, seu Cybele Jovis genitrix. Ille impudicae nolens auscultare deae, est eviratus. De hoc Ovid., lib. IV, Fast.: Phryx puer in silvis facie spectabilis altis / Turrigeram casto junxit amore deam, etc. / Hoc deae facinus ethnicis exprobrat Minucius in Octav.: « Cybeles Dyndima, pudet dicere, quae adulterum suum infeliciter placitum, quoniam et ipsa deformis et vetula, ut multorum deorum mater, ad stuprum illicere non poterat, exsecuit, ut deum scilicet faceret eunuchum. » Augustinus, lib. VI, cap. 7, de Civ. Dei: « Sacra sunt matris deum, ubi Atys pulcher adolescens ab ea dilectus, et muliebri zelo abscissus, etiam hominum abscissorum, quos Gallos vocant, infelicitate deploratur. » MUR.

Hic habet et matrem ("he has here a mother too"). Rhea, or Cybele, the mother of Jove, was madly in love with the shepherd Atys. He, unwilling to listen to the shameless goddess, was emasculated. Of him Ovid, Fasti book IV: "A Phrygian boy in the high woods, handsome of face, bound the tower-crowned goddess with chaste love," etc. Minucius, in the Octavius, reproaches the pagans with this deed of the goddess: "Cybele of Dindymus, I am ashamed to say it, who, since she could not lure her adulterer, unhappily loved, into debauchery, being herself ugly and old, as the mother of many gods, castrated him, to make a god a eunuch, no doubt." Augustine, City of God book VI, chapter 7: "There are the rites of the mother of the gods, where Atys, a fair youth loved by her and cut off through a woman's jealousy, is mourned even in the misery of castrated men, whom they call Galli." MURATORI.

(printed under page 137)

(7) ‹Nam prior est pastor› · lemma in col 270

Nam prior est pastor. Tantis ambagibus, ac discordiis Gentilium theologia constat, ut se per illam extricare nemo facile possit. Euseb. Caes., lib. II, cap. 4, de Praep. ubi de Phrygum theologia disserit, Cybelem ante deorum connubia Atydis amore correptam ait. Verum quot capita tot sententiae.

Nam prior est pastor ("for the shepherd comes first"). The theology of the Gentiles consists of such windings and disagreements that no one can easily find his way through it. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation book II, chapter 4, where he discusses the theology of the Phrygians, says that Cybele was seized with love for Atys before the marriages of the gods. But so many heads, so many opinions.

(printed under page 137)

(8) ‹Aut Jovis ipse› · lemma in col 270

Aut Jovis ipse. Jovis in recto casu recte dicitur, Prisciano testante, apud veteres Jovis solum dicebatur a juvando, adjectoque altero vocabulo dictus est Jupiter, quasi Jovis pater, seu ut melius arbitratur Lactantius, Juvans pater. Jovis in recto casu effertur apud Hyginum in Lib. Fabul. Nonnium Marcellum, aliosque quos consulere potes. Quidam severissimus censor Gallus Natalis Alex. libros quatuor de Symbolo ad Catechum. Augustino abjudicat, quippe quod illi stylus ab augustiniano, immo a grammaticorum dogmatis abhorrere videtur. Inter exempla hoc profert: Illic fingitur, quod idem Jovis Junonem habeat sororem, et conjugem; et nomen Jovis in nominandi casu usurpatum sugillat: verum decipitur, quum hujusce nominis usus apud gravissimos auctores obvius fiat, ac propterea Augustinum non dedeceat; nos istis contenti ad alias pergimus. MURAT. — Melius forsan, aut Jovis ipso. Et heic aut scriptum pro haut vel haud. Prior, inquit, pastor est Jove, non Jupiter pastore, ut frustra poetae garriunt. Aut vero ut plurimum veteres ἀντὶ τοῦ haut scribere consuevisse norunt eruditi. VONCK.

Aut Jovis ipse ("or Jovis himself"). Jovis is correctly said in the nominative case: as Priscian testifies, among the ancients he was called simply Jovis, from juvare, "to help," and with a second word added he was called Jupiter, as if "Jovis father," or, as Lactantius judges better, "helping father." Jovis is used in the nominative in Hyginus' book of Fables, in Nonius Marcellus, and in others whom you may consult. A certain most severe French critic, Natalis Alexander, denies to Augustine the four books On the Creed, to Catechumens, because their style seems to him foreign to Augustine's, indeed to the rules of the grammarians. Among his examples he brings this: "There it is imagined that the same Jovis has Juno as sister and wife," and he censures the name Jovis used in the nominative case. But he is mistaken, since the use of this name is common in the weightiest authors, and therefore does not misbecome Augustine. Content with this, we go on to other matters. MURATORI. — Better perhaps aut Jovis ipso. And here aut is written for haut or haud. "The shepherd," he says, "is earlier than Jove, not Jupiter earlier than the shepherd, as the poets idly prattle." And the learned know that the ancients very often wrote aut instead of haut. VONCK.

(printed under page 137)

(9) ‹Sed melius› · lemma in col 270

Sed melius. Magis ne placeret: sed melior? MUR.

Sed melius ("but better"). Would sed melior ("but better," of a person) please more? MURATORI.

(printed under page 137)

(10) ‹Semiviri› · lemma in col 270

Semiviri. Hi sunt Galli Matris deum sacerdotes, quibus virilia in Atydis evirati memoriam amputabantur. Lactantius, lib. I, cap. 17: « Deum mater, et amavit formosum adolescentem, et eumdem cum pelice deprehensum exsectis virilibus semivirum reddidit. Et ideo nunc sacra ejus a Gallis sacerdotibus celebrantur. » Minucius Cybeles impuritate detecta subdit: « Propter hanc fabulam Galli eam, et semiviri sui corporis supplicio colunt. Haec jam non sunt sacra; tormenta sunt. » Vide Juvenal., sat. 2, ipsumque Paulinum, Natali XI. MUR.

Semiviri ("half-men"). These are the Galli, priests of the Mother of the gods, whose members were cut off in memory of the emasculated Atys. Lactantius, book I, chapter 17: "The mother of the gods both loved a handsome youth and, catching him with a concubine, cut off his members and made him half a man. And so now her rites are celebrated by the Galli, her priests." Minucius, having exposed Cybele's impurity, adds: "Because of this tale the Galli, half-men too, worship her by the torment of their own bodies. These are no longer rites; they are tortures." See Juvenal, Satire 2, and Paulinus himself, Natalicium XI. MURATORI.

(printed under page 137)

(11) ‹Nec desunt homines› · lemma in col 270 · (continues)

Nec desunt homines. Totus est Augustinus, lib. VI, de Civ. Dei, et alibi in confutanda hac ethnicorum vanitate, ac subterfugio. Hi fabulas aniles internis scatere mysteriis, ibique philologicas veritates latere passim objiciebant; sed suismet illi rationibus confundebantur. « Deinde, » ait cap. 8, S. Doctor, « si ista Sacra, quae scenicis turpitudinibus convincuntur esse foediora, hinc excusantur, atque purgantur, quod habent interpretationes suas: cur non etiam (continues)

Nec desunt homines ("nor are there lacking men"). Augustine is wholly occupied, in book VI of the City of God and elsewhere, in refuting this vanity and evasion of the pagans. They everywhere alleged that old wives' tales teemed with inner mysteries, and that scholarly truths lay hidden in them; but they were confounded by their own reasons. "Then," says the holy Doctor in chapter 8, "if these rites, which are proved fouler than the obscenities of the stage, are excused and cleansed on the ground that they have their interpretations, why not also (continues)

(printed under page 137)

(Commentarius: notes keyed by lemma, no call marks. The commentary block on this page opens under its own "COMMENTARIUS" head, with no crop loss.) (printed under page 138)

(1) ‹Nec desunt homines› · from col 270 · (continued)

(continued) poetica similiter excusantur, atque purgantur? etc. » Greg. Nazianzenus, in Orat. 1, advers. Julian., enumeratis quibusdam gentilium superstitionibus haec subdit: ταῦτα ἐπεισκυκλείσθω τοῖς θαυμαστοῖς τῆς θεολογίας ἀκροαταῖς· εἶτ' ἐπινοείσθω τούτοις ἀλληγορήματα καὶ τερατεύματα. καὶ τῶν προκειμένων ἐκπίπτων ὁ λόγος εἰς βάραθρα χωρείτω, καὶ κρημνοὺς θεωρίας οὐκ ἐχούσης τὸ στάσιμον. Haec eximiis, et admirandis divinitatis auditoribus inculcentur, posteaque his allegoriae ac portentosae interpretationes excogitentur, atque a propositis rebus aberrans oratio in barathra feratur, et praecipitia contemplationis nihil solidum habentis. MUR.

