Arnobii Afri Disputationum adversus gentes liber primus

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COMMENTARIUS. (printed under page 361, across both columns; set from the foot images by Q6a, which replaced the quarantined, unset entry) (comm.) ‹anchor: the work's title, Arnobii Disputationum adversus gentes libri VII› · note on the title Arnobii Disputationum adversus gentes libri VII. Haec est horum librorum ἐπιγραφὴ in editione romana, et aliis omnibus quae ab ea propagatae sunt. At in ms. observant scriptum Adversus nationes. Res una et eadem est. Ipse noster lib. III: Ad unius credulitatis assensum mente una concurrere gentes et populos fecit, et moribus dissimillimas nationes. Lib. V, cap. 13: Quid dicitis, o gentes! quid hujusmodi deditae opinionibus nationes? Infideles omnes populi appellantur in libris veteris Testamenti גוים, et inde in apostolicis libris et evangelistarum monumentis ἔθνη; nempe quia praeter populum Deo peculiarem Judaeae terminis inclusum, et postea praeter paucos fideles, gentes omnes aliae et nationes, vero Deo ignorato, idolis serviebant. Hinc igitur vetus Ecclesia appellationes illas retinuit, donec, ruente idololatria et christiana pietate longe lateque diffundente se, facies rerum mutari coepta est. Tunc enim, quum christiani imperatores terrarum orbi praesiderint, et Ecclesiae Christo ubique conderentur, contra idolorum templa clauderentur et everterentur, simul cum appellationis causa, appellatio quoque illa mutata est; et pro nationibus, gentibus, ethnicis, pagani appellari coeperunt, quippe non amplius terrarum orbem occupantes, sed in angustum coarctati, et quasi pagis tantum quibusdam conclusi. Nec dubito quin haec vera appellationis ratio fuerit; atque sententiam meam non inutiliter affirmat, quod ab aliis etiam observatum est, incognitam fuisse appellationem istam, antequam ad christianos imperatores imperium devolutum esset. HERALDUS.

"Seven books of Arnobius's Disputations against the Gentiles." This is the title of these books in the Roman edition and in all the others descended from it. But in the manuscript they note that "Against the Nations" is written. The thing is one and the same. Our author himself, Book III: "He has made peoples and nations, and races most unlike in their ways, run together with one mind to assent to a single belief." Book V, ch. 13: "What do you say, O gentiles? what, you nations given to opinions of this kind?" All unbelieving peoples are called goyim in the books of the Old Testament, and hence ethnē in the apostolic books and the records of the evangelists; that is, because, apart from the people peculiar to God, shut within the borders of Judaea, and afterwards apart from a few believers, all the other gentiles and nations, not knowing the true God, served idols. Hence the ancient Church kept those names, until, as idolatry fell and Christian piety spread itself far and wide, the face of things began to change. For then, when Christian emperors presided over the world, and churches were being founded to Christ everywhere, while the temples of idols were being shut and overthrown, the name changed together with its cause; and instead of nations, gentiles, ethnics, they began to be called pagans, since they no longer occupied the world, but were pressed into a narrow space and shut up, as it were, in certain villages (pagi) only. Nor do I doubt that this was the true reason for the name; and my opinion is usefully confirmed by what others too have observed, that this name was unknown before the empire passed to Christian emperors. HERALDUS.

(comm.) ‹anchor: the name Arnobius in the title› · note on the title E Fragmento Commentarii Salmasiani in Arnobium edito ab J. A. Fabricio ad calcem operum sancti Hippolyti, tom. II, pag. 122-134, ubi vir eruditionis immensae de nominibus et praenominibus Romanorum, more suo, ample satis, sed docte disputat, paucissima quae ad nomen Arnobii spectant, hic delibasse sufficiat. Incipit quaerere vir doctissimus quare nomen Arnobii nude hic absque praenomine et cognomine inscribatur. Fecit scil. hoc Arnobius, more Graecorum, plerumque, qui pristinam semper consuetudinem retinuerunt, ut unico nomine gauderent: quamquam vix dubitandum est, quin plura nomina habuerit Arnobius, quod solemne fuit non Romanis tantum, sed etiam Hispanis, Gallis, Afris sub Romanorum imperio degentibus usque ad Constantinum, per quem usus praenominum abolitus fere est, qualis olim nimirum erat, ut Titus aliquis, aut Marcus, aut Aulus, aut Cnaeus ante alia nomina vocaretur; retentum tamen, ut plura haberent nomina, quorum prima quaeque praenominis vicem obtinuisse videri possunt, et vel ex eo colligi potest, nomen hoc illi proprium fuisse; siquidem ex pluribus cum unum praecipue seligitur, praeteritis caeteris, id maxime proprium videtur, quo solo quis nominatur. Fecerunt idem alii quoque ejusdem fere aetatis scriptores, v. c. Agellius (ita citatus ab Augustino, de Civitate Dei, lib. IX, cap. 4, et libris omnibus antiquis, ex quo nomen A. Gellii postea per editiones vulgatum est), et Apuleius, cui Lucii praenomen ascripserunt editiones, cum minime tamen id compareat in pluteariis libris, in quibus legitur tantum: Incipit primus liber Metamorphoseos Apuleii. Atque ita deinceps et in caeteris ejus scriptis. Sane quod ad Agellium et Apuleium attinet, graeci moris imitatione id eos factitasse verosimile est, cujus magnam in omnibus affectationem produnt. Verum et Arnobius nomen mere graecum est. Ἀρνόβιος, ut Ζηνόβιος, Μακρόβιος, Πολύβιος. Nec enim gentilicium est, ut Apuleius, sed ut graecanica dura nomenclatura est, ita ex eorum nominum genere existit, quae vicem cognominis in libertis habere solita erant, praenomine ac nomine dominorum praepositis. Liberti quippe, praenomine ac nomine domini adscito, tertium suum addebant proprium et graecum. Exempla passim obvia apud auctores et in antiquis inscriptionum monumentis. Sic enim sese vocabant: A. APPULEIUS, A. L. THYASUS, hoc est Aulus Appuleius, Auli libertus, Thyasus. Nomen servi graecum Thyasus, qui dominum habuit Aulum Appuleium, sic vocatum praenomine et nomine: cognomen ignoratur. Ab eo manumissus, assumpto praenomine et nomine, vocatus est Aulus Appuleius Thyasus. Hoc in omnibus perpetue et constanter observatum. Libertini autem nomen proprium paternum, quod in patre vice cognominis fuit, post ejusdem emancipationem convertebant in nomen quasi gentilicium, ac de nomine patroni gentilicio praenomen plerumque faciebant hoc modo: Flavius Sosipater Charisius. Sosipater nomen proprium, Charisius patris. Sosipater, qui Flavius nominabatur, ab aliquo patrono ex gente Flavia manumissus. Sic ille Thyasus si filium habuisset nomine Epaphroditum, sic nuncupandus secundum hanc regulam veniret: Appuleius Thyasus Epaphroditus. Aliquando etiam praenomen patroni paterni retinebant libertini. Quemadmodum vero plura nomina habuisse videtur Arnobius, ita incertum est, utrum nominis an cognominis ei loco fuerit haec appellatio. Haec Salmasius.

From the fragment of Salmasius's commentary on Arnobius published by J. A. Fabricius at the end of the works of St Hippolytus, vol. II, pp. 122–134, where that man of immense learning discusses the names and praenomina of the Romans, after his manner at ample length but learnedly, let it suffice to have tasted here the very few things that concern the name of Arnobius. The most learned man begins by asking why the name of Arnobius is inscribed here bare, without praenomen and cognomen. Arnobius did this, that is, mostly after the manner of the Greeks, who always kept the old custom of being content with a single name; although it can hardly be doubted that Arnobius had several names, as was customary not for Romans only, but also for Spaniards, Gauls and Africans living under the rule of the Romans down to Constantine, by whom the use of praenomina was almost abolished — such as it formerly was, namely that a man was called Titus, or Marcus, or Aulus, or Gnaeus before his other names; yet the custom of having several names was kept, of which the first in each case can be seen to have taken the place of the praenomen; and even from this it can be gathered that this name was his own; for when one of several names is chosen in particular and the rest passed over, the name by which alone a person is called seems most his own. Other writers of about the same age did the same, for example Agellius (so cited by Augustine, City of God, Book IX, ch. 4, and in all the old books, from which the name A. Gellius was afterwards spread through the editions), and Apuleius, to whom the editions gave the praenomen Lucius, although it nowhere appears in the library books, in which is read only: "Here begins the first book of the Metamorphoses of Apuleius"; and so on in his other writings too. Indeed, as regards Agellius and Apuleius, it is likely that they did this in imitation of Greek custom, a great affectation of which they display in everything. But Arnobius too is a purely Greek name: Arnobios, like Zenobios, Makrobios, Polybios. For it is not a clan name, like Apuleius, but, as it is a harsh Greek naming, so it belongs to the class of those names which used to stand for the cognomen among freedmen, with the praenomen and nomen of their masters placed before them. For freedmen, taking their master's praenomen and nomen, added as a third their own name, a Greek one. Examples are met everywhere in the authors and in the ancient monuments of inscriptions. For thus they called themselves: A. APPULEIUS, A. L. THYASUS, that is, Aulus Appuleius, freedman of Aulus, Thyasus. Thyasus was the Greek name of a slave whose master was Aulus Appuleius, so called by praenomen and nomen; the cognomen is unknown. Manumitted by him, he took the praenomen and nomen and was called Aulus Appuleius Thyasus. This was observed in all cases perpetually and constantly. The sons of freedmen, moreover, after their father's emancipation turned his own name, which in the father had stood for a cognomen, into a quasi-clan name, and generally made a praenomen of their patron's clan name, in this way: Flavius Sosipater Charisius. Sosipater was his own name, Charisius his father's. Sosipater, who was called Flavius, had been manumitted by some patron of the Flavian clan. So if that Thyasus had had a son named Epaphroditus, by this rule he would have come to be called Appuleius Thyasus Epaphroditus. Sometimes, too, the sons of freedmen kept the praenomen of their father's patron. But as Arnobius seems to have had several names, so it is uncertain whether this name stood for his nomen or his cognomen. Thus far Salmasius.

(comm.) ‹anchor: I. — Insanire, bacchari› · ch. I (text in col. 718) I. — Insanire, bacchari. Id est tamquam vates deo impletos id affirmare. Arioli scilicet et vates existimati furere propter motus illos, quibus tamquam divina vi concitati rotabantur. Ita Virgilius, Aen. III, 445: Insanam vatem aspicies; et VI, 78: Bacchatur vates. HERALDUS et PRIOR. — Sic et Minucius Felix Octav. cap. 27: Vates et ipsi absque templo sic insaniunt, sic bacchantur, sic rotantur. Conf. Oudend. ad Apulei. Met. III, p. 211. ORELL.

I. — "To rave, to revel like Bacchants." That is, to affirm it like seers filled with the god. Soothsayers and seers, that is, were thought to be mad because of those movements by which they were whirled about as if roused by a divine force. So Virgil, Aeneid III, 445 [443]: "You will see the frenzied seer"; and VI, 78: "The seer raves like a Bacchant." HERALDUS and PRIOR. — So too Minucius Felix, Octavius, ch. 27: "The seers themselves, even without a temple, thus rave, thus revel, thus whirl." Compare Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses III, p. 211. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Et velut quiddam promptum ex oraculo dicere› · ch. I (text in col. 718) Et velut quiddam promptum ex oraculo dicere. Id est tamquam certissimum quid et indubitatum audacter et magnifice pronuntiare. Nam oracula cum brevitatis majestate, tum rei veritate habebantur augustissima; nec de iis dubitandum existimabant, quae ἐκ τρίποδος Deus cecinisset. Cicero apud Augustinum, de Civ. Dei, lib. II, cap. 21, de hoc Ennii versu: Moribus antiquis res stat Romana virisque. Quem quidem ille versum, inquit, vel brevitate vel veritate tamquam ex oraculo mihi quodam esse effatus videtur. Idem pro Fonteio, cap. 7: Si, quidquid ex illo loco dicetur, ex oraculo dici arbitrabitur. HERALD. et ELMENHORST. — Conf. Juret. ad Symmach., lib. II, Epist. VII, p. 77, ed. Lectii. ORELL.

"And to say something, as it were, drawn from an oracle." That is, to pronounce something boldly and grandly as most certain and beyond doubt. For oracles were held most august, both for the majesty of their brevity and for the truth of their matter; and men thought there was no doubting what the god had sung from the tripod. Cicero, quoted by Augustine, City of God, Book II, ch. 21, on this verse of Ennius: "By ancient ways and by her men the Roman state stands." "That verse," he says, "he seems to me to have uttered, for its brevity or its truth, as if from an oracle." The same, For Fonteius, ch. 7: "If he will think that whatever is said from that place is said from an oracle." HERALDUS and ELMENHORST. — Compare Juret on Symmachus, Book II, Letter VII, p. 77, Lectius's edition. ORELLI.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

a Ita Sab. In ortus ferri Fulv.

a So Sabaeus. Fulvius reads "In ortus ferri" ("to be carried towards the east").

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(a) ‹anchor: comprehensum et compositum› · call in col 726 (note printed under col 725)

Positum Fulv.

"Positum" (set down): Fulvius.

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(b) ‹anchor: prior aetas affecta sit› · call in col 726

Afflicta sit Fulv.

"Afflicta sit" (was afflicted): Fulvius.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

c Disceptatione. Ms. disputatio Fulv. Male.

c "Disceptatione" [the reading "disceptatio"]: so the manuscript. Fulvius reads "disputatio": wrongly.

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 731

Ms. meriti sunt, quod Arnobianum est. <!-- UNSURE: the verb is smudged in the bold small type; read as "meriti". -->

Manuscript: "meriti sunt" (they deserved), which is Arnobius's usage.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Plato ille sublimis, apex philosophorum et columen› · note in col 731

Plato ille sublimis, apex philosophorum et columen. Editio Romana et lumen. Stewechius colmen antique pro culmen. Male. Differunt enim nonnihil culmen et columen, quamquam cognata sint maxime, et sæpissime confundantur a veteribus. Culmen proprie summa pars tecti, a culmis, i. e. paleis e messibus, quibus ædificia contegebantur. Columen autem est proprie trabs illa, quæ per longum in summitate culminis ponitur, a qua tamquam nata producuntur omnia tecti ligamenta, quemadmodum e spina piscium majori reliquæ omnes proficiscuntur. TRAGBALKEN. vid. Gesner. in Thesauro, h. v. Vitruv. de Architect., IV, 7: Columen in summo fastigio culminis, unde et columnæ dicuntur. Hinc columen sæpius pro columna, v. c. ap. Ciceron., de Divinat., I, 11: Nisi post excelsum ad columen formata decore / Sancta Jovis species claros spectaret ad ortus. ubi vid. Hottinger. V. Cl. Columen itaque significat non tantum summitatem, apicem, summam partem rei, sed etiam quod rem quamcumque sustinet, continet, tuetur. Ita Curtius, lib. IX, c. 6, § 8. Alexandrum appellat Macedoniæ columen ac sidus, et Plautus Epid. act. II, scen. II, vs. 5, Senatiqui columen cluent, ubi vid. Taubmann. Catullus in Epithal., Emothiæ columen Peleu. Aquila Rom. de Figuris sentent., custos et defensor reipublicæ, salus et columen civitatis. Cf. Burmann. ad Ovid., Met., I. vs. 689. Verte itaque h. l. das Haupt und der Grundpfeiler der Philosophen. Cæterum de summa Platonis apud scriptores veteres, maxime ecclesiasticos, existimatione vid. J. Lips. Manud. ad Stoic. Philosophiam, lib. I, diss. 1, Oper. tom. IV, p. 632. ORELL.

"That lofty Plato, the peak and ridge-beam of philosophers." The Roman edition: "and light". Stewech reads "colmen", an old form of "culmen". Wrongly. For culmen and columen differ somewhat, though they are very closely related and very often confused by the ancients. Culmen is properly the top of a roof, from culmi, that is, the straw from the harvest with which buildings were thatched. Columen is properly the beam laid lengthwise along the top of the ridge, from which, as if born from it, all the timbers of the roof run out, as all the other bones of a fish start from its larger spine: in German, Tragbalken (the bearing beam). See Gesner in his Thesaurus under this word. Vitruvius, On Architecture IV, 7: "The columen at the very top of the ridge, whence columns too are named." Hence columen is often used for column, for example in Cicero, On Divination I, 11: "Unless, set up high on a column, the holy image of Jove, fashioned with beauty, looked towards the bright east" — where see the distinguished Hottinger. So columen means not only the top, the peak, the highest part of a thing, but also what upholds, holds together and protects anything. So Curtius, Book IX, ch. 6, § 8, calls Alexander "the pillar and star of Macedonia"; and Plautus, Epidicus Act II, Scene II, line 5, "who are famed as the pillar of the Senate", where see Taubmann; Catullus in the Epithalamium, "Peleus, pillar of Emathia"; Aquila Romanus, On Figures of Thought, "guardian and defender of the commonwealth, safety and pillar of the city." Compare Burmann on Ovid, Metamorphoses I, line 689. So translate here: "the head and chief pillar of the philosophers". On the high esteem for Plato among the ancient writers, especially the ecclesiastical ones, see J. Lipsius, Manuductio ad Stoicam Philosophiam Book I, Dissertation 1, Works vol. IV, p. 632. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Purgationem terræ suis in commentariis prodidit› · note in col 731

Purgationem terræ suis in commentariis prodidit. Respicit Arnobius ad verba illa Platonis in Timæo, pag. 291, vol. IX, ed. Bip.: Ὅταν οἱ θεοὶ τὴν γῆν ὕδασι καθαίροντες κατακλύζωσιν, quam sententiam Platonis laudarunt et alii Patres Ecclesiæ, v. c. Origenes contra Cels., lib. IV: Ἴσασι δὲ καὶ Ἕλληνες κατακλυσμῷ ἢ πυρὶ τὴν γῆν κατὰ περιόδους καθαιρομένην, ὡς καὶ Πλάτων που οὕτω λέγει. HERALD.

"Has recorded in his writings a cleansing of the earth." Arnobius has in view those words of Plato in the Timaeus, p. 291, vol. IX, Bipontine edition: "When the gods, cleansing the earth with waters, flood it" — an opinion of Plato's that other Fathers of the Church also cited, for example Origen, Against Celsus Book IV: "The Greeks too know that the earth is cleansed at intervals by flood or fire, as Plato also says somewhere." HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Vocare, et juventutem his quamdam comparari› · note in col 731, runs into col 732

Vocare, et juventutem his quamdam comparari. Cod. ms. habet et injuventutem, quod Th. Canterus uno vocabulo ut antiquum retinendum censet, ut sit injuventus i. q. summa juventus. Sed hoc est inauditum prorsus et monstrum vocabuli. Stewechius legit: Etenim juventutem, quæ correctio in textum recepta ab editore Lugduno-Batavo ad sensum bona quidem est, sed non necessaria. Est scil. h. l. Syllepsis, figura apud antiquos scriptores frequentissima, qua duabus diversisque sententiis et rebus unum datur verbum minime utrisque conveniens. Ita Virgil., Æn., II, vs. 258: Inclusos utero Danaos et pinea furtim / Laxat claustra Sinon ubi laxat ad Danaos referri non potest, sed subintelligendum est emittit. Ita h. l. comparari non pendet a præcedente vocare, sed totus locus ita supplendus: non extimuit ..... vocare (et affirmare) juventutem his quamdam ..... comparari. ORELL.

"To call [it], and that a kind of youth is gained for them." The manuscript has "et injuventutem", which Th. Canter thinks should be kept as one word, an old one, so that injuventus would mean the height of youth. But this is an utterly unheard-of monster of a word. Stewech reads "Etenim juventutem", a correction taken into the text by the Leiden editor, good enough for the sense but not necessary. There is here, namely, a syllepsis, a figure very frequent in the ancient writers, by which one verb is given to two different clauses and things, though it hardly suits both. So Virgil, Aeneid II, line 258: "Sinon stealthily lets loose the Danaans shut in the womb and the pine-wood bolts" — where "lets loose" cannot go with the Danaans, but "sends out" must be understood. So here "comparari" does not depend on the preceding "vocare", but the whole passage is to be completed thus: "he did not fear ... to call (and to affirm) that a kind of youth ... is gained for them." ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: IX. — Quid si sole aliquis torrere se suetus› · note in col 732

IX. — Quid si sole aliquis torrere se suetus et acquirere corpori siccitatem. Multa de hac exercitatione veterum Gymnastarum notissima exempla congessit Elmenhorst., ad h. l. Insolationem, ἡλίωσιν, ἡλιοκαΐαν dicebant veteres, illaque ex præscripto medicorum ad siccitatem corpori acquirendam utebantur. Conf. Meurs., in Critico, pag. 8, et, qui hac de re multus est, Is. Casaubon., ad Persii sat. IV, v. 32; nec non Ast. ad Platon. Phædr. pag. 262 seq. ORELL.

IX. — "What if someone used to bake himself in the sun and get dryness for his body." Elmenhorst gathered many well-known examples of this exercise of the ancient athletic trainers on this passage. The ancients called it insolatio, hēliōsis, hēliokaia, and they used it on doctors' orders to get dryness for the body. Compare Meursius, in his Criticus, p. 8, and Is. Casaubon, who says much on this, on Persius, Satire IV, line 32; also Ast on Plato's Phaedrus, p. 262 f. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Flaturas› · note in col 732

Flaturas. Insolentior formatio pro flatus. Habet tamen Vitruvius II, 7, in aeris flatura. ORELL.

"Blowings." A rather unusual formation for flatus. Vitruvius, however, has it, II, 7, "in the blowing of the air". ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Otiosæ rutilare se flammis› · note in col 732

Otiosæ rutilare se flammis. Fulv. Ursinus leg. conj. ociose ustulare. Sed nil mutandum. Verbum enim proprium et exquisitum in hac re est rutilare, h. e. colorem rutilum cuti inducere. Ita curata cuticula sole dicitur a Persio, sat. IV. vs. 15, ubi scholiastes vetus: Curata scil, a chromatiariis, nam chromatiarii dicuntur colorarii, vel qui tota die in arena sunt, vel in sole. Antiqui enim ungebant se et in sole erant, ut oleum corpus imbiberet. ORELL.

"To redden himself in idle flames." Fulvius Ursinus conjectures "ociose ustulare" (to scorch himself at leisure). But nothing should be changed; for the proper and choice word in this matter is rutilare, that is, to give the skin a ruddy colour. So Persius, Satire IV, line 15, speaks of "a skin cared for by the sun", where the old scholiast says: "Cared for, that is, by the chromatiarii; for those are called chromatiarii, colourers, who are all day in the sand or in the sun. For the ancients anointed themselves and stayed in the sun so that the body would soak up the oil." ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Commodulis nostris› · note in col 732

Commodulis nostris. I. e. commodis, quæ nobis magna videri possunt, sed nihil sunt comparatione salutis hujus universi, ut bene explicat Gesner in Thesauro. Commodulum est ἅπαξ λεγόμενον. ORELL.

"Our little conveniences." That is, advantages which may seem great to us but are nothing compared with the welfare of this universe, as Gesner well explains in his Thesaurus. Commodulum occurs only here (hapax legomenon). ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: X. — Uliginem nimiam› · note in col 732

X. — Uliginem nimiam. Servius ad Virgil., Georg. II, vs. 184: Uligo est proprie naturalis humor terræ, ex ea numquam recedens. ELMENH.

X. — "Excessive marshiness." Servius on Virgil, Georgics II, line 184: "Uligo is properly the natural moisture of the earth, which never leaves it." ELMENHORST.

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 733

Et quia perferre, sustinere. Ms. Bene.

"And because to bear, to endure": manuscript. Rightly.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Unde tibi est scire, ne quod exuberat, sic tollat› · note in col 733

Unde tibi est scire, ne quod exuberat, sic tollat. Pro unde scis, non sic tollere quod exuberat. Scio ut, ne hoc sit pro infinitivo est antiquioris latinitatis. Plaut., Asin., act. III, scen. 3, vs. 154: De argento si mater tua sciat, ut sit factum. ORELL.

"How do you come to know that it does not so remove what is in excess?" For "how do you know that it does not so remove what is in excess". "Scio ut", "ne hoc sit", for the infinitive, belongs to older Latinity. Plautus, Asinaria Act III, Scene 3, line 154: "If your mother should know how it went with the money." ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ut per sua dispendia modum rebus luxuriantibus figat› · note in col 733

Ut per sua dispendia modum rebus luxuriantibus figat. Tertullian. de Anima, cap. 30: Onerosi sumus mundo, vix nobis elementa sufficiunt et necessitates arctiores, et querela apud omnes, dum jam nos natura non sustinet. Revera lues et fames et bella et voragines civitatum pro remedio deputanda, tamquam tonsura insolescentis generis humani. ELMENH.

"That through its own losses it may set a limit to things running riot." Tertullian, On the Soul ch. 30: "We are a burden to the world; the elements hardly suffice for us; our needs grow tighter, and complaints are on every lip, while nature no longer sustains us. In truth, pestilence and famine and wars and the swallowing up of cities must be reckoned as a remedy, a kind of pruning of the overgrowing human race." ELMENHORST.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XI. — Cujus explicare, dissolvere neque originem valeas› · note in col 733

XI. — Cujus explicare, dissolvere neque originem valeas. Dissolvere, quod adjectum est, est e MS. Cod. Amat autem Arnobius plura verba idem significantia coacervare; unde factum, ut glossemata plura in his libris esse quidam existimaverint. Sic postea constringere et sustinere adjecta ex eodem libro. HERALD.

XI. — "Whose origin you can neither explain nor resolve." "Resolve", which has been added, comes from the manuscript. Arnobius loves to heap up several words of the same meaning; hence some have thought there are many glosses in these books. So afterwards "to bind" and "to endure" were added from the same book. HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tuas impediat deliciarum forsitan› · note in col 733

Tuas impediat deliciarum forsitan. Ita Cod. ms. vitiosissime tuarum impediat felicitatum forsitan, etc.

"Perhaps it hinders your [pleasures] of delights." So the manuscript, most corruptly: "perhaps it hinders of your felicities", etc.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Congelare, constringere› · note in col 733

Congelare, constringere. Ita Cod. ms. Gelenius constringere glossema putare non debuerat: nam nimis familiare huic Afro nostro synonyma congerere, idque ad veterum exemplum. Vide Agellium lib. XIII, cap. 23. MEURS. in Append.

"To freeze, to bind fast." So the manuscript. Gelenius ought not to have thought "to bind fast" a gloss; for heaping up synonyms is all too familiar to this African of ours, and that after the example of the ancients. See Gellius, Book XIII, ch. 23. MEURSIUS, in the Appendix.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Veratrum venenum est hominibus› · note in col 733

Veratrum venenum est hominibus. Lucret., lib. IV, vs. 644: Propterea nobis veratrum est acre venenum / At capris adipes et coturnicibus auget. ELMENH. Elleborum Italia veratrum vocat. Plin., Hist. Nat., lib. XXV, c. 5. ORELL.

"Hellebore is poison to men." Lucretius, Book IV, line 644: "So hellebore is a sharp poison to us, but fattens goats and quails." ELMENHORST. Italy calls elleborum veratrum. Pliny, Natural History Book XXV, ch. 5. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ovilibus insidiatur lupus› · note in col 733

Ovilibus insidiatur lupus. Virgil., Æn., IX: Ac veluti pleno lupus insidiatus ovili. Habet e Virgilio plura Arnobius. HERALD.

"The wolf lies in wait for the sheepfolds." Virgil, Aeneid IX: "And as a wolf lying in wait at a full sheepfold." Arnobius takes much from Virgil. HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Maledicam scilicet› · note in col 733, runs into col 734

Maledicam scilicet. Cod. ms. maledicam sc. i. e. scilicet. Stewech. conj. Maledicam ilicet, sive potius Maledicus ilicet. Editor Lugd. Bat. Maledicam sic. At vero optime habet vulgata lectio. Nam scilicet apud Latinos sæpissime interrogat ironice cum quadam amaritudine et irrisione et præparat responsionem negantem. Plura e Cicerone exempla allegat Gesner. in Thesauro, quibus add. Juvenal., sat. I, 122: Scilicet horreres majoraque monstra putares, / Si mulier vitulum, vel si bos ederet agnum? Ita Germani So? Was denkst du wohl? Gronov. Diatrib. ad Statii Silv. in Addendis pag. 412, defendit lectionem antiquam maledicam si pro an maledicam illamque pluribus exemplis adstruit. Sed fateor ejusmodi conjunctionum in directis interrogationibus transpositionem me nullam adhuc reperisse in Arnobio. Præfero itaque scilicet ex abbreviato sc. ortum. ORELL.

"I am to curse, of course?" The manuscript has "maledicam sc.", that is, scilicet. Stewech conjectures "Maledicam ilicet", or rather "Maledicus ilicet". The Leiden editor: "Maledicam sic". But the received reading is quite right. For scilicet among the Latins very often asks ironically, with a certain bitterness and mockery, and prepares a negative answer. Gesner cites more examples from Cicero in his Thesaurus; to which add Juvenal, Satire I, 122: "Would you, of course, shudder and think it a greater portent if a woman bore a calf, or a cow a lamb?" So the Germans: "So? What do you think?" Gronovius, Diatribe on Statius's Silvae, in the Addenda p. 412, defends the old reading "maledicam si" for "an maledicam" and supports it with many examples. But I confess I have not yet found any such transposition of conjunctions in direct questions in Arnobius. So I prefer scilicet, arising from the abbreviation "sc." ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tum sæva prodigia› · note in col 734

Tum sæva prodigia. Balthasar Lydius ap. Meursium p. 9, mavult tam sæva prodigia, probante Colvio ad Apuleii. Met. III, p. 198, ed. Oudendorp., qui de h. v. multus est. ORELL.

"Then savage portents." Balthasar Lydius, in Meursius p. 9, prefers "such savage portents", with the approval of Colvius on Apuleius, Metamorphoses III, p. 198, Oudendorp's edition, who says much on this word. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Genituris spirantibus› · note in col 734

Genituris spirantibus. Genituræ h. l. sensu prorsus insolito i. q. creaturæ, animalia. Interpretes ad h. l. ne γρῦ quidem, nec Lexica agnoscunt hanc significationem. Ita de hominibus ap. Tertullianus non semel, v. c. advers. Marcion., lib. IV, c. 23, ubi verba divi Soteris, Luc. IX, 41, ita reddit: O genitura incredulas quousque ero apud vos? quousque sustinebo vos? ORELL.

"Breathing offspring." Genitura here, in a wholly unusual sense, is the same as creatures, living things. The interpreters on this passage say not a syllable (gry), nor do the lexicons recognize this meaning. So of men in Tertullian more than once, for example Against Marcion Book IV, ch. 23, where he renders the words of the divine Saviour, Luke 9:41, thus: "O unbelieving generation, how long shall I be with you? How long shall I bear with you?" ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XII. — Potentioribus dare conditionem› · note in col 734

XII. — Potentioribus dare conditionem: velle, ut id fiat, quod cupias. Ita locus distinguendus cum Stewechio. Scilicet immodestus postulat, ut potentiores id velint, ratum habeant, quod ipse concupiverit. ORELL.

XII. — "To lay down terms to the more powerful: to want that what you desire should happen." So the passage should be punctuated, with Stewech. That is, the immodest man demands that the more powerful should will and ratify what he himself has desired. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non partiliter fiant› · note in col 734

Non partiliter fiant. Ita legendum: non pariliter. Partiliter, opp. generaliter, sæpissime ap. Jul. Firmic. in Mathesi. HERALD. — Conf. eumdem in Adversar., lib. I, c. 3, p. 6. Partiliter proprie per partes. Sic noster infra lib. XI, c. 4: Hoc est enim proprium deorum, complere omnia vi sua, non partiliter uspiam, sed ubique esse totos. H. l. autem significat partis alicujus vel individuorum quorumdam commodo, gratia: opp. ad summam census totius, ut egregie correxit Fulv. Ursinus. In ms. erat sensus, nullo sensu. ORELL.

"Do not happen partially." So it should be read, not "pariliter" (equally). Partiliter, opposed to generaliter, occurs very often in Julius Firmicus's Mathesis. HERALDUS. — Compare the same in his Adversaria, Book I, ch. 3, p. 6. Partiliter properly means part by part. So our author below, Book XI [as printed], ch. 4: "For this is proper to the gods, to fill all things with their power, not partially anywhere, but to be whole everywhere." Here, however, it means for the benefit or sake of some part or of certain individuals, opposed to "the sum of the whole estate (census)", as Fulvius Ursinus excellently corrected. In the manuscript it was "sensus", which makes no sense. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XIII. — Mala omnia dii ferunt› · note in col 734

XIII. — Mala omnia dii ferunt. Scriptum erat: mala omnia adierunt. Verissimam lectionem reposuimus e ms. Codice. HERALD. — Ferunt pro inferunt. Simplex pro composito. MEURS.

XIII. — "The gods bring all ills." It was written "they have attacked all ills". We have restored the very true reading from the manuscript. HERALDUS. — "Bring" for "bring upon": the simple verb for the compound. MEURSIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Calumniari vos improbe› · note in col 734

Calumniari vos improbe. I. e. impudentissime: ut, qui rapit propalam, dicitur fur improbior jurisconsultis, ita improba frons. Improbe igitur ait: in apertis manifestisque mendaciis. Heic enim extrema impudentia est, quod, cum mendacium promptum sit ac manifestum, calumnia tamen obstinate et impudenter inculcatur ac defenditur. Est enim pars ἀναισχυντίας, (continues)

"That you slander shamelessly." That is, most impudently: as one who steals openly is called by the jurists a more shameless thief, so too "a shameless brow". So he says "shamelessly": "in open and manifest lies". For here is the height of impudence, that though the lie is plain and manifest, the slander is nonetheless stubbornly and impudently pressed and defended. For it is a part of shamelessness (anaischyntia), (continues)

(printed under page 369)

(printed under page 370)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 735

Ms. male. Omnia non.

Manuscript, wrongly: "Omnia non".

(printed under page 370)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 735, runs into col 736

Atqui Ms.; quod retinendum censeo et tollendas interrogationis notas in omni ista periodo. Meurs.

"Atqui" (and yet): manuscript; which I think should be kept, and the question marks removed throughout that whole period. Meursius.

(printed under page 370)

(c) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 736

Usus ut posceret. Ms.

"As need demanded": manuscript.

(lemma, continued) ‹anchor: Calumniari vos improbe› · note in col 735

(continued) τὸ τὰ φανερὰ ἀρνεῖσθαι, inquit Aristoteles in Rhetoricis. HERALD.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Trecenti sunt anni ferme› · note in col 735

Trecenti sunt anni ferme. Similiter lib II. Ante trecentos annos religio, inquit, vestra non fuit. Ex his patet auctorem nostrum vixisse sub Diocletiano, trecentis plus minus annis post natum Salvatorem, opusque hoc varia eruditione refertum scripsisse anno ferme Christi 298, Urbis conditæ 1050, vel exeunte 1049, coss. Maximiano et Gordiano, ut observat vir doctissimus Joannes Meursius. ELMENH.

"It is about three hundred years." Likewise Book II: "Three hundred years ago," he says, "your religion did not exist." From this it is clear that our author lived under Diocletian, some three hundred years after the Saviour's birth, and wrote this work, packed with varied learning, about the year of Christ 298, of the founding of the City 1050, or at the end of 1049, in the consulship of Maximian and Gordian, as the most learned Johannes Meursius observes. ELMENHORST.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nulla protinus vilitas› · note in col 735

Nulla protinus vilitas. Oudendorp. ad Apuleii. Met. V, p. 348; pro protinus mavult prorsus: sed nolim mutare protinus, i. e. mox, parva intercapedine. Opp. continuæ sterilitates. ORELL.

"No cheapness straightaway." Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses V, p. 348, prefers "prorsus" (at all) for "protinus"; but I would not change "protinus", that is, soon, after a short interval. Opposed to "continuous barren years". ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sine ullis, ut dicitur, feriis› · note in col 735

Sine ullis, ut dicitur, feriis. Id est: sine ulla bonorum intermixtione. Idcirco Philo ait, Deum solum vere feriari, quia solus vero gaudio fruitur, et pace sincera, nec ullo belli simulacro interrupta. Verba ejus sunt in Commentario de Cain: Μόνος ὁ Θεὸς ἀψευδῶς ἑορτάζει, καὶ γὰρ μόνος γήθει, καὶ μόνος χαίρει καὶ μόνος εὐφραίνεται, καὶ μόνῳ τὴν ἀμιγῆ πολέμου συμβέβηκεν εἰρήνην ἄγειν. HERALD.

"Without any holidays, as the saying is." That is, without any admixture of good things. Hence Philo says that God alone truly keeps holiday, because he alone enjoys true joy and a pure peace, broken by no semblance of war. His words are in the commentary on Cain: "God alone keeps festival without falsehood; for he alone is glad, he alone rejoices, he alone is cheered, and to him alone it belongs to keep a peace unmixed with war." HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XIV. — E victis hostibus innumerabiles esse victorias reportatas› · note in col 735

XIV. — E victis hostibus innumerabiles esse victorias reportatas. Cannegieter. leg. censet de victis, quod aliquid amplius est quam victis, nempe debellatis. ORELL.

XIV. — "That countless victories have been won over conquered enemies." Cannegieter thinks we should read "de victis", which says something more than "victis", namely, utterly subdued. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sæpenumero maximos annonæ fuisse proventus› · note in col 735

Sæpenumero maximos annonæ fuisse proventus: Hanc lectionem e cod. ms. primus restituit Stewechius. Editio Romana et aliæ illam secutæ, v. c. Oberthurii, habent proventus annorum, quod defendit N. Heins. ad Tacit. Dial. de Corrupt. Eloq., c. 19, p. 945, ed. Oberlin., et Adversar., III, 3, p. 923, loco Plinii Hist. Nat., lib. XII, cap. 1: Ex arboribus recreans membra olei liquor, viresque potus vini; tot denique sapores anni sponte venientes pro provenientes. Sed nolim quidquam mutare contra cod. ms. fidem. ORELL.

"That there have often been very great yields of grain." Stewech was the first to restore this reading from the manuscript. The Roman edition and others that followed it, for example Oberthür's, have "yields of the years", which N. Heinsius defends on Tacitus's Dialogue on the Decline of Oratory, ch. 19, p. 945, Oberlin's edition, and in his Adversaria III, 3, p. 923, by a passage of Pliny, Natural History Book XII, ch. 1: "From trees the oil that refreshes the limbs, and the strength of wine for drink; so many flavours, in short, coming of the year's own accord", "venientes" for "provenientes". But I would not change anything against the authority of the manuscript. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et commercia stuperent universa› · note in col 735

Et commercia stuperent universa, pretiorum auctoritate prostrata. Nihil poterat dici expressius. Stupere igitur commercia dicuntur, i. e. stupore quodam et torpore obsessa stare, quomodo λιθοῦσθαι Græci dicunt eos, qui stupore aliquo perculsi stant attoniti. Unde nata de Gorgus capite fabula. HERALD.

"And all trade stood stunned, the authority of prices laid low." Nothing could be said more expressively. Trade is said to be stunned, that is, to stand seized by a kind of stupor and numbness, as the Greeks say lithousthai, "to be turned to stone", of those who stand thunderstruck, smitten by some stupor. Hence the fable of the Gorgon's head. HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quemadmodum enim res agi, et usque ad hoc tempus genus qui durare mortalium› · note in col 735, runs into col 736

Quemadmodum enim res agi, et usque ad hoc tempus genus qui durare mortalium Fulv. Ursinus legend. censet quiret durare, quod cum Cannegietero præfero, immo unice verum puto. Nam potest, possibile est numquam per ellipsin subauditur, nisi præcedente ne, v. c. Mene incepto desistere victam (scil. possibile est), vel etiam in altero membro, si in priori aliud potest præcesserit. Dici itaque non potest absolute: qui facere? qui fieri? scil. potest, possibile est. ORELL. — Bona est Ursini emendatio quiret durare. Sed quæ de Ellipsi potest, possibile est allata sunt, parum juvant. Omnino multiplex est pro sententiæ cujusque diversitate ejusmodi accusativi cum infinitivo orationis complementum. Plerumque affectum designat aut admirantis aut indignantis dolentisve: ita ut illud potest, possibile est nimis vagum et incertum sit. Nam ad vocem Junonis Mene incepto desistere victam? cogitandum est: quam grave est et indignum majestate nostra, ut clarius cernatur ratio adjectæ particulæ ne, quæ utique ex suppressa quadam interrogatione alteri membro in Mene adhæsit: Ferendumne sit me desistere etc. In talibus autem formulis, in quibus affectus dominari solet, non certa singularum vocum ratio exigitur, ipsaque interrogatio, utcumque accipienda, commoti animi signum est. Neque vero sine interrogatione non efferri possit istiusmodi sententia; quo minus probabile fit, quod præcipitur: « Talem Ellipsin numquam esse, nisi præcedente ne. » Vide mihi locum Livii III, 67, ubi Consul Quintius plenus doloris et indignationis in hunc modum ordinatur: Hoc vos scire, hoc posteris memoriæ traditum iri! scil. quam ignominiosum mihi consuli est! Nullam sane vides interrogandi particulam, quamquam ne intelligi possit ad vos: Vosne hoc scire etc. Sed vanum esse commentum de necessitate adjiciendæ particulæ ne, Græcorum exempla magis evincunt. Clamat Strepsiades in Aristophanis Nubb., vs. 267: Τὸ δὲ μὴ κυνέην οἴκοθεν ἐλθεῖν, ἐμὲ τὸν κακοδαίμον' ἔχοντα, ubi Schol.: Οὐ μωρὸν δηλονότι, οὐκ ἀνόητον. Xenophon Cyropæd. II, 2: Τῆς τύχης, τὸ ἐμὲ νῦν κληθέντα δεῦρο τυχεῖν, scil. οὐκ ἄθλιόν ἐστι, vel ὡς δυνατόν ἐστι. OCHSNER.

"For how could things go on, and the race of mortals have lasted until this time?" Fulvius Ursinus thinks we should read "quiret durare" (could last), which I prefer with Cannegieter, indeed I think it alone is right. For "can", "it is possible" is never understood by ellipsis unless ne precedes, for example "Mene incepto desistere victam" ("I, defeated, to give up my undertaking?" — understand "is it possible"), or else in the second member, if another "can" has preceded in the first. So one cannot say absolutely "how do? how happen?", understanding "can", "it is possible". ORELLI. — Ursinus's emendation "quiret durare" is good. But what has been said about the ellipsis of "can", "it is possible" helps little. The completion of the sense in such an accusative with infinitive is altogether manifold, according to the difference of each sentence. Mostly it marks the feeling of one wondering, or indignant, or grieving, so that that "can", "it is possible" is too vague and uncertain. For with Juno's words "I, defeated, to give up my undertaking?" one must think "how grave it is and unworthy of our majesty"; so that the reason for the added particle ne is more clearly seen, which in any case has attached itself to the other member, in "Mene", from some suppressed question: "Must it be borne that I give up", etc. In such formulas, where feeling usually rules, no exact account of the single words is required, and the question itself, however it is taken, is a sign of a stirred mind. Nor could such a sentence not be uttered without a question [as printed]; which makes the rule laid down — "such an ellipsis never occurs unless ne precedes" — the less probable. See, I pray, the passage of Livy III, 67, where the consul Quintius, full of grief and indignation, begins in this way: "That you should know this, that this should be handed down to posterity!" — understand, "how disgraceful it is for me as consul!" You see no interrogative particle at all, though ne could be understood with "vos": "Vosne hoc scire", etc. But that the notion that the particle ne must necessarily be added is an empty fancy, the examples of the Greeks prove still more. Strepsiades cries out in Aristophanes' Clouds, line 267: "And that I should have come from home without a cap, unlucky me!" where the scholiast: "Not foolish, of course? Not senseless?" Xenophon, Cyropaedia II, 2: "The luck of it, that I should now have been invited here!" — understand "is it not wretched?" or "as it is possible". OCHSNER.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XV — Et relaxata sunt abundantiis› · note in col 736

XV — Et relaxata sunt abundantiis. Observandus hic usus particulæ et mere adversativus pro at, de quo dubitat P. Burmann., ad Ovid. Met., IV, vs. 615. ORELL.

XV — "And they have been eased by plenty." Note here the purely adversative use of the particle "et" for "at" (but), about which P. Burmann doubts, on Ovid, Metamorphoses IV, line 615. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et victoriis postmodum successibusque correcta› · note in col 736

Et victoriis postmodum successibusque correcta. Jul. Firmic. Mathes., lib. IV. c. 14. Tunc enim infortunia gravesque casus prosperis rerum actibus corriguntur διορθοῦνται. HERALD.

"And afterwards corrected by victories and successes." Julius Firmicus, Mathesis Book IV, ch. 14: "For then misfortunes and heavy mishaps are corrected (diorthountai) by prosperous courses of affairs." HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Irati et difficiles non sunt› · note in col 736

Irati et difficiles non sunt. Contra faciles et propitii. Difficiles dicuntur δύσκολοι, δυσέριδες, quorum est delicatum iracundiæ genus, ut ait Seneca, homines qui ad aliorum mores non facile se accommodant, sed statim irascuntur, si quid ingenio, sive potius morbo suo minus concinere videtur, quos idcirco δυστρόπους etiam eleganter Græci dicunt. HERALD.

"They are not angry and hard to please." Opposite: easy and propitious. "Hard to please" renders dyskoloi, dyserides, who have "a dainty kind of irritability", as Seneca says: men who do not easily adapt themselves to others' ways but are angry at once if anything seems not to suit their temper, or rather their disease; whom the Greeks therefore also elegantly call dystropoi, "ill-turned". HERALDUS.

(printed under page 370)

(printed under page 371)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 737; the note runs across both columns

Ms., in adversas, etc. Fulv., nec adversas res bonas. Alii, nec adversas spes bonas m. o. obscœnitate traduco.