(printed under page 138)

(2) ‹Patiturque viriles› · lemma in col 271

Patiturque viriles. Deesse versum hic suspicor, sensus enim in ancipiti manet. Certe vox abscindi penitus hic necessaria, ut sit sensus: patiturque viriles abscindi partes. MUR. — Nihil hic deest: quod suspicatur Muratorius. Mirum profecto in re tantilla haesitasse magnum virum. Enimvero perversam Cybeles sacerdotum castitatem exagitat Antonius, qui femineos vitent coitus; at, quod nequius longe, patiantur viriles. Hujusmodi flagitiis infames fuisse Gallos, Magnae Matris sacrificulos, constat ex Ambrosio de Virgin. lib. I, c. 4: « Quid de sacris Phrygiis, loquar, in quibus impudicitia disciplina est, atque utinam sexus fragilioris? VONCK. »

Patiturque viriles ("and suffers the male [parts]"). I suspect a line is missing here, for the sense remains in doubt. Certainly the word abscindi is wholly necessary here, so that the sense is: "and suffers his male parts to be cut off." MURATORI. — Nothing is missing here, as Muratori suspects. It is surely strange that a great man hesitated over so small a thing. Antonius is in fact attacking the perverse chastity of Cybele's priests, who avoid intercourse with women but, what is far more wicked, submit to men's. That the Galli, the petty priests of the Great Mother, were notorious for crimes of this kind is clear from Ambrose, On Virgins book I, chapter 4: "Why should I speak of the Phrygian rites, in which unchastity is a discipline, and would that it were only of the weaker sex?" VONCK.

(printed under page 138)

(3) ‹Scena movet risus› · lemma in col 271

Scena movet risus. Jul. Firmicus de error. profan. Relig., c. 13, haec luculenter habet: « O facinorosae cupiditatis triste solatium! O hominum deflenda persuasio! Scenam de coelo fecistis, et errantes animos per abrupta praecipitia crudeli calamitate duxistis. » Et infra: « Ad theatrum potius templa transferte, ut in scenis religionum istarum secreta tradantur, et ut nihil praetermittat impietas, histriones facite sacerdotes. » Mitto Augustinum, Ep. 5, ad Marcellin., et lib. VII, c. 26, de Civ. Dei, et Tertullianum in Apologet., c. 15.

Scena movet risus ("the stage stirs laughter"). Julius Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions, chapter 13, has this splendidly: "O sad comfort of criminal desire! O lamentable conviction of men! You have made a stage of heaven, and led wandering souls over sheer precipices to a cruel ruin." And below: "Move the temples rather to the theatre, so that the secrets of these religions may be handed on in the scenes, and, so that impiety may omit nothing, make actors your priests." I pass over Augustine, Letter 5 to Marcellinus, and City of God book VII, chapter 26, and Tertullian in the Apology, chapter 15.

(printed under page 138)

(4) ‹Saturnum› · lemma in col 271

Saturnum. Rem fuse narrat Hesiodus in Theogonia, Natalis Com. in Mythologia, lib. II, et reliqui ethnicae theologiae eruditionem scriptis prosecuti.

Saturnum ("Saturn"). The story is told at length by Hesiod in the Theogony, by Natale Conti in his Mythologia, book II, and by the rest who have pursued in writing the learning of pagan theology.

(printed under page 138)

(5) ‹Huncque Chronon› · lemma in col 271

Huncque Chronon. Scribendum fuerat Cronon, Graece enim Saturnus est Κρόνος. At quia tempus significare dicitur, χρόνος quoque appellatur. De hoc Macrob. lib. I, Saturn., c. 22; Dionys. Halicarn., lib. I, Antiq.; Cicero, de Nat. Deor., lib. II, aliique agunt. Arnobius tamen hanc denominationem minime probat lib. III, advers. Gentes: « Nam si tempus, » ait, « significatur hoc nomine, Graecorum ut interpretes autumant, ut quod Chronos est, habeatur Cronos; nullum est Saturnium numen. Quis enim est tam demens, qui tempus esse dicat deum? etc. »

Huncque Chronon ("and him Chronos"). Cronon should have been written, for in Greek Saturn is Kronos. But because he is said to signify time, he is also called chronos. On this Macrobius, Saturnalia book I, chapter 22; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiquities book I; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book II; and others treat. Arnobius, however, by no means approves this naming, Against the Gentiles book III: "For if time," he says, "is signified by this name, as the interpreters of the Greeks claim, so that what is Chronos is held to be Cronos, there is no Saturnian deity. For who is so mad as to say that time is a god?" etc.

(printed under page 138)

(6) ‹Quos creat, absumit› · lemma in col 271

Quos creat, absumit. Latinum reddidit eleganter Orphei, seu Onomacriti versum de Saturno, in ejus Hymno: / Ὃς δαπανᾷς μὲν ἅπαντα, καὶ αὔξεις ἔμπαλιν αὐτός. / Omnia qui profers, consumis et omnia rursus. / Pro voce promittit legerem remittit.

Quos creat, absumit ("those he creates, he consumes"). He has elegantly rendered into Latin the line of Orpheus, or of Onomacritus, on Saturn, in his Hymn: "You who consume all things and yourself increase them again": you who bring forth all things, and consume all things again. For the word promittit I would read remittit.

(printed under page 138)

(7) ‹Latiumque ideo› · lemma in col 271 · (runs on into col 272)

Latiumque ideo. Virgilius, Aeneid., lib. VIII, de Saturno agens: / Latiumque vocari / Maluit. his quoniam latuisset tutus in oris.

Latiumque ideo ("and therefore Latium"). Virgil, Aeneid book VIII, speaking of Saturn: "and he preferred it to be called Latium, since he had lain hidden safe on these shores."

(printed under page 138)

(8) ‹Latiare malum› · lemma in col 272

Latiare malum. Crudelissimum hoc erat Ethnicismi piaculum. Jovi quem Latiarem appellabant, humana immolabatur hostia. Tertullianus, in Apolog., c. 9, rem prodit: « Ecce in illa religiosissima Urbe Aeneadarum piorum est Jupiter quidam, quem ludis suis humano proluunt sanguine. » Locum illustrat egregie Cerda. Minucius: « Hodieque a Romanis Latiaris Jupiter homicidio colitur; et quod Saturni filio dignum est, mali et noxii hominis sanguine saginatur. » Et alibi: « Cum, Latiaris cruore perfunditur. » Porphyrius lib. II. περὶ ἀποχ. ἐμψ. Ἀλλ' ἔτι καὶ νῦν τίς ἀγνοεῖ κατὰ τὴν μεγάλην πόλιν τῇ τοῦ Λαπαρίου Διὸς ἑορτῇ σπαζόμενον ἄνθρωπον; Quin et nostro aevo quis nescit in magna Urbe Jovis Latiaris festo immolari hominem? Prudent. lib. I, in Symmachum: / Funditur humanus Latiari in munere sanguis. / S. Athanas. in Orat. contra Gent.: Καὶ οἱ πάλαι δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν καλούμενον Λαπάριον Δία ἀνθρωποθυσίαις ἐθρήσκευον. Prisci quoque Latini Jovem Latiarem victimis humanis sunt venerati. Tatianus contra Graecos: Εὑρὼν δὲ μὲν Ῥωμαίοις τὸν Λαπάριον Δία λύθροις ἀνθρώπων, καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνδροκτασιῶν αἵμασι τερπόμενον. Item apud Romanos Latiarem Jovem humano cruore, et sanguine per homicidia fuso placari. Dionys. Halic., lib. IV, Antiq. Rom., sacra haec Jovi Latiari facta commemorat, neque tamen victimae hujus meminit. Hinc dice, melius Jovem Latiarem, quam Latialem dici, quod quidam negant. MUR.

Latiare malum ("the Latiar evil"). This was the cruellest expiation of paganism: a human victim was sacrificed to the Jove they called Latiaris. Tertullian, in the Apology, chapter 9, discloses it: "See, in that most religious city of the pious descendants of Aeneas there is a certain Jupiter whom at his games they drench with human blood." La Cerda illustrates the passage excellently. Minucius: "Even today Jupiter Latiaris is worshipped by the Romans with homicide, and, as befits a son of Saturn, is fattened on the blood of an evil and guilty man." And elsewhere: "When he is drenched with the blood of Latiaris." Porphyry, On Abstinence from Animal Food book II: "But even now who does not know that in the great city, at the feast of Latiarian Zeus, a man is slaughtered?" Indeed, even in our age, who does not know that in the great City a man is sacrificed at the feast of Jove Latiaris? Prudentius, Against Symmachus book I: "Human blood is poured out in the Latiar offering." St Athanasius, in the Oration against the Gentiles: "And the Romans of old worshipped the so-called Latiarian Zeus with human sacrifices": the ancient Latins too venerated Jove Latiaris with human victims. Tatian against the Greeks: "I found among the Romans Latiarian Zeus delighting in human gore and in the blood of slaughter": likewise, among the Romans, Jove Latiaris was appeased with human gore and blood shed by homicides. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities book IV, records these rites performed to Jove Latiaris, yet does not mention this victim. Hence learn that it is better to say Jovem Latiarem than Latialem, which some deny. MURATORI.

(printed under page 138)

(9) ‹Et invictum› · lemma in col 272 · (continues)

Et invictum. Quum hosce duos versus clariss. viro doctissimoque equiti, Prospero Mandosio communicassem, ut arcanam eruditionem mihi reseraret, rescripsit ille sibi ac illustrissimo Ciampino admodum sententiam probari Abb. Philippi Bonarotae viri eruditissimi, cujus in scientia numismatum antiquorum peritiam brevi mirabimur; Hic enim agi de sacrificiis Mithrae asserebat, quae maximam apud ethnicos famam sibi conciliarunt. Ego igitur, quum per viros tantos profecerim, rem paucis attingam, et praeclaram explicabo eruditionem. A Persis omnium maxime solis cultus usurpabatur. Hunc Mithram vocabant, additumque illi Invicti cognomen. Plura apud Gruterum, p. 33 et seq. et apud Reinesium marmora occurrunt Deo Invicto, Deo Invicto Mithrae, soli Mithrae, soli Invicto, et soli Invicto Mithrae posita. Jul. Firmicus, de Err. Prof. Relig., c. 5. Jovem in duas dividi potestates, quarum unam (hoc est virilem) Mithram dici asserit. Herodotus, lib. I, de Persis, loquens: Θύουσι δὲ οὐρανίῃ Ἀφροδίτῃ, ἣν καλέουσι Μίθραν. Sacrificant vero caelesti Veneri, quam vocant Mithram. Nicetas, ad Stelitevt. Nazianz.: Τὸν Μίθραν οἱ μὲν τὸν ἥλιον, οἱ δὲ τὸν νεφρὸν τοῦ πυρός, ἄλλοι ἰδικήν τινα δυνάμιν ὑπολαμβάνουσι. Mithram alii solem, alii renem ignis, nonnulli peculiarem quamdam potestatem esse vo- (continues)

Et invictum ("and the unconquered"). When I had shared these two lines with that most distinguished and learned knight Prospero Mandosio, so that he might unlock their hidden learning for me, he wrote back that he and the most illustrious Ciampini strongly approved the opinion of the Abbé Filippo Buonarroti, a most learned man, whose skill in the science of ancient coins we shall soon admire. He maintained that the reference here is to the sacrifices of Mithras, which won the greatest fame among the pagans. Having profited, then, from such men, I will touch the matter briefly and set out this fine piece of learning. The Persians, above all peoples, practised the worship of the sun. They called it Mithras, and gave it the surname Unconquered. In Gruter, p. 33 ff., and in Reinesius, many inscriptions occur set up "To the Unconquered God," "To the Unconquered God Mithras," "To the Sun Mithras," "To the Unconquered Sun," and "To the Unconquered Sun Mithras." Julius Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions, chapter 5, asserts that Jove is divided into two powers, one of which (that is, the male) is called Mithras. Herodotus, book I, speaking of the Persians: "They sacrifice to the heavenly Aphrodite, whom they call Mithra": they sacrifice to the heavenly Venus, whom they call Mithras. Nicetas, on Nazianzen's Steliteutic orations: "Some take Mithras to be the sun, others the kidney of fire, others some particular power": some suppose Mithras to be the sun, others the kidney of fire, some a certain particular power (continues)

(printed under page 138)

(Commentarius: notes keyed by lemma, no call marks. CROP: the top of both foot images is cut; lines above the first visible line of each column are not visible and are marked […].) (printed under page 139)

(1) ‹Et invictum› · from col 272 · (continued)

(continued) Itaque quum non solem tantum, sed quid aliud per Mithram significari videam, facile gruterainam inscriptionem, p. 22, num. 12, explicabo. Ita se habet illa: D. I. M. ET. SOLI. SOCIO SAC. hoc est, Deo Invicto Mithrae, et Soli Socio sacrum. Pro Mithra hic aliud Numen intelligendum est a sole diversum, non ipsemet sol tamquam alienigena, uti parum recte opinatur Reinesius ad Inscript. 48. Cl. I. Legitur quoque in priscis Inscriptionibus NANNAE. SEBECIO DEO. MITHRAE quae verba omnia ad solem Mithram referenda censet I. Caes. Bulengerus c. 4, lib. I, de lic. et vet. Magia. Ego tamen tribus Diis dicatum marmor puto, ut NANNA sit Dianae Nannaeae nomen, de qua Liber I, c. 6. et Liber II, c. 1, Machab. Hieronymus, et Josephus meminere: SEBECIUS pro Jove Sabazio intelligatur, de quo Orpheus, seu Onomacritus in Hymno / Κλῦθι πάτερ, Κρόνου υἱὲ, Σαβάζιε κύδιμε δαῖμον. / Audi pater, Saturni fili, Sabacie inclyte deorum. / Neque enim scio, qua auctoritate Bacchum etiam Sabazium dixerit Heinsius in Arist. Sacr. Sed haec satis superque. MUR.

(printed under page 139)

(2) ‹Spelea› · lemma in col 273

Spelea. Graecum est verbum σπήλαιον, quod Latine spelunca dicitur; sed Graecum nomen et aures Ausoniae toleravere. Virgilius, eclog. 10: / Certum est in silvis inter spelaea ferarum, etc. / Claudianus de bello Get.: / Metuenda ferarum / Spelaea.... / Mithrae Sacrificia secretissimis in antris peracta. Religioso silentio apud ejus cultores illic accepta mysteria servabantur. Quin ex iis sacris initiari volentes, multis cruciatibus probationem subibant. Hinc Suidas in verb. Mithra ait: Οὐκ ἂν οὖν εἰς αὐτὸν δυνήσαιτό τις τελεσθῆναι, εἰ μὴ διά τινων βαθμῶν παρελθὼν τῶν κολάσεων δείξει ἑαυτὸν ὅσιον καὶ ἀπαθῆ. Nullus autem potest initiari, nisi per quosdam suppliciorum gradus se sanctum, et perturbationum immunem ostenderit. Hoc idem confirmant Nazianz. Orat. 3. Lamprid. in Commodo, ac Tertull. c. 15, de Cor. Mil. Sunt hujus verba: « Erubescite Romani commilitones ejus non jam ab ipso judicandi, sed ab aliquo Mithrae milite, qui cum initiatur in spelaeo etc. » S. Justin. Martyr in Dialog. cum Tryphone Mithrae sacra peragi bis ait, ἐν τόπῳ ἐπικαλουμένῳ παρ' αὐτοῖς σπηλαίῳ, in loco, qui apud illos spelaeum, seu specus vocatur. Vide Hieron., in Ep. ad Laetam; Reines. Cl. I, n. 48. Inscript.; Bulenger. lib. I, c. 4, de lic. et vet. Mag.; Selden., de Diis Syris, Synt. I, c. 6; Salmas., ad Hist. Aug., fol. 349, 382, etc.

Spelea ("caves"). The word is Greek, spēlaion, which in Latin is called spelunca; but Italian ears too have tolerated the Greek noun. Virgil, Eclogue 10: "It is settled: in the woods, among the caves of wild beasts," etc. Claudian, On the Gothic War: "the dreaded caves of wild beasts…." The sacrifices of Mithras were performed in the most secret grottoes. There the mysteries received were kept among his worshippers in religious silence. Indeed, those who wished to be initiated into these rites underwent a trial by many tortures. Hence Suidas, under the word Mithras, says: "No one could be initiated into him unless, having passed through certain grades of punishments, he showed himself holy and free of passion": no one can be initiated unless through certain grades of punishments he has shown himself holy and free of disturbances. Nazianzen, Oration 3, Lampridius in his Commodus, and Tertullian, On the Soldier's Crown, chapter 15, confirm the same. Tertullian's words are: "Blush, you Roman fellow-soldiers of his, to be judged now not by him but by some soldier of Mithras, who, when he is initiated in the cave," etc. St Justin Martyr, in the Dialogue with Trypho, says twice that the rites of Mithras are performed "in a place called among them a cave," in a place which among them is called a spelaeum, or grotto. See Jerome, Letter to Laeta; Reinesius, Class I, no. 48 of the Inscriptions; Bulenger, On Lawful and Forbidden Magic book I, chapter 4; Selden, On the Syrian Gods, Syntagma I, chapter 6; Salmasius on the Historia Augusta, fols. 349, 382, etc.

(printed under page 139)

(3) ‹Quaeque tegunt› · lemma in col 273

Quaeque tegunt. Scribendum potius videtur quemque tegunt tenebris. Nihilo secius placet sensus. MUR.

Quaeque tegunt ("and which they cover"). It seems rather that quemque tegunt tenebris ("and whom they cover in darkness") should be written. Nonetheless the sense is satisfactory. MURATORI.

(printed under page 139)

(4) ‹Celet› · lemma in col 273 · (runs on into col 274, with lines lost at the crop)

Celet. Celo pro lateo inusitatum verbum. Tegendi tantum, atque occultandi significatione usurpatum invenio. Me tamen monuit eruditissimus vir Michael Maddius clarissimi viri Car. M. Maddii dignissimum germen, apud Plautum in Bacch., Act. 3, scen., 2, legi: / Ut ut eris, moneo, non celabis. / Et a Scholiaste Lambino ita explicari: non falles, non latebis. Certe si pronomen te heic subintelligendum contendis, et ego in Paulini versu pronomen se sub- […] […] fecto, sed omni emendatione facile carebimus, dum sic locum rite distinguamus: / Quis colat occulte lucem, sidusque supernum / Celet? in infernis nisi rerum caussa malarum. / Quis, inquit, tam stupidus est, ut lucem occulte colat, et sidus supernum, solem puta, in spelaeis atris abscondat? quum in infernis solus mali auctor habitet. Post malarum subaudiendum est, ut nemo non videt. Posset ceteroquin locus, servata vulgari interpunctione, alio et commodo satis sensu explicari, si violati metri dicam Antonio quis scriberet; cujus leges quum tot antiquiores poetae saepe neglexerint, idem cur a nostro alienum existimemus, nihil est quod exigat. Si quis ergo maluerit, ita interpretetur: et sidus supernum celet in locis abditis aut infernis, nisi rerum malarum causa? Ut ita in auferendi casu sumatur causa, non nominandi. VONCK.