Manuscript: "in adversas", etc. Fulvius: "nec adversas res bonas" (nor do I misrepresent good fortune as adverse). Others: "nec adversas spes bonas m[ali] o[minis] obscœnitate traduco" (nor do I misrepresent good hopes as adverse by the foulness of an ill omen).

(lemma) ‹anchor: In integrum se semper offensionum recordatione restituant› · note in col 737

In integrum se semper offensionum recordatione restituant, Ita Cod. ms., quæ lectio quare deferenda sit, non video. Fulv. Ursinus: in integrum sese per offensionum recordationem, etc. Vult dicere Arnobius, deos esse natura iratos et difficiles, adeo ut, si quando precibus vel sacrificiis fuerint mitigati, mox prima statim offensionum recordatione in integrum se restituant, h. e. ad pristinam innatamque ipsis iracundiæ indolem revertantur. Pro vicibus ludicris. Meurs. in Critico, lib. VII, cap. 9, legendum suspicatur lubricis. Non male. ORELL.

"Always restore themselves to their former state at the memory of offences." So the manuscript; I do not see why this reading should be abandoned. Fulvius Ursinus: "in integrum sese per offensionum recordationem", etc. Arnobius means that the gods are angry and hard to please by nature, so that if they are ever softened by prayers or sacrifices, presently, at the very first memory of offences, they restore themselves to their former state, that is, return to their old, inborn disposition to anger. For "with playful turns" Meursius, in his Criticus Book VII, ch. 9, suspects we should read "slippery". Not badly. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XVI. — Alamannos› · note in col 737

XVI. — Alamannos. Intelligenda non certa Germaniæ gens, sed Germanorum natio universa, quod pluribus ostendit Salmasius ad verba Flavii Vopisci in Proculo Script. Hist. August., vol. II, p. 761: Nam Alemannos, qui tunc adhuc Germani dicebantur, non sine gloriæ splendore contrivit, docens Alamannos, gentem Germaniæ populosam, et (ut scribit Aurelius Victor) ex equo mirifice pugnantem (quos cum devicisset prope Mœnum Caracallus, Alamannici cognomen assumpserat), postea toti Germaniæ nomen dedisse, quæ ab illis Alamannia dicta est, et nunc dicitur apud Francogallos; idque factum fuisse non multo ante Vopisci tempora, qui contemporaneus Arnobii vixit, imperantibus Diocletiano et Maximiano. Non necessaria itaque Meursii conjectura Alanos. ORELL.

XVI. — "The Alamanni." To be understood not as a particular people of Germany but as the whole nation of the Germans, as Salmasius shows at length on the words of Flavius Vopiscus in his Proculus, Scriptores Historiae Augustae vol. II, p. 761: "For he crushed the Alemanni, who were then still called Germans, not without splendour of glory". He teaches that the Alamanni, a populous people of Germany who (as Aurelius Victor writes) fought wonderfully on horseback (when Caracalla had conquered them near the Main he took the surname Alamannicus), afterwards gave their name to all Germany, which was called Alamannia after them and is still so called among the French; and that this happened not long before the time of Vopiscus, who lived as a contemporary of Arnobius, under Diocletian and Maximian. So Meursius's conjecture "Alanos" is unnecessary. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Si apud Getulos Tinguitanos› · note in col 737

Si apud Getulos Tinguitanos. Hæc est emendatio verissima Lud. Carrionis merito in textum recepta ab editore Leidensi, probata etiam a Livinæo ad Panegyr. Lat., p. 158, ed. Arntzen. Lectio antiqua: si apud Getulos tum Aquitanos orta videtur a sciolo aliquo librario Aquitanos hic intrudente, cum in præcedentibus verbis facta esset Galliæ mentio, cujus provincia erat Aquitania. At vero verbis si apud Getulos, etc., novam periodum inchoans Arnobius loquitur de populis Africæ septentrionalis ejusmodi calamitatibus infestatis. ORELL.

"If among the Gaetulians and the people of Tingitana." This is the very true emendation of Louis Carrion, rightly taken into the text by the Leiden editor, and approved also by Livineius on the Latin Panegyrics, p. 158, Arntzen's edition. The old reading "si apud Getulos tum Aquitanos" seems to have arisen from some half-learned scribe pushing "Aquitanos" in here, since Gaul, of which Aquitania was a province, had been mentioned in the preceding words. But with the words "if among the Gaetulians", etc., Arnobius begins a new period and speaks of the peoples of North Africa harassed by such calamities. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nihil læti› · note in col 737

Nihil læti. Ms. nihil lætum. MEURS., in Append.

"Nothing of gladness." Manuscript: "nothing glad". MEURSIUS, in the Appendix.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Duelles› · note in col 737, runs into col 738

Duelles, I. e. hostes, cujus vocabuli unum hoc Arnobii exemplum citat Gesner. in Thesauro. Compositum perduellis multo frequentius. A duellum antique pro bellum, vid. intpp. ad Fest. v. duellum. ORELL.

"Duelles", that is, enemies; of this word Gesner cites only this example from Arnobius in his Thesaurus. The compound perduellis is much more frequent. From duellum, the old form of bellum (war); see the interpreters on Festus under duellum. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Adversus spes bonas› · note in col 738

Adversus spes bonas. Ms. in adversos. Lego inadversus, quomodo inante, incoram. MEURSIUS.

"Against good hopes." Manuscript: "in adversos". I read "inadversus", like inante, incoram. MEURSIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Mali ominis obscœnitate› · note in col 738

Mali ominis obscœnitate. Herald. in Curis secundis, insertis Observationibus suis in Salmasii jus Atticum et Romanum, mavult mali nominis. Stewech. leg. conj. mali ominis obscœvitate, citans Nonium v. obcævavit, quasi scævum, malum omen attulit, scævus nimirum, lævus et sinister, i. q. infaustus significatione Græca: nam apud Romanos læva, sinistra auguria erant bona faustaque. Sed, ut bene monet Heraldus, nihil mutandum. Obscœnus enim et obscœtinas proprie de ominibus malis, nempe quia obscœna omnia et fœda antiquis visa tristia et infausta, ut contra pura purgataque læta et felicia. Ita Virgil. Georg. I, vs. 470, Obscœni canes, ubi vid. Voss. Idem Æn., III, 242, 262, Obscœnæ volucres, et Festus, v. Alliensis: Dies alliensis dicebatur apud Romanos obscœnissimi ominis. Cf. eumdem, v. Oscus et Nonium, v. Obscœnus. ORELL.

"By the foulness of an ill omen." Heraldus, in his second thoughts, inserted in his Observations on Salmasius's Attic and Roman Law, prefers "of an ill name". Stewech conjectures "mali ominis obscaevitate", citing Nonius under obcaevavit, "brought a left-handed, ill omen"; scaevus, of course, meaning left and sinister, the same as unlucky, in the Greek sense — for among the Romans left-hand, sinister auguries were good and lucky. But, as Heraldus rightly warns, nothing should be changed. For obscaenus and obscaenitas [printed "obscœtinas"] are said properly of ill omens, because to the ancients everything obscene and foul seemed gloomy and unlucky, as on the other hand what was pure and cleansed seemed glad and happy. So Virgil, Georgics I, line 470, "ill-omened dogs", where see Voss; the same, Aeneid III, 242, 262, "ill-omened birds"; and Festus under Alliensis: "The day of the Allia was called among the Romans a day of the most ill omen." Compare the same under Oscus, and Nonius under Obscaenus. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XVII. — Antistites numinum› · note in col 738

XVII. — Antistites numinum. Antistites, i. q. sacerdotes, nil amplius. Vide auctorem confutationis virulentissimæ animadversionum Ant. Cercoetii (D. Petavii) ad Cl. Salmasii notas in Tertullian. de Pallio, p. 147 sq., qui hac de re multus est. Ita Liv. Hist., I, 7: Potitii ab Evandro edocti antistites sacri ejus per multas ætates fuere. Cf. loca citata ab Elmenh. ORELL.

XVII. — "High priests of the deities." Antistites, the same as priests, nothing more. See the author of the most venomous refutation of the Animadversiones of Antonius Kerkoetius (D. Petau) on Cl. Salmasius's notes to Tertullian's De pallio, p. 147 f., who says much on this. So Livy, History I, 7: "The Potitii, taught by Evander, were the priests of that rite for many generations." Compare the passages cited by Elmenhorst. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Cur ut irasci› · note in col 738

Cur ut irasci. Ut necessarium ad sensum restituit editor Lugd. Bat. Behot. conj. qui iraci, non male. ID.

"Why, as [you assert] that they are angry." The Leiden editor restored "ut", which is necessary to the sense. Behotius conjectures "qui iraci", not badly. THE SAME [Orelli].

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quid est enim aliud irasci, quam insanire, quam furere?› · note in col 738

Quid est enim aliud irasci, quam insanire, quam furere? Ita Horat. Epist. II, 1, ira furor brevis. Seneca de Ira, lib. I, c. 1: Quidam e sapientibus iram brevem dixerunt insaniam. ELMENH.—Cæterum Arnobius, h. l. loquitur ex sententia Stoicorum, qui benignam et beneficam naturam Deo tribuebant, eumque posse irasci negabant. HERALD.

"For what else is being angry than being mad, than raving?" So Horace, Epistles II, 1: "anger is a brief madness." Seneca, On Anger Book I, ch. 1: "Some of the wise have called anger a brief madness." ELMENHORST. — For the rest, Arnobius here speaks according to the opinion of the Stoics, who attributed to God a kindly and beneficent nature and denied that he could be angry. HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In alterius doloris cruces› · note in col 738

In alterius doloris cruces, etc. Ita legendum, cum sit in Cod. ms. crucis, scil. pro cruces. (Herald., Cur. secund. Obss. in Salamasii Jus Att., p. 600). Meursius in Append., legendum suspicatur: in alterius dolores, trucis, efferati pectoris alienatione bacchari. ORELL.

"Into the tortures of another's pain", etc. So it should be read, since the manuscript has "crucis", that is, for "cruces". (Heraldus, second thoughts, Observations on Salmasius's Attic Law, p. 600.) Meursius in the Appendix suspects we should read: "to rage against another's pains in the frenzy of a fierce, savage heart." ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Hoc ergo dii magni norunt› · note in col 738

Hoc ergo dii magni norunt. Norunt, h. l. i. q. expe- (continues)

"This, then, the great gods know." "Know" here is the same as experi- (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

a Ms., in adversas, etc. Fulv., nec adversas res bonas. Alii, nec adversas spes bonas m. o. obscoenitate traduco.

a The manuscript has "in adversas", etc. Fulvius: "nec adversas res bonas". Others: "nec adversas spes bonas m[ali] o[minis] obscoenitate traduco".

(COMMENTARIUS at the foot of page 371, "In integrum se semper offensionum recordatione restituant" to "Hoc ergo dii magni norunt. Norunt, h. l. i. q. expe-": not set here; pass 2. QA Q5a set the variant reading a from p371_footL/R; the entry begins in the left foot and runs on into the right.) (printed under page 371)

(printed under page 372)

(a) ‹anchor: fervescere deos› · call in col 739

Ita Sab. recte. Effervescere Fulv.

So Sabaeus, rightly. "To boil over": Fulvius.

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(b) ‹anchor: matione ponendi› · call in col 739 (note printed under col 740)

Æstimatione Fulv.

"Aestimatione" (in the estimation): Fulvius.

(lemma, continued) ‹anchor: Hoc ergo dii magni norunt› · note in col 739

(continued) riuntur; accidit illis, græce πάσχουσι. Eodem sensu scire paulo post. Ita etiam res inanimatæ, v. c. lignum dicitur scire, nescire tineas. HERALD. — Deos magnos Turnebus Adversar., lib. XV. cap. 21, intelligit illos, qui maximum imperium et numen habebant publiceque colebantur, ut Jupiter, Juno, etc., quos Lares urbis Romæ appellat Asconius. ORELL.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Scire asseveratur a vobis› · note in col 739

Scire asseveratur a vobis. Stewechius pro scire mavult sentire, cum præcesserit perpetiuntur et sentiunt Sed nihil mutandum. Scire enim, nosse et similia pro sentire, experiri haud raro apud antiquos. Vid. N. Heinsii Adversar., lib. III, cap. 3, pag. 417. Eodem sensu infra, cap. 23, dixit Arnobius, dæmonas et heroas non nosse cœlestia, et in hac materia crassiore versari. ORELL.

"It is asserted by you that they know." Stewech prefers "feel" for "know", since "they suffer and feel" has preceded. But nothing should be changed; for "know", "be acquainted with" and the like are not rarely used by the ancients for "feel", "experience". See N. Heinsius, Adversaria Book III, ch. 3, p. 417. In the same sense Arnobius said below, ch. 23, that demons and heroes do not know heavenly things and dwell in this grosser matter. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Scintillæ emicent› · note in col 739

Scintillæ emicent. Describit habitum hominis ira perciti. Lucretius, lib. III, 290: Est etiam calor ille animo, quem sumit in ira, / Cum serviscit, et ex oculis micat acribus ardor. Virgilius, Æneid. XII, 101: His agitur furiis, totoque ardentis ab ore / Scintillæ absistunt, oculis micat acribus ignis. Lucretium imitatus Virgilius. Hæc autem omnia in furiosis eadem, ut ostendit Seneca in libris de Ira. Quare Menæchmus insanire ostenditur apud Plautum hac etiam nota: ut oculi scintillant, vide. HERALD.

"Sparks flash out." He describes the bearing of a man roused to anger. Lucretius, Book III, 290: "There is also that heat in the mind which it takes on in anger, when it boils and fire flashes from the fierce eyes." Virgil, Aeneid XII, 101: "By these furies he is driven; sparks fly from his whole burning face, fire flashes from his fierce eyes." Virgil imitated Lucretius. All these things are the same in madmen, as Seneca shows in his books On Anger. So Menaechmus in Plautus is shown to be mad by this mark too: "see how his eyes sparkle." HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Scintillæ emicent, flammæ æstuent, anhelum pectus spiritum jaciat ex ore› · note in col 739

Scintillæ emicent, flammæ æstuent, anhelum pectus spiritum jaciat ex ore. Fulv. Ursin. flammis æstuet anhelum pectus, spumas jaciat ex ore. Salmasius in ed. Lugd. Bat.: Scintillæ emicent flammeæ, æstuet anhelum pectus, spuma jaciatur ex ore. Meursius jactetur ex ore. Equidem nullam causam video cur deserenda sit antiqua lectio, flammæ æstuant bene de irarum flammis, quæ antea pectore fuerant inclusæ, erumpentibus jam et exæstuantibus. Nec minus bene habent sequentia verba: anhelum pectus spiritus jaciat ex ore. Ita Seneca, Trag. Medea, vs. 387, sq.: Talis recursat huc, et motu effero / Furoris ore signa limphati gerens / Flammata facies spiritum ex alto citat. Cf. Virgil., Æn. XII, vs. 101 sq.; Lucret. III, 290; et Seneca, de Ira, lib. I, cap. 1, spiritum coactum inter iræ signa recenset. ORELL. — Cæterum in eamdem sententiam elegantissime Lactantius (de Ira Dei, cap. 1): Quod si hominem, qui modo sit sapiens et gravis, ira non decet, siquidem, cum in animum cujusdam incidit, velut sæva tempestas tantos excitet fluctus, ut statum mentis immutet, ardescant oculi, os tremat, lingua titubet, dentes concrepent, alternis vultum maculet nunc suffusus rubor, nunc pallor albescens, quanto magis Deum non deceat tam fœda mutatio? HERALD.

"Sparks flash out, flames seethe, the panting breast throws breath from the mouth." Fulvius Ursinus: "the panting breast seethes with flames, throws foam from the mouth." Salmasius, in the Leiden edition: "fiery sparks flash out, the panting breast seethes, foam is thrown from the mouth." Meursius: "is tossed from the mouth". For my part I see no reason why the old reading should be abandoned: "flames seethe" is well said of the flames of anger, which were shut up in the breast before and now burst out and boil over. Nor are the following words less sound: "the panting breast throws breath from the mouth". So Seneca, the tragedy Medea, line 387 f.: "Such she runs back hither, and with wild motion, bearing on her face the marks of frenzied fury, her face aflame, she draws breath from deep within." Compare Virgil, Aeneid XII, line 101 f.; Lucretius III, 290; and Seneca, On Anger Book I, ch. 1, lists forced breathing among the signs of anger. ORELLI. — For the rest, Lactantius puts the same thought most elegantly (On the Anger of God, ch. 1): "But if anger does not befit a man, if only he is wise and grave — since when it falls upon anyone's mind, like a savage storm it stirs up such waves that it changes the state of the mind: the eyes blaze, the mouth trembles, the tongue stammers, the teeth chatter, the face is stained in turn now by a suffusing blush, now by a whitening pallor — how much less does so foul a change befit God?" HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ex verbis ardentibus labrorum siccitas inalbescat› · note in col 740

Ex verbis ardentibus labrorum siccitas inalbescat. Ita Lactant., de Ira Dei, cap. 5, de homine irato: Ardescunt oculi, os tremit, lingua titubat, dentes concrepant, alternis vultum maculis nunc suffusus rubor, nunc pallor albescens signat. Similiter locum Virgilii Æn. IV, 499, de Didone, pallor simul occupat ora, malim de ira Didonis in Æneam vultus pallore se manifestante, quam cum Servio et Heynio de conscientia cogitatæ mortis interpretari. De spuma accipit verba Arnobii Heraldus. Male. ORELL.

"From burning words the dryness of the lips turns white." So Lactantius, On the Anger of God ch. 5, of the angry man: "The eyes blaze, the mouth trembles, the tongue stammers, the teeth chatter; now a suffusing blush, now a whitening pallor marks the face with blotches in turn." Likewise the line of Virgil, Aeneid IV, 499, of Dido, "pallor at once takes hold of her face", I would rather interpret of Dido's anger against Aeneas showing itself in the pallor of her face than, with Servius and Heyne, of the consciousness of the death she has resolved on. Heraldus takes Arnobius's words of foam. Wrongly. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XVIII. — Ubi passio sita est› · note in col 740

XVIII. — Ubi passio sita est ..... perturbationem, ubi perturbatio, ibi dolor et ægritudo est. Sequitur Arnobius in his definitiones Stoicorum, qui distinguunt affectum, passionem, perturbationem. Seneca, de Ira, II, cap. 2: Ut scias, quemadmodum incipiant affectus, aut crescant, aut efferantur. Est primus motus non voluntarius, quasi præparatio affectus, et quædam comminatio. Alter cum voluntate non contumaci. Tertius motus est jam impotens, qui rationem evicit. Primum itaque animi motum appellat h. l. Arnobius affectum, sensu angustissimo, secundum passionem; tertium perturbationem. Cf. J. Lips. Introd. ad Stoic. Philos., lib. III, Dissert. 7, p. 764 sqq. Opp., tom. IV, ed. Vesal. ORELL.

XVIII. — "Where passion is found ... perturbation; where perturbation is, there is pain and sickness of mind." In this Arnobius follows the definitions of the Stoics, who distinguish affection, passion and perturbation. Seneca, On Anger II, ch. 2: "That you may know how the passions begin, or grow, or are carried away: the first movement is involuntary, a kind of preparation for passion and a sort of threat; the second is with a will that is not obstinate; the third movement is already out of control, and has overcome reason." So here Arnobius calls the first movement of the mind "affection", in the narrowest sense, the second "passion", the third "perturbation". Compare J. Lipsius, Introduction to the Stoic Philosophy Book III, Dissertation 7, p. 764 ff., Works vol. IV, Wesel edition. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ubi dolor et ægritudo est› · note in col 740

Ubi dolor et ægritudo est, ibi imminutioni et corruptioni jam locus est. Similiter libro II: Quod autem est promptum atque expositum passioni, corruptibile esse ipsa passibilitate interveniente denunciatur; et lib. VII: Quicquid enim vexatur rei alicujus e motu, passibile esse constat et fragile, quod passioni fragilitatique subjectum est, id necesse est esse mortale. ELMENH.

"Where there is pain and sickness of mind, there is already room for diminution and corruption." Likewise in Book II: "What is ready and exposed to passion is declared corruptible by that very passibility coming in"; and Book VII: "For whatever is troubled by the motion of anything is agreed to be passible and frail; what is subject to passion and frailty must be mortal." ELMENHORST.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XIX. — Æquitatis vel modicæ nullam prorsus obtinere rationem› · note in col 740

XIX. — Æquitatis vel modicæ nullam prorsus obtinere rationem. Ratio h. l. pro portione, rata parte. Vid. Gesner., Ind. ad Scriptores Rei rust. Hinc et Germani die Ration. ORELL.

XIX. — "To hold no share at all of even modest fairness." Ratio here for proportion, a fixed share. See Gesner, Index to the Scriptores Rei Rusticae. Hence also the German die Ration. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Innoxia dilacerare frumenta› · note in col 740

Innoxia dilacerare frumenta. Conj. Cannegieter. rectius forsan legi armenta. Sed nil mutandum. Lacerare enim et dilacerare non tantum de vestibus scissis et ferarum laniatu, sed et de aliis rebus quibuscumque fissis, diremptis, contritis dixerunt veteres. Ita de Sicilia terræ motu et maris influxu dirempta ab Italia Silius Punic. XIV, vs. 14: Namque per occultum cæca vi turbinus olim / Impactum pelagus laceratæ viscera terræ / Discidit. Et propius ad nostrum Columella, lib. V de Cultu hortorum, vs. 70: Pellite nunc somnos et curvi vomere dentis / Jam virides lacerate comas Quidni itaque fruges grandine fractæ et collisæ recte dicantur a diis lacerari? Meursius legendum censet: Ut innoxia dilacerare frumenta, homines scilicet. ORELL.

"To tear the harmless crops to pieces." Cannegieter conjectures that "herds" would perhaps be the better reading. But nothing should be changed. For the ancients said lacerare and dilacerare not only of torn clothes and the mangling of wild beasts, but of anything else split, severed, crushed. So Silius, Punica XIV, line 14, of Sicily cut off from Italy by earthquake and the inrush of the sea: "For once, with the blind force of a whirlwind, the sea driven in by hidden ways split the vitals of the torn land." And closer to our author, Columella, Book V [as printed], On the Cultivation of Gardens, line 70: "Drive off sleep now, and with the share of the curved tooth tear now the green tresses." Why then should crops broken and beaten down by hail not rightly be said to be torn by the gods? Meursius thinks we should read: "Ut innoxia dilacerare frumenta", men, that is. ORELLI.

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<!-- The bold small type on this page is heavily smudged in places; readings were checked against the sense where letters were blurred. -->

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 741

Expediantque Fulv.

"And let them set free": Fulvius.

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(b) ‹anchor: consumere› · call in col 741

Abest in ms.

Missing in the manuscript.

(printed under page 373)

(c) ‹anchor: exterminare mortalium› · call in col 741

Ita Fulv. Mortalia male. Sab.

So Fulvius. "Mortalia", wrongly: Sabaeus.

(printed under page 373)

(d) ‹anchor: nos vi, emittant› · call in col 741

Mittant. Fulv.

"Let them send": Fulvius.

(printed under page 373)

(e) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 742

Ullum....... rorem Fulv.

"Any ... dew": Fulvius.

(printed under page 373)

(f) ‹anchor: mel amarum› · call in col 742

Oleorum vel olivi Fulv.

"Of oils" or "of olive": Fulvius.

(printed under page 373)

(g) ‹anchor: potum labris in› · call in col 742

Sub ipsius potu laboris vitiose Sab.

"Sub ipsius potu laboris", corruptly: Sabaeus.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Christianum nomen odisse et cultores› · note in col 741

Christianum nomen odisse et cultores. Idem Cannegieter. legend. censet christianum numen, dicens, v. cultores non nomen, sed numen flagitare. At bene habet et vulgata lectio cultores suos, scil. Christi, quod eliciendum ex præcedent. Christianum nomen, vel, si quid mutandum, malim legere Christi nomen pro ipso Christo, ut nomen Dei pro Deo. Vide Suicer, Thesaur. Eccles. in Patres Græc. v. ὄνομα Christianum nomen sunt ipsi christiani, ut observavimus supra ad cap. V. ORELL.

"To hate the Christian name and its worshippers." The same Cannegieter thinks we should read "the Christian divinity", saying that the word "worshippers" demands not "name" but "divinity". But the received reading "its worshippers", that is, Christ's, is sound — to be drawn from the preceding "Christian name"; or, if anything is to be changed, I would rather read "the name of Christ" for Christ himself, as "the name of God" for God. See Suicer, Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus from the Greek Fathers, under onoma. "The Christian name" is the Christians themselves, as we observed above on ch. V. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XX. — An numquid› · note in col 741

XX. — An numquid. Scio, ab Arnobio nonnumquam conjungi voces et præcipue adverbia et particulas similes; similia autem sunt an et numquid. Sed carere licebit illa observatione, si At numquid scribimus, litterula una sollicitata. An idem dicendum de loco lib. II, c. V. An numquid hæc fieri passim et inaniter creditis? Numquid, detracto an, crebrum, lib. I, c. 2; lib. V, c. 24; lib. VII, c. 9. (CANNEGIETER in van Hoven Ot. Litter.)

XX. — "Or is it that...?" I know that Arnobius sometimes joins words, and especially adverbs and similar particles; and "an" and "numquid" are similar. But we can do without that observation if we write "At numquid", disturbing a single letter. Is the same to be said of the passage in Book II, ch. V: "Or do you believe that these things happen at random and to no purpose?" "Numquid" without "an" is frequent: Book I, ch. 2; Book V, ch. 24; Book VII, ch. 9. (CANNEGIETER, in van Hoven's Otia Litteraria.)

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ut intestinis vulneribus concitati› · note in col 741

Ut intestinis vulneribus concitati. Id est propriis, οἰκείοις καὶ ἰδίοις. Vox est Lucretiana, lib. II, vs. 290: ......... Sed ne res ipsa necessum / Intestinum habeat cunctis in rebus agendis. Et sæpius Arnobius paulo post: Intestinas exerant experianturque virtutes, et infra, cap. 36: Venus viri materfamilias Troici, atque intestini decoris publicatrix, et lib. II: fierique vos deos vestro fiditis intestinoque conatu, et passim. HERALD.

"As if roused by inward wounds." That is, by their own, oikeiois kai idiois. The word is Lucretian, Book II, line 290: "...but that the mind itself may not have an inward necessity in all it does." And Arnobius often, a little later: "let them put forth and try their inward powers"; and below, ch. 36: "Venus, mother of a family of a Trojan husband, and publisher of her own domestic shame"; and Book II: "and you trust that you become gods by your own inward effort"; and throughout. HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ergo humana patrocinia dii quærunt› · note in col 741

Ergo humana patrocinia dii quærunt. Similiter argumentatur Lactantius, Instit. lib II, c. 5: Sed quum puniunt deprehensos in sacrilegio, ipsi de deorum potestate diffidunt. Cur enim illis potissimum non relinquunt ulciscendi sui locum, si eos posse aliquid arbitrantur? Quid quod ipsos alias gentiles ita sensisse, leges illorum demonstrant, quibus in perjuros nullæ pœnæ constitutæ, si per deos pejeraverant; contra, si per Imperatores, pœnæ promptæ et paratæ erant. Conf. l. XI., c. de Rebus creditis. Deum igitur perjurii ultorem existimabant; et eos idcirco, qui jusjurandi religionem violaverant, deorum judicio relinquendos censebant. Deorum enim injurias diis curæ, inquit Tiberius apud Tacitum. HERALD.

"So the gods seek human protection." Lactantius argues likewise, Institutes Book II, ch. 5: "But when they punish those caught in sacrilege, they themselves distrust the power of the gods. For why do they not leave to them above all the chance to avenge themselves, if they think they have any power?" Moreover, that the gentiles themselves thought so on other occasions is shown by their laws, which laid down no penalties against perjurers if they had sworn falsely by the gods, whereas if by the emperors, penalties were ready and waiting. Compare law XI, in the Code title "On Things Lent". So they held God to be the avenger of perjury, and therefore thought that those who had violated the sanctity of an oath should be left to the judgement of the gods. "For wrongs done to the gods are the gods' concern," says Tiberius in Tacitus. HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Propulsare, defendere› · note in col 741, runs into col 742

Propulsare, defendere. Stewech. τὸ defendere delendum censet tamquam glossema. Male; talia enim epitheta idem significantia amat coacervare Arnobius. Vide supra ad cap. XI, init., notam Heraldi. Cæterum defendere hoc loco, idem quod arcere, propulsare, quod pluribus exemplis illustrat idem Stewech., ad Veget., de Re milit., lib. III, c. 21, p. 260, ed. Vesal. ORELL. — Cf. Lips. Var. Lectt. II, 22. OCHSNER.

"To drive back, to ward off." Stewech thinks the word "defendere" should be deleted as a gloss. Wrongly; for Arnobius loves to heap up such words of the same meaning. See above, on the beginning of ch. XI, Heraldus's note. For the rest, defendere here is the same as to keep off, to drive back, which the same Stewech illustrates with many examples on Vegetius, On Military Matters Book III, ch. 21, p. 260, Wesel edition. ORELLI. — Compare Lipsius, Variae Lectiones II, 22. OCHSNER.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Aut si malum consilium est› · note in col 742

Aut si malum consilium est. Cannegieter. vult malum non conjungendum cum voce concilium, sed interjectionem esse indignantis aut reprehendentis. Cui explicationi equidem nolim accedere. Nam Arnobius non est ita tersus et limatus scriptor, cui nihil plane insit otiosi et supervacui. Fulv. Ursinus legend. conj. sin alia consilium est aggredi nos via, quod, si Codicis fide niteretur, in textum recipere non dubitarem. ORELL.

"Or if their design — a plague on it — is." Cannegieter holds that "malum" should not be joined with the word "consilium" (printed "concilium") but is an interjection of indignation or reproach. For my part I would not accept this explanation; for Arnobius is not so polished and finished a writer that there is nothing idle and superfluous in him. Fulvius Ursinus conjectures "sin alia consilium est aggredi nos via" (but if their design is to attack us another way), which, if it rested on the authority of the manuscript, I would not hesitate to take into the text. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Indignationis› · note in col 742

Indignationis. Fulv. Ursin. sequente editore Lugd. Bat. emend. indicationis; sed signum et indicium, sive indicatio idem plane sunt. Quare non video cur mutanda sit antiqua lectio. ORELL.

"Of indignation." Fulvius Ursinus, followed by the Leiden editor, emends to "of indication"; but sign and token, or indication, are plainly the same. So I do not see why the old reading should be changed. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XXI. — Autumnitatem› · note in col 742

XXI. — Autumnitatem. Vocabulum antiquæ et probatæ latinitatis. Cato, de Re rustica, c. 155: Prima autumnitate, cum pluvius erit, tum maxime ab aqua periculum est. Hoc loco autem autumnitatem dicit Arnobius autumni sive vinearum proventum. Eodem sensu Mamertinus Grat. Act. ad Julian., c. 22, olivitatem dicit pro proventu olei, ubi vid. Livinæum, pag. 185, vol. II Panegyr. Vet., ed. Jæger. Plura congessit Meursius, in Critico Arnob., p. 16. ORELL.

XXI. — "The autumn harvest." A word of old and approved Latinity. Cato, On Agriculture ch. 155: "At the beginning of autumn, when it is rainy, then above all there is danger from water." Here, however, Arnobius means by autumnitas the produce of autumn, that is, of the vineyards. In the same sense Mamertinus, Thanksgiving to Julian ch. 22, says olivitas for the yield of oil, where see Livineius, p. 185, vol. II of the Old Panegyrics, Jäger's edition. Meursius gathered more in his Criticus Arnobianus, p. 16. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: At ex nostris exprimi unum prohibeant palmitis rorem› · note in col 742

At ex nostris exprimi unum prohibeant palmitis rorem. Variis locum hunc sanissimum conjecturis offuderunt interpretes. Alii legunt palmites, editor Leid. palmitibus, Stewech. conj. vinum .... rorem, eodem sensu quo dicunt Latini dies autumnos, id est autumnales, sexum marem pro masculino, verba oblivia pro obliviosa. Nicol. Heins., Adversar., lib. I, c. 10, pag. 102, legendum censet ullum rorem. Quæ conjecturæ fere omnes fluxerunt e voce rorem male intellecta a viris doctis. Ros enim hoc loco non est humor ille, qui serenis noctibus colligitur in plantis (nam is detergitur, non exprimitur), sed ipse succus palmitum. Nam ros ap. Latinos de quovis liquore, aqua, vino, etc. Ita Sidon., carm. XXII, v. 25, ros meri pro vino. Unum rorem itaque dicit Arnobius unam vini vel musti guttam. ORELL. — Mihi concinnius videtur Salmasii palmitibus; quod Heraldus etiam secutus est, ipsaque verborum collocatio plane Arnobiana: Ex olivis vestris atque vinetis ... at ex nostris palmitibus: Qui palmites voluerunt, videntur quæsivisse nominativum ad verbum prohibeant, qui responderet superiori membro fundi faciant, quod quidem non necesse est; cum idem nominativus facile ad utrumque membrum pertineat. OCHSNER.

"But let them prevent a single drop (dew) of the vine from being pressed out of ours." The interpreters have overwhelmed this perfectly sound passage with various conjectures. Some read "palmites" (vines, as subject), the Leiden editor "palmitibus" (from our vines); Stewech conjectures "vinum ... rorem" (the wine-dew), in the sense in which the Latins say "autumn days" for autumnal, "male sex" for masculine, "oblivious words" for forgetful. Nicolaus Heinsius, Adversaria Book I, ch. 10, p. 102, thinks we should read "any dew". Almost all these conjectures sprang from the word ros being misunderstood by learned men. For ros here is not the moisture that gathers on plants on clear nights (that is wiped off, not pressed out), but the very juice of the vines. For ros among the Latins is said of any liquid, water, wine, etc. So Sidonius, Poem XXII, line 25, "dew of unmixed wine" for wine. So by "a single dew" Arnobius means a single drop of wine or must. ORELLI. — To me Salmasius's "palmitibus" seems neater; Heraldus also followed it, and the very order of the words is plainly Arnobian: "From your olives and vineyards ... but from our vines". Those who wanted "palmites" seem to have looked for a subject for the verb "let them prevent" to answer the earlier member "let them make it pour", which is not necessary, since the same subject easily belongs to both members. OCHSNER.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et sub ipsis potum labris in acoris perfidiam vinum› · note in col 742

Et sub ipsis potum labris in acoris perfidiam vinum (continues)

"And [that] wine, at the very lips of the drinkers, [should turn] into the treachery of sourness (continues)

(printed under page 373)

(lemma, continued) ‹anchor: Et sub ipsis potum labris in acoris perfidiam vinum› · note in col 743

(continued) repente mutari. Potum, quod pro vitiosa lectione antiqua potu restituit Gelenius, editor Lugd. Bat. mutavit in positum, qua causa, non video. Acoris, idem quod aceti, perfidiam eleganter dixit Arnobius, perfidus enim et perfidia dicitur ap. Latinos exquisite de cibis etiam et potionibus, quæ spem gustantis frustrantur. Ita Martialis lib. XII, epig. 48, qui locus nostro simillimus: Imputet ipse Deus nectar mihi, fiet acetum / Et Vaticani persida vappa cadi. Eodem sensu nequitia ap. Plin., Hist. Nat. XIV, 20, aceti nequitiæ inest virtus ad magnos usus. Cl. N. Rigaltium ad Artemidor. Oneirocrit., lib. I, pag. 45, vol. II ed. Reiff. ORELL.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XXII. — Neque ad vos plurimum› · note in col 743

XXII. — Neque ad vos plurimum. Plurimum pro plus. Sic infra lib. II, cap. 11, init: Et quid est quod in hac parte aut vos plurimum habeatis aut nos minus? Vide annotationem Heraldi ad sequentia verba. ORELL.

XXII. — "Nor [does it touch] you most." "Most" for "more". So below, Book II, ch. 11, beginning: "And what is there in which, on this side, either you have most or we less?" See Heraldus's note on the following words. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quos in rebus tristissimis atque lætis› · note in col 743

Quos in rebus tristissimis atque lætis. Solemne est Arnobio et plerisque omnibus illius ævi scriptoribus mutare comparationis gradus, et superlativum accipere pro positivo, ut loquuntur οἱ τῶν γραμματικῶν παῖδες. Unde et Menandri versum: φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρηστὰ ὁμιλίαι κακαί, ita redditum apud antiquos Ecclesiæ doctores reperimus: Corrumpunt ingenia bona confabulationes pessimæ. Talia apud scriptores illos infinita. HERALD.

"Whom in the saddest and in glad things." It is customary with Arnobius and almost all the writers of that age to change the degrees of comparison and to take the superlative for the positive, as "the sons of the grammarians" put it. Hence we find Menander's line, "Evil company corrupts good manners," rendered thus by the ancient doctors of the Church: "The worst conversations corrupt good characters." Such things are countless in those writers. HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XXIII. — Dii veri› · note in col 743

XXIII. — Dii veri. Hæc est palmaria emendatio Fulv. Ursini, merito in textum recepta ab Oberthurio. Nam quotusquisque est gentilium Deus, qui immunis fuerit illorum vitiorum et affectuum, quos in sequentibus recenset Arnobius? Antea legebatur dii vestri. ORELL.

XXIII. — "True gods." This is the prize emendation of Fulvius Ursinus, rightly taken into the text by Oberthür. For how few of the gentiles' gods have been free of the vices and passions that Arnobius lists in what follows! Before, it read "your gods". ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Si se sibi aliquis adulatorio humilitate submittat› · note in col 743

Si se sibi aliquis adulatorio humilitate submittat. Sic enim solent adulatores et qui magnam abjectionem restari volunt. Noster infra lib. VII, cap. 13: Tum deinde salutet acclinis, ancillæ aut servuli pavibundas trepidationes imitatus. Hoc eleganter appellat Tertullianus decrescere libro de Poenitentia, cap. 11: Ad omnem occursum majoris cujusque personae decrescentes. Ταπεινοῦσθαι Græci hoc dicunt, ὑποπίπτειν et ὑποκύπτειν: quibus opponit Diodorus Siculus ὑπερέχειν. ORELL.

"If someone submits himself to them with flattering humility." For so flatterers do, and those who want to display great abjectness. Our author below, Book VII, ch. 13: "Then let him greet them bowing, imitating the fearful tremblings of a maidservant or a little slave." Tertullian elegantly calls this "growing smaller", in the book On Penitence, ch. 11: "growing smaller at every meeting with any greater person." The Greeks call it tapeinousthai, hypopiptein and hypokyptein, to which Diodorus Siculus opposes hyperechein. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quos jam dudum experientia doctorum dæmonas appellat et heroas› · note in col 743, runs into col 744

Quos jam dudum experientia doctorum dæmonas appellat et heroas. Variis hunc locum conjecturis tentarunt interpretes. Cod. ms. et editio romana habent appellat errores, quod manifeste vitiosum Gelen. mutavit in et hos, quem posteriores editores secuti sunt usque ad Herald. Behot. Apophoret. lib. III, cap. 8, leg. censet et quos, et in sequentibus scit versari. Pontanus apud Meursium terrestres. Stewech. errones, quod, proprie de servis fugitivis usurpatum, bene etiam dici potest de dæmonibus in terris vagantibus et circumvolitantibus, neque prorsus rejiciendum videtur. Sequi tamen malui emendationem Fulv. Ursini probatam ab Heraldo, et heroas, qui sæpissime conjunguntur cum dæmonibus, verbi causa ab Augustino, de Civit. Dei, lib. X, cap. 21: Volunt cum dæmonibus heroas habitare, quo nomine appellant alicujus meriti animas defunctorum. Cf. intpp. ad Gnomas Pythagoreorum, init. Plura vide ap. Meurs., p. 17. ORELL.

"Whom the experience of the learned has long called demons and heroes." The interpreters have tried this passage with various conjectures. The manuscript and the Roman edition have "appellat errores", which, being plainly corrupt, Gelenius changed to "et hos", and the later editors followed him down to Heraldus. Behotius, Apophoreta Book III, ch. 8, thinks we should read "et quos", and in what follows "scit versari". Pontanus, in Meursius: "terrestres" (earthly). Stewech: "errones" (vagabonds), which, though properly used of runaway slaves, can also well be said of demons wandering and flitting about on earth, and does not seem altogether to be rejected. But I have preferred to follow Fulvius Ursinus's emendation, approved by Heraldus, "et heroas", who are very often joined with demons — for instance by Augustine, City of God Book X, ch. 21: "They hold that heroes dwell with the demons, by which name they call the souls of the dead of some merit." Compare the interpreters on the Pythagorean Gnomes, at the beginning. See more in Meursius, p. 17. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non nosse cœlestia› · note in col 744

Non nosse cœlestia, i. e. non usu, experientia cognita habere cœlestia. Vide supra cap. 17, ad verba Hoc ergo Dii magni norunt notam Heraldi. ORELL.

"Do not know heavenly things", that is, do not have heavenly things known by use and experience. See above, ch. 17, Heraldus's note on the words "This, then, the great gods know". ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XXIV. — Haruspices has fabulas, conjectores, arioli, vates...., fanatici› · note in col 744

XXIV. — Haruspices has fabulas, conjectores, arioli, vates...., fanatici. Iidem conjunguntur et exploduntur etiam a Cicerone de Nat. Deor., I, 20, ubi Velleius: Sequitur μαντικὴ vestra... qua tanta imbueremur superstitione, si vos audire vellemus, ut aruspices, augures, harioli, vates et conjectores nobis essent colendi. De haruspicibus res nota. Conjectores dicebantur κατ' ἐξοχὴν somniorum interpretes, ὀνειροκρίται. Vid. Fest. h. v. ibique Dacer. arioli dicti ab aris, qui circa aras versantur, precantur, vaticinantur. Vid. Isidor., Orig., lib. VIII, c. 9. Donatus ad Terent. Phorm., act. IV, scen. 4, ab hari, verbo antiquo pro fari, derivat. Cf. Havercamp. ad Tertullian. Apologet., p. 227, fanatici a fanis (Glossæ: fanaticus, ἱερατικὸς, ἱερόδουλος), erant tales, qui semper conversabantur in templis, ut futura prædicerent. Vide J. Firmic. Mathes. liber. III, c. 13. Designat autem his vocibus Arnobius planos et agyrtas in locis publicis, templis, foris plateis versantes et vaticiniis aliisque vanitatibus mulierculas et alios imperitos homines aggredientes et stipes illorum credulitati extorquentes. HERALD. et ORELL.

XXIV. — "Haruspices [spread] these tales, dream-readers, soothsayers, seers ..., fanatics." The same are joined together and hissed off by Cicero too, On the Nature of the Gods I, 20, where Velleius says: "Next comes your mantikē (divination) ..., with which we would be steeped in such superstition, if we chose to listen to you, that we would have to revere haruspices, augurs, soothsayers, seers and dream-readers." About haruspices the matter is well known. Conjectores was the name par excellence for interpreters of dreams, oneirokritai. See Festus under this word, and Dacier there. Arioli are named from arae (altars), those who busy themselves about altars, praying and prophesying; see Isidore, Etymologies Book VIII, ch. 9. Donatus on Terence's Phormio, Act IV, Scene 4, derives it from hari, an old word for fari (to speak). Compare Havercamp on Tertullian's Apology, p. 227. Fanatici, from fana (shrines) (the Glosses: fanaticus, hieratikos, hierodoulos), were such as always lived in the temples, to foretell the future. See J. Firmicus, Mathesis Book III, ch. 13. By these words Arnobius means the vagabonds and begging charlatans who haunt public places, temples, markets and streets, and work on silly women and other ignorant people with prophecies and other vanities, wringing coins out of their credulity. HERALDUS and ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ac ne stipes exiguas consultoribus excutiant jam raris› · note in col 744

Ac ne stipes exiguas consultoribus excutiant jam raris. Cannegieter. leg. censet stipes non exiguas. Sed verba consultoribus jam raris aperte indicant, illud non locum habere neutiquam posse. Sensus est: Verentes, ne stipes jam exiguæ ob consultorum raritatem penitus dispereant. ORELL.

"And lest they shake out only meagre coins from clients now rare." Cannegieter thinks we should read "coins not meagre". But the words "from clients now rare" plainly show that that "not" can by no means have a place. The sense is: fearing that their coins, already meagre because clients are rare, may vanish altogether. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Si quando vos velle rem venire in invidiam compererunt› · note in col 744

Si quando vos velle rem venire in invidiam compererunt. Hic locus admodum torsit interpretes variis conjecturis ipsi medelam afferre conatos. Editio rom. habet nos velle, etc., quod defendit Th. Canterus, explicans nos, scil. christianos, ira incensos in illos, ariolos scil., vates, etc., velle rem eorum venire in invidiam. Stewech. leg. censet: Si quando nos belle provenire compererunt, invident, indignantur, declamitantque: Negliguntur Dii, etc. Just. Lips., Epistolic. Quæst., lib. I, Epist. 20: Si quando nos bellorum venire in invidiam, etc., intelligens de bellorum et publicæ calamitatis invidia in christianos conflata ab istis sacrificulis. Cannegieter. eos, scil. sacrificulos. At hi non volunt, alioqui non consulerent. Mihi videtur locus sanissimus. Sensus est: Si quando com- (continues)

"If ever they find that you want the matter to come into odium." This passage has greatly tormented the interpreters, who have tried to bring it a remedy with various conjectures. The Roman edition has "nos velle", etc., which Th. Canter defends, explaining that "we", that is the Christians, burning with anger against them — the soothsayers, seers, etc. — want their business to fall into odium. Stewech thinks we should read: "If ever they find that we prosper finely, they envy, they are indignant, and they keep declaiming: 'The gods are neglected'", etc. Justus Lipsius, Epistolicae Quaestiones Book I, Letter 20: "If ever [they find] that we [are to] come into the odium of wars", etc., understanding it of the odium for wars and public calamity stirred up against the Christians by those petty priests. Cannegieter: "eos", that is, the petty priests. But they do not want it, or they would not consult. To me the passage seems perfectly sound. The sense is: if ever they find (continues)

(printed under page 374)

(printed under page 375)

(a) ‹anchor: affingere› · call in col 745

Affigere. Male. Sab.