Celet ("should hide"). Celo for lateo ("I lie hidden") is an unusual verb; I find it used only in the sense of covering and concealing. The most learned Michele Maddi, most worthy offspring of the most distinguished Carlo M. Maddi, has however pointed out to me that in Plautus, Bacchides, Act 3, scene 2, one reads: "However you are, I warn you, you will not escape notice," and that Lambinus the scholiast explains it thus: "you will not deceive, you will not lie hidden." Certainly, if you maintain that the pronoun te is to be understood here, I too [may understand] the pronoun se in Paulinus' verse […] […] but we shall easily do without any emendation, provided we punctuate the place properly thus: "Who would worship the light in secret and hide the star on high? — in the underworld, unless the cause of evil things." Who, he says, is so stupid as to worship the light in secret, and hide the star on high, the sun, I mean, in dark caves, when only the author of evil dwells in the underworld? After malarum, est is to be understood, as everyone sees. Otherwise the place could, keeping the common punctuation, be explained in another and quite suitable sense, if someone were to charge Antonius with a breach of the metre; since so many older poets often neglected its laws, nothing requires us to think the same foreign to our author. If anyone prefers, then, let him interpret thus: "and should hide the star on high in hidden or infernal places, unless for the sake of evil things?" So that causa is taken in the ablative case, not the nominative. VONCK.

(printed under page 139)

(5) ‹Isiacum› · lemma in col 274

Isiacum. In sacris Isidis sistra quatiebantur, et Anubidis caput caninum exponebatur. Lucan. lib. VIII, rem complectitur utramque: / Semideosque canes, et sistra jubentia luctum. / Ausonius ad Paulinum nostrum scribens, Epist. 25. / Isiacos agitant Mareotica sistra tumultus. / Anubis porro Cynocephalus etiam dicebatur, nomine ejus formam exprimente. Athanasius orat. contra Graec. ὁ παρ' Αἰγυπτίοις Κυνοκέφαλος Ἀνοῦβις. Apud Aegyptios canina facie Anubis. Ovid., Metam., lib. IX. / Cum qua latrator Anubis / Sistraque erant, nunquamque satis quaesitus Osiris. / De sistris consule Laurent. Pignor. in Mensa Isiac. et egregiam dissertationem Benedicti Bacchini eruditiss. et clariss. viri. MUR.

Isiacum ("of Isis"). In the rites of Isis sistrums were shaken and the dog's head of Anubis was displayed. Lucan, book VIII, takes in both: "and the demigod dogs, and the sistrums bidding to mourn." Ausonius, writing to our Paulinus, Letter 25: "The Mareotic sistrums stir up Isiac tumults." Anubis, moreover, was also called Cynocephalus ("dog-headed"), the name expressing his form. Athanasius, Oration against the Greeks: "the dog-headed Anubis among the Egyptians": among the Egyptians, Anubis with a dog's face. Ovid, Metamorphoses book IX: "With her were barking Anubis and the sistrums, and Osiris, never sought enough." On sistrums consult Lorenzo Pignoria on the Mensa Isiaca, and the excellent dissertation of Benedetto Bacchini, a most learned and distinguished man. MURATORI.

(printed under page 139)

(6) ‹Nescio quid› · lemma in col 274

Nescio quid. Locum Minucii expressit Paulinus. Inquit ille: « Mox invento parvulo gaudet Isis, exsultant sacerdotes, Cynocephalus inventor gloriatur, nec desinunt annis omnibus vel perdere quod inveniunt, vel invenire quod perdunt. » Jul. Firmicus, c. 2: « Nihil hic invenis, nisi quod iterum aut quaeras, aut lugeas. » Ipse Paulinus Nat., XI: / Nam quid, rogo, caecius illis; / Qui non amissum quaerunt, nusquamque manentem / Inveniunt?....

Nescio quid ("something or other"). Paulinus has rendered a passage of Minucius, who says: "Soon, when the little one is found, Isis rejoices, the priests exult, the dog-headed finder boasts; and every year they do not cease either to lose what they find or to find what they lose." Julius Firmicus, chapter 2: "Here you find nothing but what you must seek again or mourn." Paulinus himself, Natalicium XI: "For what, I ask, is blinder than those who seek what was never lost, and find what abides nowhere?…."

(printed under page 139)

(7) ‹Quid Serapis meruit› · lemma in col 274 · (continues)

Quid Serapis meruit. Hic aquam haerere mihi lubenter fateor. Alicujus festi diei meminit Paulinus, quo Serapis multas induere figuras cogebatur: at hujus vestigia nusquam reperio. Certe Macrobius, et Plutarchus, in lib. de Osid., et Osir. nulla alia effictum forma Serapidem faciunt quam humana: πανταχοῦ ἀνθρωπόμορφον Ὀσίριδος ἄγαλμα, ubique simulacrum Osiridis humana specie ostenditur. Ab eruditioribus itaque exspectanda solutio. MUR. — Notum ex historiis, quid Aegyptii de Osiride (qui idem cum Serapide) tradiderint, eum nempe a Typhone interemptum, et in partes quatuordecim discerptum fuisse. Id autem in sacris suis Aegyptii repraesentabant: eoque respicit Plutarchus de Iside et Osiride, quando scribit, (continues)

Quid Serapis meruit ("what has Serapis deserved"). Here I readily confess I am stuck. Paulinus mentions some feast day on which Serapis was made to put on many shapes; but I find no trace of it anywhere. Certainly Macrobius, and Plutarch in his book On Isis and Osiris, make Serapis represented in no other form than human: "everywhere the image of Osiris is in human form," everywhere the statue of Osiris is shown in human likeness. A solution must therefore be awaited from the more learned. MURATORI. — It is known from the histories what the Egyptians related of Osiris (who is the same as Serapis): that he was killed by Typhon and torn into fourteen parts. This the Egyptians represented in their rites; and Plutarch refers to it in On Isis and Osiris when he writes, (continues)

(printed under page 139)

(Commentarius: notes keyed by lemma, no call marks. CROP: the top of both foot images is cut; lines above the first visible line of each column are not visible and are marked […]. ℣ = the versicle sign Migne uses for "verse".) (printed under page 140)

(1) ‹Quid Serapis meruit› · from col 274 · (continued; the col. 275 lines, clipped in the foot image, are read from the column image)

(continued) Isidem in memoriam mariti Osiridis sacra instituisse, sanctissimis sacrificiis admiscens imagines, indicia et exempla suorum eventorum. VONCK.

(printed under page 140)

(2) ‹Hic denique semper Fit fera› · lemma in col 275

Hic denique semper Fit fera, etc. Existimarim equidem, Antonium, quum novisset Aegyptios plurima simulacra sub figura diversorum animalium colere, ea omnia ad unum Serapidem referenda censuisse. Concinit Paulinus Natali XI. ℣. 98. Vide Martianum Capell. de Nupt. Philol. lib. II, p. 43. VONCK.

Hic denique semper Fit fera ("here at last he always becomes a beast," etc.). I should think that Antonius, knowing that the Egyptians worshipped very many images in the shape of different animals, judged that all of them were to be referred to Serapis alone. Paulinus agrees, Natalicium XI, verse 98. See Martianus Capella, On the Marriage of Philology, book II, p. 43. VONCK.

(printed under page 140)

(3) ‹Nunc homo, nunc panis› · lemma in col 275

Nunc homo, nunc panis. Hic versus videtur corruptus. Legendum: / Nunc homo, nunc sanus, nunc corpore languidus aegro. / Dicit enim Poeta, Serapidem sub hominis figura repraesentari, qui nunc sanus sit, nunc aegritudine languidus. Vide Marshami Chron. saec. XI, p. 319. VONCK. — Optime. Anonymo item lipsiensi perplacet haec restitutio. GALL.

Nunc homo, nunc panis ("now man, now bread"). This line seems corrupt. Read: "now man, now healthy, now languid with a sick body." For the poet says that Serapis is represented in the form of a man who is now healthy, now languid with sickness. See Marsham's Chronicon, century XI, p. 319. VONCK. — Excellent. The Leipzig anonymous also much approves this restoration. GALLANDI.

(printed under page 140)

(4) ‹Quid loquar et Vestam› · lemma in col 275

Quid loquar et Vestam. Vestam esse ipsam terram sunt quidam arbitrati, alii domorum omnium servatricem, alii etiam per illam purum aetheris ignem significari opinabantur. Hinc Orpheus illam non Siculas habitare regiones, sed in aethere morantem aiebat: / Ἑστία εὐδυνάτοιο Κρόνου θύγατερ βασίλεια, / Ἣ μέσον οἶκον ἔχεις πυρὸς ἀενάοιο μεγίστου. / Vesta potentis Saturni filia regina, / Quae mediam regionem aetheris magni ignisque habitas. / Alii alia, ut mirum non sit, si sacerdotibus ejus ignotum quoque quid illa sit, noster affirmet.

Quid loquar et Vestam ("why should I speak of Vesta too"). Some thought that Vesta was the earth itself, others the guardian of all homes, and others again held that the pure fire of the ether was signified by her. Hence Orpheus said that she dwelt not in the Sicilian regions but abiding in the ether: "Hestia, queen, daughter of mighty Kronos, who hold the central dwelling of the great everlasting fire": Vesta, queen, daughter of powerful Saturn, who inhabit the middle region of the great ether and fire. Others said other things, so that it is no wonder if our author asserts that even to her priests it was unknown what she is.

(printed under page 140)

(5) ‹Cur ignis femina› · lemma in col 275

Cur ignis femina. Vidisti supra ex Orpheo Vestam pro igne sumi: addo nunc Ovid., lib. VI, Fast.: / Nec tu aliud Vestam, quam vivam intellige flammam. / Et tamen is ante dixerat: / Vesta eadem est et terra.... / Augustin. lib. IV, cap. 10, de Civit. Dei, ita fatur: « Eamdem terram Cererem, eamdem etiam Vestam volunt, cum tamen saepius Vestam non nisi ignem esse perhibeant: » quod idem repetit lib. VII, c. 16. Vide Ciceronem de Nat. Deor, et in II, de Leg. Diodorum, aliosque. Miratur igitur, ridetque Paulinus, cur ignis femina dicatur. MUR.

Cur ignis femina ("why fire is a woman"). You saw above from Orpheus that Vesta is taken for fire. I now add Ovid, Fasti book VI: "And understand Vesta as nothing other than living flame." And yet he had said before: "Vesta is the same as the earth…." Augustine, City of God book IV, chapter 10, speaks thus: "They will have the same earth to be Ceres, and the same also Vesta, though they more often declare that Vesta is nothing but fire"; which he repeats in book VII, chapter 16. See Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, and On the Laws book II, Diodorus, and others. Paulinus therefore wonders, and laughs, why fire should be called a woman. MURATORI.

(printed under page 140)

(6) ‹Hyginus› · lemma in col 275

Hyginus. Augusti libertus fuit Jul. Hyginus, ac Ovidii familiaris. Librum fabularum scripsit, qui etiamnum extat. Verum ibi citatum a Paulino locum nancisci non potui. Scripsit ille praeterea libros Genealogiarum, et librum de Penatibus. quem laudat Macrob. lib. III, c. 14. Saturnal. librum de proprietatibus Deorum, Macrobio itidem teste lib. III, c. 8, et Confusaneas quaestiones Fabio, Gellio ac Diomedi memoratas, quae nobis omnia temporum voracitas invidet. Ex hisce libris propositam eruditionem procul dubio Paulinus noster hauserat. MUR.

Hyginus. Julius Hyginus was a freedman of Augustus and a friend of Ovid. He wrote a book of Fables, which is still extant; but I could not find there the passage cited by Paulinus. He wrote besides books of Genealogies, and a book On the Penates, which Macrobius praises, Saturnalia book III, chapter 14; a book On the Properties of the Gods, as Macrobius likewise testifies, book III, chapter 8; and Miscellaneous Questions, mentioned by Fabius, Gellius and Diomedes; all of which the voracity of time begrudges us. From these books, beyond doubt, our Paulinus had drawn the learning set out here. MURATORI.

(printed under page 140)

(7) ‹Sicuti commendat Hyginus› · lemma in col 275

Sicuti commendat Hyginus. Leg. commentat: quod rarius quidem, usitatum tamen. VONCK.

Sicuti commendat Hyginus ("as Hyginus commends"). Read commentat ("discusses"): rarer indeed, yet in use. VONCK.

(printed under page 140)

(8) ‹Suspendunt Soli› · lemma in col 275 · (runs on into col 276, with lines lost at the crop)

Suspendunt Soli. Vulcanalia festa erant in Vulcani honorem. De his mentio exstat in vetustissimis kalendariis apud Gruter., p. 133, 134, 135, et in alio non dissimili apud Dempster., Rom. Antiq. in Paralip., ad cap. 4. lib. IV. Peragebantur autem X kalend. septemb. His Columella concordat, de Re Rust., lib. […] […] In usu autem antiquis fuit idolorum cultoribus vestes falsis suspendere diis. Aristoph. in Avibus: / ...... Τίς δὲ θεὸς / Πολιοῦχος ἔσται; τῷ ξανοῦμεν τὸν πέπλον; / Quis autem deus urbi praesidebit, cui dividemus vestes? / Hoc est: Cui deo vestes suspendemus? Apuleius, lib. VI, As. Aur.: « Vides dona speciosa, et lacinias auro litteratas, ramis arborum postibusque suffixas. » Alex. ab Alex., lib. 3, cap. 18: « In aliis mysteriis traditur mos, ut vestem in qua quispiam initiatur, templis et numinibus dicaret. » Haec, et alia congerit Pinto Ramirez, in Spicileg. sacr., tract. I, cap. 2 et 22, § 15. Verum vestes Soli singulariter dedicatas apud neminem invenire potueram, quum eruditissimus Abbas Blanchinus, cujus curae Em. Otthoboni bibliotheca demandata est, per clariss. Ciampinum quemdam hac de re apud Herodotum exstare locum me monuit. Est autem lib. II, ubi agit de Neco Rege: Ἐν τῇ δὲ ἐσθῆτι ἔτυχε ταῦτα κατεργασάμενος ἀνέθηκε τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι πέμψας ἐς Βραγχίδας τὰς Μιλησίων. In vestitu autem curiosus quum fuisset, illum Apollini dicatum ad Branchidas Milesiorum misit. MUR.

Suspendunt Soli ("they hang up to the Sun"). The Vulcanalia were festivals in honour of Vulcan. They are mentioned in the most ancient calendars in Gruter, pp. 133, 134, 135, and in another not unlike them in Dempster, Roman Antiquities, in the Paralipomena to book IV, chapter 4. They were held on the tenth day before the Kalends of September. Columella agrees with these, On Agriculture, book […] […] It was the custom of the ancient idol-worshippers to hang up garments to the false gods. Aristophanes in the Birds: "…And what god shall be the city's guardian? For whom shall we card the robe?" Which god shall preside over the city, for whom shall we divide garments? That is: to what god shall we hang up garments? Apuleius, Golden Ass book VI: "You see the fine gifts and the cloths lettered with gold, fixed to the branches of trees and to the doorposts." Alexander ab Alexandro, book 3, chapter 18: "In other mysteries the custom is recorded that one dedicated to the temples and gods the garment in which he was initiated." Pinto Ramírez gathers these and other things in the Spicilegium sacrum, tract I, chapters 2 and 22, § 15. But I had been able to find garments dedicated specifically to the Sun in no one, when the most learned Abbé Bianchini, to whose care the library of his Eminence Ottoboni is entrusted, told me through the most distinguished Ciampini that there is a certain passage on this matter in Herodotus. It is in book II, where he treats of King Necho: "The garment in which he had happened to accomplish these things he dedicated to Apollo, sending it to the Branchidae of the Milesians": having been elaborately dressed, he sent the garment, dedicated to Apollo, to the Branchidae of the Milesians. MURATORI.

(printed under page 140)

(9) ‹Portatur Adonis› · lemma in col 276

Portatur Adonis. Erant quidem Adonia apud Gentiles, hoc est festa Adonidi sacra, de quibus meminit Aristophanes in Pace, et Ovid., Metam., lib. X, eo versu per Venerem prolato: / Annua plangoris peraget simulamina nostri. / Praesertim vero Alexandriae, ut asserit Nat. Comes, lib. 5, cap. 16, Mythol. Adonidis solemnia fervebant, cujus imago magna cum pompa ferebatur. Sed heic aliud innui tempus patet, quo et Adonidis simulacrum portaretur, nempe in ipsis Vulcanalibus; ait enim: Tunc et portatur Adonis. Celebris est Veneris, et hujus pueri fabula. MUR.

Portatur Adonis ("Adonis is carried"). There were indeed among the Gentiles the Adonia, that is, festivals sacred to Adonis, which Aristophanes mentions in the Peace, and Ovid, Metamorphoses book X, in the line spoken by Venus: "[The year] shall perform yearly a likeness of my lament." Especially at Alexandria, as Natale Conti asserts, Mythologia book 5, chapter 16, the solemnities of Adonis were celebrated with fervour, and his image was carried with great pomp. But here it is clear that another time is indicated when the image of Adonis was carried, namely at the Vulcanalia themselves; for he says: "Then too Adonis is carried." The tale of Venus and this boy is famous. MURATORI.

(printed under page 140)

(10) ‹Stercora tunc mittunt› · lemma in col 276 · (continues)

Stercora tunc mittunt. Fimo dii Gentium dehonestari solebant. Doctissimus Abbas Blanchinus Othobonianae bibliothecae Praefectus per Cl. virum Jo. Ciampinum Orphei, seu Onomacriti versum de ritu simili, ut animadverterem monuit. Habetur ille apud Nazianz., in Stelitevt. 1, adversus Julianum: / Ζεῦ κύδιστε, μέγιστε θεῶν, εἰλυμένε κόπρῳ. / Juppiter gloriosissime, deum maxime, delibute stercore. / Seldenus, de Diis Syris, Synt. 2. cap 5, hunc eumdem recitat versum, sed ad Jovem Stercoreum non magis attinere censet illud εἰλυμμένος κόπρῳ, quam Virgilii de Jove verba: / Totamque infusa per artus / Mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore miscet. / Quasi utrobique Jupiter arcanis naturae involutus dicatur. Verum nil rei latina carmina cum graecis habent, et κόπρος ille, quo delibutus dicitur Jupiter, hujusmodi ab explicatione abhorret. Dii Stercorei fuere praeterea, ac, ut ibidem notat idem Seldenus, Beelzebul sonat Dominus Stercoreus, et Rabbi Abraham Benkattun, versum 33, cap. 23 Exodi ita explicat: Non sines apud te habitare, qui colunt deos (continues)