"To fasten on", wrongly: Sabaeus.

(lemma, continued) ‹anchor: Si quando vos velle rem venire in invidiam compererunt› · note in col 745

(continued) pererunt, vos ipsos (gentiles scil.) velle rem (suam scil.) venire in invidiam. Tales nimirum agyrtas et sacrificulos ob mendicitatem suam malasque artes, quibus imperitis hominibus imponebant, ab ipsis deorum cultoribus contemptos et exosos fuisse, ex plurimis veterum testimoniis satis constat. Vel, si quid mutandum, mallem plane delere pronomen vos, ut sit velle venire in invidiam; idem quod simplex venire. Velle cum infinitivo sæpissime abundat apud veteres. Ita ap. Petronium aliquoties velle pleonastice positum, verbi causa, cap. 70, § 10. Jam cœperat Fortunata velle saltare, ubi vide Burmann. et indicem Antonii, et apposite ad nostrum locum auctor. Priapeiorum, carm. LXXII, vs. 9 et sq.: At vos amplius hoc loco cavete / Quicquam ponere: ne famelicorum / Ad me turba velit canum venire. ubi velit venire pro veniat. Sensus itaque nostri loci esset: Wenn sie merken dass ihre Sache (ihre Künstel, ihr Orakelgewerb) ihren Credit verlieren wolle. ORELD.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Negliguntur dii, clamitant› · note in col 745

Negliguntur dii, clamitant, atque in templis jam raritas summa est. Gelenius solita mutandi libidine sanissimam hanc codicis ms lectionem sic interpolavit: Indignantur, declamitantque: in templis, etc. Editio, princeps habet vitiose: negliguntur, declamitant, atque in templis, etc. Fulv. Ursin. leg. conj. etc. clamitant, aræque, etc. Sed causam mutandi nullam video. ORELL.

"'The gods are neglected,' they keep crying, 'and in the temples there is now the greatest scarcity.'" Gelenius, with his usual itch for changing, interpolated this perfectly sound manuscript reading thus: "They are indignant and keep declaiming: in the temples", etc. The first edition has, corruptly: "are neglected, they declaim, and in the temples", etc. Fulvius Ursinus conjectures "etc. clamitant, aræque", etc. But I see no reason to change. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Jacent.... derisui cæremoniæ› · note in col 745

Jacent.... derisui cæremoniæ. Hoc est contemptæ sunt et expositæ, objectæ dirisui. Jacere, centies ap. veteres de rebus neglectis, contemptis, quod notissimum. At rarior hujus verbi constructio cum tertio casu. Ita Sil. Ital., lib. XV, vs. 646 et sq.: ...... Quicumque timeri / Dux bello poterat, fratri jacet. id est, ab eo cæsus, postratus est. ORELL.

"The ceremonies lie ... for derision." That is, they are despised and exposed, thrown open to derision. Jacere is used a hundred times by the ancients of things neglected and despised, as is very well known. But the construction of this verb with the dative is rarer. So Silius Italicus, Book XV, line 646 f.: "...whatever leader could be feared in war lies low for his brother", that is, has been slain and laid low by him. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Occiderunt› · note in col 745

Occiderunt. Fulv. Ursinus legend. censet conciderunt. Sed bene habet occiderunt et multo est significantius. Imago scil. ducta a sideribus, quæ sole exorto occidunt, evanescunt. ORELL.

"Have set." Fulvius Ursinus thinks we should read "have collapsed". But "have set" is sound and much more expressive: the image, of course, is drawn from the stars, which set and vanish when the sun has risen. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et merito humanum genus.... tot laborum excruciatur ærumnis› · note in col 745, runs into col 746

Et merito humanum genus.... tot laborum excruciatur ærumnis. Stewechius legendum censet eo (id est eapropter) merito humanum genus....... tot laborum exercetur ærumnis, citans Virgilianum illud, Ab. III, 1821. Puer Iliacis exercite satis, et Apulei. Miles., lib. VI: Psyche tantis exercita ærumnis, quod elegantius quidem et bono scriptore dignius. Sed in Arnobio tales elegantiæ non exigendæ.

"And deservedly the human race ... is tormented by so many hardships of toil." Stewech thinks we should read "eo (that is, for that reason) merito humanum genus ... tot laborum exercetur ærumnis" (is harried by so many hardships), citing that line of Virgil, Aeneid III, 182 (printed "Ab. III, 1821"): "Son, harried by the fates of Ilium", and Apuleius's Milesian tales, Book VI: "Psyche, harried by such great hardships" — which is indeed more elegant and worthier of a good writer. But such elegances are not to be demanded in Arnobius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tot laborum excruciatur ærumnis› · note in col 746

Tot laborum excruciatur ærumnis. Stewech. leg. conj. exercetur ærumnis, afferens loca duo, alterum Apuleii, lib. VI. Metam. Psyche tantis exercita ærumnis, alterum Virgilii Æn. III, vs. 182. ....... Nate Iliacis exercite satis. Sed non minus frequens ap. Latinos excruciari ærumnis, ægritudine, sollicitudine, miseriis. Cf. Terent. Heautont. I, 2, vs. 4, et Cic. Epist. ad Fam. XIV, 3. Itaque nil mutandum. ORELL.

"Is tormented by so many hardships of toil." Stewech conjectures "is harried by hardships", bringing two passages, one of Apuleius, Metamorphoses Book VI, "Psyche, harried by such great hardships", the other of Virgil, Aeneid III, line 182: "...Son, harried by the fates of Ilium." But no less frequent among the Latins is "to be tormented" by hardships, grief, anxiety, miseries. Compare Terence, Heauton Timorumenos I, 2, line 4, and Cicero, Letters to Friends XIV, 3. So nothing should be changed. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et homines, brutum genus› · note in col 746

Et homines, brutum genus. Cannegieter leg. cens. Ei homines. non male ORELL — Pari sensu Horat., lib. I. sat. 3 dixit Mutum et turpe pecus. PRIOR.

"And men, a brute race." Cannegieter thinks we should read "Ei homines" (alas, men!), not badly. ORELLI. — In the same sense Horace, Book I, Satire 3, said "a dumb and base herd". PRIOR.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Furiosi› · note in col 746

Furiosi. Vide notata ad initium capitis I. ORELL.

"Madmen." See what was noted at the beginning of ch. I. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XXV. — Mortalium..... de sæculis› · note in col 746

XXV. — Mortalium..... de sæculis. Id est de genere mortalium sæculum pro genere, sobole, multitudine sæpissime usurpat Lucretius, v. c., lib. III, 629: Priorum sæcla scriptorum, et II, vs. 77. Animantum sæcla in brevi spatio mutantur. Vid. Gesner. in Thesauro et quæ annotabimus infra ad lib. VII, c. 24. ORELL.

XXV. — "From the generations ... of mortals." That is, from the race of mortals. Lucretius very often uses saeculum for race, offspring, multitude, for example Book III, 629: "the generations of earlier writers", and II, line 77: "the generations of living things are changed in a short space." See Gesner in his Thesaurus and what we shall note below on Book VII, ch. 24. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Summitatem omnium summorum obtinentem› · note in col 746

Summitatem omnium summorum obtinentem. Is Deus mox summus dicitur, quo nomine veteres appellarunt unum illud et supremum numen. rerum omnium auctorem et gubernatorem. Philosophi Deum opificem nominabant, alii Jovem æternum et exsuperantissimum; Græci etiam ὕψιστον CANNEGIETER in van Hoven Ot. Litt.

"Holding the summit of all the highest things." This God is soon called "the highest", the name by which the ancients called that one and supreme divinity, the author and governor of all things. The philosophers named God the craftsman; others called him eternal and all-surpassing Jupiter; the Greeks also hypsistos (the Most High). CANNEGIETER, in van Hoven's Otia Litteraria.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Temerariæ vocis desperatione› · note in col 746

Temerariæ vocis desperatione. Fulv. Ursinus leg. censet disparatione, alii disceptatione male. Desperatio, ut bene Herald. explicat, est ἀπόνοια eorum, qui divinam iram contemnere cœperunt, et simul omnem salutis curam abjicere. Desperatio vocis temerariæ est itaque vox temeraria hominis scelerati et de salute sua prorsus desperantis, ein tollkuhnes, ruchloses Wort. ORELL.

"By the desperation of a rash utterance." Fulvius Ursinus thinks we should read "disparatione", others "disceptatione" — wrongly. Desperatio, as Heraldus well explains, is the aponoia (recklessness) of those who have begun to despise the divine anger and at the same time to cast off all care for their salvation. So "the desperation of a rash utterance" is the rash utterance of a wicked man utterly despairing of his salvation — in German, "a foolhardy, reckless word". ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In rebus fessis› · note in col 746

In rebus fessis. Infra, lib. III: Inexorata beneficia præbere fessis atque invalidis rebus. Habet a Virgilio, Æn. III, 145: Quam fessis finem rebus ferat; unde laborum / Tentare auxilium jubeat. HERALD. Add. Tacit., Annal. XV, c. 50. Diligendumque, qui fessis rebus succurreret. ORELL.

"In weary affairs." Below, Book III: "to grant unasked-for benefits to weary and feeble affairs." He has it from Virgil, Aeneid III, 145: "what end he will bring to our weary affairs; whence he bids us seek help for our toils." HERALDUS. Add Tacitus, Annals XV, ch. 50: "and that one should be chosen who would rescue their weary affairs." ORELLI.

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 747; the note runs across both columns

In ritibus profanos nos aut impios Dodonæus Jupiter nominat. Fulv.

"Dodonaean Jupiter calls us profane in rites, or impious": Fulvius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XXVI. — Dilaceratis› · note in col 747

XXVI. — Dilaceratis. Nempe flagellis et ungulis, quibus derasa et sulcata fuere christianorum latera. In his etiam lacerationibus numerare possumus ἑλκυσμοὺς θηρίων. Nam sanctos Christi testes bestiis quandoque admordendos dabant, ut vel hac ratione summum iis terrorem incuterent. HERALD.

XXVI. — "You tear to pieces." With whips and hooks, that is, by which the sides of Christians were scraped and furrowed. Among these lacerations we can also count the draggings by beasts; for they sometimes gave Christ's holy witnesses to beasts to be bitten, so as to strike the utmost terror into them even in this way. HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Exuritis› · note in col 747

Exuritis. Refero hoc non ad vivicomburium, quo sæpe Christi milites ἐτελειώθησαν, sed ad cruces et tormenta, quæ extremam τελείωσιν præcedebant. Torquebantur enim christiani, lacerabantur, exurebantur, id est, igni et laminis igneis propius admotis tentabantur. De igni ad veritatem eruendam admoto antiquissima res est. Recte autem et condecenter ab Arnobio collocatur loco ultimo. Nam revera erat sæpius ultimus βασανισμός. Seneca lib. III, de Ira, cap. 19: Torserat per omnia, quæ in rerum natura tristissima sunt, fidiculis, tabularibus, aculeo, igni, vultu suo. Apuleius, Milesia, X: Nec rota vel eculeus more Græcorum tormentis ejus apparata jam deerant. Sed obfirmatus mira præsumptione nullis verberibus, ac ne ipso quidem succubuit igni. Prudentius, in Martyrio Vincentii: Tum deinde cunctatus diu. / Decernit extrema omnium / Igni, grabato et laminis / Exerceatur quæstio. HERALD.

"You burn." I refer this not to burning alive, by which Christ's soldiers were often "perfected" (eteleiōthēsan), but to the tortures and torments that preceded the final perfecting. For Christians were racked, torn, burned — that is, tried with fire and with red-hot plates brought close. The use of fire to extract the truth is a very ancient thing. Arnobius rightly and fittingly puts it last, for it was in fact usually the last torture (basanismos). Seneca, On Anger Book III, ch. 19: "He had racked him with everything most dreadful in nature: the cords, the boards, the goad, fire, and his own face." Apuleius, Milesian tales X: "Nor were the wheel or the rack, in the Greek manner, lacking now, made ready for his torture. But, steeled by a wonderful confidence, he yielded to no blows, nor even to fire itself." Prudentius, in the Martyrdom of Vincent: "Then, after long delay, he decrees the last of all: let the questioning be plied with fire, the grill and the plates." HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ad extremum nos feris et belluarum laniatibus objectatis› · note in col 747

Ad extremum nos feris et belluarum laniatibus objectatis. Nota ad extremum. Præmissa ergo ante extremum agonem. Hinc Prudentius Hymno primo περὶ στεφάνων, vs. 54, seqq. Stant parati ferre, quidquid sors tulisset ultima: / Seu foret præbenda cervix ad bipennem publicam, / Verberum post vim crepantum, post catastas igneas; / Sive pardis offerendum pectus, aut leonibus. Bestiis autem objectabantur, cum venationes darentur; alias enim non licebat. Hinc, cum Polycarpum ad leonem postularent, respondit Proconsul fieri hoc non posse, quia venationes peractæ erant. Quare vivus concrematus est constantissimus et floridissimus Martyr. HERALD.

"At the last you throw us to wild beasts and to be mangled by brutes." Note "at the last": these things, then, came before the final contest. Hence Prudentius, in the first hymn Peri Stephanōn (On the Crowns), line 54 ff.: "They stand ready to bear whatever the final lot might bring: whether the neck must be offered to the public axe, after the force of cracking lashes, after the fiery racks; or the breast be offered to leopards or to lions." They were thrown to beasts when games of beast-hunting were held; otherwise it was not permitted. Hence, when they demanded Polycarp for the lion, the proconsul answered that this could not be done, because the hunts were over. So the most steadfast and most flourishing martyr was burned alive. HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Is aut nomine appellandus est hominis› · note in col 747, runs into col 748

Is aut nomine appellandus est hominis, quamvis ille: videatur sibi? aut Deus esse credendus est, quamvis ipse se esse mille profiteatur in vatibus? Trophonius nos impios, etc. Hæc est palmaria emendatio P. Pithoei, merito in textum recepta ab editore Lugd. Bat. Editio prima Romana habet e cod. ms.: Is haud nomine appelandus est hominis, quamvis ille videatur sibi, haud Deus esse credendus est, quamvis ipse se esse similem profiteatur. In vatibus profanus nos impios, etc. Falsissime neque enim oracula profitebantur, eos, quos gentes colebant, similes deorum, sed veros deos esse; et in sequentibus, Dodonæus aut Jupiter, aut non haberet quo referretur. Itaque miror, Oberthurium emendationem illam unice veram e textu suo eliminasse. Et mirum sane videri possit attento lectori, cur Arnobius pleraque Græcorum oracula recensens celebratissimum illud Trophonii in Lebadia Bœotiæ præterierit. ORELL.

"Is he either to be called by the name of man, however he may seem to himself? Or to be believed a god, though he professes himself so a thousand times in his seers? Trophonius [calls] us impious", etc. This is P. Pithou's prize emendation, rightly taken into the text by the Leiden editor. The first Roman edition has, from the manuscript: "He is not to be called by the name of man, however he may seem to himself; he is not to be believed a god, though he professes himself to be like one. In the seers, profane [calls] us impious", etc. Most falsely; for the oracles did not profess that those whom the nations worshipped were like gods, but that they were true gods. And in what follows, "Dodonaean or Jupiter", the "or" would have nothing to refer to. So I am surprised that Oberthür threw this emendation, the only true one, out of his text. And an attentive reader may well find it strange that Arnobius, reviewing most of the oracles of the Greeks, passed over that most celebrated one of Trophonius at Lebadea in Boeotia. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Clarius› · note in col 748

Clarius. Clarius Apollo a Clario nemore prope Colophonem, quod cum sacerdotibus esset aptum visum, in quo templum strueretur, successu temporis oraculo Apollinis inclaruit condito a Manto, vatis Tiresiæ filia, fugiente victores Thebanorum Epigonos, teste Pomp. Mela, de Situ Orb. I, c. 17, cujus celebritas eo colonos attraxit, quorum manibus structum est oppidum, Nicandri patria. De condito ibi templo et oraculo vid. Strabon., lib. XIV, pag. 642; Scholiasten Apollonii Rhod., ad I, vs. 308; Pausaniam in Achaicis, c. 3, et quos laudat Oberlin., V. C. ad Taciti Ann., II, 54, et ad Vib. Sequestr., pag. 265, qui hac de re multus est. ORELL. — Conf. Intpp. ad Ovid. Met., I, 516. OCHSNER.

"The Clarian." Clarian Apollo, from the Clarian grove near Colophon, which, since the priests thought it suitable for building a temple in, in course of time became famous for an oracle of Apollo founded by Manto, daughter of the seer Tiresias, as she fled the Epigoni who had conquered the Thebans — so Pomponius Mela, On the Situation of the World I, ch. 17. Its fame drew settlers there, by whose hands a town was built, the birthplace of Nicander. On the temple and oracle founded there see Strabo, Book XIV, p. 642; the scholiast on Apollonius of Rhodes, on I, line 308; Pausanias, Achaica ch. 3; and the authors cited by the distinguished Oberlin on Tacitus, Annals II, 54, and on Vibius Sequester, p. 265, who says much on this. ORELLI. — Compare the interpreters on Ovid, Metamorphoses I, 516. OCHSNER.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Didymæus› · note in col 748

Didymæus. Pomp. Mela, de Situ Orb., I, c. 17: Post Basilicum Ionia aliquot se ambagibus sinuat: et primum a Posideo promontorio flexum inchoans, cingit oraculum Apollinis, dictum olim Branchidæ, nunc Didymæi, ubi vid. Voss. Cf. Strabo, l. XIV, p. 634, ed. Casaubon.; et Ernest. ad Sueton. Caligul., c. 21, Didymæus scil. Apollo dictus a nomine loci Δίδυμα, alii derivant a δίδυμος, geminus sive gemelus, quod cum Diana uno partu editus sit. Tertiam nominis rationem philosophicam affert Macrobius, Saturn. I, 17, qui eo nomine Apollinem etiam Romæ cultum dicit. ORELL.

"The Didymaean." Pomponius Mela, On the Situation of the World I, ch. 17: "After the Basilicus [gulf] Ionia winds in several bends; and, beginning its curve first from the Posideum promontory, it encircles the oracle of Apollo once called of the Branchidae, now of Didymaeus", where see Voss. Compare Strabo, Book XIV, p. 634, Casaubon's edition; and Ernesti on Suetonius, Caligula ch. 21. Apollo, that is, was called Didymaeus from the name of the place, Didyma; others derive it from didymos, twin, because he was born at one birth with Diana. Macrobius, Saturnalia I, 17, gives a third, philosophical account of the name, and says that Apollo was worshipped under this name at Rome too. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Philesius› · note in col 748

Philesius. Φιλήσιος Apollo dictus, quod lumen ejus exoriens amabile amicissima veneratione consalutamus, teste Macrobio, sat. I, 17. Alibi hujus cognominis mentio non exstat. ORELL.

"Philesius." Apollo was called Philēsios because we greet his lovely rising light with most friendly veneration, as Macrobius attests, Saturnalia I, 17. This surname is not mentioned elsewhere. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ab eo quod postulamus orare› · note in col 748

Ab eo quod postulamus orare. Postulamus hoc loco idem quod optamus. Consequens pro antecedente. Ceterum minime contemnenda videtur Fulv. Ursini conjectura, ab eo, quo postulamus, ore. ORELL.

"To pray from what we ask for." "We ask for" is here the same as "we wish": the consequent for the antecedent. But Fulvius Ursinus's conjecture "with the same mouth with which we ask" seems by no means to be despised. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Vel auribus potuit scire, vel ipsius vocis sono› · note in col 748

Vel auribus potuit scire, vel ipsius vocis sono. Id est et ipsius, etc. Nam particulæ istæ disjunctivæ ponuntur sæpe pro copulativis ab Arnobio, ut etiam ab Julio Firmico locis infinitis. Quæ in editione Fulv. Ursini notata sunt ad hunc locum, sunt plane inutilia. HERALD.

"He could have known either by the ears or by the sound of the voice itself." That is, "and by the sound", etc. For Arnobius often puts those disjunctive particles for copulatives, as Julius Firmicus does too in countless places. What is noted on this passage in Fulvius Ursinus's edition is quite useless. HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XXVII — Cur ad Christi paveant mentionem› · note in col 748

XXVII — Cur ad Christi paveant mentionem. Prudentius Apotheos. v. 402, seqq. Torquetur Apollo / Nomine percussus Christi, nec fulmina verbi / Ferre potest, agitant miserum tot verbera linguæ, / Quot laudata Dei resonant miracula Christi. Lactant., l. V, c. 21: Hi spiritus contaminati cum corpora hominum occupant, animasque divexant, adjurantur ab his et nomine Dei veri fugantur. Quo audito tremunt, exclamant, et uri se verberarique testantur. Vide Athanasium, de Humanitate Verbi. ELMENH.

XXVII — "Why they tremble at the mention of Christ." Prudentius, Apotheosis line 402 ff.: "Apollo is tormented, struck by the name of Christ, and cannot bear the thunderbolts of the word; the wretch is driven by as many lashes of the tongue as there are praised miracles of Christ, God, resounding." Lactantius, Book V, ch. 21: "When these defiled spirits take possession of men's bodies and harass their souls, they are adjured by these [Christians] and put to flight by the name of the true God. Hearing it, they tremble, cry out, and protest that they are being burned and beaten." See Athanasius, On the Incarnation of the Word. ELMENHORST.

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 749

Isti. Bene. (Meur.) ms.

"Isti" (those): rightly (Meursius); manuscript.

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(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 750

Meliorine sunt causa. Fulv.

"Are they in a better case?": Fulvius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Una pariter definitione figamus› · note in col 749

Una pariter definitione figamus. Figamus, id est, constituamus tanquam firmum ratumque ponamus extra omnem dubitationis aleam. Metaphora ducta ab iis quæ clavis figuntur. ORELL.

"Let us fix it alike in one definition." "Let us fix", that is, let us establish it, let us lay it down as firm and settled beyond all hazard of doubt. A metaphor drawn from things fastened with nails. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Aut amet substerni tot millium venerationem videre› · note in col 749

Aut amet substerni tot millium venerationem videre. Verbum substerni tanquam glossema eliminandum censet Stewech. Sed bene defendit Heraldus loco Tertulliani in Apologet., c. 43. Quantos habetis, non dico jam qui de vobis dæmonia excutiant, non dico jam, qui pro vobis quoque vero Deo preces sternant? Meursius conj. aut amet substerni tot millia in venerationem. ORELL.

"Or love to see the veneration of so many thousands spread beneath him." Stewech thinks the word "substerni" should be thrown out as a gloss. But Heraldus rightly defends it by a passage of Tertullian, Apology ch. 43: "How many have you — I do not now say who drive demons out of you, I do not now say who also spread prayers for you before the true God?" Meursius conjectures "or love that so many thousands be spread beneath him in veneration". ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: XXVIII. — Quid dicitis, o sacri, quid divini interpretes juris?› · note in col 749

XXVIII. — Quid dicitis, o sacri, quid divini interpretes juris? Hæc est certissima lectio (Fulvii Ursini) pro antiqua, quid divini interpretes viri? HERALD.

XXVIII. — "What do you say, you interpreters of sacred, of divine law?" This is the most certain reading (Fulvius Ursinus's), for the old "what [do you say], divine interpreters, men?" HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Grundules Lares› · note in col 749

Grundules Lares. Diomedes, l. I, de dubia verborum positione, p. 59, ed. Jo. Cæsari: Hinc (a grundio scil. verbo antiquo pro grunnio) Grundules Lares dictos accepimus, quos Romulus constituisse dicitur in honorem scrophæ, quæ triginta pepererat porcos. Hoc ita affirmat, hoc modo Cassius Hemina in secundo historiarum: Pastorum vulgus sine contentione consentiendo, præfecerunt æqualiter imperio Remum et Romulum, ita ut de regno pares inter se essent. Monstrum sit, sus parit porcos triginta, cujus rei fanum fecerunt Lares grundiles. Cf. Nonius in Grundules. Elmenh. Cod. ms. vitiose Grunduleos. ORELL.

"The Grunting Lares." Diomedes, Book I, On the Doubtful Form of Words, p. 59, Joannes Caesarius's edition: "Hence (from grundio, that is, an old word for grunnio, I grunt) we have learned that the Grundules Lares were named, whom Romulus is said to have established in honour of a sow that had borne thirty piglets. Cassius Hemina affirms it in this way in the second book of his Histories: 'The crowd of shepherds, agreeing without dispute, set Remus and Romulus equally over the rule, so that they were equals with one another as to the kingship. A portent occurs: a sow bears thirty piglets; in token of which they made a shrine of the Grundiles Lares.'" Compare Nonius under Grundules; Elmenhorst. The manuscript corruptly has "Grunduleos". ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Aios, Locutios, Lementinos› · note in col 749

Aios, Locutios, Lementinos, etc. Cod. ms. Locutios, Ajaceos, Boetios, Libentinos, vitiosissime quidem. Sed in voce Boetios latere existimo nomen Dei alicujus boum curam gerentis, neque illud temere e textu eliminaverim. Itaque legendum conjicio: Locutios, Ajos, Bubetios (vel Bovicios), Limentinos. Bubetiorum ludorum meminit Plin., Hist. nat., XVIII, 3. Quidni statuamus, fuisse etiam deos Bubetios, cum multa deorum minorum gentium nomina vetustate interiisse, alia solummodo in Patrum Ecclesiæ, Augustini, Minucii, Lactantii scriptis servata esse constet? Ita Dea Bubona memoratur ab Augustino, de Civit. Dei, VI, 3. ORELL.

"Aius, Locutius, Limentinus [printed Lementinos]", etc. The manuscript: "Locutios, Ajaceos, Boetios, Libentinos" — most corruptly indeed. But in the word "Boetios" I think there lurks the name of some god who had the care of oxen, and I would not rashly throw it out of the text. So I conjecture we should read: "Locutios, Ajos, Bubetios (or Bovicios), Limentinos". Pliny, Natural History XVIII, 3, mentions the Bubetian games. Why should we not conclude that there were also Bubetian gods, since it is well established that many names of the gods of the lesser clans have perished with age, and others are preserved only in the writings of the Fathers of the Church — Augustine, Minucius, Lactantius? So the goddess Bubona is mentioned by Augustine, City of God VI, 3. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Aios Locutios› · note in col 749

Aios Locutios. De Aio Locutio locus classicus est apud Livium, Hist. V, 50. Expiandæ etiam vocis nocturnæ, quæ nuncia cladis ante bellum gallicum audita neglectaque esset mentio illata, jussumque templum in nova via Aio Locutio fieri. Cf. Cic. de Div., I, 45; et II, 32, et Gell., Noct. Att., lib. XVI, cap. 17. ORELL.

"Aius Locutius." The classic passage on Aius Locutius is in Livy, History V, 50: "Mention was also made of expiating the voice in the night which had been heard announcing the disaster before the Gallic war and had been neglected, and a temple was ordered to be built to Aius Locutius in the New Street." Compare Cicero, On Divination I, 45, and II, 32; and Gellius, Attic Nights Book XVI, ch. 17. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Limentinos› · note in col 749, runs into col 750

Limentinos. Noster infra, l. IV, c. 9. Quis (est qui credat) Limentinum, quis Limam custodiam liminum gerere et janitorum officia sustinere? Augustin., de Civit. Dei, l. IV, c. 8. Tres Deos isti posuerunt, Forculum foribus, Cardeam cardini, Limentinum limini. Cod. ms. habet Libentinos male. Libentinam et Liburnum Deos, qui libidinum tutelis præsint, noster memorat infra, l. IV, l. 1. ORELL.

"The Limentini." Our author below, Book IV, ch. 9: "Who (would believe) that Limentinus, that Lima keep guard of thresholds and discharge the duties of doorkeepers?" Augustine, City of God Book IV, ch. 8: "They set three gods: Forculus over doors, Cardea over the hinge, Limentinus over the threshold." The manuscript has "Libentinos", wrongly. Our author mentions below, Book IV, [ch.] 1, Libentina and Liburnus [the word is divided Li-|burnum across the columns], gods who preside over the protection of lusts. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Rebus fessis languentibusque› · note in col 750

Rebus fessis languentibusque. Vide supra, ad c. 25.

"Weary and languishing affairs." See above, on ch. 25.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Qui Faunos, qui fatuas› · note in col 750

Qui Faunos, qui fatuas. Ita egregie emendavit Lipsius, Epist. Quæst., l. I, ep. XX, eaque lectio firmatur etiam codice ms., teste Meursio. Ed. Rom. statuas. At cum statuis hic nullum litigium, sed cum deorum ridiculis nominibus. De Fauno et Fatua locus classicus est ap. Lactantium, l. I, c. 22: Ut Pompilius apud Romanos institutor ineptarum religionum fuit: sic ante Pompilium Faunus in Latio, qui et Saturno avo nefaria sacra constituit, et Picum patrem inter deos honoravit: et sororem suam Fatuam Faunam, eamdemque conjugem consecravit, quam Gabius Bassus Fatuam nominatam tradit, quod mulieribus fata canere consuevisset, ut Faunus Viris. Eumdem Varro scribit tantæ pudicitiæ fuisse, ut nemo eum, quod vixerit, præter virum suum mas viderit, nec nomen ejus audierit. Idcirco illi mulieres in operto sacrificant, et bonam deam nominant. Et Sex. Clodius in eo libro, quem græce scripsit, refert Fauni hanc uxorem fuisse, quæ quia contra morem decusque regium clam vini ollam ebiberat, et ebria facta erat, virgis myrteis a viro usque ad mortem cæsam: postea vero, cum eum facti sui pœniteret, et desiderium ejus ferre non posset, divinum illi honorem detulisse: idcirco in sacris ejus obvolutam vini amphoram poni. Cf. Macrob., Saturn., l. I, c. 12. ORELL. — Varro (l. VI, de Ling. lat.), et Servius (in Virgil., Georg. I, v. 10 et 11, et Æn., VII, v. 45 et seq.), Fauno nomen datum putant a fando, vel quia, ut Cajus Bassius apud Lactant., l. I, c. 11. Fatus nominata, quæ mulieribus, sicut Faunus viris fata canere perhibebatur. Et Virgilius quidem Fauni responsa laudavit, Æn., VIII, v. 403. At Cicero quamvis dixerit. Fauni voces sæpe in præsiis et rebus turbidis auditas (de Divin., I, 45), ubi tamen Cottam Baldo respondentem introduxit de Nat. deor., II et III, eam Fauni vocem a se unquam auditam inficiatus est. NOURR., p. 419.

"Who [worship] Fauns, who Fatuae." So Lipsius excellently emended, Epistolicae Quaestiones Book I, Letter XX, and this reading is confirmed also by the manuscript, as Meursius attests. The Roman edition: "statues". But there is no quarrel here with statues, only with the ridiculous names of gods. The classic passage on Faunus and Fatua is in Lactantius, Book I, ch. 22: "As Pompilius among the Romans was the founder of foolish religions, so before Pompilius was Faunus in Latium, who established impious rites for his grandfather Saturn and honoured his father Picus among the gods, and consecrated his sister Fatua Fauna, who was also his wife; Gabius Bassus relates that she was named Fatua because she used to sing fates to women, as Faunus did to men. Varro writes that she was of such chastity that no male but her husband saw her as long as she lived, or heard her name. That is why women sacrifice to her in secret and call her the Good Goddess. And Sextus Clodius, in the book he wrote in Greek, relates that this was the wife of Faunus who, because against custom and royal decency she had secretly drained a jar of wine and become drunk, was beaten to death by her husband with myrtle rods; but afterwards, when he repented of his deed and could not bear his longing for her, he paid her divine honours; and that is why at her rites a jar of wine is set down covered up." Compare Macrobius, Saturnalia Book I, ch. 12. ORELLI. — Varro (Book VI, On the Latin Language) and Servius (on Virgil, Georgics I, lines 10 and 11, and Aeneid VII, line 45 ff.) think the name was given to Faunus from fari (to speak); or because, as Gaius Bassus says in Lactantius, Book I, ch. 11, she was named Fatua who was held to sing fates to women as Faunus did to men. And Virgil indeed praised the answers of Faunus, Aeneid VIII, line 403. But Cicero, though he said that the voices of Fauns were often heard in battles and in troubled times (On Divination I, 45), yet, where he brings in Cotta answering Balbus (printed "Baldo") in On the Nature of the Gods II and III, denies that he ever heard that voice of Faunus. NOURRY, p. 419.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Civitatumque genios› · note in col 750

Civitatumque genios. De locorum geniis plana res est. Pruventius libro contra Symmachum posteriore: Cum portis, domibus, thermis, stabulis soleatis / Assignare suos genios; perque omnia membra / Urbis, perque locos geniorum millia multa / Fingere: ne propria vacet angulus ullus ab umbra. Sed eos existimabant specialiter singulis civitatibus et populis attributos, quorum cura et providentia singulæ civitates continerentur. Symmachus relatione de restituendo veteri Deorum cultu apud eumdem Prudentium: Suus enim cuique mos: suus cuique ritus est. Varios custodes vel urbibus, et cultus mens divina distribuit. Ut animæ nascentibus, ita populis fatales Genii dividuntur, Hinc GENIUS POPULI RO- (continues)

"And the genii of cities." About the genii of places the matter is plain. Prudentius [printed "Pruventius"], in the second book against Symmachus: "You are wont to assign their own genii to gates, houses, baths, stables, and through all the members of the city, through all its places, to invent many thousands of genii, so that no corner should be empty of its own shade." But they thought them assigned specially to single cities and peoples, by whose care and providence each city was held together. Symmachus, in his Relatio on restoring the old worship of the gods, as given by the same Prudentius: "For each has his own custom, each his own rite. The divine mind has distributed various guardians and worships to cities. As souls to those being born, so fateful Genii are apportioned to peoples." Hence "THE GENIUS OF THE RO- (continues)

(printed under page 377)

(printed under page 378)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 751

Sortitos esse se sentiunt. Fulv.

"They feel that they have obtained [it]": Fulvius.

(lemma, continued) ‹anchor: Civitatumque genios› · note in col 751

(continued) MANI passim in veteribus nummis, qui γένιος τοῦ δήμου a Dione dicitur et Genius publicus apud Ammianum Marcellinum. HERALD. — Cf. C. Barth. ad Rutil. Itinerar. I, vs. 328, prolixe de hac re disputantem. ORELL.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Pausos› · note in col 751

Pausos. Pausum Turneb. Adversar., lib. XV, c. 21, putat fuisse Deum, qui pausam afferret et quietem, bellis adversarium. ELMENH.

"The Pausi." Turnebus, Adversaria Book XV, ch. 21, thinks Pausus was a god who brought pause and rest, an opponent of wars. ELMENHORST.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In sententiæ suæ perpetuitate defixum est› · note in col 751

In sententiæ suæ perpetuitate defixum est. Id est immotum, immutabile manet, defixum quasi ac firmatum in perpetua Dei sententia, h. e. in æterno ejus decreto Similiter Cicero pro Flacco, cap. I. Tantum petimus a vobis, ut omnia reipublicæ subsidia, totum statum civitatis, omnem memoriam temporum præteritorum, salutem præsentium, spem reliquorum, in vestra potestate, in vestris sententiis, in hoc uno judicio positam esse et defixam putetis. ORELL.

"It is fixed in the perpetuity of his judgement." That is, it remains unmoved, unchangeable, fixed as it were and made firm in God's perpetual judgement, that is, in his eternal decree. Likewise Cicero, Pro Flacco ch. I: "We ask only this of you: that you consider all the defences of the commonwealth, the whole state of the city, all memory of times past, the safety of the present, the hope of what remains, to be placed and fixed in your power, in your votes, in this one trial." ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Crucem mereatur extremam› · note in col 751

Crucem mereatur extremam. Quo supplicio scil. nullum erat tetrius, nec abjectius; nullum detestabilius. HERALD. — Quare etiam summum supplicium, extrema pœna, ἡ ἐσχάτη δίκη crux dicta veteribus. Hoc loco tamen etiam laxe et de peste aut pernicie cupit intelligi, ut recte observat J Lips., de cruce, lib. II, cap. 1, Op., tom. III, p. 1175, ed. Vesal. ORELL.

"Should deserve the utmost cross." For there was no punishment fouler, none more degrading, none more detestable. HERALDUS. — So the cross was also called by the ancients the supreme punishment, the utmost penalty, hē eschatē dikē. Here, however, he wants it understood loosely too, of plague or ruin, as J. Lipsius rightly observes, On the Cross Book II, ch. 1, Works vol. III, p. 1175, Wesel edition. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In civitatibus maximis..... sacra publice fiunt scortis meritoriis› · note in col 751

In civitatibus maximis..... sacra publice fiunt scortis meritoriis. Athemenses Læenam meretricem famosissimam, Romani Accam, Laurentiam et Floram, scorta propudiosa, post mortem sacrificiis, et annuæ parentationis honore mactarunt. Lactant., lib. I, c. 20; Gellius, lib. VI, c. 7; Macrob., sat. I. 10. Plutarchus Quæst. Rom. ELMENH.

"In the greatest cities ... rites are performed publicly to hired harlots." The Athenians [printed "Athemenses"] honoured Leaena, a most notorious courtesan, and the Romans Acca Larentia and Flora, shameless harlots, after their death with sacrifices and the honour of a yearly funeral rite. Lactantius, Book I, ch. 20; Gellius, Book VI, ch. 7; Macrobius, Saturnalia I, 10; Plutarch, Roman Questions. ELMENHORST.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nullus tumor indignationis in Diis est› · note in col 751, runs into col 752

Nullus tumor indignationis in Diis est. Hæc erat verissima lectio Codicis ms. et editionis primæ, quam in editione Gelenii operæ, opinor, unica litterula mutata depravaverant. Minutius Felix, c. 14. Num indignationis ejus tumorem effusæ orationis impetus relaxaverat. Virgil., Æn. VIII. 40: ..... Tumor omnis et iræ / Concessere Deum. Hinc ira sufflatum dicit Zeno Veronensis, sermone VII, de tribus pueris: Ipsum contempserunt regem, qui ira sufflatus solito septies amplius caminum jussit incendi. Sensus itaque est: nullas inde causas indignationis Dii contrahunt: non idcirco tument, nec in fermento sunt, ut loquitur ille ap. Plautum. HERALD. — Editio Oberthurii habet timor vitiose. ORELL. — In voce timor et tumor quam proclivis fuerit error, pluribus exemplis docuit Bentley ad Horat. Art. poet., vs. 19. OCHSNER.

"There is no swelling of indignation in the gods." This was the very true reading of the manuscript and of the first edition, which in Gelenius's edition the printers, I think, had spoiled by changing a single letter. Minucius Felix, ch. 14: "Had the rush of his outpoured speech eased the swelling of his indignation?" Virgil, Aeneid VIII, 40: "...all the swelling anger of the gods has subsided." Hence Zeno of Verona, Sermon VII, On the Three Youths, says "puffed up with anger": "They despised the king himself, who, puffed up with anger, ordered the furnace to be heated seven times more than usual." So the sense is: the gods contract no grounds of indignation from this; they do not swell on that account, nor are they "in a ferment", as that character in Plautus says. HERALDUS. — Oberthür's edition has "timor" (fear), corruptly. ORELLI. — How easy the error between the words timor and tumor was, Bentley showed with many examples on Horace's Art of Poetry, line 19. OCHSNER.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Templa felibus, scarabæis, et buculis sublimibus sunt elata fastigiis› · note in col 752

Templa felibus, scarabæis, et buculis sublimibus sunt elata fastigiis. Perstringit Ægyptiorum superstitionem Quod autem de scarabeis dicit, id ex Eusebio et aliis notum est. Cæterum quæ constituebant animalibus illis templa, ea superba erant et magnifica; quare sublimibus elata fastigiis dicit Arnobius. Quod et Celsus Epicureus apud Origenem significat, christianorum fidem Ægyptiorum superstitioni comparans. Illius verba sunt apud Origenem, lib. III: Παραβάλλειν δὲ τὰ τῆς πίστεως ἡμῶν τοῖς τῶν Αἰγυπτίων θέλει πράγμασι· παρ' οἷς προσιόντι μέν ἐστι λαμπρὰ τεμένη, καὶ ἄλση, καὶ προπυλαίων μεγέθη τε καὶ κάλλη, καὶ νεῷ θαυμάσιοι, καὶ σκηναὶ πέριξ ὑπερήφανοι, καὶ θρησκεῖαι μάλα δεισιδαίμονες καὶ μυστηριώδεις· ἤδη δὲ εἰσιόντι καὶ ἐνδοτέρω γενομένῳ θεωρεῖται προσκυνούμενος αἴλουρος, ἢ πίθηκος, ἢ κροκόδειλος, ἢ τράγος, ἢ κύων. HERALD. — Bovis figura apud Ægyptios culta Isis (quæ Io ante) et Apis, Venus etiam. Vid. Jo. Meurs. ad Lycophron. Cassandr., vs. 1292. ORELL.

"Temples with lofty gables have been raised to cats, beetles and heifers." He censures the superstition of the Egyptians. What he says about beetles is known from Eusebius and others. Moreover, the temples they set up for those animals were proud and magnificent; so Arnobius says "raised with lofty gables". Celsus the Epicurean also indicates this in Origen, comparing the faith of the Christians with the superstition of the Egyptians. His words in Origen, Book III, are: "He wants to compare the things of our faith with those of the Egyptians, among whom, as you approach, there are splendid precincts and groves, great and beautiful gateways, wonderful temples, magnificent tents all around, and very superstitious and mysterious rites; but once you have entered and gone further in, you behold, being worshipped, a cat, or an ape, or a crocodile, or a goat, or a dog." HERALDUS. — In the form of a cow the Egyptians worshipped Isis (who was formerly Io) and Apis, and Venus too. See Jo. Meursius on Lycophron's Cassandra, line 1292. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Silent irrisæ numinum potestates› · note in col 752

Silent irrisæ numinum potestates. Monebamus in hoc scriptores Jambos repiriri quandoque integros. Exemplum his habes. HERALD.

"The mocked powers of the deities are silent." We have pointed out that in this writer whole iambic lines are sometimes found. Here you have an example. HERALDUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sortiti esse sentiunt› · note in col 752

Sortiti esse sentiunt. Non male fortasse ad id exemplum: Sensit medios delapsus in hostes, ap. Virgil., Æn. II, 377. Etsi aliud dicere videtur Arnobius. Alii igitur: a quo ipsam deitatem (ut ita dicam) sortiti esse se sentiant, etc. Nolim tamen quidquam temere mutare. ORELL. — Vid. J Lips. Antiq., lect. II, c. 7. OCHSN.

"They feel [themselves] to have obtained." Perhaps not badly on the model of "He perceived [himself] fallen into the midst of the enemy", in Virgil, Aeneid II, 377, though Arnobius seems to be saying something else. So others read: "from whom they feel that they have obtained godhead itself (so to speak)", etc. Yet I would not rashly change anything. ORELLI. — See J. Lipsius, Antiquae Lectiones II, ch. 7. OCHSNER.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Cujus voluntate et arbitrio, et interire et solvi› · note in col 752

Cujus voluntate et arbitrio, et interire et solvi, nec solvi possunt nec interire. Loquendi ratio singularis prorsus et insolita pro cujus arbitrio et interire solvique possunt, et ab interitu ac solutione conservari. ORELL.

"By whose will and judgement, though they can both perish and be dissolved, they can neither be dissolved nor perish." A wholly singular and unusual manner of speaking, for "by whose judgement they can both perish and be dissolved, and be preserved from perishing and dissolution". ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Erit vobis consequens› · note in col 752

Erit vobis consequens. Sic edidi ex emendatione Meursii. Alii erit nobis consequens. ORELL.

"It will follow for you." So I have printed, from Meursius's emendation. Others read "it will follow for us". ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ortus sui originem ducere› · note in col 752

Ortus sui originem ducere. Talia ἰσοδύναμα, principium, ortus originum. ortus origo exordium nativitatis, etc., sæpissime jungi a veteribus, pluribus exemplis demonstrat Wopkensius ad Justin. Hist. lib. II, cap 1, in Miscellan. Obss. crit. novis. Fascic. II. pag. 19. ORELL.

"To draw the origin of its rise." That such equivalents — beginning, rise of origins, rise, origin, start of birth, etc. — are very often joined by the ancients, Wopkens shows with many examples on Justin's History Book II, ch. 1, in the Miscellaneae Observationes Criticae Novae, Fascicle II, p. 19. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Meruerint› · note in col 752

Meruerint. Vide supra ad cap. 3; idem pro idem reposuit Meursius. ORELL.

"Have been granted." See above on ch. 3. Meursius restored "idem" for "idem" [as printed; one of the two forms is presumably "iidem"]. ORELLI.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Labiles› · note in col 752

Labiles. Labilis idem quod caducus, vocabulum familiare Arnobio. Vid. Ol. Borrich. Cogitat., p. 152. ORELL.

"Unstable." Labilis is the same as caducus (perishable), a word familiar to Arnobius. See Ol. Borrichius, Cogitationes, p. 152. ORELLI.

(printed under page 378)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 379)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 753/754 (call not visible in foot image)

Missae vel lapsae. Male. ms.

"Missae vel lapsae" ("sent or fallen", feminine). Wrongly; manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: Humani in generis audientia collocari› · ch. XXIX XXIX. — Humani in generis audientia collocari. Ita emendavit Fulv. Ursinus et Gelenius. Vulgo collocare, quod defendere conatur Heraldus, in Curis II. Sed vellem locutionis collocare orationem in audientia exempla nobis dedissent. Contra recte dicuntur homines collocari in audientia, hoc est in consessu audientium, auditorio, ut bene explicat C. Barthius Adversar., lib. XXIII, cap. 3, pag. 1121, seq. Conf. Meurs., Crit. Arnob., lib. I, cap. 10, pag. 21. Ita incertus auctor vitae Lucani praemissae editioni Grotii: Declamavit et graece et latine cum magna ad mirationem audientiae Orell.