Stercora tunc mittunt ("then they throw dung"). The gods of the Gentiles used to be dishonoured with dung. The most learned Abbé Bianchini, Prefect of the Ottoboni library, through the distinguished Giovanni Ciampini, advised me to note a verse of Orpheus, or Onomacritus, on a similar rite. It is found in Nazianzen, in the first Steliteutic oration, against Julian: "Zeus most glorious, greatest of gods, wrapped in dung": Jupiter most glorious, greatest of the gods, smeared with dung. Selden, On the Syrian Gods, Syntagma 2, chapter 5, quotes this same verse, but thinks that "wrapped in dung" no more refers to a Dung-Jove than Virgil's words about Jove: "and mind, poured through the limbs, moves the whole mass and mingles with the great body," as if in both places Jupiter were said to be wrapped in the secrets of nature. But the Latin verses have nothing in common with the Greek, and that kopros, with which Jupiter is said to be smeared, resists any explanation of this kind. There were, besides, Dung-gods; and, as the same Selden notes in the same place, Beelzebul means "Lord of Dung," and Rabbi Abraham Benkattun explains verse 33 of Exodus chapter 23 thus: "You shall not let dwell with you those who worship gods (continues)

(printed under page 140)

(Commentarius: notes keyed by lemma, no call marks. The commentary block on this page opens under its own "COMMENTARIUS" head, with no crop loss.) (printed under page 141)

(1) ‹Stercora tunc mittunt› · from col 276 · (continued)

(continued) peregrinos vel stercoreos, Sed cur Adonis stercora patiebatur? Causam invenisse mihi videor. Nonnulli Adonidem semen tritici esse statuerunt, inter quos Theocriti Scholiastes ita locutus est. Ἄδωνις, ἤγουν ὁ σῖτος, ὁ σπειρόμενος ἓξ μῆνας ἐν τῇ γῇ ποιεῖ ὑπὸ τῆς σπορᾶς, etc. Adonis, videlicet frumentum satum sex menses humi sub satione degit. Tam bene igitur Adonidi stercora aptantur, quam tritico. Quia vero inter Vulcanum, Venerisque amasios inimicitiae intercedebant; hinc Adonis male habitus, quum Vulcani sacra peragebantur. Has ergo propiores causas arbitror, cur adeo turpia ille in Vulcanalibus subire cogeretur. MUR.

(printed under page 141)

(2) ‹Ipsum pro stercore jactant› · lemma in col 277

Ipsum pro stercore jactant. Leg. ipsum pro! stercore jactant. Heic enim loci pro rei indignationem indicat, nec praepositionis vice fungitur, sed interjectionis. VONCK.

Ipsum pro stercore jactant ("they throw him for dung"). Read ipsum, pro! stercore jactant ("him, oh shame! they pelt with dung"). For here pro expresses indignation at the thing, and does duty not as a preposition but as an interjection. VONCK.

(printed under page 141)

(3) ‹Quinquennes epulas› · lemma in col 277

Quinquennes epulas. Quum mihi horum carminum germana explicatio lateret, monuit me Joannes Ciampinus vir clarus et maximum Urbis decus, solutionem a Lipsio petendam cap. X de Vesta, et Vestal. Hunc equidem auctorem ante consulueram, sed incurioso effugerat haec eruditio. Inquit autem is. « In ambage vel nube est, quod in Silvestri Actis quibusdam legitur: Draconis eum ora clausisse, et perpetuo ergastulo mancipasse, cui Kalendis singulis a Virginibus Vestae suppeditari solita sunt alimenta. Nam quis veterum tale aliquid? eoque sperni aut abjici a magnis viris ut falsa, video. Me cunctante an non Tertullianus huc adspexerit ad Uxor. cap. 6. hisce verbis: Romae quidem quae ignis illius inextinguibilis imaginem tractant, auspicia poenae suae cum ipso Dracone curantes de Virginitate censentur. » Haec Lipsius. Tu vero sodes intuere quantum ponderis hisce omnibus a Paulino accedat. Quomodo vero quinquennes epulas vocet, fateor me nondum percepisse. Habetur quidem in codice nostro scriptum quenquennis, at neque metrum, neque sensus hanc lectionem patiuntur, scriptumque pro quinquenneis. MUR.

Quinquennes epulas ("five-yearly feasts"). Since the true explanation of these verses escaped me, Giovanni Ciampini, a distinguished man and the greatest ornament of the City, advised me to seek the solution from Lipsius, chapter X of On Vesta and the Vestals. I had indeed consulted that author before, but this piece of learning had escaped me through want of care. He says: "It is wrapped in ambiguity or cloud, what is read in certain Acts of Silvester: that he closed the mouth of a Dragon and consigned it to a perpetual prison, a Dragon to which food used to be supplied by the Vestal Virgins on each Kalends. For which of the ancients [says] anything of the kind? And so I see it scorned or cast aside by great men as false. I hesitate whether Tertullian did not have this in view, To his Wife chapter 6, in these words: 'At Rome, those who handle the image of that unquenchable fire, tending the omens of their own punishment along with the Dragon itself, are rated by their virginity.'" So Lipsius. But see, I pray you, how much weight is added to all this by Paulinus. How he comes to call them five-yearly feasts, however, I confess I have not yet understood. Our manuscript indeed has quenquennis written, but neither metre nor sense allows this reading, and it was written for quinquenneis. MURATORI.

(printed under page 141)

(4) ‹Qui linquenda› · lemma in col 277

Qui linquenda. Similis locus Minuciano: Nonne ridiculum est, vel lugere quod colas, vel colere quod lugeas? MUR.

Qui linquenda ("who [worship] what ought to be forsaken"). The passage is like Minucius': "Is it not ridiculous either to mourn what you worship or to worship what you mourn?" MURATORI.

(printed under page 141)

(5) ‹Ego cuncta prius› · lemma in col 277 · (runs on into col 278)

Ego cuncta prius. Heic versum unum, pluresve deesse nemo diffitebitur; quippe verba priora in incerto manent similemque sensum, ut compleantur, requirunt: Haec ego cuncta prius dubia mente volvebam, et probare nesciebam, clarum cum lumen adeptus sum, etc. MUR. — Existimabat cl. Muratorius, heic aliquid deesse. Eruditus Vonckius legebat, clarus sum lumen adeptus, aut clarum cum lumen adeptum. Mihi tamen magis probatur lipsiensis Anonymi conjectura. « Quid, inquit, si legeres clarum QUAM lumen adeptus? Sic omnia bene fluerent. Dicit Antonius: Haec ego cuncta prius cogitavi, quam clarum lumen adeptus eram, sanctaque Ecclesia me recipiebat. » GALL.

Ego cuncta prius ("I all things before"). No one will deny that one line or more is missing here, since the preceding words remain uncertain and require some such sense to complete them: "All these things I formerly turned over with a doubtful mind and did not know how to test them, when I gained the clear light," etc. MURATORI. — The distinguished Muratori thought something was missing here. The learned Vonck read clarus sum lumen adeptus or clarum cum lumen adeptum. I, however, prefer the conjecture of the Leipzig anonymous: "What," he says, "if you read clarum QUAM lumen adeptus? So everything would flow well. Antonius says: All these things I pondered before I gained the clear light and holy Church received me." GALLANDI.

(printed under page 141)

(6) ‹Ecclesia› · lemma in col 278

Ecclesia. Ita effert alibi Paulinus hoc nomen metri gratia. In Epithal. / Grande sacramentum, quo nubit Ecclesia Christo. / Hic vos nectat amor, quo stringit Ecclesia Christum. / In Nat. IV quoque et alibi. Ita etiam usurpavit Anonymus, lib. I. contra Marcionem, iis carminibus, quae Tertulliano adscribuntur: / Sic et Apostolico decurrit Ecclesia verbo. MUR.

Ecclesia ("Church"). So Paulinus elsewhere pronounces this word for the metre's sake. In the Epithalamium: "The great sacrament by which the Church weds Christ. Here may the love bind you by which the Church holds Christ fast." In Natalicium IV too, and elsewhere. So also the Anonymous used it in book I Against Marcion, in the verses ascribed to Tertullian: "So too the Church runs on by the apostolic word." MURATORI.

(printed under page 141)

(7) ‹Ut modo› · lemma in col 278

Ut modo. Tempus designat, quo haec scriptis mandabat, nempe annum 395, se enim Nolam nuper contulerat Paulinus, ut ibi religioso pioque vivendi instituto daret operam. Vide quae disserui in Praefatione ad hoc Poema. MUR.

Ut modo ("as now"). He indicates the time when he was committing this to writing, namely the year 395; for Paulinus had lately betaken himself to Nola, to devote himself there to a religious and devout rule of life. See what I discussed in the Preface to this poem. MURATORI.

(printed under page 141)

(8) ‹Hic meliore via› · lemma in col 278

Hic meliore via, etc. Muratorius sic distinguebat: / Hic meliore via paradisi limina pandat / Felix. Nostra fides uni certoque dicata. / Sed cum viris eruditis ita distinguendus hic locus; non ut interpunctio sit post nomen Felix, ac illius velut Martyris Paulino celebrati nomen ad priora referatur. VONCK.

Hic meliore via ("here by a better way," etc.). Muratori punctuated thus: "Here by a better way may he open the thresholds of paradise, Felix. Our faith, dedicated to the one sure [God]." But with learned men this place is to be punctuated otherwise: not with a stop after the name Felix, so that the name of that martyr celebrated by Paulinus is referred to what precedes. VONCK.