XXIX. — "To be placed in a hearing (audience) of the human race." So Fulvius Ursinus and Gelenius emended. The common reading is "collocare" (to place), which Heraldus tries to defend in his Curae II. But I wish they had given us examples of the phrase "collocare orationem in audientia". On the other hand, men are rightly said "collocari in audientia", that is, in a sitting of hearers, an auditorium, as C. Barth well explains, Adversaria, book 23, ch. 3, p. 1121 f. Compare Meursius, Criticus Arnobianus, book 1, ch. 10, p. 21. So the unknown author of the life of Lucan prefixed to Grotius's edition: "He declaimed both in Greek and in Latin with great admiration of the audience." Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Caput rerum et columen› Caput rerum et columen. Sic scriptum apud Arnobium aliquoties: pro quo nonnulli culmen rescribere voluerunt, sane inutiliter. Nam columen hoc sensu notum etiam antiquis scriptoribus. Servius, ad Aen. VIII. Sicut columnae mortuis nobilibus superponuntur ad ostendendum eorum columen et Zeno Veronensis Susannam appellat columen matronatus, sermone de pudicitia. Glossae: columen — περιστύλιον. Herald. — Vide supra ad cap. 8. Orell.

"Head and pillar of things." So it is written in Arnobius several times; for which some have wished to write "culmen" (summit), quite needlessly. For "columen" in this sense is known also to the ancient writers. Servius, on Aeneid VIII: "As columns are set over noble dead to show their columen (eminence)"; and Zeno of Verona calls Susanna "the pillar of matronhood", in the sermon on chastity. Glossaries: columen — περιστύλιον (peristyle). Heraldus. — See above on ch. 8. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Infausti› Infausti. Id est, abominandi, detestandi tamquam monstrum aliquod et portentum. Infaustus, infelix, de rebus mali ominis usitatum apud Romanos. Orell.

"Ill-omened." That is, to be abominated, detested as some monster and portent. "Infaustus", "infelix" were used among the Romans of things of evil omen. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Athei› Athei. Ita dicebantur christiani a gentilibus, quod inveteratos deorum cultus abolerent, ipsosque adeo deos destruerent. Hinc solemnis illa exclamatio in amphitheatris, Αἶρε τοὺς ἀθέους, quam etiam pronuntiare jubebantur, qui Christum et pietatem christianam abnegabant. Herald.

"Atheists." So Christians were called by the gentiles, because they did away with the long-established worship of the gods and even destroyed the gods themselves. Hence that customary cry in the amphitheatres, "Away with the atheists", which those who denied Christ and Christian piety were also ordered to pronounce. Heraldus.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Magis rectius› Magis rectius. Vide infra ad lib. VII, cap. XVIII, annotationem Heraldi. Orell.

"More rightly" (double comparative). See below, on book 7, ch. 18, Heraldus's annotation. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Quod ab eo vel missi vel lapsi› Quod ab eo vel missi vel lapsi. Rationales animas fuisse in coelestibus et propter quaedam antiqua peccata in corpora esse delapsas ad poenas luendas, delirarunt Pythagoras, Plato et Origenes. Elmenh. Huc pertinet locus Virgilii, Aen., VI, 724—734. Orell.

"That, whether sent by him or fallen." That rational souls were in the heavens and, for certain ancient sins, slipped down into bodies to pay penalties, was the raving of Pythagoras, Plato and Origen. Elmenhorst. To this belongs the passage of Virgil, Aeneid 6.724–734. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Caecitate hujus in corporis› Caecitate hujus in corporis. Virgilius, l. I, de animis hominum e coelo lapsis: Igneus est illis vigor et coelestis origo / Seminibus, quantum non noxia corpora tardant / Terrenique hebetant artus, moribundaque membra. / Hinc metuunt cupiuntque: dolent gaudentque: neque [aurat / Dispiciunt clausae tenebris et carcere caeco. Ubi Heyne V. S. haec annotat: « Corpus vinculis animi tenebrisque assimilatur, quibus ille offuscatur, et a libera rerum contemplatione retrahitur. » Orell.

"By the blindness of this body." Virgil, book 1 [sic; Aeneid 6.730–734], on the souls of men fallen from heaven: "Fiery is the vigour and heavenly the origin of those seeds, so far as harmful bodies do not slow them, and earthly limbs and dying members dull them. Hence they fear and desire, grieve and rejoice, and do not look up to the air [aurat, the turnover of "auras"], shut in darkness and a blind prison." Where Heyne, Vir Summus, notes: "The body is likened to the soul's chains and darkness, by which it is dimmed and drawn back from the free contemplation of things." Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Possessionem retinere› Possessionem retinere. Codex ms. possessionem in re: unde Stewechius legendum censet possessionem cum re, putans alludi his verbis ad formulas Juris Consultorum distinguentium possessionem cum re et sine re: cum re, cum is, qui accipit, cum effectu bona retinet, sine re, cum alius jure civili haereditatem evincere potest. Orell.

"To retain possession." The manuscript has "possessionem in re": whence Stewech thinks we should read "possessionem cum re", supposing that these words allude to the formulas of the jurists, who distinguish possession "cum re" and "sine re": "cum re" when the one who receives keeps the goods in effect; "sine re" when another can recover the inheritance by civil law. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Solis igneis constituit ad rerum elementa futuros› Solis igneis constituit ad rerum elementa futuros. J. Meursius, pag. 21, legendum conjicit: Constituit rerum incrementa foturos, a foveo. Sed nihil mutandum. Esse ad rem, id est, rei mederi, prodesse. Vide Gesner, in Thes. Sic Cato, de Re Rust. XII. Est ad alvum crudam, ad capitis dolorem, etc. Orell.

"Has established the fires of the sun to be [of service] to the elements of things." J. Meursius, p. 21, conjectures we should read "has established them to cherish the increase of things", from "foveo". But nothing should be changed. "Esse ad rem" means to heal, to benefit a thing. See Gesner in his Thesaurus. So Cato, On Agriculture 12[?]: "It is good for an undigested belly, for headache", etc. Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Solem Deum esse cum credatis› Solem Deum esse cum credatis. Ita ut θεὸς sine ulla adjectione Sol dicatur Graecis non raro: et ἀρχόμενος καὶ δυόμενος θεός. Sol Oriens et Occidens. Themistius Euphrades, Orat. XI. Οἱ σφόδρα ἐπιθυμοῦντες τοῖς ὄμμασιν ἀτενίσαι εἰς τὸν θεὸν, πρῶτον μὲν ἐν τοῖς ὕδασι μελετῶσι καὶ διαπειρῶνται τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν πρὸς τὸ φάσμα αὐτοῦ καρτερεῖν καὶ ἀπερείδεσθαι. Herald. — Conf. Gisb. Cuperi Harpocrat., pag. 113, ed. Ultraject., in-4. Orell.

"Since you believe the Sun to be God." So that the Sun is not rarely called "god" without any qualifier among the Greeks: and "the rising and setting god" — the Sun rising and setting. Themistius Euphrades, Oration 11: "Those who greatly desire to gaze with their eyes upon the god first practise in water and test their eyes, to endure his apparition and to rest their gaze on it." Heraldus. — Compare Gisbert Cuper, Harpocrates, p. 113, Utrecht ed., quarto. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: In cuja possessione versemini? cuja in re sitis› · ch. XXX XXX. — In cuja possessione versemini? cuja in re sitis. Cujus, a, um vocabulum antiquioris latinitatis. Terentius Andr., act. V, scen 4; Cedo cujum puerum hic apposuisti. Virgil., Eclog. III, vs. 1: Dic mihi, Damoeta, cujum pecus, an Meliboei? Foeminino nil frequentius apud Plautum, Gellium aliosque. Vid. qui exemplorum nubem congessit Ol. Borrich., Cogitt. de Ling. lat., p. 78. Orell.

XXX. — "In whose possession you dwell? On whose property you are." "Cujus, -a, -um" (whose) is a word of older Latinity. Terence, Andria, act 5, scene 4: "Tell me, whose boy did you set down here?" Virgil, Eclogue 3, line 1: "Tell me, Damoetas, whose flock is this — Meliboeus's?" Nothing is more frequent in the feminine in Plautus, Gellius and others. See Ole Borch, who heaped up a cloud of examples, Cogitationes de lingua latina, p. 78. Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: Quem vitali reciprocatis a spiritu› Quem vitali reciprocatis a spiritu. Ita noster infra lib. II, cap. 16: Auras accipiunt paribus et per anhelitum reciprocatas reddunt: et lib. VII, cap. 28: Quidquid enim spirat et reciprocos halitus auris commeabilibus ducit, id necesse est esse mortale. Meursius legendum censet aspiritu una voce, id est aspiratione, sed praepositiones a, in, de, ex Arnobius περιττῶς usurpat saepissime. Orell.

"Which you draw back and forth with the vital breath." So our author below, book 2, ch. 16: "They take in the air in equal measure and give it back exchanged through panting"; and book 7, ch. 28: "For whatever breathes and draws reciprocal breaths with passable airs must be mortal." Meursius thinks we should read "aspiritu" as one word, that is "by aspiration"; but Arnobius very often uses the prepositions a, in, de, ex superfluously. Orelli.

(comm. 13) ‹lemma: Cujus abutimini fontibus› Cujus abutimini fontibus. Abuti hoc loco in bonam partem, valde, maxime uti, ut saepe apud optimos scriptores. Vid. Gronov. et Corte ad Cic., ad Fam. IX, Epist. VI, Heumann. in Cic. pro Milone, cap. 2. Davis., ad Cic., de Nat. Deor. II, cap 60; Jaeger., ad Paneg. Nazarii, cap. 30. Bunemann., ad Lactant. Inst. I, cap. 6, p. 43; Ruhnken., ad Rutil. Lup., pag. 99. Orell

"Whose springs you make full use of." "Abuti" here in a good sense: to use greatly, to the utmost, as often in the best writers. See Gronovius and Corte on Cicero, Ad Familiares 9, letter 6; Heumann on Cicero, Pro Milone, ch. 2; Davies on Cicero, De natura deorum 2, ch. 60; Jaeger on the Panegyric of Nazarius, ch. 30; Bünemann on Lactantius, Institutes 1, ch. 6, p. 43; Ruhnken on Rutilius Lupus, p. 99. Orelli.

(comm. 14) ‹lemma: Rationum proprietate distinxerit› Rationum proprietate distinxerit. Lucretius rationem accipit saepe pro modo ac natura quadam peculiari. Sic Arnobius locis compluribus. Mox: Aesculapius, Hercules aut Diana rationem imbrium tempestatumque (continues)

"Has distinguished by the property of their principles." Lucretius often takes "ratio" for a mode and a certain peculiar nature. So Arnobius in very many places. Shortly after: "Aesculapius, Hercules or Diana [have devised] the principle of rains and storms (continues)

(printed under page 379)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 380)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 755 (call not visible in foot image)

Nationibus. Male. ms.

"Nationibus" (to the nations). Wrongly; manuscript.

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(b) ‹anchor: forma corporalis› · call in col 755

Corporis. Fulv.

"Corporis" (of body). Fulvius [Ursinus].

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(c) ‹anchor: hoc tempore› · call in col 756

Hoc temporis. Bene. Graeca phrasis. ms. Meurs.

"Hoc temporis" (at this point of time). Rightly; a Greek turn of phrase. Manuscript; Meursius.

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: (continued) Rationum proprietate distinxerit›

(continued) finxerunt. Herald. — Annon legendum fixerunt? Orell.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Rationem imbrium tempestatumque finxerunt› Rationem imbrium tempestatumque finxerunt. Scribendum fixerunt. Orell.

"Devised the principle of rains and storms." Write "fixerunt" (fixed). Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: O ipse invisus et nullis umquam comprehense naturis› · ch. XXXI XXXI. — O ipse invisus et nullis umquam comprehense naturis. Ita Cod. ms. et ed. Sabaei. Caeteri invise: sed sunt hujus generis ἐναλλαγαὶ apud hos scriptores plurimae, nullis comprehense naturis, id est incomprehensibilis, quam vocem significare malint, quam pronuntiare. Tertullianus: Invisibilis est, et si videatur; incomprehensibilis, etsi per gratiam repraesentetur. Cum hac precatione conferenda illa S. Augustini Confess., lib. I, c. 3 et 4. Invisus pro non visus, ut saepe. Vide Bunemann., ad Lactant., Inst. VII, cap. 16, pag. 947 sq. Natura autem hoc loco pro creatura, ut ap. Prudentium περὶ στεφάνων, hymno X: Fluctus liquentis aequoris pressit pede, / Natura fluxa et tenuis in solidum coit. quem locum citavit Meursius. Orell.

XXXI. — "O you yourself unseen, and never comprehended by any natures." So the manuscript and Sabaeus's edition. The others have "invise" (vocative): but exchanges (enallages) of this kind are very many in these writers; "comprehended by no natures", that is, incomprehensible, a word they would rather signify than pronounce. Tertullian: "He is invisible, even if he be seen; incomprehensible, though he be represented through grace." With this prayer compare that of St Augustine, Confessions, book 1, ch. 3 and 4. "Invisus" for "not seen", as often. See Bünemann on Lactantius, Institutes 7, ch. 16, p. 947 f. "Natura" here stands for "creature", as in Prudentius, Peristephanon, hymn 10: "He pressed with his foot the wave of the liquid sea; nature, fluid and thin, comes together into a solid" — a passage Meursius cited. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Genu nixo procumbere› Genu nixo procumbere. Vulgatus mos veterum christianorum, in orationibus in terram poplite nixo procumbere. Origenes in Numeri, cap. 4, Homil. 5, fol. 190: Genua flectimus orantes. Elmenh.

"To fall down on bended knee." The common custom of the early Christians, in their prayers to fall down to the ground resting on the knee. Origen on Numbers, ch. 4, Homily 5, fol. 190: "We bend the knees when praying." Elmenhorst.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Locus rerum ac spatium› Locus rerum ac spatium. Ita nominarunt Deum veteres Peripatetici, τόπον πάντων, quos refellit Sext. Empiricus adversus Mathem., lib. X, ubi Fabricius, pag. 639, haec annotat: « Deum Hebraei non dubitant, quia a nullo continetur, ipse vero immensa virtute sua continet omnia, appellare מקום, sive locum, ut saepe fit in libello rituum Paschalium, quem edidit Rittangelius. Philo Judaeus, libro de Profugis, p. 360 explicans locum Exod. XXI, 13. Τόπον καλεῖ νῦν οὐ χώραν ἐκπεπληρωμένην ὑπὸ σώματος, ἀλλὰ δι' ὑπονοιῶν αὐτὸν τὸν θεὸν, ἐπειδὴ περιέχων οὐ περιέχεται, καὶ ὅτι καταφυγὴ τῶν ὅλων ἐστί. Sic et christiani scriptores. Theophilus II ad Autolyc., p. 81. Θεὸς γὰρ οὐ χωρεῖται, ἀλλὰ αὐτός ἐστι τόπος τῶν ὅλων. In Confessione Graecorum, quam edidit Normannus, p. 56. Deus dicitur τόπος αὐτὸς ἑαυτοῦ. Proprie tamen locum dici posse Deum, recte negat B. Augustinus, libro de diversis Quaestionibus LXXXIII, quaestione 20: In Deo sunt potius omnia, quam ipse alicubi; nec tamen ita in illo, ut ipse sit locus. Locus enim in spatio est, quod longitudine, et latitudine, et altitudine corporis occupatur: nec Deus tale aliquid est. Et omnia igitur in ipso sunt, et locus non est. Haec Fabric., quibus adde Augustin., Confess. I, c. 3. Orell.

"Place and space of things." So the ancient Peripatetics named God, "the place of all things", whom Sextus Empiricus refutes, Against the Mathematicians, book 10, where Fabricius, p. 639, notes this: "The Hebrews do not hesitate to call God מקום (maqom), or 'place', since he is contained by nothing, but himself contains all things by his immense power, as often happens in the little book of Paschal rites edited by Rittangel. Philo the Jew, in the book On Fugitives, p. 360, explaining the passage Exod. 21:13: 'He here calls "place" not a region filled by a body, but by a hidden sense God himself, since he contains and is not contained, and because he is the refuge of all things.' So too the Christian writers. Theophilus, To Autolycus 2, p. 81: 'For God is not contained, but he himself is the place of all things.' In the Confession of the Greeks, edited by Normann, p. 56, God is called 'his own place'. Yet that God can properly be called a place, blessed Augustine rightly denies, in the book of Eighty-three Different Questions, question 20: 'All things are rather in God than he anywhere; and yet not in him in such a way that he is a place. For a place is in space, which is occupied by the length, breadth and height of a body; and God is no such thing. And so all things are in him, and he is not a place.'" Thus Fabricius; to which add Augustine, Confessions 1, ch. 3. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Nulla determinat circumscriptio, qualitatis expers› Nulla determinat circumscriptio, qualitatis expers, quantitatis. Th. Canterus verb. qualitatis conjungens cum circumscriptio legendum conjicit: Nulla determinat circumscriptio quantitatis, expers qualitatis. Male. Expertem qualitatis, quantitatis Deum vocat Arnobius, cujus neque qualitatem, hoc est virtutes, neque quantitatem, id est summam potentiam et omnipraesentiam, homines queunt vel ingenio capere vel verbis exprimere. Orell.

"No circumscription bounds, without share in quality, quantity." Th. Canter, joining the word "qualitatis" with "circumscriptio", conjectures we should read: "No circumscription of quantity bounds, without share in quality." Wrongly. Arnobius calls God "without share in quality, quantity", whose quality, that is his powers, and whose quantity, that is his supreme might and omnipresence, men can neither grasp with the mind nor express in words. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Potis est› Potis est. Legebatur potest. At in ms. reg. scriptum potis est, quam lectionem expressimus. Sic alibi saepissime pro pote est reposuimus potis est ex eodem ms. Ita loquebantur veteres, apud quos potissum pro possum. Lucretius: Nec potis est cerni, quia cassum lumine fertur. Herald. Conf. Lips., Var. Lect., lib. I, cap. 14. Ochsn.

"Potis est" (is able). The reading was "potest". But in the royal manuscript is written "potis est", the reading we have printed. So elsewhere very often we have restored "potis est" for "pote est" from the same manuscript. So the ancients spoke, among whom "potissum" stands for "possum". Lucretius: "Nor can it be seen, since it is borne void of light." Heraldus. Compare Lipsius, Variae Lectiones, book 1, ch. 14. Ochsner.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Partim ullam negare vim esse divinam› Partim ullam negare vim esse divinam. Diagoras scil. et Theodorus Cyrenaicus, qui ideo κατ' ἐξοχὴν athei dicebantur. Vid. Cic., de Nat. Deor., l. I, et 23, et Lactant., I, c. 2. Orell.

"Some deny that there is any divine power." Namely Diagoras and Theodorus of Cyrene, who were therefore called atheists par excellence. See Cicero, De natura deorum, book 1, and 23, and Lactantius 1, ch. 2. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Partim an sit.... quaerere› Partim an sit.... quaerere. Protagoras Abderites. Vid. Cic. l. I. Orell.

"Some ask whether it exists." Protagoras of Abdera. See Cicero, book 1. Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Casibus fortuitis et concursionibus temerariis› Casibus fortuitis et concursionibus temerariis. Cujus sententiae auctor erat Democritus, confirmator Epicurus. Lactantius, lib. I, c. 2. Cf. Juvenal., sat. XIII, 85. Plin., Hist. Nat., II, 7. Orell.

"By chance happenings and random collisions." Of this opinion Democritus was the author, Epicurus the confirmer. Lactantius, book 1, ch. 2. Compare Juvenal, Satire 13.85; Pliny, Natural History 2.7. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Diversitatis impetu fabricari› Diversitatis impetu fabricari. Hoc est, impetuoso atomorum concursu, quas diversissimas esse statuerunt Epicurei, alias laeves, alias asperas, rotundas alias, partim autem angulatas, curvatas quasdam et quasi aduncas. Vid. Cic., de Nat. Deor., l. 24. Diversitatis est itaque idem quod diversarum atomorum, neque opus habemus correctione J. Walkeri ad Cic., de Nat. Deor., I, 38, pag. 349, ed. Davisii legentis universitatis impetu vel ambitu. Contra in sequentibus (continues)

"To build by the onrush of diversity." That is, by the impetuous collision of atoms, which the Epicureans held to be most diverse: some smooth, some rough, some round, some angular, some bent and as it were hooked. See Cicero, De natura deorum, l. 24 [sic]. "Of diversity" is therefore the same as "of diverse atoms", and we have no need of the correction of J. Walker on Cicero, De natura deorum 1.38, p. 349, Davies's edition, who reads "by the onrush" or "circuit" "of the universe". On the other hand, in what follows (continues)

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(No variant notes on this page.) COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: (continued) Diversitatis impetu fabricari›

(continued) probo ejusdem Walkeri conjecturam opinatione pro obstinatione. Orell.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Averruncetur amentia› · ch. XXXII XXXII. — Averruncetur amentia. Ita Lucilius ap. Non. V. averruncare: Dii monuerint meliora atque amentiam averruncassint tuam. Elmenh. — Quem locum fortassis ante oculos habuit noster. Orell.

XXXII. — "Let madness be averted." So Lucilius in Nonius, under "averruncare": "May the gods counsel better things and avert your madness." Elmenhorst. — A passage our author perhaps had before his eyes. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Ita est enim periculosum› Ita est enim periculosum, etc. Sic editio rom. cod. reg. Tam est enim. Copulat quandoque has particulas Lucretius ita quam pro tam quam. Herald.

"For it is so dangerous", etc. So the Roman edition; the royal manuscript: "Tam est enim." Lucretius sometimes couples these particles, "ita quam" for "tam quam". Heraldus.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Diem nativitatis intraverit› · ch. XXXIII XXXIII. — Diem nativitatis intraverit. De loquendi formulis intrare, transcendere, supergredi annum, diem, etc. Vid. Oudend. ad Apulei. Met., lib. X, page 679. Orell.

XXXIII. — "Has entered the day of birth." On the turns of speech "to enter", "to pass over", "to go beyond" a year, a day, etc., see Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book 10, p. 679. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Ipsi› Ipsi. Cod. ms. ipsis, quod praefero. Orell.

"Ipsi." The manuscript has "ipsis", which I prefer. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Potis essent› Potis essent. Editio prima potuissent, quod defendit Herald. et Salmasius ad Tertullianum de Pallio, pag. 67, enallage apud scriptores ecclesiasticos, imprimis Tertullianum et Cyprianum, frequentissima. Sed potis essent e cod. ms. fluxit. Meursius, p. 22, conj. potissent a potissum, verbo antiquo et lucretiano. Orell.

"Potis essent" (were able). The first edition has "potuissent", which Heraldus defends, and Salmasius on Tertullian, De pallio, p. 67, as an enallage very frequent among church writers, above all Tertullian and Cyprian. But "potis essent" came from the manuscript. Meursius, p. 22, conjectures "potissent", from "potissum", an old and Lucretian verb. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Si in linguarum nostrarum facilitatem solvi...› Si in linguarum nostrarum facilitatem solvi: immo si arbores, glebae, saxa, sensu animata vitali vocis sonitum quirent et verborum articulos integrare, ita non duce natura, etc. Wakefield., in Silv. Crit., tom. IV, pag. 244, locum sic refinxit: Si in linguarum nostrarum facultatem — immo si arbores, glebae, saxa, sensu animata vitali, vocis sonum quirent et verborum articulos integrare, ista non duce natura, etc. At nolim quidquam mutare facilitatem multo aptius est verbo solvi, solvuntur enim difficilia in facilitatem, in facultatem non item. Nec etiam ita mutandum in ista. Sed ita est οὕτως so, ea conditione scil. hiscere si potis essent, etc. Orell.

"If [they could] be loosed into the ease of our tongues; nay, if trees, clods, stones, quickened with living sense, could produce the sound of a voice and articulate words, would they not thus, with nature as guide", etc. Wakefield, in Silva Critica, vol. 4, p. 244, refashioned the passage thus: "If into the faculty of our tongues — nay, if trees, clods, stones, quickened with living sense, could produce the sound of a voice and articulate words, would they not, with that nature as guide", etc. But I would change nothing: "facilitatem" suits the verb "solvi" much better, for difficult things are loosed into ease, not likewise into faculty. Nor should "ita" be changed into "ista". But "ita" is οὕτως, "so", that is, on this condition: if they were able to open their mouths, etc. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Inquit› · ch. XXXIV XXXIV. — Inquit. Al. inquitis male. Vid. supra ad c. III. Orell.

XXXIV. — "He says." Others read "inquitis" (you say), wrongly. See above on ch. 3. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Et capitolia constituerimus immania› Et capitolia constituerimus immania. Tertullian., Apologet., c. 25. Nondum tamen templis aut simulacris res divina apud Romanos constabat: frugi religio et pauperes ritus, et nulla capitolia certantia coelo. Dicit autem immania exemplo Virgil., Aeneid., VI, 19. ..... Posuitque immania templa. Herald.

"And have set up huge capitols." Tertullian, Apology, ch. 25: "Yet among the Romans divine worship did not yet consist in temples or images: religion was frugal and the rites poor, and there were no capitols vying with heaven." He says "immania" after the example of Virgil, Aeneid 6.19: "...and set up huge temples." Heraldus.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Inducta confusione› Inducta confusione. Fulv. Ursin. indocta, non male. Orell.

"With confusion brought in." Fulvius Ursinus reads "indocta" (untaught), not badly. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Nunc nuper in utero matris suae formatus› Nunc nuper in utero matris suae formatus. Nunc nuper χθὲς καὶ πρώην, quae Graecis est proverbialis formula de re haud ita pridem gesta, ut heri et nudius tertius, ap. Latinos. Vid. Erasm., Proverb. Gataker, ad M. Antonin., lib. X, § 7; J. Ch. Wolf., in Libanii Epist. 270; Juret. ad Symmach., lib. I, Epist. 3, pag. 6. ed Lectii. Nuper formatum recentem Jovem dicit Arnobius respectu Dei veri, summi, aeterni et numquam geniti. Herald. et Orell.

"Only lately formed in his mother's womb." "Nunc nuper" = "yesterday and the day before", which among the Greeks is a proverbial formula for a thing done not long ago, like "heri et nudius tertius" among the Latins. See Erasmus, Adages; Gataker on Marcus Antoninus, book 10, § 7; J. Ch. Wolf on Libanius, Letter 270; Juret on Symmachus, book 1, Letter 3, p. 6, in Lectius's edition. Arnobius calls Jupiter "lately formed", recent, in respect of the true God, highest, eternal and never begotten. Heraldus and Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: Irruit se› Irruit se. Ita legendum ex emendatione Fulv. Ursini. Phrasis optimis scriptoribus usitata. Terent. Adelph., act. IV scen. 2, vs. 11: Vide ne ille huc prorsus irruat se. Ita erumpere se ad bellum. Ap. Cic., Epist. VIII, 14. Alii irruisse turpi soloecismo. Stewech. Cf. Corte ad Cic. l. I.

"Rushed himself." So read, from the emendation of Fulvius Ursinus: a phrase used by the best writers. Terence, Adelphoe, act 4, scene 2, line 11: "See that he doesn't rush himself right in here." So "to burst oneself forth to war", in Cicero, Letters 8.14. Others have "irruisse", a shameful solecism. Stewech. Compare Corte on Cicero, l. 1.

(comm. 13) ‹lemma: Si una religio est nobis vobisque communis, cessat ira coelestium› · ch. XXXV XXXV. — Si una religio est nobis vobisque communis, cessat ira coelestium. Meursius, pag. 23, legendum censet: si una religio est nobis vobisque, communis esset ira coelestium. Orell.

XXXV. — "If one religion is common to us and you, the wrath of the heavenly ones ceases." Meursius, p. 23, thinks we should read: "If there is one religion for us and for you, the wrath of the heavenly ones would be common." Orelli.

(comm. 14) ‹lemma: Sed quod hominem natum, et, quod personis infame est vilibus, crucis supplicio interemptum› · ch. XXXVI XXXVI. — Sed quod hominem natum, et, quod personis infame est vilibus, crucis supplicio interemptum. Lactant., lib. IV, 16. Dicat enim fortasse aliquis: Cur si Deus fuit, et mori voluit, non saltem (continues)

XXXVI. — "But because [you worship] one born a man and, what is infamous even for vile persons, put to death by the punishment of the cross." Lactantius, book 4, 16: "For perhaps someone may say: Why, if he was God and willed to die, [did he] not at least (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 382)

(a) ‹anchor: Fauna› · call in col 759 (Fauna a Fatua)

Fenta. Inepte. ms.

"Fenta": senselessly. The manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: (continued) Sed quod hominem natum... crucis supplicio interemptum›

(continued) honesto aliquo mortis genere affectus est? Cur potissimum cruce? Cur infami genere supplicii? Quod etiam homine libero, quamvis nocente, videatur indignum. Herald.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Et quotidianis supplicationibus adoratis› Et quotidianis supplicationibus adoratis. Id est oratis et invocatis, venerabilibus obsequiis aditis. Est enim adorare orare ad, precari ad quemadmodum adire ad deos dictum. Tertullian., de Oratione: Docuerat et Joannes discipulos suos adorare. Et passim apud istum scriptorem. Ita precari ad. Livius, libro XXXVIII: Deos denum ipsos convulsos ex sedibus suis ablatos esse. Quos adorent, ad quos precentur et supplicent, Ambraciensibus non superesse. Verba ista ablatos esse sapiunt glossema: quo vitii genere contaminata locis prope innumeris Livii exemplaria observavimus. Herald. — Adorare Priorius explicat suam manum osculari. Male: nam fuit haec adoratio gentilium, non christianorum. Vid. Salmas., ad Script. Hist. Aug., vol II, pag. 685 sq. Orell.

"And you adore him with daily supplications." That is, you pray to and invoke him, approach him with reverent homage. For "adorare" is "orare ad", to pray to, as "adire ad deos", to go to the gods, is said. Tertullian, On Prayer: "John too had taught his disciples to adore [pray]." And everywhere in that writer. So "precari ad". Livy, book 38: "Lastly, the gods themselves had been torn from their seats and carried off; the Ambraciots had none left to adore, to pray to and supplicate." The words "ablatos esse" smack of a gloss — a kind of fault with which we have noticed copies of Livy are tainted in almost countless places. Heraldus. — Prieur explains "adorare" as to kiss one's own hand. Wrongly: for that was the adoration of the gentiles, not of Christians. See Salmasius on the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. 2, p. 685 f. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Sed in vini melior et laudabilior potu› Sed in vini melior et laudabilior potu. Haec lectio est e ms. codice Edit. rom habebat sed vino meliori et laudabiliori potu, vitiosissime. Herald. — Stewech. leg censet: vino meliori et laudabiliori pota, id est ebria. Sed si ita legamus, omnis vis ironiae perit. Irridet scil. Arnobius bonam deam, quam dicit meliorem multo et omnium optimam in vino bibendo. Itaque non deserenda codicis lectio. Orell.

"But better and more praiseworthy at drinking wine." This reading is from the manuscript. The Roman edition had "but with better and more praiseworthy drink of wine", most corruptly. Heraldus. — Stewech thinks we should read "pota" with "better and more praiseworthy wine", that is, drunk. But if we read so, all the force of the irony perishes. Arnobius, that is, mocks the Good Goddess, whom he calls much better and best of all at drinking wine. So the manuscript's reading must not be abandoned. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Indigetes› Indigetes. Indigetes, ait Servius a Virgil., Georg., I, vs. 498, sunt dii ex hominibus facti, quasi in diis agentes, quam explicationem Macrobius (in Somn. Scip., lib. I, cap. 9), Hesiodi auctoritate confirmat: Hesiodus divinae, inquit, sobolis assertor, priscos reges cum diis annumerat; hisque exemplo veteris potestatis etiam in coelo regendi res humanas assignat officium. Et ne cui fastidiosum sit, versus ipsos, ut poeta Graecus protulit, inseramus; referemus eos, ut ex ejus verbis si in latina verba conversa sunt: Indigetes divi fato summi Jovis hi sunt / Quondam homines. modo cum superis humana tuentes, / Largi ac munifici jus regum nunc quoque nacti. Nourr., p. 453.

"Indigetes" (native gods). The Indigetes, says Servius on Virgil, Georgics 1, line 498, are gods made from men, as it were "acting among the gods" — an explanation which Macrobius (On the Dream of Scipio, book 1, ch. 9) confirms by Hesiod's authority: "Hesiod," he says, "champion of the divine offspring, numbers the ancient kings with the gods, and, after the pattern of their old power, assigns to them the office of ruling human affairs even in heaven. And lest it weary anyone, let us insert the verses themselves as the Greek poet put them; we shall give them as they are rendered from his words into Latin: 'These are the native gods by the decree of highest Jove, once men; now with the heavenly ones watching over human affairs, generous and bountiful, holding even now the right of kings.'" Le Nourry, p. 453.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Indigetes illi, qui flumen repunt› Indigetes illi, qui flumen repunt, etc. Inscriptum heroo: ΠΑΤΡΟΣ ΘΕΟΥ ΧΘΟΝΙΟΥ ΟΣ ΠΟΤΑΜΟΥ ΡΕΥΜΑ ΔΙΕΠΕΙ. Herald. — Alludit Arnobius ad fabulam de Aen a optime expositam a Servio ad Virgil Aen., XII, vs. 794: De Aenea fabula talis est: Cum Turno occiso et accepta Lavinia, condita civitate, in Numicum fluvium, ut alii volunt, sacrificans, ut alii, Mezentium, ut alii, Messapum fugiens, cecidisset, nec ejus esset cadaver inventum, Ascanius, filius ejus, cum caeteris Trojanis credens et jactitans inter numina receptum, sive patrem volens consecrare, templum constituit, quod dei Indigetis appelari jussit. Jovem Indigetem vocatum Livius narrat Hist., I, 2. Conf. Ovid. Met., XIV, 581 seqq. Tibull, Eleg. II, 5, 43, et Heyn., V. S. Excurs. III, ad Aeneid., XII. Caeterum repens significantius dictum propter alveum Numici ulvosum et limosum. vid. Giemg. ad I. l. Ovidii in editione secunda pag. 347. Orell.

"Those native gods who creep in the river", etc. Inscribed on a hero's shrine: "Of the Father, the god of the earth, who governs the flow of the river." Heraldus. — Arnobius alludes to the tale about Aeneas, very well set out by Servius on Virgil, Aeneid 12, line 794: "The tale about Aeneas is this: when, after Turnus was slain and Lavinia won and a city founded, he had fallen into the river Numicus — sacrificing, as some will have it; fleeing Mezentius, as others; Messapus, as others — and his body was not found, his son Ascanius, with the rest of the Trojans, believing and boasting that he had been received among the deities, or wishing to consecrate his father, set up a temple which he ordered to be called that of the native god (Deus Indiges)." Livy, History 1.2, relates that he was called Jupiter Indiges. Compare Ovid, Metamorphoses 14.581 ff.; Tibullus, Elegies 2.5.43; and Heyne, Vir Summus, Excursus 3 on Aeneid 12. For the rest, "repens" (creeping) is said more pointedly because of the sedgy and muddy bed of the Numicus; see Gierig on the said passage of Ovid, second edition, p. 347. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Qui flumen repunt› Qui flumen repunt. Aeneam intelligit, de quo Tibullus lib II, eleg. V: Impiger Aenea, volitantis frater amoris, / Troica qui profugis sacra vehis ratibus, / Jam tibi Laurentes assignat Jupiter agros, / Jam vocat errantes hospita terra Lares. / Illic sanctus eris, cum te veneranda Numici / Unda deum coelo miserit Indigetem. Nourr., p. 453.

"Who creep in the river." He means Aeneas, of whom Tibullus, book 2, elegy 5: "Tireless Aeneas, brother of winged Love, who carry the Trojan sacred things in fugitive ships, now Jupiter assigns you the Laurentine fields, now a hospitable land calls your wandering household gods. There you will be holy, when the revered water of the Numicus has sent you to heaven a native god." Le Nourry, p. 453.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Maiae..... candidae› Maiae..... candidae. Hoc mutuatus est a Virgilio, Aen., VIII, 138: Vobis Mercurius pater est, quem candida Maia / Cyllenae gelido conceptum vertice fudit. Conf. Macrob., I, Sat., c. 12; Apollodor. Bibl. lib. III. Elmenh.

"Of fair Maia." He borrowed this from Virgil, Aeneid 8.138: "Your father is Mercury, whom fair Maia conceived and brought forth on Cyllene's chill summit." Compare Macrobius, Saturnalia 1, ch. 12; Apollodorus, Library, book 3. Elmenhorst.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Arcitenentes Diana et Apollo circumlati per fugas matris› Arcitenentes Diana et Apollo circumlati per fugas matris. Meursius, pag. 24, et in Hypocritico Minutiano, pag. 258, corrigere vult circulati a circulare, quod Glossae exponunt circumire erronum modo, unde circulator, ἀγύρτης. Sed hoc verbo uti si voluisset Arnobius, scripsisset sine dubio circulantes non circulati, et omnino haec sunt merae argutiae. Orell.

"Bow-bearing Diana and Apollo, carried about in their mother's flights." Meursius, p. 24, and in the Hypocriticus Minutianus, p. 258, would correct to "circulati", from "circulare", which the Glossaries explain as "to go about in the manner of vagrants", whence "circulator", a mountebank. But if Arnobius had wished to use that verb, he would without doubt have written "circulantes", not "circulati"; and altogether these are mere quibbles. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Dioneia Venus proles› Dioneia Venus proles. Haec est lectio principis editionis. In ms. reg. Loncia nullo sensu. Ex Dione et Jove Venus, Hygin. Herald. Sciverius ap. Meurs. in append. conj. Pontia Venus proles. Orell.

"Venus, Dione's offspring." This is the reading of the first edition. In the royal manuscript "Loncia", with no sense. "Venus, from Dione and Jove": Hyginus. Heraldus. Schrijver, in Meursius's appendix, conjectures "Venus, sea-born offspring". Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Viri mater familias Troici› Viri mater familias Troici. Loquitur de concubitu Veneris cum Anchise, unde Aeneas postea procreatus est. Vid. Serv., ad I. Aeneid., Hyginum. Fab. 94. Elmenh.

"Mother of the family of a Trojan man." He speaks of Venus's union with Anchises, from which Aeneas was afterwards begotten. See Servius on Aeneid 1; Hyginus, Fable 94. Elmenhorst.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Intestini decoris publicatrix› Intestini decoris publicatrix. De v. intestinus vid. supra ad cap. 20, annotationem Heraldi, decus de pulchritudine, venustate, foeminarum imprimis. Seneca Med., vs. 75: Vincit virgineus decor / Longe Cecropias nurus. Publicare proprium de meretricibus copiam sui publice facientibus. Decorem publicare est itaque: seine Reize offentlich feil bieten. Alii dedecoris. Orell.

"Publisher of her inward beauty." On the word "intestinus" see above on ch. 20, Heraldus's annotation; "decus" of beauty, charm, especially of women. Seneca, Medea, line 75: "Her maidenly beauty far surpasses the Cecropian brides." "Publicare" is properly said of harlots who make themselves publicly available. "To publish one's beauty" is therefore [German:] "to offer one's charms publicly for sale". Others read "dedecoris" (of her shame). Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: Thebanus aut Tyrius Hercules› Thebanus aut Tyrius Hercules. Thebanus, quem Jupiter ex Alcmena genuit. Tyrius filius Jovis et Asteriae, Latonae sororis, qui Tyri maxime colitur, cujus Karthaginem filiam ferunt. Ut scribit Cicero in loco classico, de Nat. Deor., III, 16, ubi sex Hercules distinguit Cf. Herodot., II, 44, de duobus loquentem, altero Deo Olympio, altero heroe. Orell.

"The Theban or the Tyrian Hercules." The Theban, whom Jupiter begot of Alcmena. The Tyrian, son of Jove and Asteria, Latona's sister, who is worshipped chiefly at Tyre, whose daughter they say Carthage was — as Cicero writes in the classic passage, De natura deorum 3.16, where he distinguishes six Hercules. Compare Herodotus 2.44, who speaks of two, one an Olympian god, the other a hero. Orelli.

(comm. 13) ‹lemma: Tyrius Hercules› Tyrius Hercules. Arrianus de Exped. Alex., lib. II, c. 16: Ἔστι γὰρ ἐν Τύρῳ ἱερὸν Ἡρακλέους. παλαίτατον ὧν μνήμη ἀνθρωπίνη διασώζεται. οὐ τοῦ Ἀργείου Ἡρακλέους, τοῦ τῆς Ἀλκμήνης. πολλαῖς γὰρ γενεαῖς πρότερον τιμᾶται ἐν Τύρῳ Ἡρακλῆς, ἢ Κάδμον ἐκ Φοινίκης ὁρμηθέντα Θήβας κατασχεῖν, καὶ τὴν παῖδα Κάδμου τὴν Σεμέλην γενέσθαι· ἐξ ἧς καὶ ὁ τοῦ Διὸς Διόνυσος γίνεται, etc. Mela lib. III, cap. 6. In Gaditana insula templum (continues)

"The Tyrian Hercules." Arrian, Expedition of Alexander, book 2, ch. 16: "For there is at Tyre a temple of Heracles, the most ancient of those of which human memory is preserved — not of the Argive Heracles, son of Alcmena; for Heracles was honoured at Tyre many generations before Cadmus set out from Phoenicia and occupied Thebes, and before Semele, Cadmus's daughter, was born, of whom Dionysus, son of Zeus, was also born", etc. Mela, book 3, ch. 6: "On the island of Gades a temple (continues)

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(No variant notes on this page; the page foot is commentary only. The top line of each column is partly cut off at the image's upper edge; its reading is marked [?].) COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: (continued) Tyrius Hercules›

(continued) [Aegyptii] Herculis, conditoribus, religione, vetustate, opibus illustre, Tyrii condidere. Cur sanctum sit, ossa ejus ibi sita efficiunt. Male hic confundens Herculem Tyrium cum Aegyptio. Conf. Pausanias, lib. V, c. 25. Plura vide ap. Nourrium, p. 431 seq. Orell.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Tyndaridae Castores› Tyndaridae Castores. Castores saepissime pro Tyndaridis fratribus, Castore et Polluce. Vide Turneb., Adversar., lib. XV, c. 21, et quos citat Gesnerus in Thesauro. Orell.

"The Tyndarid Castors." "Castores" very often stands for the Tyndarid brothers, Castor and Pollux. See Turnèbe, Adversaria, book 15, ch. 21, and those whom Gesner cites in his Thesaurus. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Titanes et Bocchores Mauri› Titanes et Bocchores Mauri. Cod. ms. Tisiones et Bucures Mauri. « Quot verba, tot mendae. Lege Titanes et Bocchores. Titanes in Africa pro diis culti, ut et ipsorum mater Titaea. Vide Diodor., lib. III, Mauritani autem etiam regulos suos pro diis colebant. Tertullian. (Apologet., c. 24): Unicuique provinciae et civitati suus Deus est..... ut Africae Coelesti, ut Mauritaniae Reguli sui. Jubam pro deo a Mauritanis adoratum tradit Athenagoras. Ante Jubam in Mauritania regnabant Bogudes et Bocchores. Βόγοι καὶ Βόκχοι. Sic Bocchor et Βόκχος idem. Βόκχορις etiam nomen Aegyptiorum regis » Salmas., Exercit. Plinian. in Solinum, p. 199. — Gelenius conj. ignes et fulgores marini, quod secuti reliqui editores, excepto Heraldo et Lugdun., atque retinuit etiam novissimus editor Oberthur. Spreta emendatione Salmasii unice vera. Grotius apud Meursium, pag. 25, legendum suspicatur Tisianira et Bucero nati, explicans nati Nemesi et Jove Bucero, ita dicto, quia in taurum aliquando mutatus est. Quod magis etiam abhorret a vero. Id.

"The Titans and the Moorish Bocchores." The manuscript: "Tisiones et Bucures Mauri". "As many words, so many errors. Read 'Titanes et Bocchores'. The Titans were worshipped as gods in Africa, as was their mother Titaea too; see Diodorus, book 3. And the Mauretanians also worshipped their own petty kings as gods. Tertullian (Apology, ch. 24): 'Each province and city has its own god ..., as Africa has Caelestis, as Mauretania its petty kings.' Athenagoras relates that Juba was adored as a god by the Mauretanians. Before Juba, the Boguds and Bocchors reigned in Mauretania: Bogoi and Bocchoi. So Bocchor and Bocchus are the same. Bocchoris is also the name of a king of the Egyptians." Salmasius, Plinian Exercitations on Solinus, p. 199. — Gelenius conjectured "the fires and lightnings of the sea", which the other editors followed, except Heraldus and the Lyons edition; and even the latest editor, Oberthür, kept it, scorning Salmasius's emendation, the only true one. Grotius, in Meursius, p. 25, suspects we should read "born of Tisianira and Bucerus", explaining it as born of Nemesis and of Jove Bucerus ("ox-horned"), so called because he was once changed into a bull. Which is even further from the truth. The same [Orelli].

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Et ovorum progenies dii syri› Et ovorum progenies dii syri. « Ita emendavimus e veteri libro. Quod enim editum est. Dioscuri, correctorum manus est prorsus ab auctoris mente aliena. Tribus lineis ante nominavit Tyndaridas Castores: cur heic repeteret Dioscuros, qui iidem sunt? Per deos syros intelligit deam syriam, quam ex ovo genitam crediderunt. Incertus in Germanici Aratea Phaenomena (vs. 240): Nigidius hos (in Zodiaco scil.) pisces dicit in flumine Euphrate fuisse, et ibi ovum invenisse mirae magnitudinis, quod volventes ejecerunt in terram, atque ita columbam insedisse, et post aliquot dies exclusisse deam syriam, quae dicitur Venus, Lucius Ampelius in libro ad Macrinum: dicitur et in Euphratae fluvio ovum piscis columba insedisse dies plurimos, et exclusisse deam benignam et misericordem hominibus ad bonam vitam. Inde nec columbas in cibis attingebant Syri, quia columba ovum piscis fovisset, e quo nata dea syria, quam Venerem dicebant. Ex his constat, deos syros, quorum mentio frequens in veteribus inscriptionibus, de dea syria, hoc est, Venere et ejus filio Cupidine esse intelligendos, fortasse etiam de Adonide, qui Veneri πάρεδρος et pariter a Syris cultus. Ovorum progeniem deos syrios dicit Arnobius, quasi non sola Venus ex ovo edita, sed etiam filius ejus ita natus sit. Venerem certe cum filio in Syriam ad Euphratem metu Typhonis venisse, et figuram piscium forma mutasse scribit Hyginus, Fab. 117: Itaque, inquit, postea Syros, qui in his locis sunt proximi, destitisse pisces esitare, quod vereantur eos capere: ne simili causa aut deorum praesidia impugnare videantur, aut eos ipsos captare. Eratosthenes autem ex eo pisce natos hos dicit. Id est, hos deos, Venerem et Cupidinem. Sic enim [?libri eo loco legunt], pro quo ediderunt: ex eo pisce natos homines, absurdissime. Si ex pisce nati Venus et Cupido apud Syros, ovorum plane sunt progenies, quia pisces ex ovis nascuntur. Hi igitur syri dii. Salmas. Add. Hug. Grot Animadw, ad Libr. I, § 16. de Verit. relig. christ. Orell. — Pisce Venerem latuisse canit etiam una Pieridum ap. Ovid., Met. V, 331. Ochsner.

"And the Syrian gods, offspring of eggs." "So we have emended from the old book. For what has been printed, 'Dioscuri', is the hand of correctors, quite foreign to the author's mind. Three lines before he named the Tyndarid Castors: why would he repeat the Dioscuri here, who are the same? By 'Syrian gods' he means the Syrian goddess, whom they believed born from an egg. The unknown author on Germanicus's Aratea, Phaenomena (line 240): 'Nigidius says these fishes (in the Zodiac, that is) were in the river Euphrates and there found an egg of wonderful size, which they rolled and cast out onto the land; and so a dove sat on it, and after some days hatched the Syrian goddess, who is called Venus.' Lucius Ampelius, in the book to Macrinus: 'It is also said that in the river Euphrates a dove sat for very many days on a fish's egg and hatched a goddess kind and merciful to men, for a good life.' Hence the Syrians would not touch doves as food either, because a dove had cherished the fish's egg from which the Syrian goddess, whom they called Venus, was born. From this it is clear that the Syrian gods, frequently mentioned in old inscriptions, are to be understood of the Syrian goddess, that is, Venus and her son Cupid, perhaps also of Adonis, who sat beside Venus and was likewise worshipped by the Syrians. Arnobius calls the Syrian gods the offspring of eggs, as though not Venus alone was brought forth from an egg but her son was also so born. Certainly Hyginus writes, Fable 117, that Venus with her son came to Syria to the Euphrates for fear of Typhon and changed into the shape of fishes: 'And so', he says, 'afterwards the Syrians, who live nearest these places, stopped eating fish, because they fear to catch them, lest for a like reason they seem either to assail the protection of the gods or to catch the gods themselves. But Eratosthenes says that these were born of that fish' — that is, these gods, Venus and Cupid. For so [the books read in that place], for which they printed 'that men were born of that fish', most absurdly. If Venus and Cupid among the Syrians were born of a fish, they are plainly the offspring of eggs, since fish are born from eggs. These, then, are the Syrian gods." Salmasius. Add Hugo Grotius's Notes on book 1, § 16, of On the Truth of the Christian Religion. Orelli. — One of the Pierides in Ovid, Metamorphoses 5.331, also sings that Venus hid in a fish. Ochsner.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Apis Peloponnesi proditus› Apis Peloponnesi proditus. Apis Phoronei filius ex Laodice, de quo Apollodor. Bibl., lib., I, c 1. Ἆπις μὲν οὖν εἰς τυραννίδα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ μεταστήσας δύναμιν καὶ βίαιος ὢν τύραννος, ὀνομάσας ἀφ' ἑαυτοῦ τὴν Πελοπόννησον Ἀπίαν. ὑπὸ Θελξίονος καὶ Τελχῖνος ἐπιβουλευθεὶς, ἄπαις ἀπέθανε, καὶ νομισθεὶς θεὸς ἐκλήθη Σέραπις. Ubi Heyn V. S. in Obs., p. 97, ed. nov. recte observat confusum hunc Apin a Graecis fuisse cum Aegyptio, quem Herodotus III, 27. Epaphum, alii modo Osiridem, modo Serapidem sunt interpretati. Navibus transvectum in Aegyptum ibique mortuum et nomine Serapidis cultum ab Aegyptiis, scribit Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. XVIII, c. 5, et Eusebius, Chron. II, fol. 64, quam tamen fabulam tamquam mendacis Graeciae commentum refutat Scaliger in Obss., pag. 22. — Alii et Oberthur. Syriapis, pessime. Peloponnesi proditus, hoc est in Peloponneso natus. Istum scil. genitivum loci in nominibus non tantum urbium, sed et regionum, provinciarum, insularum locum habere, multis exemplis ostendit Sanctius in Minerv., lib. IV, c. 4, p. 655. ed. Perizon. Ita Cornel Nep. in Miltiad., Cap. 2: Se autem domum Chersonesi habere; et cap. VIII: Non Chersonesi omnes illos quos habitarat annos, perpetuam obtinuerat dominationem. Orell. et Ochsner.

"Apis, brought forth in the Peloponnese." Apis, son of Phoroneus by Laodice, of whom Apollodorus, Library, book 1, ch. 1: "Apis, then, having turned his power into a tyranny and being a violent tyrant, named the Peloponnese Apia after himself; plotted against by Thelxion and Telchis, he died childless, and, being reckoned a god, was called Sarapis." Where Heyne, Vir Summus, in the Observations, p. 97, new edition, rightly observes that this Apis was confused by the Greeks with the Egyptian one, whom Herodotus 3.27 interpreted as Epaphus, and others now as Osiris, now as Serapis. Augustine, City of God, book 18, ch. 5, and Eusebius, Chronicle 2, fol. 64, write that he was carried by ship into Egypt, died there and was worshipped by the Egyptians under the name of Serapis — a tale which Scaliger, however, refutes in his Observations, p. 22, as an invention of lying Greece. — Others, and Oberthür, read "Syriapis", very badly. "Peloponnesi proditus", that is, born in the Peloponnese. That this genitive of place occurs not only with names of cities but also of regions, provinces and islands, Sanctius shows with many examples in the Minerva, book 4, ch. 4, p. 655, Perizonius's edition. So Cornelius Nepos in the Miltiades, ch. 2: "But that he had a home in the Chersonese"; and ch. 8: "Not in the Chersonese, all those years he had lived there, had he held a perpetual rule." Orelli and Ochsner.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Isis furva moerens perditum filium et membratim conjugem lancinatum› Isis furva moerens perditum filium et membratim conjugem lancinatum. Vide Diodor, Sic, Bibl., lib. I, c. 21, et Plutarch., in libro de Iside et Osiride. Caeterum filius et conjux Isidis est idem Osiris. cujus a Typhone interempti et in 14 partes lancinati membra undique conquisita composuit Isis eo ipso loco, quo quodque invenerat. cf. Lactant., lib. I, 21, et Ovid., Met., IX. 690 sqq., ibique Gierig. membratim, κατὰ μέλη. Vid. Keuchen, ad Frontin, p. 141.

"Swarthy Isis, mourning her lost son and her husband torn limb from limb." See Diodorus Siculus, Library, book 1, ch. 21, and Plutarch in the book On Isis and Osiris. For the rest, the son and the husband of Isis are the same Osiris, whose limbs — he having been slain by Typhon and torn into 14 pieces — Isis gathered from everywhere and put together in the very place where she had found each. Compare Lactantius, book 1, 21, and Ovid, Metamorphoses 9.690 ff., and Gierig there. "Membratim" = limb by limb. See Keuchen on Frontinus, p. 141.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Transgredimur Opis soboles regias› Transgredimur Opis soboles regias. Non contemnenda conjectura Oudendorpii ad Apulei., lib. V, p. 336, legentis egregias, scil. ironice. Ita egregius saepe per ironiam pro pessimo. Sic Apulej., lib. II; Uxor egregia capit audaciam et mente sacrilega, etc. idem lib. IX. Uxor egregia diras devotiones in eum imprecata. Ita nostrum: fein, sauber, tugendsam. Orell.

"We pass over the royal offspring of Ops." Not to be despised is Oudendorp's conjecture on Apuleius, book 5, p. 336, who reads "egregias" (distinguished), ironically, that is. So "egregius" is often used ironically for "worst". So Apuleius, book 2: "The distinguished wife takes courage, and with sacrilegious mind", etc.; the same, book 9: "The distinguished wife called down dire curses on him." So our [German]: "fine, neat, virtuous". Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Hice ergo› Hice ergo. Ita ed. Lugd.; cet., Hi; ed. prima Sabaei. Hinc. Orell.

"These, then." So the Lyons edition; the others "Hi"; Sabaeus's first edition "Hinc". Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Vulneratis accipiunt auribus› Vulneratis accipiunt auribus. Quaecumque ingrata et injucunda auribus accidunt, eas dicuntur offendere, et proprio verbo vulnerare. Virgil., VII, Aen., vs. 582: ..... Gravior ne nuntius aures / Vulneret. Lactant., lib. VII, c. 1. Vulnerant aures eorum praecepta continentiae. Herald. Cf. Reiff. in Artemidor. Oneirocrit. I, 24, pag. 241. Orell.

"They receive it with wounded ears." Whatever things reach the ears as unwelcome and unpleasant are said to offend them, and, with the proper word, to wound them. Virgil, Aeneid 7, line 582 [sic; 8.582]: "...lest heavier news wound my ears." Lactantius, book 7, ch. 1: "The precepts of continence wound their ears." Heraldus. Compare Reiff on Artemidorus, Oneirocritica 1.24, p. 241. Orelli.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 384)

(a) ‹anchor: pertulerint, actitarint› · call in col 763

Quid si ac tolerarint? Wopkens in Misc.

What if [we read] "ac tolerarint" (and endured)? Wopkens in the Miscellaneae [Observationes].

(printed under page 384)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 763 (call not visible in foot image)

Neoptolemum Male. ms.

"Neoptolemum." Wrongly; manuscript.

(printed under page 384)

(c) ‹anchor: praesumptam materiam› · call in col 764

Materia. Male. Sab.

"Materia." Wrongly; Sabaeus.

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: Cujus id, quod sibi concessum est› Cujus id, quod sibi concessum est. Cujus pro de qua Genitivus partitivus, Franco-Gallorum dont. Orell.

"Of which [he has] that which has been granted him." "Cujus" for "de qua": a partitive genitive, the French "dont". Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Nonne istud livoris atque avaritiae genus est?› Nonne istud livoris atque avaritiae genus est? Id est πλεονεξία. Non potuit vocem graecam latina una et propria exprimere: idcirco pluribus dictionibus usus est. Herald.

"Is not that a kind of envy and greed?" That is, pleonexia (grasping). He could not express the Greek word by one proper Latin one; therefore he used several words. Heraldus.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Non obtrectatio quaedam sordens› Non obtrectatio quaedam sordens. Propric. Gloss. Obtrectatio, ζηλοτυπία, λοιδορία, διαβολὴ, κακοήθεια. M. Tullius, Tusc. IV: Est aemulatio aegritudo. si eo, quod concupierit, alius potiatur, ipse careat. Obtrectatio autem est ea, quam intelligi zelotypiam volo, aegritudo ex eo, quod alter quoque potiatur eo, quod ille ipse concupiverit. Herald.

"Not a certain mean disparagement?" Prieur. Glossaries: "Obtrectatio": jealousy, abuse, slander, malice. Marcus Tullius, Tusculans 4: "Emulation is distress if another has what one desired and one lacks it oneself. Disparagement, which I wish understood as jealousy, is distress that another also has what one oneself desired." Heraldus.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Aliorum res premi, et in contempta humilitate calcari› Aliorum res premi, et in contempta humilitate calcari. Virgil., XI. Aen.: Ne cessa turbare metu, atque extollere vires / Gentis bis victae, contra premere arma Latini. His autem verbis in contempta humilitate calcari exprimit verbum Graecum ταπεινοῦσθαι. Nam ταπεινὸς quasi πατεινός. Sic contemptim conterere dicit Plautus in Poenulo: Sed tamen quomodocumque, quamquam simus paupereuli, / Est domi quod edimus ne nos tam contemptim conteras. Herald.

"That others' affairs be pressed down and trodden into contemptible lowliness." Virgil, Aeneid 11: "Do not cease to stir up fear, and to exalt the strength of a twice-conquered race, and on the other hand to press down the arms of Latinus." With the words "trodden into contemptible lowliness" he renders the Greek verb "to be humbled" (tapeinousthai); for "tapeinos" (low) is as it were "pateinos" (trodden). So Plautus, in the Poenulus, speaks of "trampling contemptuously": "But still, however it be, though we are poor little folk, there is at home what we eat; so do not trample us so contemptuously." Heraldus.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Non unum et alium? non innumeros alios› · ch. XXXVII XXXVII. — Non unum et alium? non innumeros alios. Fulv. Ursin. leg., num unum aut alium, et delet alios. Non male. Orell.

XXXVII. — "Not one and another? Not countless others?" Fulvius Ursinus reads "num unum aut alium" (surely not one or another?) and deletes "alios". Not badly. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Eorum scripta percurrite› Eorum scripta percurrite, etc. Respicit Arnobius ad scripta Evhemeri, et eorum, quos infra nominat ib. IV, c. 29. Orell.

"Run through their writings", etc. Arnobius has in view the writings of Euhemerus, and of those whom he names below, book 4, ch. 29. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Qua in nati regione› Qua in nati regione. Cave legas innati una voce. Haec enim praepositionum trajectio familiaris Arnobio. Orell.

"In what region born." Beware of reading "innati" as one word. For this transposition of prepositions is familiar to Arnobius. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Quae fecerint, egerint; pertulerint, actitarint› Quae fecerint, egerint; pertulerint, actitarint. Cannegieter., in Curis secundis ad Avian., Fab. II, v. 6, in Miscellan. Obs. Crit., vol. VII, pag. 200, legend. censet: quae fecerint, egerint, ac pertulerint, deleto actitarint. Sed talis orationis abundantia familiaris Arnobio. Orell.

"What they did, performed; endured, practised." Cannegieter, in his second Curae on Avianus, Fable 2, line 6, in the Miscellaneae Observationes Criticae, vol. 7, p. 200, thinks we should read: "what they did, performed and endured", deleting "actitarint". But such fullness of speech is familiar to Arnobius. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Sed concedamus interdum, manum vestris opinationibus dantes› · ch. XXXVIII XXXVIII. — Sed concedamus interdum, manum vestris opinationibus dantes. Interdum pro interim, interea. Ita Sil. Pun., IV, vs. 491, de Hannibale: Interdum rapta vicinis saltibus alno / Flumineam texit, qua transvehat agmina, classem. cf. VI, 30, ibique Drakenborch. Oudendorp. in Apulei. Metam., lib. III, pag. 174 et J. Fr. Gronov., Obss ad scriptores ecclesiasticos, cap. XXII, p. 246. Quod autem ait manum dare, est pro manus dare, quod est usitatius. Nata locutio ab iis, qui victos fatentur se, et victoribus manus vinciendas praebent. Hinc per metaphoram submittere se alicujus sententiae, victum se fateri oratione alterius. Ita Lucret., lib. II, vs. 1042: Si tibi vera videtur, / Dede manus. ubi vid. Lambin. Cicero Lae.. c. 26. Nec enim facillime agnoscitur (adulator), quippe qui etiam adversando saepe assentetur, et litigare se simulans blandiatur, atque ad extremum det manus, vincique se patiatur. Herald et Orell.

XXXVIII. — "But let us grant for a while, giving our hand to your opinions." "Interdum" for "interim", meanwhile. So Silius Italicus, Punica 4, line 491, of Hannibal: "Meanwhile, with alder seized from the neighbouring glades, he wove a river fleet to carry his columns across." Compare 6.30, and Drakenborch there; Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book 3, p. 174; and J. Fr. Gronovius, Observations on the Ecclesiastical Writers, ch. 22, p. 246. When he says "manum dare" (to give the hand), it stands for "manus dare" (to give the hands), which is more usual. The phrase arose from those who confess themselves beaten and offer their hands to the victors to be bound. Hence, by metaphor, to submit to someone's opinion, to confess oneself beaten by another's argument. So Lucretius, book 2, line 1042: "If it seems true to you, yield your hands"; where see Lambin. Cicero, Laelius, ch. 26: "For [the flatterer] is not very easily recognised, since even by opposing he often agrees, and pretending to quarrel he flatters, and at the last he gives his hands and lets himself be beaten." Heraldus and Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Divorum retulistis in coelum› Divorum retulistis in coelum. Ms. reg. habet in censum, fortasse melius. Sic infra lib. IV, c. 1. Herald. et Stewech.

"You have carried them back into the heaven of the gods." The royal manuscript has "in censum" (into the roll), perhaps better. So below, book 4, ch. 1. Heraldus and Stewech.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Ab deruptis ac deviis› Ab deruptis ac deviis. Derupta loca non aliud sunt quam praecipitia. Ita Lucretius, VI, 538. In gremio gerere et rupeis deruptaque saxa. Meursius, pag. 25.

"From the steep places and the byways." "Derupta loca" are nothing other than precipices. So Lucretius 6.538: "to bear in its bosom both crags and sheer rocks." Meursius, p. 25.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: Et nullius aliquando cognitione praesumptam materiam illius› Et nullius aliquando cognitione praesumptam materiam illius. Materia Dei, hoc est ejus natura πνευματική. Videtur autem Arnobius respicere ad verba Divi Soteris Joh. IV, vs. 24, πνεῦμα ὁ Θεός. Orell.

"And his substance, never before grasped by anyone's knowledge." The substance of God, that is, his spiritual nature. Arnobius seems to have in view the words of the divine Saviour, John 4:24: "God is spirit." Orelli.

(comm. 13) ‹lemma: Fervor adsciscitur› Fervor adsciscitur. Ita aut arcessitur legendum esse pro adscitur, quod editiones habent, docet Oudendorp., ad Apulei. Met. IV, pag. 312. Orell.

"Heat is taken on." Oudendorp, on Apuleius, Metamorphoses 4, p. 312, shows that we should read thus, or "arcessitur", for "adscitur", which the editions have. Orelli.

(printed under page 384)

(No variant notes visible. The foot images begin inside the commentary: the opening of the first note in each column lies above the crop, and the left column's last note continues at the head of the right column above the crop. Cut text is marked [...].) COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: [...] libus causis lucem semper atque obscuritatem resumens› · beginning above the crop [...] libus causis lucem semper atque obscuritatem resumens. Ita plurimi editores, praeeunte Gelenio. Cod. ms. et editio princeps romana habet: semper in motu ne quis creditur, etc., quam lectionem vitiosissimam variis modis tentarunt interpretes. Stewech. leg. in motu, id est, inquies creditur, etc. Fulv. Ursin. idemthe orbis redditur, etc. Meursuis ideis novis creditur, id est formis, faciebus. Editor Lugd. Bat., totum locum sic refingit: Cur luna semper in mutuis damnis ac crementis, annualibus causis, (id est propter annum, ad annum conficiendum) lucem semper, etc. Quae emendatio aptum quidem sensum praebet, sed audacissima est et nimis remota a lectione cod. ms. Si quid et mihi tentare licet, equidem pro idem ne is, etc., legendum conjecerim in ter denis vicibus redditur; id est restituitur. Simillimus locus infra lib. VI, c. 10. Luna semper in motu est, et ter denas facies in restitutione accipit menstrua. Idem ne is natum videtur ab inscio librario in ter denis ab alio dictatum male audiente. Ceterum ut totum hunc locum a verbis: Unde ignibus solis, etc. usque ad verba obscuritatem resumens putem Glossema, quod e margine, ubi sciolus aliquis librarius quaestiones physicas adscripserat, in textum irrepsit, facit imprimis indicativus adscitur..... redditur alieno loco positus. Nam antecedentia: quo patre mundus sit constitutus, aeque ac sequentia; Animalium origo quae sit, procul dubio conjunctivum flagitant. Quae sequuntur, animalibus causis, mihi videntur sanissima. Verum sensum ex parte unus vidit Stewech. Animales causae sunt causae animatae, impulsus vis cujusdam vel naturae intelligentis, qualem soli, lunae caeterisque sideribus attribuerunt Stoici. Stobaeus, Eclog., l. I, c. 26: Ζήνων τὸν ἥλιόν φησι καὶ τὴν σελήνην καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἄστρων ἕκαστον εἶναι νοερὸν καὶ φρόνιμον καὶ πύρινον, πυρὸς τεχνικοῦ. Augustin., de Civit. Dei, IV, 11. Dicunt (Stoici) omnia sidera partes Jovis esse, et omnia vivere atque rationales animas habere, et ideo sine controversia Deos esse, et imprimis Jul. Firmicus Mathes., lib. I, c. 3 (p. 7, ed. Pruckner). Habent enim stellae proprium sensum, divinamque prudentiam, nam puro divinitatis animatae conceptu, summo illi, ac rectori Deo, qui omnia perpetuae legis dispositione composuit, ad perennis procreationis custodiendum ordinem, infatigabilibus consensionibus obsequuntur. Quam sententiam etiam primores Patrum secuti, ut Arnobius hoc loco et Origenes, qui, teste Hieronymo Epist. ad avitum 59, solis et lunae et stellarum animas agnovit, neque eo tamen tempore, quo mundus factus est, esse coepisse, sed antequam lucens illud, et ardens corpus intrarent. Hic veteres Astrologi, verbi causa, Manilius, dixerunt: Conscia fati / Sidera diversos hominum variantia casus. V. J. Lips. de Physiolog. Stoic., lib. II, dissert. 14, Oper., p. 933 sq., vol. IV, ed. Vesal. Caeterum mirum cui videri possit, cur Arnobius h. l. Christum de rebus physicis et meteoris docentem induxerit. At fecit hoc more multorum Ecclesiae patrum, qui divinum Soterem tamquam omnis sapientiae divinae aeque ac humanae magistrum repraesentantes talia, de quibus [...]

"[...] for [animate?] causes ever taking up light and darkness again." So most editors, following Gelenius. The manuscript and the Roman first edition have "semper in motu ne quis creditur", etc., a most corrupt reading which interpreters have attempted in various ways. Stewech reads "in motu, id est, inquies creditur" (in motion, that is, it is believed restless), etc. Fulvius Ursinus: "idemthe orbis redditur", etc. Meursius: "ideis novis creditur", that is, with new forms, faces. The Leiden editor refashions the whole passage thus: "Why the moon, always in mutual losses and increases, for annual causes (that is, on account of the year, to complete the year), always [takes up] light", etc. This emendation gives a fitting sense indeed, but it is very bold and too far from the manuscript's reading. If I too may attempt something, I would conjecture that for "idem ne is", etc., we should read "in ter denis vicibus redditur", "is restored in thrice ten turns", that is, renewed. A very similar passage below, book 6, ch. 10: "The moon is always in motion, and in its monthly restoration takes thrice ten faces." "Idem ne is" seems to have arisen from an ignorant copyist mishearing "in ter denis" dictated by another. For the rest, what chiefly makes me think this whole passage, from the words "Whence the fires of the sun", etc., to the words "taking up darkness again", is a gloss, which crept into the text from the margin where some half-learned copyist had written physical questions, is the indicative "adscitur ... redditur", set where it does not belong. For what goes before, "by what father the world was established", and equally what follows, "what the origin of living things is", without doubt demand the subjunctive. What follows, "animalibus causis", seems to me perfectly sound. Stewech alone partly saw the true sense. "Animales causae" are animate causes, the impulse of some power or intelligent nature, such as the Stoics attributed to the sun, the moon and the other stars. Stobaeus, Eclogues, book 1, ch. 26: "Zeno says the sun and the moon and each of the other stars is intelligent and wise and fiery, of craftsman fire." Augustine, City of God 4.11: "They (the Stoics) say all the stars are parts of Jove, and all live and have rational souls, and are therefore without dispute gods"; and above all Julius Firmicus, Mathesis, book 1, ch. 3 (p. 7, Pruckner's edition): "For the stars have their own sense and divine prudence; for by the pure conception of animate divinity they obey with unwearying accord that highest God and ruler, who has ordered all things by the disposition of a perpetual law, to keep the order of everlasting procreation." This opinion even the foremost of the Fathers followed, as Arnobius in this place, and Origen, who, as Jerome witnesses in the Letter to Avitus (59), acknowledged souls of the sun, moon and stars, which did not begin to exist at the time the world was made, but before they entered that shining and burning body. Here the old astrologers, Manilius for example, said: "The stars, conscious of fate, varying the diverse fortunes of men." See J. Lipsius, Physiologia Stoicorum, book 2, dissertation 14, Works, p. 933 f., vol. 4, Wesel edition. For the rest, it may seem strange to someone why Arnobius here has brought in Christ teaching about physical things and meteors. But he did so after the manner of many Fathers of the Church, who, representing the divine Saviour as the teacher of all wisdom, divine as well as human, [ascribed to him] such things as [...]

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: [...] Plato Socrati› · ending at the head of the right column; its beginning lies above the crop [...] Plato Socrati. Orell.

[...] Plato to Socrates. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Quis informarit› Quis informarit. Informare idem quod simplex formare. Ita Lactantius, de Opific. Dei, cap 8: Eas igitur aures. . . . . noluit Deus artifex mollibus pelliculis informare, ubi vide Bunemann., pag. 1165. Orell.

"Who has shaped." "Informare" is the same as the simple "formare". So Lactantius, On the Workmanship of God, ch. 8: "These ears, then, ... God the craftsman did not wish to shape with soft little skins"; where see Bünemann, p. 1165. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Confirmaverit› Confirmaverit. Fulv. Ursinus conj. conformaverit, probante Meursio et Stewechio. Sed praestat confirmare. Nam conformare corpus recte quidem dicitur, non autem constructionem corporis conformare, sed confirmare, hoc est omni ex parte firmam, solidam reddere. Quid quod conformaverit cum praecedenti informaverit ingratissimam efficeret tautologiam. Et omnino duo haec verba saepissime confunduntur in Mss. Fid. Graev., ad Cic. Epist. ad Fam. I, 8. Orell.

"Has strengthened." Fulvius Ursinus conjectured "conformaverit" (has fashioned), with the approval of Meursius and Stewech. But "confirmare" is better. For one rightly says "to fashion the body", but not "to fashion the construction of the body"; rather "to strengthen" it, that is, to make it firm and solid in every part. Besides, "conformaverit" with the preceding "informaverit" would make a most displeasing tautology. And altogether these two verbs are very often confused in manuscripts. See Graevius on Cicero, Letters to Friends 1.8. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: An cum ipsis sata sit visceribus› An cum ipsis sata sit visceribus, id est cum ipso corpore, ut saep. Orell.

"Whether it was sown together with the very innards", that is, with the body itself, as often. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Visurine nos simus..... an memoriam nullam nostri sensus et recordationis habituri› Visurine nos simus. . . . . an memoriam nullam nostri sensus et recordationis habituri. Ita legendum cum editore Lugd. Bat. non victuri. Nam modo dixit Arnobius: an (anima) immortalitatis perpetuitate donata sit, quod plane idem esset, quod victuri simus. Videre autem dicitur ap. Latinos de omni sensu, ut significet sentire, cognoscere, ut cum dicatur: vide quid sonet, vide quid oleat, quid sapiat, quam durum sit. Vid. S. Augustin., Confess., lib. X, c. 35; et Corte ad Sallust. Catil., c. 40, pag. 247. Verte igitur, ob wir (nach dem Tode) noch empfinden, oder ob alles Bewusstseyn der Empfindung und Erinnerung aushoren werde. Orell. Verum quidem est, videndi verba ab omnes sensus referri posse, quatenus omnis sensatio animadversione continetur. Multi de hac re monuerunt; etiam Ernesti ad Callimach. Hymn. in Apoll., vers. 4. Sed quae exempla afferuntur, pleraque omnia ejusmodi sunt, ut adjunctum habeant certum genus sensuum, quo verbum illud refertur, nec videre simpliciter ponitur. Atqui videndum est, num talia reperiantur exempla, ubi videre non hanc aut illam sensuum partem, sed, ut hoc loco, simpliciter universam sentiendi vim complectatur. Ochsner.

"Whether we shall see ... or shall have no memory of our sense and recollection." So read, with the Leiden editor, not "victuri" (shall live). For Arnobius has just said: "whether (the soul) has been given the perpetuity of immortality", which would be plainly the same as "whether we shall live". "Videre" (to see) is said among the Latins of every sense, meaning to perceive, to know, as when one says: "see what it sounds like, see what it smells like, what it tastes like, how hard it is." See St Augustine, Confessions, book 10, ch. 35; and Corte on Sallust, Catiline, ch. 40, p. 247. Translate therefore [German]: "whether we (after death) still feel, or whether all consciousness of sensation and memory will cease." Orelli. It is true that verbs of seeing can be referred to all the senses, insofar as all sensation involves attention. Many have pointed this out, Ernesti too on Callimachus, Hymn to Apollo, line 4. But the examples adduced are nearly all such as to have some definite kind of sense attached to which the verb refers, and "videre" is not set down absolutely. Yet one must see whether examples are found where "videre" embraces not this or that part of the senses but, as in this place, simply the whole power of sensing. Ochsner.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Elatas supercilio cervices› Elatas supercilio cervices. Cervices tollere superborum est: contra, qui de se modeste sentiunt, dicuntur plani et planos se facere. Cyprian. de Mortalitate: cervicem flectat superbi. Lactant., lib. V, c. 23: Idem nihil tumoris atque insolentiae gerens, non extollit se altius, nec erigit superbum caput, sed placidus et con cors et comis et planus est, quia conditionem suam novit. Elmenh. et Herald. — Meursius corrigit superciliose cervices. Alii cum supercilio cervices, quod defendit Jan. Dousa ad Catulli carm. LXVIII, vs. 4, ut sit sensus: et supercilium elatum et cervices. Et ita quidem Petronius cap. XCI, § 7. Postquam se amari sensit, supercilium altius sustulit; et ipse noster infra lib. II, cap. 50. Philosophi, qui se esse solos sapientissimos autumant, et vi hujus nominis supercilium sustulerunt. At supercilium quoque per metaphoram in gen. de fastu, superbia, arrogantia. Juvenal., sat. 6, vers. 167: Mala Venusinam, quam te, Cornelia mater / Gracchorum, si cum magnis virtutibus affers / Grande supercilium, et numeras in dote triumphos. Itaque nil mutandum. Orell

"Necks raised with a haughty brow." To raise the neck is the mark of the proud; on the contrary, those who think modestly of themselves are called "level" and are said to make themselves level. Cyprian, On Mortality: "Let the proud bend his neck." Lactantius, book 5, ch. 23: "He likewise, bearing no swelling or insolence, does not lift himself higher nor raise a proud head, but is calm and harmonious and courteous and level, because he knows his condition." Elmenhorst and Heraldus. — Meursius corrects to "superciliose cervices" (necks raised superciliously). Others read "cum supercilio cervices", which Jan Dousa defends on Catullus, poem 68, line 4, so that the sense is: "both the raised brow and the necks". And so indeed Petronius, ch. 91, § 7: "After he felt himself loved, he raised his brow higher"; and our author himself below, book 2, ch. 50: "Philosophers, who declare themselves alone most wise, and by force of that name have raised their brow." But "supercilium" is also used by metaphor in general for disdain, pride, arrogance. Juvenal, Satire 6, line 167: "I would rather have a girl of Venusia than you, Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, if with your great virtues you bring a great haughty brow and count triumphs in your dowry." So nothing should be changed. Orelli.

(printed under page 385)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 386)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 767 (call not visible in foot image)

Transduxit. Alii.

"Transduxit" (led across). Others.

(printed under page 386)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible (perhaps "affabar")› · call in col 767 (call not visible in foot image)

Adfaciebam. ms.

"Adfaciebam." Manuscript.

(printed under page 386)

(c) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 767/768 (call not visible in foot image)

Divis. Stewech.

"Divis" (to the gods). Stewech.

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: Qui animantia monstravit informia nos esse› Qui animantia monstravit informia nos esse. Id est imperfecta et deformia, ne decore suo glorientur. Quare nihil mutandum existimo. Herald. — Stew. conj. infirma. Orell.

"Who showed that we are shapeless living things." That is, imperfect and misshapen, that they may not glory in their beauty. Therefore I think nothing should be changed. Heraldus. — Stewech conjectures "infirma" (weak). Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Nihil comprehensum habere, nihil scire, et quae nostros sita sunt ante oculos, non videre› Nihil comprehensum habere, nihil scire, et quae nostros sita sunt ante oculos, non videre. Videtur hoc loco Arnobius verba illa Christi ap. Matthaeum, c. XIII. v. 15: Ἐπαχύνθη γὰρ ἡ καρδία τοῦ λαοῦ τούτου, καὶ τοῖς ὠσὶ βαρέως ἤκουσαν καὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτῶν ἐκάμμυσαν, μή ποτε ἴδωσι τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς, καὶ τοῖς ὠσὶν ἀκούσωσι, καὶ τῇ καρδίᾳ συνῶσι, καὶ ἐπιστρέψωσι, καὶ ἰάσωμαι αὐτούς, quae divinus Soter de Judaeorum gente effatus est, perperam ad universum humanum genus transtulisse. Orell.

"To have grasped nothing, to know nothing, and not to see what lies before our eyes." Arnobius seems in this place to have wrongly transferred to the whole human race those words of Christ in Matthew 13:15 — "For the heart of this people has grown dull, and with their ears they have heard heavily, and their eyes they have closed, lest they should see with their eyes and hear with their ears and understand with their heart and turn, and I should heal them" — which the divine Saviour spoke of the Jewish people. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Signis inertibus› Signis inertibus. Similiter infra, lib. II, cap 39, simulacris inertibus supplicare. Stupida simulacra appellat Zeno Veronensis Sermone de Jona. Herald.

"To inert statues." Similarly below, book 2, ch. 39, "to make supplication to inert images". Zeno of Verona, in the Sermon on Jonah, calls them "senseless images". Heraldus.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: In incudibus Deos et ex malleis fabricatos› · ch. XXXIX XXXIX — In incudibus Deos et ex malleis fabricatos. Fulv. Ursin. delet in, sed nil mutandum. In et ex saepissime abundant. Vide supra ad cap. 5, verba Chaldeorum ex reconditis disciplinis. Simillimus nostro locus est ap. Minuc. Fel. Octav., cap. 33: Deus aureus vel argenteus de immundo vasculo, ut saepius factum Aegyptio regi, conflatur, tunditur malleis, in incudibus figuratur. Herald. et Elmenh.

XXXIX — "Gods fashioned on anvils and with hammers." Fulvius Ursinus deletes "in", but nothing should be changed: "in" and "ex" are very often redundant. See above on ch. 5, the words "Chaldaeorum ex reconditis disciplinis". Very like our passage is one in Minucius Felix, Octavius, ch. 33 [sic]: "A god of gold or silver is melted down from an unclean little vessel, as was more than once done for an Egyptian king, beaten with hammers, shaped on anvils." Heraldus and Elmenhorst.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Veternosis in arboribus taenias› Veternosis in arboribus taenias. Arbores dicit, in quibus spolia suspensa erant et diis consecrata. Nam in ipsis donariis et anathemasi taeniae (id est fasciae, sive vittae aut vittarum extremitates, ut explicat Serv., ad Virgil. Aen., lib I, vs. 374), et aliquid inibi depictum. Plutarch. in Timoleonte: ἐκ γὰρ τῶν κρεμαμένων ἀναθημάτων ταινία τις ἀπορρυεῖσα, καὶ φερομένη στεφάνους ἔχουσα, καὶ νίκας ἐμπεποικιλμένας, περιέπεσε τῇ κεφαλῇ τοῦ Τιμολέοντος. Eae autem arbores religiosa observatione a praetereuntibus colebantur, et inviolatae durabant annos plurimos, quare veternosas appellat eas Arnobius. Talem arborem elegantissime describit Lucan., lib. I, vs. 136, seqq. De cultu autem et veneratione harum arborum testimonia exstant cum alibi prope infinita, tum apud Apuleium verbis significantissimis Florida prima. Herald et Nourr. — Veternus est inertia, ut exponit Servius ad Virgil., Georg. I, 124, veternosus iners. Fructum e sacris arboribus decerpere erat nefas, idcirco vix alias consecrabant, quam veternosas et nulli jam usui habiles, quod hic tangit Arnobius. Eadem fere mens est Tertulliani, christianorum hostes sic alloquentis Apologet., cap. 14: « Volo et ritus vestros recensere, non dico quales sitis in sacrificando, cum enecta et tabidosa et scabiosa quaeque mactatis. » Ita locum nostrum optime explicat Franc. Odinus in adversariis criticis insertis Miscellaneis Observationibus criticis novis, Fascic. XXII. pag. 458. Orell.

"Ribbons on decrepit trees." He means trees on which spoils were hung and consecrated to the gods. For on the offerings and votive gifts themselves there were ribbons (that is, bands, or fillets, or the ends of fillets, as Servius explains on Virgil, Aeneid, book 1, line 374), and something painted on them. Plutarch in the Timoleon: "For a ribbon slipped off from the hanging offerings and, carried along, bearing garlands and embroidered Victories, fell upon Timoleon's head." These trees were honoured with religious observance by passers-by and lasted unharmed for very many years; therefore Arnobius calls them decrepit. Lucan, book 1, line 136 ff., describes such a tree most elegantly. Of the worship and veneration of these trees there are testimonies almost without number elsewhere, and especially in Apuleius, in most expressive words, Florida 1. Heraldus and Le Nourry. — "Veternus" is sluggishness, as Servius explains on Virgil, Georgics 1.124; "veternosus" = sluggish. To pluck fruit from sacred trees was unlawful, and so they scarcely consecrated any but decrepit trees no longer fit for any use, which Arnobius touches on here. Almost the same is the thought of Tertullian, addressing the enemies of the Christians thus, Apology, ch. 14: "I wish also to review your rites — I do not say what you are like in sacrificing, when you slaughter every worn-out, wasting and mangy beast." So Franz Oudin explains our passage excellently, in the critical adversaria inserted in the Miscellaneae Observationes Criticae Novae, fascicle 22, p. 458. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Si quando conspexeram lubricatum lapidem, et ex olivi unguine sordidatum› Si quando conspexeram lubricatum lapidem, et ex olivi unguine sordidatum. Ita Ful. Ursinus. Cod. ms. habet lapidem.... ordinatum, ex quo Theod. Canter. fecit odoratum, Stewech. exornatum. Dempster. Paralip. ad Rosin. Antiqu. tom. II, cap. 20, pag. 184, ed. Schrevel., conj. irrigatum Meursius divatum, id est divum factum. Sed praestat sordidatum. Verbum sordidare ap. scriptores ecclesiasticos, Lactantium, Cyprianum, Augustinum, non rarum. Intelligit autem unctum lapidem, λιπαρὸν λίθον. Ita enim Graecis dicitur, ut ex Clemente Alexandr. videre est Stromat. VII: οἱ αὐτοὶ πᾶν ξύλον καὶ πάντα λίθον, τὸν δὲ λεγόμενον λιπαρὸν, προσκυνοῦντες. Quem locum, ut multos alios Clementis, latine vertit Arnobius. Non abludit Theophrasti Character XVI, de Superstitione: καὶ τῶν λιπαρῶν λίθων τῶν ἐν ταῖς τριόδοις παριὼν ἐκ τῆς ληκύθου ἔλαιον καταχεῖν. Ubi vid. Casaubon Unctum vocat lapidem in Apologia Apuleius, et in Floridis: lapis unguine delibutus. Prior. et Orell.

"If ever I had caught sight of a smoothed stone, grimed with olive oil." So Fulvius Ursinus. The manuscript has "lapidem ... ordinatum", from which Theodor Canter made "odoratum" (perfumed), Stewech "exornatum" (adorned). Dempster, Paralipomena to Rosinus's Antiquities, vol. 2, ch. 20, p. 184, Schrevel's edition, conjectures "irrigatum" (bedewed); Meursius "divatum", that is, made a god. But "sordidatum" (grimed) is better. The verb "sordidare" is not rare in the church writers, Lactantius, Cyprian, Augustine. He means an anointed stone, a "greasy stone". For so it is called among the Greeks, as one can see from Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 7: "the same people who worship every log and every stone, the so-called greasy one." A passage which Arnobius, like many others of Clement, put into Latin. Not far off is Theophrastus, Character 16, On Superstition: "and as he passes the greasy stones at the crossroads, pouring oil on them from his flask." Where see Casaubon. Apuleius calls it an anointed stone in the Apology, and in the Florida: "a stone smeared with oil". Prieur and Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Trunco› Trunco. Prudentius περὶ στεφάνων vocat deasciatum stipitem, et Apotheosi cippum et ficulneum stipitem. Elmenh.

"Stump." Prudentius in the Peristephanon calls it "a hewn log", and in the Apotheosis "a post" and "a fig-wood log". Elmenhorst.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Nomini divino› Nomini divino. Th. Canterus leg numini, probante Stewechio et Meursio. Sed vide notata ad cap. 20. Orell.

"To the divine name." Th. Canter reads "numini" (to the divine power), with the approval of Stewech and Meursius. But see what is noted on ch. 20. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Pythagoras Samius suspicione dominationis injusta vivus concrematus in fano est› · ch. XL XL. — Pythagoras Samius suspicione dominationis injusta vivus concrematus in fano est. Variae fuerunt de Pythagorae morte opiniones, quas Laertius (VIII, § 39), Tzetzes (Chiliad. XI, pag. 443), Suidas (ad v. Πυθαγόρας) aliique retulerunt. Prima est illum, in domo Milonis Crotoniatae cum esset, cujusdam ex illis, quos illuc admittere noluit, invidia, vel Crotoniatarum suspicione metuque tyrannidis, eadem domo incensa flammis. fuisse suffocatum. Alii vero tradunt, illum, inde ereptum. in agro fabis pleno jugulum persequentibus dedisse. Dicaearchus vero (ap. Laert., l. cit.) opinatus est, ipsum in Musarum delubro, quod Metaponti est, per quadraginta dies absconditum fame et inedia, egisse animam. Alias adhuc Laertius de ejusdem Pythagorae interitu sententias Heraclidis et Hermippi enarrat. At brevius Plutarchus (de Stoic. repugnant., tom. II, pag. 1051): Τὰ μὲν (continues)

XL. — "Pythagoras of Samos, on an unjust suspicion of tyranny, was burned alive in a shrine." There were various opinions about Pythagoras's death, which Laertius (8, § 39), Tzetzes (Chiliads 11, p. 443), the Suda (under "Pythagoras") and others reported. The first is that, while he was in the house of Milo of Croton, through the envy of one of those whom he would not admit there, or through the Crotoniates' suspicion and fear of tyranny, the same house was set on fire and he was suffocated by the flames. Others relate that he was snatched out of it and, in a field full of beans, gave his throat to his pursuers. Dicaearchus (in Laertius, at the place cited) supposed that he hid for forty days in the shrine of the Muses at Metapontum and breathed his last from hunger and fasting. Laertius further recounts other opinions of Heraclides and Hermippus on the death of the same Pythagoras. But Plutarch more briefly (On the Contradictions of the Stoics, vol. 2, p. 1051): "The (continues)

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(No variant notes on this page; the page foot is commentary only.) COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: (continued) Pythagoras Samius ... vivus concrematus in fano est›

(continued) τὰ τοιαῦτα συμπτώματα τῶν καλῶν κἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν, οἷον ἡ Σωκράτους καταδίκη, καὶ ὁ Πυθαγόρου ζῶντος ἐμπρησμὸς ὑπὸ τῶν Κυλωνείων. Sed utrum hic in domo aliqua. vel in fano concrematus fuerit, penitus tacet. Adi adhuc, si placet, Malchum, Jamblichum (de Vita Pyth., I, cap 35), Tzetzem et alios in Pythagorae vitam. atque Menagii et aliorum in citatum Laertii locum annotationes. Denique quod subjunxit Arnobius noster, Pythagoram vivum combustum suspicione dominationis injusta, hoc confirmari potest Tertulliani testimonio (Apologet., cap. 46), qui haud dubitanter asseverat, affectatam ab eo fuisse tyrannidem. Nourr., p. 531 seq. Add. Athenagor., Leg. p. Christ., p. 280. Rechenb. Caeterum pro injusta Fulv. Ursin. conj. inusta. Havercamp. ad Tertullian. Apologet., cap. 46, pag. 391, injustae scil. dominationis. Sed nil mutandum: Arnobius enim in toto hoc capite de iis loquitur, qui innocentes adversariorum injuria perierunt. Pro in fano alii in Samo. Male. Orell.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Aquilius› Aquilius. Meursius leg. cens. Acilius, qui a Nerone fuit saeva morte e medio sublatus. At nihil mutandum. De Manio Aquilio, Oppii legato, a Mithridate crudelissime interempto, agere Arnobium, recte observavit doctissimus Casaubonus. Aquilio igitur capto miris modis illusit Mithridates, asino impositum circumvexit, tandemque aurum liquefactum in os ejus infudit, ut refert Appianus in Mithridaticis, c. 21. Cf. Plin., Hist. Nat., lib. XXXIII. cap. 3. Ejusdem meminit Cicero, de lege Manilia. Herald. et Nourr. Lindner, in Indic. ad Minuc. Felic., intelligit Aquilium duumvirum inspiciendis libris Sibyllinis creatum. qui visus non cum fide rem gerere, et a ministro parricidii delatus, a Tarquinio superbo rege culeo insutus in mare projectus est. Sed male. Is enim est Atilius, non Aquilius. Vide Dionys. Halicarn., Ant. Rom., lib. IV, p. 259 sq. ed. Sylburg. Orell.