(printed under page 141)

(9) ‹Distribuitque locis coelum› · lemma in col 278

Distribuitque locis coelum. Res disquisitione digna videtur Muratorio, quod mare, terras, aera et coelum elementorum nomine distinguat auctor, neque hilum de igne cogitet. At philosophum heic egisse Antonium non putem: imitatus fortasse verba sacri scriptoris Gen. 1 ubi nec ulla ignis mentio. Prudentius etiam ignem non agnoscit tamquam elementum per se consistens, sed quod ex alio progignitur, lib. I. Symmach., v. 395. / Quidquid humus, pelagus, coelum mirabile gignit, / Id duxere deos, colles, freta, flumina, flammas.

Distribuitque locis coelum ("and distributed heaven into places"). It seems to Muratori a matter worth investigating that the author distinguishes sea, lands, air and heaven under the name of elements, and gives not a thought to fire. But I would not think that Antonius was playing the philosopher here: perhaps he imitated the words of the sacred writer in Genesis 1, where there is no mention at all of fire. Prudentius too does not recognize fire as an element subsisting by itself, but as something begotten from another, Against Symmachus book I, line 395: "Whatever wonder earth, sea and sky bring forth, that they took for gods: hills, straits, rivers, flames."

(printed under page 141)

(10) ‹Quatuor haec hausit› · lemma in col 278

Quatuor haec hausit. var. ex. reb. Leg. auxit: nam hausit prorsus nihili. VONCK.

Quatuor haec hausit variis exordia rebus ("these four beginnings he drew for various things"). Read auxit ("increased"): for hausit is utterly worthless. VONCK.

(printed under page 141)

(11) ‹Sic elementa› · lemma in col 278

Sic elementa. Vix erit quisquam, cui nova non videatur Paulini sententia. En aperte mare, terras, aera coelum elementorum nomine distinguit, neque hilum de igne cogitat. Res pulchra, et disquisitione digna.

Sic elementa ("thus the elements"). There will hardly be anyone to whom Paulinus' opinion does not seem new. See, he plainly distinguishes sea, lands, air, heaven under the name of elements, and gives not a thought to fire. A fine matter, and worth investigating.

(printed under page 141)

(Commentarius: notes keyed by lemma, no call marks. The commentary block on this page opens under its own "COMMENTARIUS" head, with no crop loss; the last note of p. 141 ended there.) (printed under page 142)

(1) ‹Medius concluditur aer› · lemma in col 279

Medius concluditur aer. Absit, ut imaginariam illam ignis sphaeram, quam Aristoteles ejusque sectatores lepide excogitarunt, ac etiamnum probant, Paulinus noster admiserit. Hinc aerem non a commentitiis illis flammis, sed ab aethere caelove conclusum affirmat. MUR.

Medius concluditur aer ("the air is enclosed in the middle"). Far be it that our Paulinus should have admitted that imaginary sphere of fire which Aristotle and his followers prettily devised and still approve. Hence he affirms that the air is enclosed not by those fictitious flames but by the ether or heaven. MURATORI.

(printed under page 142)

(2) ‹Postque thronos septem› · lemma in col 279

Postque thronos septem. Non septem tantum, sed novem sub empyreo constitutos fuisse coelos omnino fatendum. Septem ex iis errantia sidera tenent, ut habet versiculus: / Cynthia, Mercurius, Venus, et Sol, Mars, Jove, Satur. / Octavum a fixis sideribus occupatur; nonum vero primum mobile est, cui succedit empyreum. Nihilominus septem coelos ante empyreum exstare diserte Paulinus sentit. Qua ratione quaeris? Poetica facultate respondeo; siquidem apud poetas in octavo coelo, videlicet in sidereo coelo, Dei summi domicilium statuitur. Virgilius lib. 10. Aeneid. / Conciliumque vocat divum pater, atque hominum rex / Sideream in sedem... / Sidon. Apollin. in Panegyr. Aviti de deorum concilio: / Ipse pavimentum sunt sidera, jam Pater aureo / Tranquillus sese solio locat... / Euripides in Jone Διὸς πολύαστρον ἕδος, Jovis pavimentum multisidereum, appellat, cui adde Chrysost., Orat. 2 de Dei nat. aliosque. Fuit haec quoque veterum christianorum sententia. De coelorum diversitate Philastrius brixiensis episcopus imaginariam haeresim recenset cap. 46, aitque: « Sive ergo seu coelos secundum David, et septimum hoc firmamentum accipere quis voluerit, non errat: nam Salomon tres coelos dicis, ita coelum, et coelum coeli. Paulus atque Apostolus usque ad tertium coelum se raptum fatetur. Sive ergo septem quis acceperit, ut David, sive tres, sive duos, non errat. » MUR.

Postque thronos septem ("and after the seven thrones"). It must be fully admitted that not seven only but nine heavens were set beneath the empyrean. Seven of them the wandering stars hold, as the little verse has it: "Cynthia, Mercury, Venus, and Sun, Mars, Jove, Saturn." The eighth is occupied by the fixed stars; the ninth is the primum mobile, after which comes the empyrean. Nonetheless Paulinus expressly holds that seven heavens exist before the empyrean. On what reasoning, you ask? By poetic licence, I answer; for among the poets the dwelling of the supreme God is set in the eighth heaven, namely the starry heaven. Virgil, Aeneid book 10: "The father of gods and king of men calls a council to the starry seat…." Sidonius Apollinaris, in the Panegyric of Avitus, of the council of the gods: "The stars themselves are the floor; now the Father calmly places himself on his golden throne…." Euripides, in the Ion, calls it "the star-filled seat of Zeus," Jove's star-filled floor; add Chrysostom, Oration 2 on the nature of God, and others. This was also the opinion of the early Christians. Philastrius, bishop of Brescia, lists an imaginary heresy on the diversity of the heavens, chapter 46, and says: "Whether, then, anyone chooses to accept heavens according to David, and this firmament as the seventh, he does not err: for Solomon speaks of three heavens, thus heaven, and the heaven of heaven. Paul too, the Apostle, confesses he was caught up to the third heaven. Whether, then, anyone accepts seven, like David, or three, or two, he does not err." MURATORI.

(printed under page 142)

(3) ‹Unde procul› · lemma in col 279

Unde procul. Virgilium imitatur, ita lib. X Aeneid. canentem: / Conciliumque vocat divum pater, atque hominum rex / Sideream in sedem, terras unde arduus omnes / Castraque Dardanidum spectat..... / Liceat quoque italicorum vatum principem heic audire lib. I. Hierosolymae Liberatae. / Quando dall' alto soglio il Padre eterno, / Ch' è nella parte più del Ciel sincera, / Gli occhj in giù volse. e in un sol punto, e in una / Vista mirò ciò ch' in se 'l mondo aduna.

Unde procul ("whence from afar"). He imitates Virgil, who sings thus in Aeneid book X: "The father of gods and king of men calls a council to the starry seat, whence on high he looks on all the lands and the camp of the Dardanians…." Let us also hear here the prince of Italian poets, Jerusalem Delivered book I: "When from his lofty throne the eternal Father, who dwells in the purest part of Heaven, turned his eyes downward, and in a single instant and a single glance beheld all that the world gathers in itself."

(printed under page 142)

(4) ‹Complectitur Urbe› · lemma in col 279 · (runs on into col 280)

Complectitur Urbe. Romani imperii fines eosdem ac orbis terrarum Poetae statuerunt. Rutil., in Itiner., eleganter: / Dumque offers victis proprii consortia juris / Urbem fecisti, qui prius orbis erat. / Scholiast. in Dionys. de situ orb. ὅπερ δὲ πόλις τοῖς αὐτῆς ὁρίοις καὶ χώραις ἐστί, τοῦτο ἥδε ἡ πόλις τῆς ἁπάσης οἰκουμένης, ὥσπερ αὐτῆς χώρας ἄστυ κοινὸν ἀποδεδειγμένη. Quod autem est suis finibus et regionibus urbs aliqua, hoc Romae est totius orbis provinciis, quasi commune totius habitabilis terrae oppidum. Hinc Roma Claudiano dicitur, quae fundit in omnes imperium. Sic Plin., cap. 5, lib. XXXV, Romam esse unam cunctarum gentium in toto orbe patriam dixit. Plura pete a Bulengero, de Imp. Rom., lib. II, cap. 5. MUR.

Complectitur Urbe ("embraces in the City"). The poets set the bounds of the Roman empire as the same as those of the world. Rutilius, in his Journey, elegantly: "And while you offer the conquered a share in your own law, you have made a City of what was once a world." The scholiast on Dionysius, On the Situation of the World: "What a city is to its own bounds and lands, that this city is to the whole inhabited world, shown to be as it were the common town of its land": what any city is to its own bounds and regions, Rome is to the provinces of the whole world, as the common town of the whole habitable earth. Hence Claudian calls Rome the one "who pours out her rule over all." So Pliny, book XXXV, chapter 5, said that Rome was the one fatherland of all nations in the whole world. Seek more from Bulenger, On the Roman Empire, book II, chapter 5. MURATORI.

(printed under page 142)

(5) ‹Hinc ita› · lemma in col 280

Hinc ita. Arrideret: Hunc ita. MUR.

Hinc ita ("hence thus"). Hunc ita ("him thus") would please me. MURATORI.