"Aquilius." Meursius thinks we should read "Acilius", who was put out of the way by Nero by a cruel death. But nothing should be changed. The most learned Casaubon rightly observed that Arnobius is speaking of Manius Aquilius, legate of Oppius, put to death most cruelly by Mithridates. Mithridates, having captured Aquilius, mocked him in astonishing ways, set him on an ass and carried him around, and at last poured molten gold into his mouth, as Appian relates in the Mithridatic Wars, ch. 21. Compare Pliny, Natural History, book 33, ch. 3. Cicero also mentions him, On the Manilian Law. Heraldus and Le Nourry. Lindner, in the index to Minucius Felix, understands the Aquilius who was made one of the two commissioners for consulting the Sibylline books, who, seeming not to act in good faith and being denounced by the agent of the parricide, was sewn into a sack by King Tarquin the Proud and thrown into the sea. But wrongly. For that man is Atilius, not Aquilius. See Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, book 4, p. 259 f., Sylburg's edition. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Trebonius› Trebonius. Is est, quem a Dolabella fuisse crudelissime necatum scribunt Cicero Philippica XI, 1, et Appian., de Bellis civilibus, lib. III, c. 26. Herald., in Curis secundis.

"Trebonius." He is the one whom Cicero, Philippic 11.1, and Appian, Civil Wars, book 3, ch. 26, write was most cruelly killed by Dolabella. Heraldus, in the second Curae.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Saevitate› Saevitate. Ita emendavit L. Carrio Emendatt., lib. II, c. 3, p. 134, in Lampade Crit. Gruteri. Antea legebatur saevitatem. Orell.

"By cruelty." So L. Carrion emended, Emendationes, book 2, ch. 3, p. 134, in Gruter's Lampas Critica. Formerly "saevitatem" was read. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: O isti› · ch. XLI XLI. — O isti. Graecismus est ὦ οὗτοι per contemptum scil. Vid. C. Barth., Advers., lib. IX, c. 10. pag. 433, et XXVIII, c. 2, p. 1311; et Viger., de Idiotism. graec., cap. VII, sect 11, ubi nostrum locum allegat. Observat autem C. Barth. Adversar., lib. LIII, cap. 10, pag. 2496, christianos scriptores nomen paganorum seu gentilium effari abhorruisse superstitione quadam, qua nec nominanda ea arbitrabantur veteres, quibus erant merito insensi, cum ipsa eorum appellatione viderentur quodammodo iis assentiri, aut factum velle. Conf. Heraldi Adversar., lib. I, c. 3, pag. 9. Orell.

XLI. — "O you there." It is a Grecism, "ō houtoi", namely in contempt. See C. Barth, Adversaria, book 9, ch. 10, p. 433, and book 28, ch. 2, p. 1311; and Viger, On Greek Idioms, ch. 7, section 11, where he cites our passage. C. Barth observes, Adversaria, book 53, ch. 10, p. 2496, that Christian writers shrank from uttering the name of the pagans or gentiles, from a certain scruple, by which the ancients thought those with whom they were justly angry were not even to be named, since by the very naming of them they would seem in some way to agree with them or approve their doings. Compare Heraldus, Adversaria, book 1, ch. 3, p. 9. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Liberum patrem, membratim ab Titanis discerptum› Liberum patrem, membratim ab Titanis discerptum. Ita editor Leid. Alii dissipatum. Vide infra lib. V, c. 19; Jul. Firmic., de Errore profan. Religionum, qui de hac fabula multus est; Hygin., Fab. 167; Euseb., de praeparatione evangelica, lib. II, cap. 5; Clemens Alexandr. Protrept. Elmenh.

"Father Liber, torn limb from limb by the Titans." So the Leiden editor. Others read "dissipatum" (scattered). See below, book 5, ch. 19; Julius Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions, who has much on this tale; Hyginus, Fable 167; Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, book 2, ch. 5; Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus. Elmenhorst.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Fanorum consecratione mactatis› Fanorum consecratione mactatis. Haec est verissima lectio e ms. Reg. Legebatur antea fanorum consecrationi aptatis. Veram lectionem primus vidit et restituit Lud. Carrio, lib. II. Emendationum cap. 3. Pari locutione ait Arnobius animus immortalitatis conditione mactatas, lib. II, cap. 28, et lib. VII, cap. 14: Cum honorari ab homine Deus dicitur et muneris alicujus oblatione mactari. Stewech. et Herald. — Optime hoc verbum illustrat Andr. Schottus in Nodis Ciceronianis, lib. IV, cap. 4, in Observatt. human., pag. 371. Mactare, idem quod magis augere, proprie est sacrorum verbum per εὐφημισμὸν usurpatum, quod scil. nefas esset prisca superstitione saeva verba proferre, ne vitiarentur sacra: hinc mactare pro occidere. Orell.

"Honoured with the consecration of shrines." This is the truest reading, from the royal manuscript. Formerly "fanorum consecrationi aptatis" (fitted for the consecration of shrines) was read. Louis Carrion first saw and restored the true reading, Emendationes, book 2, ch. 3. With a like phrase Arnobius says "souls honoured with the condition of immortality", book 2, ch. 28, and book 7, ch. 14: "When God is said to be honoured by man and 'magnified' by the offering of some gift." Stewech and Heraldus. — Andreas Schott illustrates this word excellently in the Nodi Ciceroniani, book 4, ch. 4, in the Observationes humanae, p. 371. "Mactare", the same as "magis augere" (to increase more), is properly a word of the sacred rites, used by euphemism, since by the old superstition it was unlawful to utter harsh words, lest the rites be marred: hence "mactare" for "to kill". Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Nonne ipsum Herculem magnum› Nonne ipsum Herculem magnum, etc. Herculem magnum appellat proprio Epitheto. Virgil. VIII, Aen. vs. 102: Forte die solemnem illo rex Arcas honorem / Amphitryoniadae magno, divisque ferebat. Herald

"Do [you] not [invite] the great Hercules himself", etc. He calls Hercules "great" with his proper epithet. Virgil, Aeneid 8, line 102: "By chance on that day the Arcadian king was paying solemn honour to the great son of Amphitryon and to the gods." Heraldus.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Thure invitatis incenso› Thure invitatis incenso. Alii (ut Fulv. Ursin.) inatgitatis, male. Sacrificiis Deos invitabant, eosque etiam in ipso opere vocabant, Adeste, etc. Virgil., Georg. II, 529. Te libans, Lenae, vocat. Tura autem scriptum in exemplaribus, quomodo aevo illo scribebant. Serv., ad lib. I, Georg.: Sane tus modo sine aspiratione dicimus. Nam antiqui thus dicebant ἀπὸ τοῦ θύειν. quod displicuit. Tura enim a tundendo dicta esse voluerunt, a glebis tunsis, cum quibus dicitur fluens de arbore coalescere. Herald.

"Whom you invite with burnt incense." Others (as Fulvius Ursinus) read "inatgitatis" [sic], wrongly. They invited the gods with sacrifices, and in the very act called them: "Be present", etc. Virgil, Georgics 2.529: "Pouring libation, he calls on you, Lenaeus." "Tura" is written in the copies, as they wrote in that age. Servius, on Georgics, book 1: "Indeed we now say 'tus' without the aspirate. For the ancients said 'thus', from 'thyein' (to sacrifice), which found disfavour. For they would have 'tura' named from 'tundere' (to pound), from the pounded lumps, with which it is said to congeal as it flows from the tree." Heraldus.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Vivum arsisse, post poenas, et concrematum in funestis busticetis› Vivum arsisse, post poenas, et concrematum in funestis busticetis. Verba post poenas irrepserunt ex praecedenti clausula, itaque expungi debent, nisi quis malit: per poenas. Adr. Behot. in Apophoretis. Meursius totum locum credens luxatum ita disponit: Nonne ipsum Herculem magnum post poenas sacrificiis, hostiis et thure invitatis incenso, quem ipsi vos fertis vivum arsisse et concrematum, etc. Mihi videntur haec verba profecta a sciolo quodam librario, qui iis Herculis ἆθλα voluit significare. Pro funestis ms. reg. habet funestibus, ex quo alii fecerunt funebribus, male. Nam funestus hoc loco sensu proprio et primario idem quod funere inquinatus. Funesta busticeta igitur sunt τάφοι γέμοντες ὀστέων νεκρῶν καὶ πάσης ἀκαθαρσίας, ut dicit divinus Soter Matth., XXIII, 27, vel. ut ipse Arnobius infra lib. VII, cap. 15. Busticeta in opus structa foedissimum, atque in sedem fabricata foetorum. Busticeta, sepulchra in agro, Gloss. Isidori. Meursius, pag. 28, funestibus tuetur more illorum scriptorum formas secundae ac tertiae declinationis saepissime confundentium. Ita diacones, subdiacones apud Augustinum, opipares ap. Apuleium (continues)

"That he burned alive, after his labours, and was consumed on deadly pyres." The words "post poenas" (after his labours) crept in from the preceding clause and so should be struck out, unless one prefers "per poenas" (through torments). Adrien Behotte in the Apophoreta. Meursius, believing the whole passage dislocated, arranges it thus: "Do you not invite the great Hercules himself, after his labours, with sacrifices, victims and burnt incense, whom you yourselves report to have burned alive and been consumed", etc. To me these words seem to have come from some half-learned copyist who wished to signify by them the labours (athla) of Hercules. For "funestis" the royal manuscript has "funestibus", from which others made "funebribus" (funereal), wrongly. For "funestus" here, in its proper and primary sense, is the same as "polluted by death". "Funesta busticeta", then, are "tombs full of dead men's bones and of all uncleanness", as the divine Saviour says, Matthew 23:27; or, as Arnobius himself below, book 7, ch. 15: "pyre-places built into a most foul work, and fashioned into a seat of stenches". "Busticeta: graves in the field", Glossary of Isidore. Meursius, p. 28, defends "funestibus" after the manner of those writers, who very often confuse the forms of the second and third declensions. So "diacones", "subdiacones" in Augustine, "opipares" in Apuleius (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 388)

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Revera. Fulv.

"Revera" (in truth). Fulvius [Ursinus].

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: (continued) Vivum arsisse, post poenas, et concrematum in funestis busticetis›

(continued) Miles. 1 et 2. Cyprianus in Epistolis presbyteres et diacones. Festus patrimes, matrimes, heres pro herus, sacres. Sic vicissim ea, quae tertia declinatione usitatius efferuntur, secunda alii. Tertullianus de Pallio informus et elinguus. Inermus Sallustius, alii. Imbecillus quoque. Sterilus, hilarus, gracilus. proclivus apud Lucretium. Acrum dixit Cn. Matius Odyss. XV, ut ex Caesellio Vindice notat Charisius, unde Glossae: Acrum, δεινὸν, δριμύ. Haec Meursius. Orell.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Abscissum et spoliatum viro› Abscissum et spoliatum viro. Vir saepissime pro genitali, nostrum Mannheit. Vide Meurs. et Barth., Adversar., lib. IV, cap. 11, pag. 158 Orell. — Add. Scaliger et Douza ad Catull. LXIV, 6. Ochsner.

"Cut off and despoiled of his manhood." "Vir" very often for the genitals, our [German] "Mannheit". See Meursius and Barth, Adversaria, book 4, ch. 11, p. 158. Orelli. — Add Scaliger and Dousa on Catullus 64.6. Ochsner.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Et Quirinum esse Martium dicitis› Et Quirinum esse Martium dicitis. Martium esse glossema facile crediderim. Et sane, aut valde fallor, ita res est. Nam etsi plura vocabula copulare amat Arnobius, exemplum tamen videtur hic minus idoneum. Solita autem mortuis consecratis nomina immutari, ne quis eos putaret homines fuisse, quod observat Lactantius, notum hodie omnibus est. Herald. — Nescio annon legendum sit Quirinum Martem. Quirinus enim proprie Martis Epitheton. Serv. ad Virgil. Aen. I, 292: Mars, cum saevit, Gradivus dicitur; cum tranquillus est, Quirinus. Et notum est Romanos hominibus inter divos relatis honoris causa nomen alicujus dei vel deae majorum gentium apposuisse, verbi causa Juno Cleopatra, Juno Faustina, Venus Agrippina, Jupiter Serapis. vid. Lips. et Oberlin. ad Tacit. Ann. V, 2, p. 467 seq. et Musgrav. ad Soph. Philoct. vs, 929, p. 264, ed. Erfurdt. Quidni igitur et Mars Quirinus? Orell.

"And you say Quirinus is Martian." I could easily believe "Martium" to be a gloss. And indeed, unless I am much mistaken, so it is. For although Arnobius likes to couple several words, the example seems hardly suitable here. That the names of the consecrated dead used to be changed, lest anyone think they had been men, as Lactantius observes, is today known to all. Heraldus. — I wonder whether we should not read "Quirinum Martem" (Quirinus Mars). For Quirinus is properly an epithet of Mars. Servius on Virgil, Aeneid 1.292: "Mars, when he rages, is called Gradivus; when he is calm, Quirinus." And it is well known that the Romans, for honour's sake, gave men received among the gods the name of some god or goddess of the greater houses, for example Juno Cleopatra, Juno Faustina, Venus Agrippina, Jupiter Serapis. See Lipsius and Oberlin on Tacitus, Annals 5.2, p. 467 f., and Musgrave on Sophocles, Philoctetes, line 929, p. 264, Erfurdt's edition. Why not, then, Mars Quirinus too? Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Quae ab eo profecta in nobis sunt› · ch. XLII XLII. — Quae ab eo profecta in nobis sunt. Proba lectio. Ita lib. II, cap. 2. Qui veram in orbe religionem induxit. Zeno Veronensis sermone de Susanna: Tunc in puero sancto Daniele spiritus sanctus ingressus. Quare et Graeci ita loquebantur, usurpantes ἐν pro εἰς. Herald. Ita non solum inferioris aevi, sed aureae quoque aetatis scriptores, Ovid., Fast., III, 664: In sacri vertice montis abit. Phaedr., lib., V, fab. 1: Quinam ille cinaedus in conspectu meo audet venire. Vid. Munker., ad Hygin., Fab. 92 et Davis., ad Commodian. Instruct. XIII. Duplex observatio est, altera, ablativum poni pro accusativo, altera, accusativum pro ablativo, quem usum Lipsius passim affectavit in operibus criticis. Imprimis notavit B. Rhenanus in Thesauro locutionum Taciti. Jan. Gebhardus in crepundiis, Oudendorp. ad Sueton. August., cap. 16, et alii. Idem. adversus Neveletum, docuit Cannegieter Dissertat. ad Aviam., cap. 19, pag. 299. seqq. Ochsner.

XLII. — "Which have come forth from him [into] us." A sound reading. So book 2, ch. 2: "who brought the true religion in[to] the world." Zeno of Verona, sermon on Susanna: "Then the Holy Spirit, having entered in[to] the holy boy Daniel." So the Greeks too spoke, using "en" (in) for "eis" (into). Heraldus. So not only writers of the later age but also those of the golden age: Ovid, Fasti 3.664: "She goes off on[to] the summit of the sacred mount." Phaedrus, book 5, fable 1: "Who is that effeminate who dares to come in[to] my sight?" See Muncker on Hyginus, Fable 92, and Davies on Commodian, Instructions 13. The observation is twofold: one, that the ablative is put for the accusative; the other, the accusative for the ablative, a usage Lipsius affected throughout his critical works. B. Rhenanus noted it especially in his Thesaurus of Tacitus's expressions; Jan Gebhard in the Crepundia, Oudendorp on Suetonius, Augustus, ch. 16, and others. The same, against Nevelet, was shown by Cannegieter, Dissertation on Avianus, ch. 19, p. 299 ff. Ochsner.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Et sine ullius rei dubitationis ambiguo› Et sine ullius rei dubitationis ambiguo. Vacat rei, quare legerim et sine ullius redubitationis ambiguo. Redubitatio, ut repromissio et similia. Herald. Equidem cum Fulvio Ursino rei plane delendum censeo. E praecedenti re certa ortum glossema. Nam verbi redubitationis nullum apud veteres exemplum. Orell.

"And without the uncertainty of doubt about anything." "Rei" is idle, so I would read "and without the uncertainty of any 'redubitation'". "Redubitatio", like "repromissio" and the like. Heraldus. I for my part think, with Fulvius Ursinus, that "rei" should simply be deleted: a gloss arising from the preceding "re certa". For there is no example of the word "redubitatio" among the ancients. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Iratus et perciius› Iratus et percitus. Fulv. Ursin. leg. ira percitus. Sed nil mutandum. Amat hoc Arnobius. Infra: Nonne digna res esset, propter quam iratus et percitus. Et lib. VII. antequam sunt irati et perciti. Elmenh.

"Angry and roused." Fulvius Ursinus reads "ira percitus" (roused by anger). But nothing should be changed: Arnobius likes this. Below: "Would it not be a thing worthy of being angry and roused about?" And book 7: "before they are angry and roused." Elmenhorst.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Interiorum potentiarum Deus› Interiorum potentiarum Deus. Locus difficilis, quem neminem interpretum attigisse valde miror. Equidem potentias intelligo eas, quae in sacris litteris dicuntur δυνάμεις τῶν οὐρανῶν, στρατιὰ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, exercitus coelestis, id est angeli. Jam notum est Judaeos et primos Ecclesiae patres in multis judaizantes coelum in varias regiones sive circulos disposuisse, singulos a suis potentiis, id est naturis intelligentibus, divortissimis dignitate ac potestate, quas aeonas dicebant, inhabitatos. Medium et intimum locum assignarunt Deo ipsi, et Christo dextrae patris assidenti, qui et ipse κατ' ἐξοχὴν dicitur a Patribus Ecclesiae ἄγγελος vel angelus Novi Testamenti. Vid. Suicer., in Thesauro Ecclesiast., ἄγγελος. Proximum locum dederunt θρόνοις, ulteriorem archangelis, quos sequuntur Cherubim et Seraphim, extremum denique atque a Dei sede remotissimum chorum efficiunt angeli siderum praesides et hominum genii tutelares. (Vide de hac re imprimis Dionysium Areopagitam de Hierarchia coelesti vel excerpta ex eo in Cl. Schroeckhii Historia ecclesiastica, vol. XVII, p. 546 seqq). Quae doctrina fluxisse videtur a Chaldaeis simili modo coelum in varios orbes sive circulos distribuentibus. Vid. Mich. Pselli Summarium dogmatum chaldaicorum ad Zoroastri Oracula magica in Gallaei editione Sibyllin. Oracul. Dicit itaque Arnobius Christum, tamquam Deo proximum, interiorum potentiarum, von den innersten (obersten) Himmelsmacten. At judicent doctiores. Nourrius, pag. 551, interiorum potentiarum deum exponit animi nostri omniumque facultatum ejus praesidem. Sed num hae voces absolute positae sine additione verbi mentis vel animi hoc significare possint, equidem maximopere dubito. Potius Deus occultarum virium scil. naturae. Herr aller geheimen, verborgenen Kraste. Sed etiamnum puto, Arnobium reconditi aliquid e gnosticorum doctrina spectasse his vocibus. Orell.

"God of the inner powers." A difficult passage, which I greatly wonder that none of the interpreters has touched. I understand by "powers" those which in Holy Scripture are called "the powers of the heavens", "the host of heaven", the heavenly army, that is, the angels. It is well known that the Jews and the early Fathers of the Church, judaizing in many things, arranged heaven in various regions or circles, each inhabited by its own powers, that is, intelligent natures, most different [sic, "divortissimis"] in dignity and power, which they called aeons. The middle and innermost place they assigned to God himself, and to Christ sitting at the Father's right hand, who is himself called by the Fathers of the Church, par excellence, "angelos", the angel of the New Testament. See Suicer, Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus, under "angelos". The next place they gave to the Thrones, a farther one to the Archangels, whom the Cherubim and Seraphim follow; and lastly the outermost choir, most distant from God's seat, is formed by the angels who preside over the stars and the guardian genii of men. (See on this especially Dionysius the Areopagite, On the Celestial Hierarchy, or the extracts from him in the celebrated Schröckh's Church History, vol. 17, p. 546 ff.) This doctrine seems to have flowed from the Chaldaeans, who in like manner distributed heaven into various orbs or circles. See Michael Psellus's Summary of Chaldaean Doctrines, on the Magic Oracles of Zoroaster, in Gallaeus's edition of the Sibylline Oracles. Arnobius therefore calls Christ, as nearest to God, [God] of the inner powers, [German:] "of the innermost (highest) powers of heaven". But let the more learned judge. Le Nourry, p. 551, explains "God of the inner powers" as the governor of our soul and of all its faculties. But whether these words, set absolutely without the addition of "mentis" or "animi", can mean this, I very greatly doubt. Rather "God of hidden forces", namely of nature, [German:] "Lord of all secret, hidden forces". But I still think that by these words Arnobius had in view something recondite from the doctrine of the Gnostics. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Postulabit forsitan insanior et furiosior factus, an se ita res habeat comprobari› Postulabit forsitan insanior et furiosior factus, an se ita res habeat comprobari. Annon legendum: Postulabit forsitan insanior et furiosior, factis (id est rebus in facto positis, durch Thatsachen) an se ita res habeat comprobari. Orell.

"Perhaps, grown more insane and more furious, he will demand that it be proved whether the matter is so." Should we not read: "Perhaps, more insane and more furious, he will demand that it be proved by deeds (that is, by things established in fact, [German:] by facts) whether the matter is so"? Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Victa decreta› Victa decreta. Victa, idest τελειωθέντα, completa ac consummata. Orell.

"Decrees overcome." "Victa", that is, brought to fulfilment, completed and consummated. Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Suo geri sub lumine› Suo geri sub lumine. Haec est Fulv. Ursini correc- (continues)

"To be carried on under its own light." This is Fulvius Ursinus's correc- (continues)

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(No variant notes on this page; the page foot is commentary only.) COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: (continued) Suo geri sub lumine›

(continued) tio. Cod. ms. Suo generis sub limine, quod non temere rejiciendum videtur, ut sit sensus: decreta (divini) inchoata jam a generis humani primordiis. Orell.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Occursurus forsitan rursus est cum aliis multis calumniosis illis et puerilibus vocibus› · ch. XLIII XLIII. — Occursurus forsitan rursus est cum aliis multis calumniosis illis et puerilibus vocibus. Stewechius mavult: Occursurus forsitan rursus est alius cum multis calumniosis illis, etc. retracto pronomine ad praecedentia: Postulabit forsitan insanior et furiosior factus. Sed nihil mutandum, occursurus scil. adversarius meus: scil. gentiles, quos talibus singularibus, inquit, dicet, occursurus est, etc., in toto suo opere omnes collective comprehendit Arnobius. Orell.

XLIII. — "He will perhaps again meet us with many other of those slanderous and childish words." Stewech prefers: "Another will perhaps again meet us with many of those slanderous", etc., drawing the pronoun back to what precedes: "Perhaps, grown more insane and more furious, he will demand." But nothing should be changed: "occursurus", namely my adversary — that is, the gentiles, all of whom Arnobius throughout his work comprehends collectively under such singulars as "he says", "he will say", "he will meet us", etc. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Magus fuit› Magus fuit. Celsus, ap. Origen., lib. I: κατηγορεῖ δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς καὶ τοῦ Σωτῆρος, ὡς γοητείᾳ δυνηθέντος ἃ ἔδοξε παράδοξα πεποιηκέναι. Elmenh.

"He was a sorcerer." Celsus, in Origen, book 1: "In what follows he also accuses the Saviour of having been able by sorcery to do the things he seemed to have done that were marvellous." Elmenhorst.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Aegyptiorum ex adytis› Aegyptiorum ex adytis. Horrendae sunt blasphemiae, quas adversus Christum temeraria vocis desperatione vomebant. Quoniam igitur Christum legerant translatum in Aegyptum ob Herodis furorem, eam dicebant in Aegypto maleficis artibus operatum, atque iis instructum in Judaeam remeasse ad populares, ibique Dei nomen sibi arrogasse. Hoc ait impuratissimus Celsus apud Origenem (l. I. p. 30. ed. Spencer. O.): καὶ ὅτι οὗτος διὰ πενίαν εἰς Αἴγυπτον μισθαρνήσας, κἀκεῖ δυνάμεών τινων πειραθεὶς, ἐφ' αἷς Αἰγύπτιοι σεμνύνονται, ἐπανῆλθεν, ἐν ταῖς δυνάμεσι μέγα φρονῶν, καὶ δι' αὐτὰς θεὸν αὐτὸν ἀνηγόρευσεν. Herald.

"From the shrines of the Egyptians." Horrible are the blasphemies which they vomited against Christ in the reckless despair of their speech. Since, then, they had read that Christ was taken into Egypt because of Herod's fury, they said that in Egypt he worked with sorcerous arts and, furnished with them, went back to Judaea to his countrymen, and there claimed for himself the name of God. So says the most impure Celsus in Origen (book 1, p. 30, Spencer's edition, O.): "and that he, having hired himself out in Egypt through poverty, and there having tried certain powers on which the Egyptians pride themselves, came back, greatly puffed up by those powers, and on account of them proclaimed himself God." Heraldus.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Aegyptiorum ex adytis.... remotas furatus est disciplinas› Aegyptiorum ex adytis.... remotas furatus est disciplinas. Idem Celsus apud Origenem l. I. καὶ ὅτι οὗτος διὰ πενίαν εἰς Αἴγυπτον μισθαρνήσας, κἀκεῖ δυνάμεών τινων πειραθεὶς, ἐφ' αἷς Αἰγύπτιοι σεμνύνονται, ἐπανῆλθεν ἐν ταῖς δυνάμεσι μέγα φρονῶν, καὶ δι' αὐτὰς θεὸν αὐτὸν ἀνηγόρευσεν. Eamdem fabulam refricarunt etiam recentiores quidam male feriati S. Litterarum interpretes. Orell.

"From the shrines of the Egyptians ... he stole their secret lore." The same Celsus in Origen, book 1: "and that he, having hired himself out in Egypt through poverty, and there having tried certain powers on which the Egyptians pride themselves, came back greatly puffed up by those powers, and on account of them proclaimed himself God." The same tale has been rubbed up again even by certain more recent interpreters of Holy Scripture, with too much idle time. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Incomperta vobis et nescia› Incomperta vobis et nescia. Nescius significatione passiva pro ignotus. Apulei. Met. V. de Psyche gravida: Crescentes dies et menses exeuntes anxia numerat, et sarcinae nesciae rudimenta miratur, ubi vid. Oudendorp., p. 343. Orell.

"Undiscovered and unknown to you." "Nescius" in a passive sense, for "ignotus" (unknown). Apuleius, Metamorphoses 5, of the pregnant Psyche: "Anxiously she counts the growing days and the passing months, and wonders at the beginnings of a burden unknown"; where see Oudendorp, p. 343. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Angelorum potentium nomina› Angelorum potentium nomina. Nomina dicit, quia in suis incantationibus barbara et horrenda angelorum ac potestatum nomina proferebant Magi, quorum vi et virtute res ullas magnas et παραδόξους fieri existimabant. Vide Origen., lib. I, contra Celsum. Herald.

"The names of mighty angels." He says "names" because in their incantations the magi uttered barbarous and horrible names of angels and powers, by whose force and virtue they thought great and marvellous things were done. See Origen, Against Celsus, book 1. Heraldus.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: O parvuli› O parvuli. ὦ νήπιοι. Herald.

"O little ones." = "ō nēpioi" (O infants). Heraldus.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Magicarum artium ludi› Magicarum artium ludi. Proprie. Tertullianus, Apologet., cap. XXIII. Si multa miracula circulatoriis praestigiis ludunt. Sic magorum παίγνια Graeci dicunt. Irenaeus, apud Epiphanium, Haeres. XXIV: Τὰ γὰρ Ἀναξιλάου παίγνια τῇ τῶν λεγομένων μάγων πανουργίᾳ συμμίξας, δι' αὐτῶν φαντάζων τε καὶ μαγεύων, εἰς ἔκπληξιν τοὺς ὁρῶντάς τε καὶ πειθομένους αὐτῷ περιέβαλεν. Ergo magorum ludi proprie Q. Curtius, lib. VII (c. 4): Erat in eo convivio Cobares natione Medus, sed magicae artis (si modo ars est, non vanissimi cujusque ludibrium), magis professione, quam scientia celeber. Ipsi etiam magi vulgari appellatione vani appellati. Herald. — Nostrum Gaukelei, Gaukelspiel, Taschenspiel. Orell.

"Games of the magic arts." Properly said. Tertullian, Apology, ch. 23: "If they play many wonders with mountebanks' tricks." So the Greeks speak of the magi's "paignia" (games). Irenaeus, in Epiphanius, Heresy 24: "For, mixing the tricks of Anaxilaus with the knavery of the so-called magi, conjuring up appearances and working magic through them, he threw those who saw and believed him into amazement." So Quintus Curtius properly speaks of the games of the magi, book 7 (ch. 4): "There was at that banquet Cobares, a Mede by nation, but famous rather for his profession of the magic art (if indeed it is an art and not the plaything of every most empty fellow) than for his knowledge." The magi themselves were also called "vani" (empty) in the common name. Heraldus. — Our [German] "Gaukelei, Gaukelspiel, Taschenspiel" (jugglery, conjuring, sleight of hand). Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Qui sine ulla vi carminum› Qui sine ulla vi carminum, etc., scil. id fecerit, quod subintelligendum ex antecedentibus. Orell.

"Who without any force of spells", etc., namely "did it", which is to be understood from what precedes. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Sine ulla aliqua observatione sollicita sacrorum› Sine ulla aliqua observatione sollicita sacrorum. Nam sacra quaedam a magis curiosissime observari solita, clara res est. Hostiae enim caesae, mascula tura incensa et similia factitata, de quibus scriptores passim. Observatio autem est cauta illa circumspectio, quam in sacris adhibere debemus, ne qua in re titubemus et numen offendamus. Sic infra cap. sequente: Sine ullius ritus observatione, lib. VI, cap. 8: Sequitur, ut de signis aliquid simulacrisque dicamus, quae multa arte componitis et religiosa observatione curatis; et lib VII, cap. 18. Aut (ut fieri moris est) observationis alicujus aut religionis metu ille caprina abstinet se carne, porcinum alius exsecratur attactum. Jul. Firm., lib. VIII. Mathes., cap. 6: Et omni benevolarum stellarum testimonio destitutus plecti faciet malos, aut ad aram metuendae religionis observationibus immolari. Herald.

"Without any anxious observance of sacred rites." For that certain rites used to be observed most scrupulously by the magi is a plain matter: victims slain, male frankincense burned and the like were practised, of which the writers speak everywhere. "Observatio" is that cautious circumspection which we must use in sacred rites, lest we stumble in anything and offend the deity. So below, in the following chapter: "without the observance of any rite"; book 6, ch. 8: "It follows that we say something of the statues and images, which you put together with much art and tend with religious observance"; and book 7, ch. 18: "Or (as is customary) for fear of some observance or religious scruple, one abstains from goat's flesh, another abhors touching pork." Julius Firmicus, Mathesis, book 8, ch. 6: "And, bereft of every testimony of the favourable stars, he will cause wrongdoers to be punished, or to be sacrificed at the altar with the observances of a dread religion." Heraldus.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: Quae necessario, velint nolint, suis ordinationibus veniunt› Quae necessario, velint nolint, suis ordinationibus veniunt. Ironice haec intelligenda. Orell.

"Which of necessity, willing or unwilling, come at their ordinances." This is to be understood ironically. Orelli.

(comm. 13) ‹lemma: Familiarum dirumpere charitates› Familiarum dirumpere charitates. Familiarum conj. Fulv. Ursinus, probante Meursio et Heraldo in Curis secundis. Sed causam mutandi nullam video. Sensus est: Vincula familiarum disrumpunt isti magi vel pestifera tabe alicui immissa vel venenis quibusdam, quibus inimicitiae et odium internecinum instillari credebatur. Orell.

"To break the affections of families." Fulvius Ursinus conjectured "familiarum" [sic, as printed], with the approval of Meursius and of Heraldus in the second Curae. But I see no reason for changing. The sense is: those magi break the bonds of families, either by a pestilent wasting sent upon someone or by certain poisons by which enmity and deadly hatred were believed to be instilled. Orelli.

(comm. 14) ‹lemma: Aut sine clavibus reserare, quae clausa sunt› Aut sine clavibus reserare, quae clausa sunt. Origenes, lib. II, contra Cels. Καὶ γόητές τινες ἐπῳδαῖς δεσμοὺς λύουσι, καὶ θύρας ἀνοίγουσιν. Herald.

"Or to unlock without keys what is shut." Origen, Against Celsus, book 2: "And certain sorcerers loose bonds and open doors by incantations." Heraldus.

(comm. 15) ‹lemma: Aut in curriculis equos debilitare› Aut in curriculis equos debilitare. Extat exemplum hujus potestatis apud Hieronymum in vita Hilarionis. Herald.

"Or to cripple horses in the races." An example of this power is found in Jerome, in the Life of Hilarion. Heraldus.

(comm. 16) ‹lemma: Insconcessi amoris flammas› Insconcessi amoris flammas. φίλτρα intelligit et amatoria, quae ἀγώγιμα quoque fuerunt appellata et charitesia. Irenaeus lib I, cap. 20: Exorcismis et incantationibus utuntur. Amatoria quoque et agogima, et qui dicuntur Paredri et Oneiropompi, et quaecumque sunt alia parerga, apud eos studiose exercentur. Juvenal, sat. VI, 608: Hic magicos affert cantus, hic Thessala vendit / Philtra, quibus valeat mentem vexare mariti. Herald. et Clement.

"The flames of unlawful love." He means philtres and love charms, which were also called "agogima" (attractions) and "charitesia". Irenaeus, book 1, ch. 20: "They use exorcisms and incantations. Love charms too and attraction spells, and the so-called familiar spirits and dream-senders, and whatever other by-works there are, are zealously practised among them." Juvenal, Satire 6.608 [sic; 6.610]: "This one brings magic chants, this one sells Thessalian philtres, by which she can trouble a husband's mind." Heraldus and Clement.

(comm. 17) ‹lemma: Sed eorum, quos invocant, potestate› Sed eorum, quos invocant, potestate. Herald. in Curis secundis mavult sed deorum. Non male. Orell.

"But by the power of those whom they invoke." Heraldus, in the second Curae, prefers "sed deorum" (but of the gods). Not badly. Orelli.

(printed under page 389)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 390)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 775 (call not visible in foot image)

Emissam. Fulv.

"Emissam" (sent out). Fulvius [Ursinus].

(printed under page 390)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 775 (call not visible in foot image)

Evitabat. Fulv.

"Evitabat" (avoided). Fulvius [Ursinus].

(printed under page 390)

(c) ‹anchor: deflabant› · call in col 776

Defluebant. Idem Fulv.

"Defluebant" (flowed down). The same Fulvius.

(Variant (b), Evitabat. Fulv., has its call in col 776 at "vitabat"; it is printed under the left column and set in n775.) COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: Nominis sui possibilitate› · ch. XLIV XLIV. — Nominis sui possibilitate. Stewech., praeeunte Fulv. Ursino et Meursio leg. conjicit numinis. Sed nil mutandum. ὄνομα enim pro jussu, auctoritate, potestate saepius in Nov. Test. vide Marc. XVI. 17; Ac. III, 6. Possibilitas hoc loco active pro potestate, potentia. Ita Ammian. Marcell. XIX, 2: Medebatur quisque vulneribus pro possibilitate et curantium copia. Videtur Gesner. in Thesaur. Orell.

XLIV. — "By the power of His name." Stewech, following Fulvius Ursinus and Meursius, conjectures we should read "numinis" (of His divinity). But nothing should be changed. For "name" stands for command, authority, power quite often in the New Testament: see Mark 16:17; Acts 3:6. "Possibilitas" here is active, for power, might. So Ammianus Marcellinus 19.2: "Each tended his wounds according to his ability and the supply of those caring for them." See [sic, "Videtur"] Gesner in his Thesaurus. Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Auxiliaribus plenum bonis› Auxiliaribus plenum bonis. Ita Fulvius Ursinus. Cod. ms. habebat auxiliaribus plenum nobis, unde Stewech. auxiliaribus plenum nobis, alii auxiliare, plena nobis. Orell.

"Full of helpful goods." So Fulvius Ursinus. The manuscript had "auxiliaribus plenum nobis", whence Stewech "auxiliaribus plenum nobis"; others "auxiliare, plena nobis". Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: O iterum› · ch. XLV XLV. — O iterum. Est Aposiopesis gravissime indignantis et reprehendentis. Ita Germani quoque o ihr! ihr diese und jene! Orell.

XLV. — "O again." It is an aposiopesis of one most gravely indignant and rebuking. So the Germans too: "O you! you this-and-that!" Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Quotidianis verbis› Quotidianis verbis. Apuleius communia verba appellat Milesia I. Hoc etiam dicebant humane loqui, ἀνθρωπίνως λαλεῖν, quibus contraria sunt magorum susurramina vocibus exoticis et barbaris, immo et horrendis concepta, nec non verba elata et ampullata, qualia tragicorum. Herald.

"With everyday words." Apuleius calls them "common words", Milesian Tales 1. They also called this "speaking humanly", "to talk in a human way"; the opposite of which are the magi's mutterings, framed in foreign and barbarous, indeed horrible, words, and also lofty and bombastic words such as the tragedians'. Heraldus.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Invaletudines› Invaletudines. Ita membranae. Id vocabulum memini reddere me L. Apuleio lib. IX. et Ciceronem bis usum observavi ad Atticum lib. VII. epist. 2 et libro eodem epist. 5, etiam apud Tertullianum observabam adversus Valentinianos. Stewech. — Idem vocabulum legebatur et in Justino lib. XIII, c. 2. ubi expunxit illud Fr. Modius. Equidem restitui Arnobio amanti tales voces rariores peneque obsoletas. Reliqui habent valetudines. Orell.

"Infirmities." So the parchment. I remember restoring this word to L. Apuleius, book 9; and I have noticed that Cicero used it twice, To Atticus, book 7, letter 2, and in the same book, letter 5; I also noticed it in Tertullian, Against the Valentinians. Stewech. — The same word was also read in Justin, book 13, ch. 2, where Fr. Modius expunged it. I for my part have restored it to Arnobius, who loves such rarer and almost obsolete words. The rest have "valetudines". Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Cruciamenta› Cruciamenta. Cruciamentum pro cruciatione vox rarior et in Lexicis fere neglecta, qua tamen usi Plautus aliquoties et Cicero Phil. XI, cap. 4. Vide Bunemann. in Lactant. Inst. IV, cap. 15, pag. 482. Orell.

"Torments." "Cruciamentum" for "cruciatio" is a rarer word, almost neglected in the lexicons, which Plautus nonetheless used several times, and Cicero, Philippic 11, ch. 4. See Bünemann on Lactantius, Institutes 4, ch. 15, p. 482. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Foedae vitiligines› Foedae vitiligines. Vitiligo proprie in corpore hominis macula alba, quam Graeci ἀλφὸν vocant, interprete Festo h. v. quam foedam quidem esse, et malo corporis habitu fieri, attamen per se nullum homini afferre periculum, scribit Celsus libro V, extremo, deinde tres ejus species esse dicit, alphos, melas, et leuce. At h. l. κατ' ἐξοχὴν de lepra; haec enim dicitur candens ὡσεὶ χιὼν Exod., IV. 6, et Numer., XII. 20. Eodem sensu utitur et Justinus, lib. XXXVI, cap. 2, de Mose loquens: Sed Aegyptii, cum scabiem et vitiliginem paterentur, responso moniti, eum cum aegris, ne pestis ad plures serperet, terminis Aegypti pellunt. Ubi videsis Bongars. et Elmenh. Ind. ad Apuleium. Conf. Turneb., Advers., lib XV, cap. 21, qui vitiliginem distinguit ab elephantiasi. Orell.

"Foul skin blemishes." "Vitiligo" is properly a white spot on the human body, which the Greeks call "alphos", as Festus explains under this word. Celsus, at the end of book 5, writes that it is ugly indeed and arises from a bad state of body, yet of itself brings no danger to a man; he then says there are three kinds of it: alphos, melas and leuce. But here it is said pre-eminently of leprosy; for this is called white "as snow", Exod. 4:6 and Num. 12:20 [sic; 12:10]. Justin uses it in the same sense, book 36, ch. 2, speaking of Moses: "But the Egyptians, suffering from scab and vitiligo, warned by an oracle, drove him with the sick out of the borders of Egypt, lest the pestilence spread to more." There see Bongars, and Elmenhorst's index to Apuleius. Compare Turnèbe, Adversaria, book 15, ch. 21, who distinguishes vitiligo from elephantiasis. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Commaculatis visceribus› Commaculatis visceribus. Viscera accipit pro toto corpore. Solinus, cap 22: Esse illic et Panotiorum gentem, quorum aures adeo in effusam magnitudinem dilatentur, ut viscerum illis reliqua contegant, nec amiculum aliud sit, quam ut membra membranis aurium vestiant; et cap. XXV: Regionem partim tenent barbari, quibus per artifices plagarum figuras jam inde a pueris variae animalium effigies incorporantur, inscriptisque visceribus, hominis incremento pigmenti notae crescunt. Herald. — Et h. l. viscera de toto corpore, ut supra cap. 38, et mox turgentia viscera. Orell.

"With bodies all spotted." He takes "viscera" for the whole body. Solinus, ch. 22: "That there is also there the race of the Panotii, whose ears spread to such vast size that they cover the rest of their bodies, and they have no other garment than to clothe their limbs with the membranes of their ears"; and ch. 25: "The region is held partly by barbarians, into whom from boyhood various likenesses of animals are worked by artists' shaping of cuts, and, the bodies being inscribed, the marks of the pigment grow with the man's growth." Heraldus. — Here too "viscera" of the whole body, as above, ch. 38, and soon after "swelling bodies". Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Cujus ex levi tactu› Cujus ex levi tactu. Hic quoque ex mutare volunt in et. Sed observare debuerant, quod observabamus antea (ad cap. 39), particulam istam saepe πλεονάζειν. Sic autem apud Jul. Firmicum frequentissime, ut lib. III. Mathes., c. 5. Et qui ex ferro vulnera accipiant. Iterum: Sed ex ferro vulnera frequenter infligit. Herald.

"From whose light touch." Here too they want to change "ex" to "et". But they should have observed what we observed before (on ch. 39), that this particle is often redundant. So very often in Julius Firmicus, as Mathesis, book 3, ch. 5: "And who receive wounds from iron." Again: "But he frequently inflicts wounds from iron." Heraldus.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Immoderatos cohibebant fluores› Immoderatos cohibebant fluores. Cod. ms. immoderati fluores. quod defendit Meursius, cohibere accipiens significatione passiva pro cohibere se, ut terra movit et similia. Orell.

"They checked immoderate fluxes." The manuscript has "immoderati fluores", which Meursius defends, taking "cohibere" in a passive sense for "to check oneself", like "terra movit" (the earth moved) and the like. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Fluores› Fluores. Vocem istam frequentare amat Arnobius. Infra lib. V, c. 12. fluore de sanguinis, et c. 14. genitalia desecta cum fluoribus. Et ap. Solinum passim. Herald.

"Fluxes." Arnobius loves to use this word often. Below, book 5, ch. 12: "from the flux of blood"; and ch. 14: "genitals cut off with their fluxes". And in Solinus everywhere. Heraldus.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: Cujus manus, intercutis veternosae fugiebant undae› Cujus manus, intercutis veternosae fugiebant undae. Ita legendum: perperam hodie editum est: cujus manus intercutes. intercutis, τοῦ ὑδρωπος. Posset etiam scribi: cujus manus intercutes veternosi fugiebant undae, id est, intercutes undae veternosi, et verius est; nam aqua intercus dicebatur, et veternosus ὁ ὑδρωπικός. Glossae: veternus, ὕδρωψ. Servius ad I. Georg. veternus dicitur morbus intercutis hydrops, qui homines efficit pigros. ibi et citat hos versus Plauti in Addicto: Opus facio nimio, quam dormire mavolo. / Veterum metuo. Salmas., ad Tertullian., de Pallio, p. 399 sq. Gesner. in Thesaur. Boernavium citat asserentem, veternum de leucophlegmatia sive albo hydrope dictum fuisse ap. veteres. Caeterae editiones pleraeque habent, intercutes et veternosae fugiebant undae. Sed et abest in cod. ms. Orell.

"Whose hand the waters of sluggish dropsy fled." So read: today it is wrongly printed "cujus manus intercutes". "Intercutis" = of the dropsy. One could also write "cujus manus intercutes veternosi fugiebant undae", that is, the under-skin waters of the dropsical man, and that is truer; for "aqua intercus" (under-skin water) was the term, and "veternosus" is the dropsical man. Glossaries: "veternus: dropsy". Servius on Georgics 1: "Veternus is the name of the disease of the under-skin dropsy, which makes men sluggish"; and there he also cites these verses of Plautus in the Addictus: "I do my work too much, though I would rather sleep. I fear the veternus." Salmasius on Tertullian, On the Mantle, p. 399 f. Gesner, in his Thesaurus, cites Boerhaave as asserting that "veternus" was said among the ancients of leucophlegmatia or white dropsy. Most of the other editions have "intercutes et veternosae fugiebant undae". But "et" is also absent in the manuscript. Orelli.

(comm. 13) ‹lemma: Etiam operis res erat› Etiam operis res erat. Operis res i. q. opus, nihil amplius. Res saepissime abundat ap. Latinos. Sidon., lib. VII, Epist. 6. Ordinis res est, et lib. V. Epist. 20. Res commodi est. ubi vid. Savaron. pag. 172. Orell. — Loquendi modus similis videtur nostro ein Stuck Arbeit, nec multum abludunt Graeci, unde vocis χρῆμα infinita exempla peti possunt. Primus latina cum graecis comparavit Muretus Var. Lect., VI, 19. Add. Valckenaer. ad Eurip. Phoeniss. pag. 21 sq. M ri Index ad Xenoph. Cyrop. v. χρῆμα. Verheyk. ad Antonin. Liberal., pag. 84. Ochsner.