(printed under page 142)

(6) ‹Cosmon ab ornatu› · lemma in col 280

Cosmon ab ornatu. Κόσμος Graecis est ornamentum. Ab hac significatione, mundi qui Graecis κόσμος dicitur, nomen derivatum censet Paulinus, quia re vera est mundus venusta ornamentorum series. Alii ἀπὸ κόσμου, qui est ordo, seu modus, nominis hujus etymologiam deducunt, quum mundus rerum simul nexarum atque ordinatarum vere sit status. Tertullianus, adversus Marcion., lib. I, poetae nostro subscribit: « Ut ergo, » ait, « aliquid de isto hujus mundi indigno loquar, cui et apud Graecos ornamenti et cultus, non sordium nomen est. » MUR.

Cosmon ab ornatu ("cosmos from adornment"). Kosmos to the Greeks is "ornament." Paulinus judges that the name of the world, which the Greeks call kosmos, is derived from this meaning, because the world truly is a lovely series of ornaments. Others derive the etymology of this name from kosmos meaning order, or measure, since the world truly is the state of things linked together and set in order. Tertullian, Against Marcion book I, agrees with our poet: "To say something, then," he says, "about this alleged unworthiness of this world, which even among the Greeks has the name of ornament and adornment, not of filth." MURATORI.

(printed under page 142)

(7) ‹Mundum de lumine› · lemma in col 280

Mundum de lumine. Honor. Augustodun. lib. de Imag. Mundi cap. I, Isidor., lib. III. Orig, cap. 28 et lib. XIII. cap. 1. Mundum quasi movendum, quia in perpetuo sit motu, dictum putant. Sed rectius Varro, Cicero, Plinius, Paulus I. C. et alii, a munditie appellatum volunt. Huic etymologiae Paulinus accedit, dum a lumine mundum dici ait.

Mundum de lumine ("the world [named] from light"). Honorius of Autun, On the Image of the World chapter I, and Isidore, Etymologies book III, chapter 28, and book XIII, chapter 1, think the world (mundus) is so called as if from "moving" (movendum), because it is in perpetual motion. But more correctly Varro, Cicero, Pliny, Paulus the jurist and others hold that it is named from cleanness (munditia). Paulinus comes near this etymology when he says the world is named from light.

(printed under page 142)

(8) ‹Hic Deus est› · lemma in col 280

Hic Deus est. Hoc est divinum Verbum, Deique Filius, per quem ut supra cecinit, omnia facta sunt et sine eo factum est nihil, quod factum est. In Ms. dicitur: Hic Deus de corde. Apposui verbum est. Adhuc tamen claudicat versus: possem alterum est adjicere: Hic est Spiritus oris MUR. — Muratorius ob caesuram supplet: Hic Deus EST de corde Dei. Et sic satis recte. Caeterum et Virgilius ante hic elisin sprevit lib. I. Aen., v. 20: / Posthabita coluisse Samo. Hic illius arma. / Similiter supra v. 54. ms. habebat: / His deus, uxorque dei, ipsamque sororem. / Ubi itidem cl. editor addit binum est: Hic deus est, uxorque dei est. Quoniam autem in hoc carmine tot occurrunt loca, in quibus si codicem ms. consulas, (at quem tutius?) desideratur caesura aut elisis non admittatur; haud sane credibile mihi fit, casu omnia illa loca corrupta fuisse. Et forte in plerisque contra metrum peccarit Antonius, ut Poetis illius temporis cujus se prodit noster, haud insolens. Nulla enim omnino nobis adest ratio, cur in omnibus hisce scripti codicis spernatur auctoritas. VONCK.

Hic Deus est ("here is God"). That is, the divine Word and Son of God, through whom, as he sang above, "all things were made, and without him was made nothing that was made." In the manuscript it reads Hic Deus de corde. I have added the word est. Yet the verse still limps; I could add a second est: Hic est Spiritus oris ("here is the Spirit of the mouth"). MURATORI. — Muratori, for the caesura, supplies Hic Deus EST de corde Dei ("here is God from the heart of God"). And so it is right enough. But Virgil too scorned elision before hic, Aeneid book I, line 20: "preferred to Samos. Here were her arms." Similarly above, at line 54, the manuscript had: His deus, uxorque dei, ipsamque sororem, where the distinguished editor likewise adds a twofold est: Hic deus est, uxorque dei est. But since there occur in this poem so many places where, if you consult the manuscript (and whom more safely?), a caesura is lacking or an elision is not admitted, it is surely not credible to me that all those places were corrupted by chance. And perhaps in most of them Antonius sinned against the metre, as was not unusual for poets of the time to which our author shows he belongs. For we have no reason whatever why the authority of the written manuscript should be scorned in all these places. VONCK.

(printed under page 142)

(9) ‹Fabrica rerum› · lemma in col 280

Fabrica rerum. Fabrica pro officina proprie usurpari docuit Sipontinus. Ita forte capiendum heic nomen istud. Mea tamen sententia aut error in codicem irrepsit, aut carmen aliquod abest. MUR.

Fabrica rerum ("the workshop of things"). The bishop of Siponto taught that fabrica is properly used for "workshop." Perhaps the word is to be taken so here. In my opinion, however, either an error has crept into the manuscript or some line is missing. MURATORI.

(printed under page 142)

(10) ‹Nec se Paganus› · lemma in col 280 · (continues)

Nec se Paganus. De hoc nomine plura pete a magno Annalium parente Baronio in Martyrol. ad diem 31. Januar. Gothofredo ad lib. 6. C. Th. tit. 10. de Paganis etc. aliisque scriptoribus. Saeculo Christi (continues)

Nec se Paganus ("nor does the Pagan himself"). On this name seek more from Baronius, the great father of the Annals, in the Martyrology at 31 January; from Godefroy on book 6 [as printed] of the Theodosian Code, title 10, On Pagans, etc.; and from other writers. In the century of Christ (continues)

(printed under page 142)

(Two series on this page. First, the end of the Commentarius on the Carmen, with notes keyed by lemma and no call marks. Second, after the rule, the numbered footnotes of the next work, De sancto Victorino episcopo Petavionensi et martyre Prolegomena, Articulus I.) (printed under page 143)

(1) ‹Nec se Paganus› · from col 280 · (continued)

(continued) quarto nomen hoc Gentilibus aptari coepit, quum iidem ab urbibus pulsi in Pagis agrisque profanam adhuc religionem exercerent. MUR.

(printed under page 143)

(2) ‹Si vitat› · lemma in col 281

Si vitat. In Ms. legebatur: Si qui idola vitat. Emendavi. MUR.

Si vitat ("if he avoids"). The manuscript read Si qui idola vitat ("if anyone avoids idols"). I have emended it. MURATORI.

(printed under page 143)

(3) ‹Numine› · lemma in col 281

Numine. Ita scribere placuit pro nomine, quemadmodum habet Ms. MUR.

Numine ("by the divine power"). I chose to write this for nomine ("by the name"), which the manuscript has. MURATORI.

(printed under page 143)

(4) ‹Versus Salvator› · lemma in col 281

Versus Salvator. Illud versus mihi parum arridet. Fortasse verus scribendum est. MUR.

Versus Salvator ("the Saviour, turned"). That versus pleases me little. Perhaps verus ("true") should be written. MURATORI.

(printed under page 143)

(5) ‹Vita potestas› · lemma in col 281 · (runs on into col 282)

Vita potestas. Errorem aliis tollendum relinquo. MUR. — Illud vita potestas heic plane mortuum. Muratorius errorem aliis tollendum relinquit: Fabricius victa conjiciebat. Genuina, ni fallor, lectio. est visa potestas. Quando, inquit, signa majestatis suae prodit supremum Numen, omne genus interitum timet: sed potestas ejus simul ac visa est, vel apparuit, desinet; atque ita coelum, antea nubibus atris incinctum, serenat, et moestas hominum mentes redivivo splendore consolatur. Quae antecedunt et sequuntur haec satis adjuvant, ut plura addere necesse non habeamus. VONCK. — Huic Vonckii emendationi calculum adjicit Anonymus lipsiensis.

Vita potestas ("life, the power"). I leave the error for others to remove. MURATORI. — That vita potestas is plainly dead here. Muratori leaves the error for others to remove; Fabricius conjectured victa ("conquered"). The genuine reading, unless I am mistaken, is visa potestas ("the power, once seen"). When, he says, the supreme Deity shows the signs of His majesty, every kind of creature fears destruction; but as soon as His power has been seen, or has appeared, it ceases; and so it clears the sky, before girt with black clouds, and consoles the sad minds of men with reviving splendour. What precedes and follows supports this well enough that we need add no more. VONCK. — The Leipzig anonymous casts his vote for this emendation of Vonck's.

(printed under page 143)

(6) ‹Caveus› · call (1) in col 281 · Prolegomena on Victorinus

(printed under page 143) (1) Cave., Hist. litter., tom. I. pag. 147.

(1) Cave, Historia litteraria, vol. I, p. 147.

(printed under page 143)

(7) ‹Petavionensis› · call (2) in col 281 · Prolegomena on Victorinus · (continues; the rest of the note lies below the right-column image)

(printed under page 143) (2) Ita quidem legendum docuit, errore obsoleto, quo Pictaviensis Aquitaniae in Gallia a Baronio ad (continues)

(2) That it should be read so he has indeed shown, the error now being obsolete by which [Victorinus], as "Pictaviensis," of Aquitaine in Gaul, by Baronius at (continues)

(printed under page 143)