"It was even a matter of work." "Operis res" means the same as "opus", nothing more. "Res" is very often redundant among the Latins. Sidonius, book 7, letter 6: "It is a matter of order"; and book 5, letter 20: "It is a matter of advantage"; where see Savaron, p. 172. Orelli. — The manner of speech seems like our [German] "ein Stück Arbeit" (a piece of work), and the Greeks are not far off, from whom countless examples of the word "chrēma" (thing) can be sought. Muret was the first to compare the Latin with the Greek, Variae Lectiones 6.19. Add Valckenaer on Euripides, Phoenissae, p. 21 f.; [Mo]rus's index to Xenophon's Cyropaedia, under "chrēma"; Verheyk on Antoninus Liberalis, p. 84. Ochsner.

(comm. 14) ‹lemma: Et articuli immobilitates› Et articuli immobilitates. Vim adversativam particulae et supra attigimus ad cap. XV, init. In proxime sequentibus lege et jam, quod est significantius quam etiam, quod unus habet editor Lugd. Bat. Immobili- (continues)

"And the stiffnesses of a joint." We touched on the adversative force of the particle "et" above, on the start of ch. 15. In what follows next read "et jam", which is more expressive than "etiam", which the Leiden editor alone has. "Immobili- (continues)

(printed under page 390)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 391)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 777 (call not visible in foot image)

Incognitas. Male. Fulv.

"Incognitas" (unknown). Wrongly; Fulvius [Ursinus].

(printed under page 391)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 777 (call not visible in foot image)

Illotum. Fulv.

"Illotum" (unwashed). Fulvius [Ursinus].

(printed under page 391)

(c) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 777 (call not visible in foot image)

Certa. Fulv.

"Certa" (certain). Fulvius [Ursinus].

(printed under page 391)

(d) ‹anchor: se falsos ... existimarent› · call in col 778

Imaginibus aestimarent. Fulv

"Imaginibus aestimarent" (should judge by images). Fulvius [Ursinus].

(printed under page 391)

(e) ‹anchor: viris etiamnum› · call in col 778

Etiam nunc. Alii:

"Etiam nunc" (even now, two words). Others.

(printed under page 391)

(f) ‹anchor: frustrari efficit› · call in col 778

Facit. Fulv.

"Facit" (makes). Fulvius [Ursinus].

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: (continued) Et articuli immobilitates›

(continued) tates est e correctione Stewechii. Cod. ms. et editio princeps habent mobilitates. Orell.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Ingenitas› Ingenitas. Sensu proprio, τυφλὸς, χυλλὸς ἀπὸ γενετῆς, ut saep. in Novo Testamento. Male itaque interpretatur Stewech. inveteratas. Orell.

"Inborn." In the proper sense: "blind", "crippled from birth", as often in the New Testament. So Stewech wrongly interprets it "inveterate". Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Unus fuit e nobis› · ch. XLVI XLVI. — Unus fuit e nobis. Unus e nobis id est homo communis, vulgaris. Ita Petron. Sat. cap. 44, § 10; Et quam benignus? resalutare, nomina omnium reddere tanquam unus de nobis, ubi vid. Burmann. Orell.

XLVI. — "He was one of us." "One of us", that is, a common, ordinary man. So Petronius, Satyricon, ch. 44, § 10: "And how kind he was! To return a greeting, to give everyone his name, just like one of us"; where see Burman. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Centum, aut hoc amplius› Centum, aut hoc amplius. Mihi verba aut hoc amplius de Glossa suspecta sunt. Nam centum saepissime indefinite de numero rotundo, ut sexcenti. Orell. — Haec tamen non satis idonea causa sit suspicionis, nec minus usitatum est addere aut hoc amplius. Ochsner.

"A hundred, or more than this." To me the words "or more than this" are suspect of being a gloss. For "a hundred" is very often used indefinitely for a round number, like "six hundred". Orelli. — Yet this would not be a sufficient cause for suspicion, and it is no less usual to add "or more than this". Ochsner.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Cujus vocem ad simplicem furibunda et insana explicabant se maria› Cujus vocem ad simplicem furibunda et insana explicabant se maria. Vocem ad simplicem, id est sub verbo, ut ap. Lucret., IV, 786, in verbo Virgil., Aen. VI, 547, cum dicto Minuc. Fel., c. IV, dicto citius, etc., de quibus formulis multus est Bunemann., ad Lactant. Inst. IV, c. 15, p. 489 sq. Orell.

"At whose simple word the raging and mad seas smoothed themselves out." "At a simple word", that is, "at the word", as in Lucretius 4.786; "in verbo", Virgil, Aeneid 6.547; "cum dicto", Minucius Felix, ch. 4; "quicker than said", etc.; on which formulas Bünemann has much, on Lactantius, Institutes 4, ch. 15, p. 489 f. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Calcabat ponti terga› Calcabat ponti terga. Prudent., Praefat., in l. II, contra Symmach.: Sistitque et docet ingredi / Tergum per tumidum freti. Virgil., Georg. I, quae suscitat aequore terga. ubi Servius: Terga, superficiem, ut Homerus νῶτα θαλάσσης. Elmenh. — Conf. Schoettgen. ad Juvenci Hist. evang., I, v. 637, p. 114, ed. Reusch. Orell.

"He trod the backs of the sea." Prudentius, Preface to Against Symmachus, book 2: "He sets him firm and teaches him to walk over the swollen back of the strait." Virgil, Georgics 1: "which stirs up backs on the sea"; where Servius: "Backs, the surface, as Homer says 'the backs of the sea'." Elmenhorst. — Compare Schöttgen on Juvencus, Gospel History 1, line 637, p. 114, Reusch's edition. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: E panibus› E panibus, e παρέλκει Vid. ad c. 39 init., Meurs. legit: millia quinque saturavit quinque panibus. Orell.

"From loaves": "e" is superfluous. See on the start of ch. 39. Meursius reads: "he satisfied five thousand with five loaves". Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Pollinctorum voluminibus expediri› Pollinctorum voluminibus expediri. Volumina hic appellat Arnobius fascias sepulcrales et institas, quia iis corpus mortuum involvebatur. Nourr. — Voluminibus e Cod. ms. restituit Lud. Carrio Emend., l. II, c. 13, in Gruteri Lampade Critica, vol. III, p. 164 sq., qui de hoc loco multus est. Antea edebatur veluminibus. Respicit autem Arnobius ad locum Joann., XI, v. 44, de Lazaro: Ἐξῆλθεν ὁ τεθνηκὼς δεδεμένος τοὺς πόδας καὶ τὰς χεῖρας κειρίαις. De pollinctoribus vide Kirchmannum de funer. Romanorum, l. I, c. 9, et Munker., ad Fulgent., de Prisco Serm. Mythogr. lat., vol. II, p. 169. Pollinctorum erat lavare, ungere, involvere fasciis, coronare mortuos, vespillonum sepelire. Orell.

"To be freed from the wrappings of the undertakers." By "volumina" Arnobius here means the burial bands and swathings, because the dead body was wrapped in them. Le Nourry. — Louis Carrion restored "voluminibus" from the manuscript, Emendationes, book 2, ch. 13, in Gruter's Lampas Critica, vol. 3, p. 164 f., who has much on this passage. Formerly "veluminibus" was printed. Arnobius has in view the passage John 11:44, of Lazarus: "The dead man came out, bound hand and foot with bandages." On the "pollinctores" see Kirchmann, On the Funerals of the Romans, book 1, ch. 9, and Muncker on Fulgentius, On Old Speech, in the Mythographi Latini, vol. 2, p. 169. It was the undertakers' task to wash, anoint, wrap in bands and crown the dead; the bearers' to bury them. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Quid singuli volverent..... tacitorum in cordibus pervidebat› Quid singuli volverent..... tacitorum in cordibus pervidebat. Joann., II. v. 25: Οὐ χρείαν εἶχεν ἵνα τις μαρτυρήσῃ περὶ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου· αὐτὸς γὰρ ἐγίνωσκε τί ἦν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ. Orell.

"What each was turning over ... he saw through in the hearts of the silent." John 2:25: "He had no need that anyone should bear witness about man; for he himself knew what was in man." Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Reveluta nominis immensitate› Reveluta nominis immensitate. Vide supr., ad c. 45, init. Meurs. conj. numinis. Orell.

"The immensity of his name being revealed." See above, on the start of ch. 45. Meursius conjectures "numinis" (of his divinity). Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Prompta in luce› Prompta in luce. Id et manifesta, aperta clara in luce: opp. recondita et quasi involuta. Ita Lucret. VI, 1265, loca prompta dicit, quae in publico, in propatulo sunt Orell.

"In open light." That is, manifest, open, clear in the light: the opposite of hidden and as it were wrapped up. So Lucretius 6.1265 calls "prompta loca" places that are in public, in the open. Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: Semel, iterum, saepius› Semel, iterum, saepius. Ful. Ursin. et Meursius leg. se semel, recte. Se abesse non potest neque ex praecedenti se detexit subintelligi, cum tota periodus, qui sermonem dedit, etc., sit interposita. Orell.

"Once, again, more often." Fulvius Ursinus and Meursius read "se semel" (himself once), rightly. "Se" cannot be absent, nor be understood from the preceding "se detexit", since the whole period "qui sermonem dedit", etc., is interposed. Orelli.

(comm. 13) ‹lemma: Diligentibus sese› Diligentibus sese. Legendum puto se scil. Christum. Diligentibus sese esset diligentibus se ipsos. Orell. — Equidem sese non temere mutaverim. Servius quidem alicubi notavit ex Jul. Caesare, se simplex usurpari, si quid in alium dicitur factum, sese autem, quum in se ipsum. Jam vero geminus nostro locus est in Script. Hist. Aug. II, p. 372, militibus sese imitantibus, ubi dubiam lectionem vindicat Salmasius monens, sese pro ipsum positum esse, ut saepe apud istos auctores, quorum aetati proximus fuit Arnobius. Ochsner.

"To those who love him [sese]." I think we should read "se", namely Christ. "Diligentibus sese" would be "to those who love themselves". Orelli. — I for my part would not lightly change "sese". Servius indeed noted somewhere, from Julius Caesar, that the simple "se" is used if something is said to be done to another, but "sese" when to oneself. But there is a twin of our passage in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae 2, p. 372, "militibus sese imitantibus" (the soldiers imitating him), where Salmasius vindicates the doubtful reading, pointing out that "sese" is put for "ipsum", as often in those authors, to whose age Arnobius was nearest. Ochsner.

(comm. 14) ‹lemma: Non per vana insomnia› Non per vana insomnia. Dodwellus, dissertat. II, Iren., § 57, p. 199, hunc locum illustrat ipsiusmet Arnobii exemplo. Conversum enim, ait, ad Christi fidem somniis. immo compulsum tradit Hieronymus in Append. ad Chron. Euseb. num. Eusebiano 2342. Galland.

"Not through empty dreams." Dodwell, Dissertations on Irenaeus 2, § 57, p. 199, illustrates this passage by the example of Arnobius himself. For Jerome, he says, relates in the appendix to Eusebius's Chronicle, at Eusebian number 2342, that he was converted to the faith of Christ by dreams — nay, compelled. Galland.

(comm. 15) ‹lemma: Cujus nomen auditum imponit silentium vatibus› Cujus nomen auditum imponit silentium vatibus. Elegantissime haec exornat Prudentius, Apotheos., v. 438, seqq. Elmenh.

"Whose name, when heard, imposes silence on the seers." Prudentius embellishes this most elegantly, Apotheosis, line 438 ff. Elmenhorst.

(comm. 16) ‹lemma: Arrogantium magorum› Arrogantium magorum. Id est ἀλαζόνων, qui ea promittunt et spondent quae implere nequeunt Nam quos Graeci appellant ἀλαζόνας, eos latini arrogantes saepissime verterunt. Herald. Exemplum talis arrogantiae in Simone Mago describit Clemens, Recogn. 2. Elmenh.

"Of arrogant magi." That is, of braggarts, who promise and pledge what they cannot fulfil. For those whom the Greeks call "alazones" the Latins very often translated "arrogantes". Heraldus. Clement describes an example of such arrogance in Simon Magus, Recognitions 2. Elmenhorst.

(comm. 17) ‹lemma: Majoris licentia potestatis› Majoris licentia potestatis. Id est vi, δυνάμει καὶ ἐξουσίᾳ. Sic enim ἐξουσίαν videntur expressisse, (continues)

"By the licence of a greater power." That is, by force, "by might and authority". For so they seem to have rendered "exousia", (continues)

(printed under page 391)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 392)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 779 (call not visible in foot image)

Nominis. Sab.

"Nominis" (of the name). Sabaeus.

(printed under page 392)

(b) ‹anchor: succos superimponi› · call in col 780

Superponere. ms.

"Superponere" (to put on). Manuscript.

(printed under page 392)

(c) ‹anchor: et medici etiam› · call in col 780

Enim. Ita ms. Fulv.

"Enim" (for). So the manuscript; Fulvius [Ursinus].

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: (continued) Majoris licentia potestatis›

(continued) Paulo post: Ergo illud humanum fuit, aut ex oresterioribus innutrito tale potuit jus dari, talis licentia proficisci; et l. II: Ut enim dii certi certas apud vos habent tutelas, licentias, potestates; neque eorum ab aliquo id, quod ejus non sit potestatis ac licentiae, postulatis. Jul. Firmic. Mathes, l. III, c. 4: Sunt autem infinitae potestatis et licentiae, et qui fata hominum potestatis auctoritatis designent; et l. IV, c. 1: Magnos, potentes, suae terribiles et fiacesque faciat, et qui maximas civitates potestatis alicujus licentia subjugent. Elmenh.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Quanta sunt enim haec, vel exilitatis cujus reperientur et ludi› · ch. XLVII XLVII. — Quanta sunt enim haec, vel exilitatis cujus reperientur et ludi. Ita e Cod. ms. emendavit locum Lud. Carrio Emend., l. II, c. 13, in Gruter. Lamp. Crit., vol. III, p. 165. Antea legebatur reperirentur. Sensum verborum bene exposuit, Adr. Behot. Apophoret., l. III, c. 8: Quanta sint haec, quamque maxima, quae proposita sunt, tamen exilitates et ludi, resque non alicujus ponderis aut momenti putabuntur, si conferantur cum, etc., vel hoc loco augendi, exaggerandi vim habet, ut saep. vel cujus exilitatis pro cujus quaeso exilitatis. Ludus autem eleganter de re facili et quam sine labore ullo peragimus. T. Liv., l. XXVIII. Nae tibi, P. Corneli, quum ex alto Africam conspexeris, ludus et jocus fuisse Hispaniae tuae videbuntur. Sic παιδιὰ Graeci dicunt. Edit. Elmenhorstii Hanoviana habet exilitates..... cuivis. Orell. et Herald.

XLVII. — "For how great are these things — or of what slightness, and mere play, will they be found." So Louis Carrion emended the passage from the manuscript, Emendationes, book 2, ch. 13, in Gruter's Lampas Critica, vol. 3, p. 165. Formerly "reperirentur" was read. Adrien Behotte explained the sense of the words well, Apophoreta, book 3, ch. 8: "However great these things are, and however very great the things set forth, they will yet be thought slight matters and play, things of no weight or moment, if compared with", etc. "Vel" here has the force of increasing, exaggerating, as often: "vel cujus exilitatis" for "of what slightness, pray". "Ludus" is used elegantly of a thing that is easy and that we accomplish without any labour. Livy, book 28: "Truly, Publius Cornelius, when you have seen Africa from the deep, your Spains will seem to you to have been play and jest." So the Greeks say "paidia". Elmenhorst's Hanau edition has "exilitates ..... cuivis". Orelli and Heraldus.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Si traditum fuerit nosci› Si traditum fuerit nosci. F. Ursin., si datum fuerit nosse. Sed hoc est explicare potius quam emendare. Orell.

"If it is handed down to be known." F. Ursinus: "if it is granted to know". But that is explaining rather than emending. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Quid esset Deus verus› Quid esset Deus verus. Malim equidem quis esset, vel potius, ex more Arnobii, qui esset. Vide infra, ad l. IV, c. 9, notam Heraldi. Orell.

"What the true God was." I would rather read "quis esset" (who he was), or better, after Arnobius's custom, "qui esset". See below, on book 4, ch. 9, Heraldus's note. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Cum ea solvit et vicit, quae perpetuis nexibus et immobili fuerant necessitate devincta› Cum ea solvit et vicit, quae perpetuis nexibus et immobili fuerant necessitate devincta. Stewechius reponere vult cum ea solvi, devinxit, ob sequens devincta. Male. Solvuntur nexus, vincitur necessitas. Orell.

"Since he loosed and conquered what had been bound fast with perpetual bonds and unmoving necessity." Stewech wants to restore "cum ea solvi, devinxit", because of the following "devincta". Wrongly. Bonds are loosed; necessity is conquered. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Id est medicaminis alicujus› · ch. XLVIII XLVIII. — Id est medicaminis alicujus. Haec glossema videntur Meursio. Orell.

XLVIII. — "That is, of some remedy." To Meursius these words seem a gloss. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Querqueras› Querqueras. Fest. febrem frigidam interpretatur et cum horrore trementem. Ad quem locum A. Dacer. Querquera adjectiv. suppl. febris. Querquerus est a κερχαλέος. quod a κέρχω. Nam κερχαλέον. Hesych. exponit σκληρὸν, ξηρὸν, διψαλέον, grave, aridum, siticulosum, quae omnia febri mere congruunt, quae cum siccitate ravim et tussim creat. Quare Plautus in Fragmento Frivolariae tussim jungit cum querquera: Is mihi erat bilis, aqua intercus, tussis, febris, querquera. Multus est de hoc verbo Gesner. in Thesauro, Keuchen. ad Sammonic., v. 907, ed. P. Burmanni et Sam. Petitus in Miscellan., l. I, c. 23. p. 63 seqq., quos vide. Orell.

"Shivering fevers." Festus explains it as a cold fever, trembling with shuddering. On which passage A. Dacier: "querquera" is an adjective; supply "febris". "Querquerus" is from "kerchaleos", which is from "kerchō". For Hesychius explains "kerchaleon" as hard, dry, thirsty — heavy, arid, parched — all of which fit a fever perfectly, which with dryness produces hoarseness and cough. So Plautus, in a fragment of the Frivolaria, joins cough with querquera: "He was bile to me, dropsy, cough, fever, shivering-ague." Gesner has much on this word in his Thesaurus; Keuchen on Serenus Sammonicus, line 907, P. Burman's edition; and Samuel Petit, Miscellanea, book 1, ch. 23, p. 63 ff.; see them. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Quae humana corpora sustinere nescio quae voluit importuna crudelitas› Quae humana corpora sustinere nescio quae voluit importuna crudelitas. Videtur in his Arnobius secutus fuisse sententiam gnosticorum creationem hominis et materiae cuidam principio inferiori, quem Demiurgum dicebant, attribuentium, qua de re infra dicemus ad l. II. Orell.

"Which some cruelty or other, unseasonable, willed human bodies to endure." Arnobius seems in this to have followed the opinion of the Gnostics, who attributed the creation of man and of matter to a certain inferior principle, which they called the Demiurge; of which we shall speak below, on book 2. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Attribuere› Attribuere. Ita Meursius in Append. ex ms. Antea aut tribuere. Orell.

"To assign." So Meursius in the appendix, from the manuscript. Formerly "aut tribuere" (or to give). Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Aut cibum aliquem jusserunt capi› Aut cibum aliquem jusserunt capi. Dii, quorum in fanis aegri incubabant, certa remedia per sacerdotes suos praescribebant καὶ συνέταττον. Haec enim προστάγματα a diis profecta proprie συνταγαί. Hac de re loquitur M. Antoninus imperator et philosophus, l. I. Commentar.: Ὁποῖόν ἐστι τὸ λεγόμενον. ὅτι συνέταξεν ὁ Ἀσκληπιὸς τούτῳ ἱππασίαν, ἢ ψυχρολουσίαν, ἢ ἀνυποδησίαν. Herald. — Cf. Reiff. ad Artemidor.. vol. II, p. 452, et in primis F. A. Wolf. Beytrage zur Geschichte des Somnambulismus aus dem Alterthum in Miscell. Philolog., ubi p. 424, seqq., plura ejusmodi συνταγμάτων exempla affert. Orell.

"Or ordered some food to be taken." The gods in whose shrines the sick slept prescribed definite remedies through their priests, and "ordained" them. For these commands coming from the gods are properly called "syntagai" (ordinances). Of this the emperor and philosopher Marcus Antoninus speaks, Meditations, book 1 [sic; 5.8]: "As is the saying: Asclepius ordained horse-riding for this man, or cold baths, or going barefoot." Heraldus. — Compare Reiff on Artemidorus, vol. 2, p. 452, and above all F. A. Wolf, [German:] "Contributions to the History of Somnambulism from Antiquity", in the Miscellanea Philologica, where on p. 424 ff. he brings more examples of such ordinances. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Ambulare› Ambulare. Meursius aut ambulare. Orell.

"To walk." Meursius: "aut ambulare" (or to walk). Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: In arte suspicabili positum› In arte suspicabili positum. Ars suspicabilis, id est, (continues)

"Placed in a conjectural art." "A conjectural art", that is, (continues)

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(The left column's foot is heavily over-inked in the scan; readings there taken with care, doubtful ones marked [?].) LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 393)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 781 (call not visible in foot image)

Qua. ms.

"Qua." Manuscript.

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Tribuerunt. Male. ms.

"Tribuerunt" (they gave). Wrongly; manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: (continued) In arte suspicabili positum›

(continued) ars suspicionibus tantum et conjecturis, non autem certis et indubitatis veritatibus nixa, eine Kunst, die auf blossen Vermuthungen, Hypothesen beruht. Cet. v. suspicabilis tanquam ἅπαξ λεγόμενον affert Gesner. in Thesauro. Orell. — Cicero, de Divin., I, 14. Artes quae conjectura continentur, et sunt opinabiles. Ochsner.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Deorum ante ora prostrati limina ipsa converrerent osculis› · ch. XLIX XLIX. — Deorum ante ora prostrati limina ipsa converrerent osculis. Infra, l. VI. Quaeque templis in omnibus prostrati et humiles adoratis. Mos fuit veterum in magna aliqua calamitate vel publica vel privata supplices ire per omnia templa, ut tandem deorum aliquem propitium invenirent, immo procumbebant quandoque humi et hoc schemate ἱκετεύειν. Lucret., l. V: Nec pietas ulla est velatum saepe videri / Vertier ad lapidem, atque omnes accedere ad aras: / Nec procumbere humi prostratum et pandere palmas / Ante deum delubra. Scil. statim cum templa ingrederentur, conspectis deorum simulacris, in ipso limine ad terram sese profundebant, et sic ipsi quandoque limini osculum dabant. Hoc est quod Artemidorus Oneirocrit., l. II, c. 33[?], dicit δαπέδω τὰ πρὸ τῶν ναῶν. Quod quidem, tamquam abjectius et parum generosum, mulieribus quasi proprie assignatum. Hae enim prostratae ante simulacra crinibus passis solum verrebant. Claudianus, in laude Serenae, v. 224: Numinibus votisve vacas, et supplice crine / Verris humum. (Herald. Cf. Gesner., in Claudian., l. I), Conf. Tibull., l. I, eleg. 2. Meurs.

XLIX. — "Prostrate before the faces of the gods, they swept the very thresholds with their kisses." Below, book 6: "and whatever you adore, prostrate and lowly in all the temples." It was the custom of the ancients, in some great calamity, public or private, to go as suppliants through all the temples, so as to find at last some god favourable; indeed they sometimes fell to the ground and in this posture made supplication. Lucretius, book 5: "Nor is it any piety to be seen often turning, veiled, towards a stone and approaching every altar, nor to fall prostrate on the ground and spread out the palms before the shrines of the gods." That is, as soon as they entered the temples, on catching sight of the images of the gods, they flung themselves to the ground on the very threshold, and so sometimes kissed the threshold itself. This is what Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, book 2, ch. 33[?], calls [kissing] "the pavements before the temples". This, as rather abject and hardly noble, was assigned as if properly to women. For these, prostrate before the images, swept the floor with their loosened hair. Claudian, in praise of Serena, line 224: "You give your time to the deities and to vows, and with suppliant hair you sweep the ground." (Heraldus. Compare Gesner on Claudian, book 1.) Compare Tibullus, book 1, elegy 2. Meursius.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Miserrimis votis [print blurred]› Miserrimis[?] votis. Stewech. mavult: miserrimi votis. Sed nil mutandum. Miserrima vota sunt voces miserabiles, lamentabiles, quibus deorum opem implorabant, klagliche Bitten. Orell.

"With most wretched vows." Stewech prefers "miserrimi votis" (most wretched, with vows). But nothing should be changed. "Most wretched vows" are piteous, lamentable cries, with which they implored the gods' help, [German:] "plaintive prayers". Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Pietatis exspectatione triverunt› Pietatis exspectatione triverunt. Id est pietatem ac misericordiam deorum expectantes. Sic enim pietas non solum apud inferioris aevi scriptores, sed etiam apud alios. Hinc Antoninus imperator Pius appellatus, quod natura clementissimus esset, inquit Spartianus. Atque haec appellatio ad alios postea imperatores derivata. Quare Themistius Euphrades, orat. II, Augustos ait appellatos εὐσεβεῖς, id est, φιλανθρώπους. Pius igitur clemens et pietas clementia, Gnade, etiam ap. politos scriptores. Claudian. Panegyr. de quarto consulatu Honorii: ...Mitis precibus, pietatis abundans, / Poenae parcus erat. Et: Sis pius imprimis: nam cum vincamur in omni / Munere, sola Deos aequat clementia nobis. (Herald. Cf. Casaub., ad Julii Capitolini, Antoninum Pium, cap. 2, p. 249).

"They wore away [their lives] in expectation of piety." That is, expecting the piety and mercy of the gods. For "pietas" is used so not only by writers of the later age but also by others. Hence the emperor Antoninus was called Pius, because he was by nature most clement, says Spartianus. And this title was afterwards passed on to other emperors. So Themistius Euphrades, Oration 2, says the Augusti were called "eusebeis" (pious), that is, "philanthrōpous" (humane). "Pius", then, is "clement" and "pietas" "clemency", [German] "Gnade", even in polished writers. Claudian, Panegyric on the Fourth Consulship of Honorius: "...Gentle to prayers, abounding in mercy, he was sparing of punishment." And: "Be merciful above all: for though we are surpassed in every gift, clemency alone makes us equal to the gods." (Heraldus. Compare Casaubon on Julius Capitolinus, Antoninus Pius, ch. 2, p. 249.)

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Nisi forte dicatis› Nisi forte dicatis. Tento legere: Nisi forte dicetis. Nisi valet sed Infra hoc libro: Nisi forte dubitabis, an sit iste, de quo loquimur, imperator? Itidem libro sequenti: Nisi forte Rex mundi idcirco huc animas misit. Iterum libro V: Nisi homo praesumens, quid dicturus esset Juppiter, circumscripsit. Stewech.

"Unless perhaps you say." I try reading "Nisi forte dicetis" (unless perhaps you will say). "Nisi" has the force of "sed" (but). Below in this book: "Unless perhaps you will doubt whether he of whom we speak is the commander?" Likewise in the following book: "Unless perhaps the King of the world sent souls here for this reason." Again in book 5: "Unless a man, presuming what Jupiter would say, has circumscribed it." Stewech.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Nec reputare quis mereatur aut minime› Nec reputare quis mereatur aut minime. Nourrius, hoc loco deesse aliquid suspicatur, sed falso, deceptus fortasse verbo minime male intellecto. Minime est pro non, superlativus pro positivo, ut supra cap. XXII, ubi vide notam. Orell.

"Nor to consider who deserves it or least." Le Nourry suspects something is missing here, but wrongly, deceived perhaps by the word "minime" (least) badly understood. "Minime" stands for "non" (not), the superlative for the positive, as above, ch. 22, where see the note. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: In medio ponere› In medio ponere. Id est ad discutiendum proponere, tamquam non satis certum et deliberatum. Ita et Graeci loquuntur. Herodot., lib. VII. ἵνα δὲ μὴ ἰδιοβουλεύειν ὑμῖν δοκέω, τίθημι τὸ πρῆγμα ἐς μέσον, γνώμην κελεύων ὑμέων τὸν βουλόμενον ἀποφαίνεσθαι. Sic in medio relinquere est indefinitum relinquere. B. Augustin., de Civit. Dei, lib. III, cap. 4. Sed utrum potuerit Venus ex concubitu Anchisae Aeneam parere, vel Mars ex Sylviae concubitu filiae Numitoris Romulum gignere, in medio relinquamus. Capitolinus in Vita Veri sub finem: Quod nos non in medio relinquimus, sed totum purgatum confutatumque respuimus. Herald. Sic Tacitus Germ. extr. Quod ego ut incompertum in medium relinquam. Vide Gell., Noct. Att., lib. XVII, cap. 3, ibique Gronov. Corte ad Sallust. Catil., cap. 19, pag. 126, Bunemann. ad Lactant., Inst. VII, cap. I, pag 852. Orell.

"To put in the middle." That is, to propose for discussion, as not sufficiently certain and settled. So the Greeks also speak. Herodotus, book 7: "That I may not seem to you to take counsel on my own, I put the matter in the middle, bidding whoever of you wishes to declare his opinion." So "to leave in the middle" is to leave undetermined. Blessed Augustine, City of God, book 3, ch. 4: "But whether Venus could bear Aeneas from union with Anchises, or Mars beget Romulus from union with Silvia, daughter of Numitor, let us leave in the middle." Capitolinus, in the Life of Verus near the end: "Which we do not leave in the middle, but reject as entirely cleared away and refuted." Heraldus. So Tacitus at the end of the Germania: "Which I shall leave in the middle as unverified." See Gellius, Attic Nights, book 17, ch. 3, and Gronovius there; Corte on Sallust, Catiline, ch. 19, p. 126; Bünemann on Lactantius, Institutes 7, ch. 1, p. 852. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Non meriti causa› Non meriti causa. Nihil mutandum est. Nam meritum ita usurpat Arnobius frequentissime pro eo, quod vulgo dicimus demeritum, id est delictum, culpa. Et sane mereri medium verbum est. Infra, cap. 64: Quodnam, quaeso, ob meritum? dicite. Cujus ob peccati culpam? Quid ab eo commissum est. Et supra: Si enim nos sumus in causa, et in nostri criminis meritum excogitatae fuerunt hae pestes. Solinus, cap. 1: Valerium denique Soranum, quod contra interdictum eloqui id ausus foret, ob meritum profanae vocis neci datum. Lactant., lib. VII, cap. 20: Nam hominem, quamvis (continues)

"Not on account of desert." Nothing should be changed. For Arnobius very often uses "meritum" for what we commonly call "demerit", that is, offence, fault. And indeed "mereri" is a neutral verb. Below, ch. 64: "For what desert, pray? Tell me. For the fault of what sin? What was committed by him?" And above: "For if we are the cause, and these plagues were devised for the desert of our crime." Solinus, ch. 1: "Lastly Valerius Soranus, because he had dared to speak it out against the prohibition, was put to death for the desert of his profane utterance." Lactantius, book 7, ch. 20: "For a man, although (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 394)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 783 (call not visible in foot image)

Reciperare. ms.

"Reciperare" (to recover). Manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: (continued) Non meriti causa›

(continued) ob merita damnatum, in conspectu suo jugulari pro voluptate putat. Male itaque Meursius non meriti causa, quod esset sane durissimum. Orell.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Sui nominis cum affectione› · ch. L L. — Sui nominis cum affectione. Meursius affictione vel affixione. Lege cum Heraldo adjectione, vel potius affectatione. Orell. Nil mutandum. Affectionem pro affectatione, afficere pro affectare posterioris aevi scriptoribus, etiam Tertulliano usurpari monuit Salmasius ad Hist. Aug. Scriptt., vol. I, p. 40. Similiter trahere pro tractare, tractus pro tractatus. ostendere pro ostentare, ostensio pro ostentatio adhibetur, monente eodem Salmasio ad Hist. Aug., vol. I, pp. 101, 442, 446, 453. Ochsner.

L. — "With the attachment of his name." Meursius: "affictione" or "affixione". Read with Heraldus "adjectione" (addition), or rather "affectatione" (claim). Orelli. Nothing should be changed. Salmasius, on the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. 1, p. 40, pointed out that "affectio" for "affectatio", "afficere" for "affectare", are used by writers of the later age, Tertullian too. Similarly "trahere" for "tractare", "tractus" for "tractatus"; "ostendere" is used for "ostentare", "ostensio" for "ostentatio", as the same Salmasius notes on the Historia Augusta, vol. 1, pp. 101, 442, 446, 453. Ochsner.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Permisit› Permisit. Id est potestatem ac facultatem attribuit. Sic supra hoc verbo usus est, cap. 38: Qui profundas ejus ac inenarrabiles altitudines (quantum nostra quivit mediocritas capere) et intelligere permisit, et docuit. Infra, cap. 52: Permittant uni ex populo in officium sermonis dandi ora coarticulare mutorum. Herald.

"He permitted." That is, he granted the power and faculty. So he used this verb above, ch. 38: "Who permitted and taught us to understand his deep and unspeakable heights (so far as our mediocrity could grasp)." Below, ch. 52: "Let them permit one of the people to articulate the mouths of the dumb for the office of giving speech." Heraldus.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Abrogatores› Abrogatores. Ita editio Lugd. Bat. ex emendatione J. Dousae ap. Meursium Editio princeps arrogatores ex ms. quod sine dubio corruptum fuit ex arogatores ab antiquo arogo idem quod abrogo. Vide Stewech. Caeteri editores Gelenium secuti, habent derogatores. Orell.

"Annullers." So the Leiden edition, from J. Dousa's emendation in Meursius. The first edition has "arrogatores", from the manuscript, which was without doubt corrupted from "arogatores", from the old "arogo", the same as "abrogo". See Stewech. The other editors, following Gelenius, have "derogatores". Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Ne qua subesset suspicio, magicis se artibus munera illa beneficiaque esse largitum› Ne qua subesset suspicio, magicis se artibus munera illa beneficiaque esse largitum. Confer. de Augustin., de Civitate Dei, lib. XVIII, cap. 53. Stewech.

"Lest any suspicion lurk that he had bestowed those gifts and benefits by magic arts." Compare Augustine, City of God, book 18, ch. 53. Stewech.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Sub eorum portantes et illi se casibus jussione non alia sanitati et constantiae reddiderunt› Sub eorum portantes et illi se casibus jussione non alia sanitati et constantiae reddiderunt. Dedi lectionem codicis msti., cum dubius plane et incertus sim de vera lectione loci hujus corruptissimi statuenda, et in medio ponam conjecturas virorum doctorum, ut liberum fiat benevolo lectori judicium. Fulvius igitur Ursinus ita legendum conjicit: Sub eorum (apostolorum scil.) portatos et illi successibus jussione nuda sanitati et constantiae reddiderunt. Successus idem quod secessus, habitatio, quo sensu utitur Arnobius aliquoties, lib. VI, cap. 5, ubi templa Gentilium vocat successus quosdam parvos atque genus angustissimarum cavernarum. Stewechio placet sudarium portantes et illi casibus jussione non alia, etc. hoc sensu: Apostoli casibus, hoc est, ulceribus vel cicatricibus vel in gen. morborum sedi apportantes vel imponentes sudaria jussione non alia sanarunt, ut sit allusio ad locum Actuum apostolicorum, cap. XIX, vs. 11 et 12: Δυνάμεις τε οὐ τὰς τυχούσας ἐποίει ὁ Θεὸς διὰ τῶν χειρῶν Παύλου, ὥστε καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀσθενοῦντας ἐπιφέρεσθαι ἀπὸ τοῦ χρωτὸς αὐτοῦ σουδάρια ἢ σιμικίνθια, καὶ ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἀπ' αὐτῶν τὰς νόσους, τά τε πνεύματα τὰ πονηρὰ ἐκπορεύεσθαι. Quam tamen conjecturam ipse Stewechius mox retrahens adstipulatur Ursino. Heraldus locum sic refingit: sub eorum (scil. daemonum) rotantes et illi se incursibus, etc. Adr. Behotius in Apophoret., lib. III, cap. 8, mutat audacissime: et illi sub eorum (daemonum) potentatu (vide caput sequens) positos et illisos casibus jussione non alia (quam invocato nomine Christi), sanitati et constantiae reddiderunt. Editor tandem Lugd. Bat. sub eorum tortantes et illi se casibus, etc. quam conjecturam tanquam levissimam loci corruptissimi medicinam cum amicissimo Ochsnero maxime approbo. Casus daemonum dixit Arnobius pro casibus a daemonibus immissis, ut reliquiae Danaum, vulnus Ulixi apud Virgilium. Orell.

"And they too, carrying under their ... by falls, by no other command restored to health and steadiness." I have given the reading of the manuscript, since I am plainly doubtful and uncertain about establishing the true reading of this most corrupt passage, and I will set out the conjectures of learned men, that the kind reader may have free judgement. Fulvius Ursinus, then, conjectures we should read: "Those carried under their (the apostles', that is) dwellings, they too restored to health and steadiness by bare command." "Successus" is the same as "secessus", a dwelling, a sense in which Arnobius uses it a few times, book 6, ch. 5, where he calls the temples of the gentiles "certain small retreats and a kind of very narrow caves". Stewech likes "sudarium portantes et illi casibus jussione non alia", etc., in this sense: the apostles, bringing or laying handkerchiefs on "casus", that is, sores or scars or in general the seat of diseases, healed them by no other command — so that there is an allusion to the passage of the Acts of the Apostles, 19:11–12: "And God worked no ordinary miracles by the hands of Paul, so that even handkerchiefs or aprons were carried from his body to the sick, and the diseases left them and the evil spirits went out." Which conjecture, however, Stewech himself soon withdraws and sides with Ursinus. Heraldus refashions the passage thus: "and they too, whirling under their (the demons', that is) assaults", etc. Adrien Behotte, Apophoreta, book 3, ch. 8, changes most boldly: "and they too restored to health and steadiness, by no other command (than invoking the name of Christ), those placed under their (the demons') power (see the following chapter) and dashed by falls." Lastly the Leiden editor: "sub eorum tortantes et illi se casibus" (writhing under their falls), etc. — a conjecture which, with my very dear Ochsner, I strongly approve, as the lightest remedy for a most corrupt passage. Arnobius said "the falls of the demons" for falls sent by the demons, as "the remnants of the Danaans", "the wound of Ulysses" in Virgil. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Sanitati et constantiae reddiderunt› Sanitati et constantiae reddiderunt. Proprie omnino. Nam furiosi et possessi de statu suo dejiciuntur, et diversis incursibus rotantur. Constantia igitur, quando in statu nostro permanemus. Glossae: constans — σταθερὸς, εὐσταθής. Lactant. lib. IV, cap. 27: Hominumque mentes motas, et malis incursibus furiatas in sensus pristinos reponebat. Herald. — Conf. Burmann. ad Vellei. Paterc., II, cap. 29. Ochsner.

"Restored to health and steadiness." Altogether properly said. For the mad and the possessed are thrown down from their standing and whirled about by various assaults. "Constantia", then, is when we remain in our standing. Glossaries: "constans: stable, steady." Lactantius, book 4, ch. 27: "And he restored men's minds, disturbed and maddened by evil assaults, to their former senses." Heraldus. — Compare Burman on Velleius Paterculus 2, ch. 29. Ochsner.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Liniamenta et hi corporum haud dissimili conciliavere contactu› Liniamenta et hi corporum haud dissimili conciliavere contactu. Behotius in Apophoret., lib. III, cap. 8, legendum censet laniamenta, etc., quod vocabulum, quamvis non agnoscant lexicographi, ferri posset, cum Arnobius plura habeat ἅπαξ λεγόμενα At vero hoc loco non de vulneribus aut cicatricibus. quibus corpus laniatur, sed de pustulis et verrucis leprae, quae corpus foedant, ejusque liniamenta deformant, sermo est. Conciliare autem est συνάπτειν, concinnare, instaurare. Multo minus placet Fulvii Ursini conjectura linimenta, a lino. ere. Orell.

"And these too, by no unlike touch, restored the lineaments of bodies." Behotte, Apophoreta, book 3, ch. 8, thinks we should read "laniamenta" (lacerations), etc., a word which, though the lexicographers do not recognise it, could be tolerated, since Arnobius has many words found only once. But in this place the talk is not of wounds or scars by which the body is torn, but of the pustules and warts of leprosy, which disfigure the body and deform its lineaments. "Conciliare" is to join, to fit together, to restore. Much less pleasing is Fulvius Ursinus's conjecture "linimenta" (ointments), from "lino, -ere" (to smear). Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Statuerunt errantes aquas› Statuerunt errantes aquas. Statuere nove pro sistere dixit. Ita Cyprianus contra Demetrianum: Si fontem siccitas statuat, aerem pestilens aura corrumpat, hominem morbida valetudo consumat. Meurs., p. 32. — Sic etiam antiquioris latinitatis scriptores, verbi causa Plautus, Bacchid., act. II, scen. 3, vers. 57: ...Navem extemplo statuimus. Vide J. Fr. Gronov qui de hoc verbi usu multus est in Lectt. Plaut., pag. 173 seq. Orell.

"They stayed the wandering waters." He used "statuere" in a new way for "sistere" (to stop). So Cyprian, Against Demetrian: "If drought stays the spring, a pestilent breeze corrupts the air, sickly ill-health consumes a man." Meursius, p. 32. — So too writers of older Latinity, for example Plautus, Bacchides, act 2, scene 3, line 57: "...At once we stopped the ship." See J. Fr. Gronovius, who has much on this use of the verb in the Lectiones Plautinae, p. 173 f. Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Suos per tramites› Suos per tramites. Hoc est per tramites ipsis a natura destinatos, durch ihre gewohnten, naturlichen Kanale. Orell.

"Through their own paths." That is, through the paths destined for them by nature, [German:] "through their accustomed, natural channels". Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Recusantia perpeti sanitatem› Recusantia perpeti sanitatem. Id est desperata, ἀπεγνωσμένα. Sic enim verbum Graecum exprimere voluit. Herald.

"Refusing to undergo healing." That is, despaired of, "given up". For so he wished to render the Greek word. Heraldus.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: Continuato frenavit a pastu› Continuato frenavit a pastu. Bene explicat Behotius: Compescuit ulcera ab erosione, quae diu continuaverat: depastos diu cancere rodenti artus curavit, et frenavit mali serpentis luem. At non audiendus idem Behotius legend. conjiciens: continuato frenavit harpastu, hoc est, ut ille explicat: coeunte commissura, et juncto ulceris hiatu. Sed harpastus nulla (continues)

"He curbed them from continued feeding." Behotte explains it well: he checked the ulcers from the eating away that had gone on long; he cured limbs long eaten away by the gnawing cancer, and curbed the plague of the creeping evil. But the same Behotte is not to be heeded when he conjectures we should read "continuato frenavit harpastu", that is, as he explains it, "the seam closing and the gape of the ulcer joined". But "harpastus" no (continues)

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(No variant notes on this page; the page foot is commentary only.) COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: (continued) Continuato frenavit a pastu›

(continued) vox. Scribendum fuisset frenavit herpestu, ab ἕρπειν, unde herpes, ap. Lucret., VI, 665, et herpesticus Lucil. ap. Non. Caeterum apposite Wakefield in Silv. Crit. Part. III. pag. 139, cum nostro loco comparat verba Joannis Chrysostomi, Serm. 17, vol. I, p. 107 (ed. Savill): Ἀλλ' ἵνα μάθῃς τοῦ δεσπότου τὴν φιλανθρωπίαν, ὅτι οὐδὲ τὸ τυχὸν ἀνεβάλλετο ἀλλ' εὐθέως οἶδε τὸ γεγονὸς καὶ τοῦ ἕλκους τὸ μέγεθος, καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν ἰατρείαν ἔσπευσεν ἵνα μὴ νομὴν ἐργασάμενον τὸ ἕλκος ἀνίατον τὸ τραῦμα κατασκευάσῃ. Διὰ τοῦτο τοίνυν προκαταλαμβάνων ἐπείγεται. καὶ εὐθέως παρεὶς τὴν νομὴν τοῦ ἕλκους ἱστᾷ τε, καὶ οὐδὲ πρὸς βραχὺ κατέλιπεν ἀπρονόητον, τὴν οἰκείαν ἀγαθότητα μιμούμενος. Orell. — Quare scribit Artemidorus. morbum videri bestiam, propter haec morborum genera scil., a quibus humana corpora depascuntur, lib. II. Oneirocrit., cap. 12: Ὅταν δὲ ἀπειλῇ ἢ ἀγριαίνηται ὁ λέων. φόβον τε ἐπάγει, καὶ νόσον μαντεύεται· ἔοικε γὰρ ἡ νόσος θηρίῳ. Herald. — De v. pastus multus est Oudendorp. ad Apulei. Met. V, p. 353. Orell.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Contumaciam canceris saevi ad subeundam cicatricem circumscriptis evaginationibus compulerunt› Contumaciam canceris saevi ad subeundam cicatricem circumscriptis evaginationibus compulerunt. Ad subeundam cicatricem compulsus videtur cancer, quatenus latius per membra grassari, prohiberetur et intra spatium cicatricis circumscriptum contineretur, itaque ex ampliori campo quasi in angustiam se recipere cogeretur. Ochsner. — Circumscriptis evaginationibus itaque idem est, quod supra dixerat, frenato pastu. Neque mutandum cum Gelenio evagationibus. Scripsit scil. Arnobius evaginationibus more antiquorum, qui dicebant vager, vaginor, fruor, fruinor, nato, natino, domo, domino, pro quo nunc dominor deponentaliter efferunt. Vide Meurs. in Append. Orell.

"They forced the stubbornness of a savage cancer to submit to a scar, its wanderings being hemmed in." The cancer seems to be forced to submit to a scar insofar as it was prevented from ranging more widely through the limbs and was confined within the bounded space of the scar, and so was compelled to withdraw, as it were, from a wider field into a narrow one. Ochsner. — "With its wanderings hemmed in", then, is the same as what he had said above, "its feeding curbed". Nor should we change, with Gelenius, to "evagationibus". For Arnobius wrote "evaginationibus" after the manner of the ancients, who said "vager, vaginor", "fruor, fruinor", "nato, natino", "domo, domino", for which they now say "dominor" as a deponent. See Meursius in the appendix. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Interemptos revocavit ad vitam› Interemptos revocavit ad vitam. Non occisos et vi aliena confectos, sed simpliciter e medio sublatos. Nam hoc interimere, a rebus humanis aliquem omnino tollere. Emere enim olim auferre, et nota vis particulae inter in his compositionibus, pro funditus omnino, notata ab accuratissimo grammatico Aelio Donato. Interempti igitur, qui saepius exempti simpliciter. Solinus. cap. 16: Contraversum laeta sunt funera, adeo ut exemptos gaudiis prosequantur. Herald

"He recalled to life those taken away." Not those slain and done to death by another's violence, but simply removed from among us. For this is "interimere": to take someone wholly away from human affairs. For "emere" once meant "to take away", and the force of the particle "inter" in these compounds is well known, for "utterly, altogether", noted by the most accurate grammarian Aelius Donatus. "Interempti", then, are those more often simply called "exempti". Solinus, ch. 16: "On the contrary, funerals are joyful, so much so that they escort the departed with rejoicing." Heraldus.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Et ab tumulis remeare defunctos exsequiarum conversione jusserunt› Et ab tumulis remeare defunctos exsequiarum conversione jusserunt. Zeno Veronensis (imitator Arnobii) sermone de spe, fide et charitate: Mortuosque saepe ipsos a sepulchris cum suis sibi exsequiis reverti jusserunt, ut omnes mirarentur fieri lacrymas gaudii, quae nunc fuerant orbitatis. Herald. — Exsequiarum conversio est igitur, cum funus secuti revertuntur et a mortuis excitatum domum deducunt. Orell.

"And they bade the dead return from the tombs, the funeral procession turned back." Zeno of Verona (an imitator of Arnobius), sermon on hope, faith and charity: "And often they bade the dead themselves return from the sepulchres with their own funeral trains, so that all marvelled that tears of joy were made of what had just been tears of bereavement." Heraldus. — The turning back of the funeral procession, then, is when those who followed the bier return and lead home the man raised from the dead. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Curionem› · ch. LI LI. — Curionem. Curiones curiarum sacerdotes, qui earum sacra procurabant. Res notissima. Orell.

LI. — "The curio." The curiones were the priests of the curiae, who looked after their sacred rites. A very well-known matter. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Quinimmo dialem, quo Dius est, flaminem› Quinimmo dialem, quo Dius est, flaminem. In textum recepi emendationem hanc Petri Colvii prolatam in notis ad Apulei. Met., lib. VI, p. 408, ut mihi videtur, unice veram. Sensus est: Jupiter a diali, qui ipsi attribuitur, flamine Dius esse intelligitur, id est is, a quo vita dari putabatur hominibus, ut Festus interpretatur v. dialis. Antea legebatur, quod ejus est, quod tolerari possit hoc sensu, quod ejus est scil proprium, κατ' ἐξοχήν. Novimus enim, a Numa Pompilio tres institutos flamines, Dialem, Martialem, Quirinalem, postea temporis progressu pluribus additis ad 15 numerum eorum excrevisse, quos omnes cum dignitate longe anteiret flamen Dialis, is κατ' ἐξοχὴν flamen dictus est. Canter. leg. censet: quod majus est, scil. quam Pontifex Maximus, respiciens sine dubio ad locum Fest. v. Ordo sacrorum, ubi haec leguntur: Maximus (sacerdotum) videtur Rex (sacrificulus), deinde Dialis, post hunc Martialis, quarto loco Quirinalis, quinto Pontifex Maximus. Itaque in conviviis solus Rex supra omnes accubat. Sed Dialis supra Martialem, et Quirinalem, Martialis supra proximum, omnes dein supra Pontificem. Multo minus audiendus Lud. Carrio. Emendd., lib. II, c. 13, p. 164, vol. III, Lampad. Crit. Gruteri legendum conjiciens: quo deus est, quasi Jupiter flamine tantum Diali deus fit, neque in deorum censum relatus, nisi flaminem haberet. At quamvis, ut diximus, et inferiorum etiam deorum. v. c. Volcani, Furinae, Carmentae, Pomonae, fuerint flamines, tamen multi alii et majorum gentium dii erant, v. c. Neptunus, Apollo, Juno, etc., quorum nullum erat flaminium. Vide Stewech., hoc loco, et, qui hac de re multus est, Rosin., Antiq. rom., lib. III, c. 15—17. Orell.

"Nay rather the Dial flamen, by whom he is 'Dius'." I have received into the text this emendation of Pieter Colvius, put forward in his notes on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book 6, p. 408, which seems to me the only true one. The sense is: Jupiter is understood to be "Dius" from the Dial flamen assigned to him, that is, the one by whom life was thought to be given to men, as Festus explains under "dialis". Formerly it was read "quod ejus est", which could be tolerated in this sense: "which is his", that is, his own, par excellence. For we know that Numa Pompilius instituted three flamens, the Dial, the Martial and the Quirinal, and that afterwards, in the course of time, others being added, their number grew to 15; and since the Dial flamen far surpassed them all in dignity, he was called the flamen par excellence. Canter thinks we should read "quod majus est" (which is greater), namely than the Pontifex Maximus, having in view without doubt the passage of Festus under "Ordo sacrorum", where we read: "The greatest (of the priests) seems to be the King (of sacrifices), then the Dial, after him the Martial, in fourth place the Quirinal, in fifth the Pontifex Maximus. So at banquets the King alone reclines above all; but the Dial above the Martial and the Quirinal, the Martial above the next, and all then above the Pontifex." Much less to be heeded is Louis Carrion, Emendationes, book 2, ch. 13, p. 164, vol. 3 of Gruter's Lampas Critica, conjecturing we should read "quo deus est" (by whom he is a god), as though Jupiter became a god only by the Dial flamen and would not be counted among the gods unless he had a flamen. But although, as we said, even lesser gods had flamens, for instance Vulcan, Furrina, Carmenta, Pomona, yet there were many other gods, even of the greater houses, for instance Neptune, Apollo, Juno, etc., who had no flamen at all. See Stewech on this passage, and Rosinus, who has much on this subject, Roman Antiquities, book 3, ch. 15–17. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Situm enervatis› Situm enervatis. Verissima haec emendatio debetur Gelenio. Ms. situs eruatis vitiosissime. Orta haud dubie menda ex abbreviata scriptura eervatis. Meurs., in Append.

"You take the strength out of the mould." This most true emendation is owed to Gelenius. The manuscript has "situs eruatis", most corruptly. The error no doubt arose from the abbreviated writing "eervatis". Meursius, in the appendix.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Pustulam› Pustulam. Glossae: pustula, φλύκταινα (Schwiele). Elmenh. — Cf. Turneb., Advers. XXIII, 2, p. 270. Orell.

"A pustule." Glossaries: "pustula: blister" ([German] "Schwiele"). Elmenhorst. — Compare Turnèbe, Adversaria 23.2, p. 270. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Reduviam› Reduviam. Reduvia, teste Festo, appellatur, cum circa ungues cutis se resolvit. Eo verbo Plinium, Hist. nat., lib VII, c, 19, et Cic., orat. pro Sexto Rosc. Amerino usos fuisse legimus. Videsis Turneb., Adversar., l. XVII, c. 8. Nourrius. — Cf. Gesn., in Thesauro. Orell.

"A hangnail." It is called "reduvia", Festus witnesses, when the skin around the nails comes loose. We read that Pliny, Natural History, book 7, ch. 19, and Cicero, in the speech for Sextus Roscius of Ameria, used this word. See Turnèbe, Adversaria, book 17, ch. 8. Le Nourry. — Compare Gesner in his Thesaurus. Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Papulam› Papulam. Papularum duo sunt genera, alterum est, in quo per minutas pustulas cutis exasperatur leviterque roditur, alterum, quam ἀγρίαν Graeci appellant, in qua similiter quidem, sed magis cutis exasperatur. Celsus, de Medicin., V, c. 28. § 18. Elmenh. — Cf. Woss. ad Virgil. Georg. III, 566. Caeterum hae voces misere corruptae sunt in editione prima, ubi legitur: sed ut pullulare dubiam papulam. Orell.

"A papule." There are two kinds of papules: one in which the skin is roughened by tiny pustules and lightly eaten; the other, which the Greeks call "agria" (wild), in which the skin is likewise, but more, roughened. Celsus, On Medicine, book 5, ch. 28, § 18. Elmenhorst. — Compare Voss on Virgil, Georgics 3.566. For the rest, these words are wretchedly corrupted in the first edition, where one reads: "sed ut pullulare dubiam papulam". Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Tale potuit jus dari, talis licentia proficisci› Tale potuit jus dari, talis licentia proficisci. Jus pro potentia et licentia apud Arnobium. Infra: Atqui utinam cuncta referri in scripta potuissent, vel quae ab ipso gesta sunt, vel quae ab ejus praeconibus pari jure et potentia terminata. Sic apud jurisconsultos. Herald. — De v. licentia vide supra ad cap. 46. Orell.

"Could such a right be given, could such licence proceed?" "Jus" for power and licence in Arnobius. Below: "And would that everything could have been set down in writing, both what was done by himself and what was accomplished by his heralds with equal right and power." So among the jurists. Heraldus. — On the word "licentia" see above on ch. 46. Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: Si aliquam superlationem res capit› Si aliquam superlationem res capit. Superlatio, id est hyperbole. Vox ciceroniana: de Oratore, III, 53: Veritatis superlatio atque trajectio, ubi vide Harles, p. 624, ed. nov., exsuperantium vocat auctor ad Herenn., lib. I, cap. 6. Vide ibi Graev., pag. 17, ed. Burmanni et Ch. Th. Ernesti in Lexicotechnob. lat. rhetor.; v. Superlatio. Orell.

"If the matter admits any exaggeration." "Superlatio", that is, hyperbole. A Ciceronian word: On the Orator 3.53: "An exaggeration and overstepping of the truth"; where see Harles, p. 624, new edition. The author of the Rhetoric to Herennius, book 1, ch. 6, calls it "exsuperantia". See Graevius there, p. 17, Burman's edition, and Ch. Th. Ernesti in the Lexicon Technologiae Latinorum Rhetoricae, under "Superlatio". Orelli.

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(No variant notes on this page; the page is commentary only. The foot images begin below the top of the page: one or more notes at the head of the left column lie above the crop, and the left column's last note continues at the head of the right column, also partly above the crop. Cut text is marked [...].) COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: [...] (note beginning above the crop)› [...] Bunem. Orell.

[...] Bünemann. Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Id enim quod potueris, feceris, et quod praestare debuerit vis tua, ut operis esset una et ipsius qui operaretur qualitas› Id enim quod potueris, feceris, et quod praestare debuerit vis tua. ut operis esset una et ipsius qui operaretur qualitas. Ita Fulv. Ursinus et ed. Lugd. Bat. Cod. ms. et edit. princeps, ut poteris esset una, etc., nullo sensu, pro quo edidit Gelenius: ut potens esset una. Stewech. Sed quod praestare debuerit vis tua, ut potens esset una et ipsius qui operaretur qualitas: transcribere posse, etc., conjungens cum sequentibus. Sed praestat quod edidimus. Sensus est, ut qualitas, hoc est vis, potestas, una eademque (humana scil.) et in opere et in ipso qui operaretur cernatur. Orell.

"For you would have done what you could, and what your power should have furnished, so that the quality of the work and of the one who worked it should be one." So Fulvius Ursinus and the Leiden edition. The manuscript and the first edition: "ut poteris esset una", etc., with no sense, for which Gelenius printed "ut potens esset una". Stewech: "But what your power should have furnished, so that the quality of the work and of the one who worked it should be equally powerful: to be able to transfer", etc., joining it with what follows. But what we have printed is better. The sense is: that the quality, that is, the force, the power, should be seen to be one and the same (human, that is) both in the work and in the one who worked it. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Transcribere› Transcribere, id est tradere, transferre. Ita Virgil., Aen. VII, 422: Et tua Dardaniis transcribi sceptra colonis. ubi Servius: transcribi, tradi. Sermo autem hic tractus est de pecunia, nam scribi est dari. Isidorus in Gloss. Transcribit, per scripturam tradit. Vid. Savaro ad Sidon., carm. II, vs. 463, p. 52. Orell.

"To transfer", that is, to hand over, convey. So Virgil, Aeneid 7.422: "and your sceptre transferred to Dardan settlers"; where Servius: "transcribi: to be handed over. The expression is drawn from money, for 'scribi' is 'to be given'." Isidore, in the Glossary: "Transcribit: he hands over by writing." See Savaron on Sidonius, poem 2, line 463, p. 52. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Age nunc veniat quis super igneam zonam magus interiore ab orbe Zoroastres› · ch. LII LII. — Age nunc veniat quis super igneam zonam magus interiore ab orbe Zoroastres. Magna de hoc loco inter eruditos dissensio est. Heraldo verba super igneam zonam a sciolo quodam interpretamenti vice adjecta videntur, cum Zoroastrem ex ignea zona, hoc est e Libya interiori vel Aethiopia τῆς κατακεκαυμένης vicina, nullus veterum agnoscat: itaque legendum putat: Veniat quis Azonaces magus interiore ab orbe, etc., ut sermo sit de Azonace mago, quem Zoroastris fuisse praeceptorem Hermippus tradidit, teste Plinio Hist. nat., lib. XXX, cap. 1. Vulgatam autem defendit Stanley, Historia philosophica, pag. 1112, ed. Lips. putans, Arnobium respexisse hoc loco ad eam historiam, quam refert Dio Chrysostomus in Oratione Borysthenit., ubi Zoroaster Persa (confunditur enim cum altero) dicitur ex igneo monte ad populum venisse: verba itaque per igneam zonam non intelligenda de Libyae aridis, sed aut de monte illo igneo, aut de sede numinum zonis addictorum, quae est, secundum doctrinam Chaldaeorum, supra Empyreum vel corporeum coelum. Salmasius in editione Arnobii Lugduno Batava legit: Veniat, quaeso, per igneam zonam magus interiore ab orbe Zoroastres, quam conjecturam defendit in Exercitationibus suis Plinianis ad Solinum, pag. 335, se ostensurum promittens, Zoroastrem etiam Aethiopem habitum fuisse ab antiquis aut ex exteriore Libya; quod, vellem, exsolvisset. Etiam quis super male mutatum in quaeso per. Quis enim et aliquis nec non quidam per contemptum saepissime apud nostrum. Sic infra lib. IV, c. 26, nescio quis Hercules, ubi vide notam Heraldi. Orell.

LII. — "Come now, let some magus come over the fiery zone from the inner world, Zoroaster." There is great disagreement among the learned about this passage. To Heraldus the words "over the fiery zone" seem added by some half-learned man by way of explanation, since none of the ancients knows of a Zoroaster from the fiery zone, that is, from inner Libya or Ethiopia, neighbouring the "burnt zone"; so he thinks we should read: "Let some Azonaces, a magus, come from the inner world", etc., so that the talk is of the magus Azonaces, whom Hermippus related was Zoroaster's teacher, as Pliny witnesses, Natural History, book 30, ch. 1. But Stanley defends the common reading, History of Philosophy, p. 1112, Leipzig edition, thinking that Arnobius had in view here the story Dio Chrysostom relates in the Borysthenitic Oration, where Zoroaster the Persian (for he is confused with the other) is said to have come to the people out of a fiery mountain: the words "through the fiery zone", then, are not to be understood of the dry parts of Libya, but either of that fiery mountain or of the seat of the deities assigned to the zones, which, according to the doctrine of the Chaldaeans, is above the Empyrean or bodily heaven. Salmasius, in the Leiden edition of Arnobius, reads: "Let, I pray, a magus come through the fiery zone from the inner world, Zoroaster" — a conjecture he defends in his Plinian Exercitations on Solinus, p. 335, promising to show that Zoroaster was also held by the ancients to be an Ethiopian or from outer Libya; which I wish he had fulfilled. Also "quis super" has been wrongly changed into "quaeso per". For "quis", "aliquis" and also "quidam" are very often used in contempt by our author. So below, book 4, ch. 26, "some Hercules or other", where see Heraldus's note. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Age nunc veniat quis, per igneam zonam magus interiore ab orbe Zoroastres› Age nunc veniat quis, per igneam zonam magus interiore ab orbe Zoroastres, etc. De hoc magorum auctore mira tradunt veteres. Persae quidem, teste Dione Chrysostomo in Borysthen. (tom. III. Reisk., p. 93) eum dicunt sapientiae ac justitiae studio in montem nescio quem secessisse, ac deinde eum montem igne coelitus lapso conflagrasse: cumque is continuo arderet, regem una cum proximis adorandi causa eo accessisse: ac tum Zoroastrem repente ex flammis [...] res suos colerent ac servarent, tamquam mansuri apud eos imperii pignus. Paulo aliter Clemens Rom. in Recognitionibus, homilia IX. De Zoroastris antro Porphyrius ex Eubulo in antro nympharum scribit. Quibus accedit Gregorius Turon., lib. I Hist. Francorum, his verbis: Primogenitus Cham filius Noe fuit Chus: hic ad Persas transiit, quem Persae vocitavere Zoroastrem, id est, viventem stellam. Ab hoc etiam ignem adorare consueti, ipsum divinitus igne consumptum ut Deum colunt. Plures autem fuere Zoroastres. ut satis constat, sed omnium antiquissimus fuit Bactrianus, quippe Nini Assyriorum regis aequalis (Vide Arnob., supra, cap. 5). Hunc Semiramis Assyriorum regina bello superavit, ut docet Theon in Progymnasm. Cap. περὶ συγκρίσεως —— Οὐ γὰρ εἰ Τόμυρις κρείσσων ἐστὶ Κύρου, ἢ καὶ μὰ Δία Σεμίραμις Ζωροάστρου τοῦ Βακτρίου ἤδη συγχωρητέον τὸ θῆλυ τοῦ ἄρρενος ἀνδρειότερον εἶναι: alter fuit Pamphylius genere, Armenii filius, quem Hera vocat Plato, lib. X, de Republ., ut scribit Clemens Alexandr., lib. V. Stromat. et noster hoc loco. Fuit et Zoroaster Proconnesus paulo anterior Xerxis temporibus, teste Plinio, Hist. nat., lib. XXX, cap. 2. Hunc vero, qui Magiae Persis auctor fuit, Oromasis filium vocat Plato in Alcibiade I (Vales. ad Ammian. Marcell., lib XXIII, cap. 6, § 32). Conf. Marsham. Can. Chron., p. 144 seq., et Salmas., ad Solin, p. 335. Orell.

"Come now, let some magus come through the fiery zone from the inner world, Zoroaster", etc. The ancients relate marvels about this founder of the magi. The Persians indeed, as Dio Chrysostom witnesses in the Borysthenitic Oration (vol. 3, Reiske, p. 93), say that out of zeal for wisdom and justice he withdrew to some mountain, and that then the mountain caught fire from fire fallen from heaven; and as it burned without ceasing, the king with those nearest him came there to worship; and then Zoroaster suddenly out of the flames [...] that they should cherish and keep [it] as a pledge of the empire that would remain with them. Clement of Rome tells it slightly differently in the Recognitions, homily 9. Of Zoroaster's cave Porphyry writes, from Eubulus, in the Cave of the Nymphs. To these is added Gregory of Tours, History of the Franks, book 1, in these words: "The firstborn son of Ham, son of Noah, was Cush. He went over to the Persians, and the Persians called him Zoroaster, that is, 'living star'. From him too they grew used to worshipping fire, and him, consumed by fire from heaven, they worship as a god." There were, however, several Zoroasters, as is well enough established; but the most ancient of all was the Bactrian, a contemporary of Ninus king of the Assyrians (see Arnobius above, ch. 5). Semiramis, queen of the Assyrians, overcame him in war, as Theon teaches in the Progymnasmata, chapter On Comparison: "For it is not because Tomyris is stronger than Cyrus, or, by Zeus, Semiramis than Zoroaster the Bactrian, that we must at once concede that the female is braver than the male." The second was a Pamphylian by race, son of Armenius, whom Plato calls Er [printed "Hera"], Republic, book 10, as Clement of Alexandria writes, Stromata, book 5, and our author in this place. There was also Zoroaster of Proconnesus, a little before the times of Xerxes, as Pliny witnesses, Natural History, book 30, ch. 2. But the one who was the founder of magic for the Persians Plato calls the son of Oromasdes, in Alcibiades I (Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, book 23, ch. 6, § 32). Compare Marsham, Canon Chronicus, p. 144 f., and Salmasius on Solinus, p. 335. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Zoroastres, Hermippo ut assentiamur auctori. Bactrianus et ille conveniat, cujus Ctesias res gestas historiarum exponit in primo, Armenius Hosthanis nepos, et familiaris Pamphylus Cyri› Zoroastres, Hermippo ut assentiamur auctori. Bactrianus et ille conveniat, cujus Ctesias res gestas historiarum exponit in primo, Armenius Hosthanis nepos, et familiaris Pamphylus Cyri. Haec verba, prout interpunguntur, diversam omnino interpretationem admittunt. Nostram interpunctionem si sequamur, videntur ab Arnobio quatuor memorari Zoroastres, primus Chaldeus, Assyrius etiam Suidae dictus, qui dicitur fulmine percussus interiisse; secundus Bactrianus, cujus supra cap. V, meminit Arnobius, cujusque res gestas Ctesias historiarum in primo exposuerat; cf. Justin., lib. I, initio; tertius Armenius, nepos Hosthanis; quartus tandem Pamphylius, alio nomine Er, quem post mortem decem dierum, quibus inter cadavera jacuerat, ad vitam rediisse affirmat Plato de Republica, lib. X, fine, quemque etiam Zoroastrem dictum testatur Clemens Alexandrinus Stromat., lib. V, p. 598, ed Francofurt (Cf., qui de eo multus est, Paul. Leopard. Emendat., l. IX, c. 2, in Gruteri Lampad., tom. III, p. 170). Aliter autem locum nostrum legit et distinguit Meursius et Salmasius, ad Solin., p. 335. Zoroastres, Hermippo ut assentiamur auctori, Bactrianus. Et ille conveniat, cujus Ctesias res gestas historiarum exponit in primo, Armenius, Hostanis (in editione Arnobii Lugd. Bat. est Zostriani, qua de causa, non video) nepos; et familiaris Pamphilus Cyri. Itaque secundum Salmasium tres fuere duntaxat Zoroastres; primus, secundum quosdam, ex interiore Libya, vel Aethiopia τῆς κεκαυμένης vicina, aut, si Hermippo fides habeatur, Bactrianus; alter Armenius, nepos Hostanis, cujus res gestas scripsit Ctesias; tertius Pamphilus nomine, amicus Cyri. Henr. Ursinus in exercitt. de Zoroastro, etc. (continues)

"Zoroaster, if we agree with Hermippus as our authority. Let the Bactrian come too, whose deeds Ctesias sets out in the first book of his histories, the Armenian, grandson of Hosthanes, and the Pamphylian, friend of Cyrus." These words, according to how they are punctuated, admit quite different interpretations. If we follow our punctuation, Arnobius seems to mention four Zoroasters: the first a Chaldaean, also called Assyrian by the Suda, who is said to have died struck by lightning; the second the Bactrian, whom Arnobius mentioned above, ch. 5, and whose deeds Ctesias had set out in the first book of his histories (compare Justin, book 1, at the beginning); the third the Armenian, grandson of Hosthanes; the fourth, lastly, the Pamphylian, by another name Er, who, Plato affirms (Republic, book 10, at the end), returned to life after ten days of death during which he had lain among the corpses, and whom Clement of Alexandria witnesses was also called Zoroaster, Stromata, book 5, p. 598, Frankfurt edition (compare Paulus Leopardus, who has much on him, Emendationes, book 9, ch. 2, in Gruter's Lampas, vol. 3, p. 170). But Meursius and Salmasius, on Solinus, p. 335, read and punctuate our passage otherwise: "Zoroaster, if we agree with Hermippus as our authority, the Bactrian. And let him come too whose deeds Ctesias sets out in the first book of his histories, the Armenian, grandson of Hostanes (in the Leiden edition of Arnobius it is 'Zostriani', for what reason I do not see); and Pamphilus, the friend of Cyrus." So according to Salmasius there were only three Zoroasters: the first, according to some, from inner Libya or Ethiopia neighbouring the "burnt zone", or, if Hermippus is believed, a Bactrian; the second an Armenian, grandson of Hostanes, whose deeds Ctesias wrote; the third Pamphilus by name, a friend of Cyrus. Henricus Ursinus in the exercitations on Zoroaster, etc. (continues)

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(No variant notes on this page; the page is commentary only. The foot images begin below the top of the page: the text at the head of each column lies partly above the crop. Cut text is marked [...].) COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: (continued) Zoroastres, Hermippo ut assentiamur auctori...›

(continued) [...] detur non alius fuisse quam Bactrianus: sex enim priores ejus libri complectebantur tantum, ut ostendit Photius cod. 72, historiam assyriacam atque eventus, qui res persicas antecesserunt. Ideo falsa videtur conjectura Salmasii, qui citationem Ctesiae Arnobianam refert ad Hostanis nepotem, cum Hostanes, auctore Plinio Hist. nat., lib. XXX, c. 1, sub Dario Hystaspide vixerit: et verba, Armenius Hostanis nepos et familiaris Pamphylius Cyri, quibus duos memorari Zoroastres volunt, corrupta videntur et ita restituenda: Armenius Hostanis nepos et familiaris: Pamphylius Erus, ubi familiaris idem est ac γνώριμος discipulus, ita ut verbis illis unus tantum notetur. Caeterum Hostanes, sive Ostanes ille, cujus Arnobius meminit, is est, quem Plinius, Hist. nat. XXX, 1, dicit Xerxis in eo bello, quod Graeciae intulerat, comitem, velut semina artis portentosae sparsisse, obiter infecto, quacumque commeaverat, mundo. Cf. Minuc. Felic. Octav. c. 26. Hermippus, quem noster allegat, teste eodem Plinio l. I, vicies centum millia versuum a Zoroastre condita, indicibus quoque voluminum ejus positis, explanavit. Haec excerpsimus e Thom. Stanley, Historia philosophica, part. XIII, sect. I, c. 2, p. 1111, seqq., ed. Lips., qui duorum etiam aliorum Zoroastrorum meminit, Medo-Persae et Proconnesii, qui autem nihil ad Arnobium. Conf. Marsham., Canon Chronic., pag. 144, seqq., ed. Franquer., et Pastore, in lib. tit. Zoroastre, Confucius et Mahomet, pag. 6 et 7. Orell.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Hermippo ut assentiamur auctori› Hermippo ut assentiamur auctori. De Hermippo Smyrnaeo videndus Vossius de Hist. Graecis, lib. II pag. 102, seq. Multa scripsit, inter alia βίους (inter quas vitas ultima ac recentissima erat Theophrasti vita, unde aequalem illi fuisse conficitur) et περὶ Μάγων, teste Plinio. Hist. nat., lib. XXX, cap. 1. Hermippus, qui de tota arte magica diligentissime scripsit, et vicies centum millia versuum a Zoroastre condita, indicibus quoque voluminum ejus positis, explanavit, ex quo libro sua hausisse videtur Arnobius. Nourr., p. 543, et Orell.

"If we agree with Hermippus as our authority." On Hermippus of Smyrna see Vossius, On the Greek Historians, book 2, p. 102 f. He wrote much, among other things "Lives" (among which the last and most recent was the life of Theophrastus, whence it is inferred that he was his contemporary) and "On the Magi", as Pliny witnesses, Natural History, book 30, ch. 1: "Hermippus, who wrote most diligently on the whole art of magic, and explained two million verses composed by Zoroaster, setting out also indexes of his volumes" — from which book Arnobius seems to have drawn his material. Le Nourry, p. 543, and Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Armenius Zostriani nepos› Armenius Zostriani nepos. Armenius pro Armenii filius, ὁ Ἀρμενίου, accipit Valesius ad Ammiani l. I, Male. Nam videtur Arnobius vel potius Ctesias, quem exscripsit, de alio Zoroastre Armenio loqui eumque distinguere a Bactriano. Orell.

"The Armenian, grandson of Zostrianus." Valesius, on Ammianus, l. 1, takes "Armenius" for "son of Armenius", "ho Armeniou". Wrongly. For Arnobius, or rather Ctesias whom he copied, seems to speak of another, Armenian, Zoroaster and to distinguish him from the Bactrian. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Et familiaris Pamphilus Cyri› Et familiaris Pamphilus Cyri. Mihi nomen Cyri suspectum est. Nam cum dicat Arnobius, Ctesiam, lib. I, Hist., hujus magi mentionem fecisse, certum autem sit, Ctesiam libris sex prioribus de Assyriorum ac Medorum rebus scripsisse ac in septimo libro res Persicas aggressum: quomodo in libro I, Cyri meminisse potuit Ctesias non video. Itaque Nini fortasse in Arnobio legendum est. (Vales. ad Ammian., l. I.) Parum attente Arnobii verba legisse videtur Valesius. Nam quae ex Ctesia citat Arnobius, respiciunt tantum ad Armenium Zoroastrem. Zostriani vel, ut alii habent, Hostanis nepotem, a quo diversus Pamphilus (nomen proprium hominis, non gentis), alius Magus Cyri aequalis et familiaris, cujus fortassis apud Hermippum facta mentio. Orell.

"And Pamphilus, the friend of Cyrus." To me the name of Cyrus is suspect. For since Arnobius says that Ctesias mentioned this magus in book 1 of his History, and it is certain that Ctesias wrote of Assyrian and Median affairs in his first six books and took up Persian affairs in the seventh, I do not see how Ctesias could have mentioned Cyrus in book 1. So perhaps we should read "Nini" (of Ninus) in Arnobius. (Valesius on Ammianus, l. 1.) Valesius seems to have read Arnobius's words too inattentively. For what Arnobius cites from Ctesias concerns only the Armenian Zoroaster, grandson of Zostrianus or, as others have it, of Hostanes; distinct from whom is Pamphilus (the proper name of a man, not of a people), another magus, contemporary and friend of Cyrus, of whom perhaps mention was made in Hermippus. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Apollonius, Damigero et Dardanus› Apollonius, Damigero et Dardanus. Horum magorum [...] et magos audivisse, ipsumque magicorum libros edidisse, auctor est Diogenes Laertius in ejus vita, et Plinius, Hist. nat., lib. XXX, procem. Sed aperte distinguit collector Geoponicorum, utriusque, et Democriti et Damogeronis seu Damigeronis, fragmenta operi inserens. Videtur itaque fuisse hujus nominis magicorum aliquis vel physicorum scriptor, de quo nihil constat. Vide P. Needham., Prolegg. ad Geopon., pag. 54, ed. Niclas. Dardanus Phoenicius, insignis magus, cujus e sepulchro petitis et diligenter perlectis libris longe doctissimus evasisse Democritus memoratur a Plinio, l. l. Hinc Dardaniae artes, id est magicae, apud Columell., lib. X, de cultu hortorum, vers. 358, ubi vide intpp. Cf. Jo. Brodaei Miscellan., lib. IV, c. 10, in Thesauro Critico Gruteri, vol. II, pag. 515, Jo. Pamel., ad Tertullian., l. I. Savaron. ad Sidon., lib. V, Epist. IX, pag. 342, et imprimis, qui de eo multus est, D. Tiedemann. in disputatione de Magicarum artium origine, etc., pag. 37 et 39. Orell.

"Apollonius, Damigero and Dardanus." Of these magi [...] and that he heard the magi and himself published books on magic, Diogenes Laertius is the authority, in his life, and Pliny, Natural History, book 30, preface. But the compiler of the Geoponica plainly distinguishes them, inserting fragments of both, Democritus and Damogeron or Damigeron, into his work. There seems, then, to have been some writer on magic or on natural things of this name, about whom nothing is established. See P. Needham, Prolegomena to the Geoponica, p. 54, Niclas's edition. Dardanus the Phoenician, a famous magus, from whose tomb Democritus is recorded by Pliny, at the place cited, to have sought out his books and, having read them diligently, to have become by far the most learned. Hence "Dardanian arts", that is, magic, in Columella, book 10, On Gardening, line 358, where see the interpreters. Compare Jean Brodeau, Miscellanea, book 4, ch. 10, in Gruter's Thesaurus Criticus, vol. 2, p. 515; Jacques de Pamele on Tertullian, l. 1; Savaron on Sidonius, book 5, letter 9, p. 342; and above all D. Tiedemann, who has much on him, in the disputation On the Origin of the Magic Arts, etc., pp. 37 and 39. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Velus, Julianus› Velus, Julianus. Quidam (Jos. Mercerus) legendum existimant Nilus, Vulcanus (sed de Juliano Theurgicorum auctore vide Notam sequentem. Or.), quandoquidem Laertius, Procem., § 1, dixit: Αἰγυπτίου μὲν γὰρ Νείλου γενέσθαι παῖδα Ἥφαιστον, ὃν ἄρξαι φιλοσοφίας. Sed ibi philosophiae nomine magiam intelligendam nulli umquam probaverunt. Alii itaque pro Velus emendandum putant Belus. Nec jure quidem prorsus immerito. Primae etenim utriusque nominis litterae B et V saepissime a librariis commutantur. Belus vero, ut narrat Diodorus Siculus, lib. I, flamines Aegyptiorum more publicis oneribus et impensis exemptos instituit. Hi autem, quos Babylonii vocant Chaldaeos, solebant, quemadmodum sacerdotes, physici atque astrologi, stellas observare. Quam procul dubio ob causam Belus a Plinio et Solino sideralis scientiae dicitur inventor, atque ab Hieronymo (in Oseam, cap. II) idem, qui ab Hebraeis Bel, a Sidoniis et Phoenicibus Baal appellatur, atque a Nino, illius filio, in Deorum ordinem relatus. Nourr., p. 534. seq.

"Velus, Julianus." Some (Josias Mercier) think we should read "Nilus, Vulcanus" (but on Julian, the founder of the Theurgists, see the next note. Orelli), since Laertius, Proem, § 1, said: "For Hephaestus, they say, was the son of the Egyptian Nile, and he began philosophy." But no one has ever accepted that magic is to be understood there by the name of philosophy. Others therefore think "Velus" should be emended to "Belus". Nor indeed altogether without right. For the first letters of the two names, B and V, are very often interchanged by copyists. Belus, as Diodorus Siculus relates, book 1, instituted priests after the manner of the Egyptians, exempt from public burdens and expenses. These, whom the Babylonians call Chaldaeans, used, like the priests, natural philosophers and astrologers, to observe the stars. For which reason without doubt Belus is said by Pliny and Solinus to be the inventor of the science of the stars, and by Jerome (on Hosea, ch. 2) to be the same who is called Bel by the Hebrews and Baal by the Sidonians and Phoenicians, and to have been placed among the gods by Ninus his son. Le Nourry, p. 534 f.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Julianus› Julianus. Cognomine Theurgus (florens sub Marco Antonino Philosopho) magnum inter magos nactus nomen. Hunc narrat Anastasius pestilentiam Romae magicis artibus sanasse. Suidas et alii pluviam, quam alii Arnuphi tribuunt auctori, effecisse eum scribunt. Habebat is, auctore eodem Suida, patrem Julianum Chaldaeum, qui de daemonibus scripsit et κυφι, id est phylacterio, quo a singulis corporis partibus arcere morbos magicis cerimoniis queamus. Julianus filius scripsit theurgica, τελεστικά, λόγια, δι' ἐπῶν, aliaque ad disciplinam hanc arcanam spectantia. Cf. D. Tiedemann., in Disp. de Magic. artium origg., pag. 74. Orell.

"Julian." Surnamed the Theurgist (flourishing under Marcus Antoninus the Philosopher), he gained a great name among the magi. Anastasius relates that he healed a pestilence at Rome by magic arts. The Suda and others write that he brought about the rain which others attribute to Arnuphis as its author. He had, on the same Suda's authority, a father, Julian the Chaldaean, who wrote on demons and on "kyphi", that is, a phylactery by which we may ward off diseases from each part of the body by magic ceremonies. Julian the son wrote theurgic works, initiatory rites, oracles in verse, and other things belonging to this secret discipline. Compare D. Tiedemann, in the disputation On the Origins of the Magic Arts, p. 74. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Baebulus› Baebulus. De hoc nulla apud veteres mentio, quare Nourrius verosimiliter leg. censet Babilus, cujus tamquam illustris Astrologi Suetonius meminit in Nerone, cap. 36, ubi Casaubonus legend. existimat Babylas, nam in Graecorum historiis Βαβυλᾶς usitatum nomen, quod valde affine est τῷ Baebulus. Orell. — Cf. Oudendorp. ad Suet., l. l. Ochsner.

"Baebulus." Of him there is no mention among the ancients, so Le Nourry plausibly thinks we should read "Babilus", whom Suetonius mentions as a famous astrologer in the Nero, ch. 36, where Casaubon thinks "Babylas" should be read, for in the histories of the Greeks "Babylas" is a common name, very close to "Baebulus". Orelli. — Compare Oudendorp on Suetonius, at the place cited. Ochsner.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 398)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 791/792 (call not visible in foot image)

Nosse. ms.

"Nosse" (to know). Manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: In officium sermonis dandi› In officium sermonis dandi. Sermonem dare dicit Arnobius locutione rara, sed non impropria. Non opus ergo est rescribere. in officium sermocinandi.

"For the office of giving speech." Arnobius says "to give speech" with a rare but not improper expression. There is no need, then, to rewrite it as "for the office of conversing".

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Surdorum auriculas reserare› Surdorum auriculas reserare. Editor Lugd. Bat. dedit returare. id est aperire, recludere. Opp. obturare. vide Nonium, hoc verbo. Quod, si modo Codicis fide niteretur, apprime conveniret Arnobio, antiquorum et obsoletorum verborum aucupi. Orell.

"To unlock the ears of the deaf." The Leiden editor gave "returare", that is, to open, unclose; the opposite of "obturare" (to stop up); see Nonius under this word. Which, if only it rested on the manuscript's authority, would suit Arnobius exceedingly well, a hunter of ancient and obsolete words. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Ipse faciant, et cum suis ritibus faciant, quidquid malefici graminis, etc.› Ipse faciant, et cum suis ritibus faciant, quidquid malefici graminis, etc. Meursius delet posterius faciant. N. Heinsius, Adversar, lib. II, c. 9, pag. 272, legend. censet: et cum suis ritibus acuant, quidquid. etc., acute quidem; sed nil mutandum. Verba enim quidquid malefici graminis, etc., pertinent ad sequens adjiciant..... colligant, et quidem. ut mihi videtur. ad posterius. Nam fremorem verborum colligere dici vix posset. Orell

"Let them do it themselves, and do it with their rites — whatever of baneful herb", etc. Meursius deletes the second "faciant". N. Heinsius, Adversaria, book 2, ch. 9, p. 272, thinks we should read "and let them sharpen with their rites whatever", etc. — acutely indeed; but nothing should be changed. For the words "whatever of baneful herb", etc., belong to the following "let them add ..... let them gather", and, as it seems to me, to the latter. For "to gather a murmur of words" could hardly be said. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Fremor ille verborum› Fremor ille verborum. Fremorem verborum appellat proprie Arnobius, quod murmur magicum et susurrum magicum alii. Stridorem magicum dicit Tibullus, I, 2, vs. 47: Jam ciet infernas magico stridore catervas. Nempe, quia magica illa carmina brevius et concitatius proferebantur, summisque tantum labris. Inde et Graeci ψιθύρους, ψιθυρισμοὺς dicunt. Herald. — Cf. Savaro ad Sidon., carm. II, vs. 86, pag. 12. Orell.

"That muttering of words." Arnobius properly calls "a muttering of words" what others call the magic murmur and magic whisper. Tibullus 1.2, line 47, calls it a magic hissing: "Now with magic hissing she summons the infernal throngs." Namely because those magic chants were uttered more briefly and urgently, and only with the tips of the lips. Hence the Greeks too speak of "whisperings". Heraldus. — Compare Savaron on Sidonius, poem 2, line 86, p. 12. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Non interdicimus, colligant› Non interdicimus, colligant. Nimis pro imperio interdicimus Malim igitur intercedimus, id est, prohibemus, quo verbo utitur Arnobius et alibi non semel. Translatum a Tribunorum et aliorum intercessionibus, quorum intercedentium vox erat Veto aut Prohibeo. Herald.

"We do not forbid: let them gather." "Interdicimus" is too much a word of command. So I would prefer "intercedimus" (we interpose), that is, we prohibit — a verb Arnobius uses elsewhere too, more than once. It is transferred from the interventions of the tribunes and others, whose word in intervening was "I veto" or "I prohibit". Heraldus.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Recognoscere› Recognoscere. Meursius conj. e re cognoscere. Orell.

"To recognise." Meursius conjectures "e re cognoscere" (to learn from the fact). Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Ut remini› · ch. LIII LIII. — Ut remini Remini restituit Th. Canter Var. Lect., lib. II, c. 17, antea memini vitiose. Orell.

LIII. — "As you think." Th. Canter restored "remini", Variae Lectiones, book 2, ch. 17; formerly "memini", corruptly. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Siquidem res anima pretiosa est, nec ipso se homini› Siquidem res anima pretiosa est, nec ipso se homini, etc. Meursius, p. 34. legendum suspicatur nec ipsa scilicet homini, etc. Orell.

"Since the soul is a precious thing, and nothing [can be found] dearer to a man than himself", etc. Meursius, p. 34, suspects we should read "nec ipsa scilicet homini", etc. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Nihil fraudis delituit in Christo› Nihil fraudis delituit in Christo. Ita Herald., ex ms. Antea legebatur nihil fraudis, nihil delicti in Christo. Orell.

"No deceit lay hidden in Christ." So Heraldus, from the manuscript. Formerly it read "no deceit, no offence in Christ". Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Atque in lasciviam dissolvamini cachinnorum› Atque in lasciviam dissolvamini cachinnorum. Prudentius περὶ στεφάνων: Cur tu sacrate per cachinnos solveris. Petronius: Stabat inter haec Giton, et risu dissolvebat ilia sua. Elmenh. Pro atque Meursius mavult aeque male. Orell.

"And dissolve into the wantonness of guffaws." Prudentius, Peristephanon: "Why do you, consecrated one, dissolve in guffaws?" Petronius: "Meanwhile Giton stood by and was splitting his sides with laughter." Elmenhorst. For "atque" Meursius prefers "aeque", wrongly. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Deus radice ab intima› Deus radice ab intima. Id est omni parte, intima sua vi ac natura Deus, purus putus Deus, ganz und durchaus Gott, Gott nach seiner innersten Natur. In seq. pro ab incognitis regnis Stewech. mavult inconditis id est aeternis. Orell.

"God from the innermost root." That is, God in every part, in his innermost power and nature; God pure and simple, [German:] "wholly and entirely God, God according to his innermost nature". In what follows, for "from unknown realms" Stewech prefers "inconditis", that is, eternal. Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: Et merito. Exutus at corpore› Et merito. Exutus at corpore, etc. Ita felicissime emendavit et distinxit locum editor Lugd. Bat. Antea erat et merito exutus a corpore, quod recte offendebat Stewechium, quasi merito pro Christus exutus corpore hoc est mortuus sit. Itaque conjiciebat legendum at emerito (hoc est, vita functo) exutus a corpore. Sed multo melior videtur Salmasii emendatio. Et merito scil. cum praecedentibus jungendum hoc sensu: Merito illum non noverunt. Mirari non licet, si illum non noverunt. Est ist naturlich, dass sie ihn nicht kannten. Orell.

"And rightly. But, having put off the body", etc. So the Leiden editor most happily emended and punctuated the passage. Formerly it was "and rightly having put off the body", which rightly offended Stewech, as though Christ had "rightly" put off the body, that is, died. So he conjectured we should read "at emerito (that is, having finished his life) exutus a corpore". But Salmasius's emendation seems much better: "Et merito", to be joined with what precedes, in this sense: "Rightly they did not know him. One may not wonder if they did not know him." [German:] "It is natural that they did not know him." Orelli.

(comm. 13) ‹lemma: Postquam videri se passus est, cujus esset aut magnitudinis sciri› Postquam videri se passus est, cujus esset aut magnitudinis sciri. Locus mendosus, quem duplici conjectura restituere conatur Adr. Behotius in Apophoret., lib. III, c. 8, nimirum: postquam videri se passus est, quis esset, aut cujus magnitudinis, verbo sciri tamquam inepto glossemate expuncto, aut ita: postquam videri se passus est, quis esset, aut cujus magnitudinis sciri, pro aut sciri, cujus esset magnitudinis. Equidem priorem praefero. Orell.

"After he allowed himself to be seen, of what [kind] he was, or of what greatness, to be known." A faulty passage, which Adrien Behotte tries to restore by a twofold conjecture, Apophoreta, book 3, ch. 8, namely: "after he allowed himself to be seen, who he was, or of what greatness", striking out the word "sciri" as a foolish gloss; or thus: "after he allowed himself to be seen, who he was, or of what greatness to be known", for "or to be known of what greatness he was". I for my part prefer the former. Orelli.

(comm. 14) ‹lemma: Quinam isti sunt, fortasse quaeritis? Gentes› · ch. LIV LIV. — Quinam isti sunt, fortasse quaeritis? Gentes, etc. Secutus sum in his et sequentibus interpunctionem Meursii et in sequentibus lego commodaret pro commodarent. Orell.

LIV. — "Who are these, perhaps you ask? Nations", etc. In these and the following words I have followed Meursius's punctuation, and in what follows I read "commodaret" for "commodarent". Orelli.

(comm. 15) ‹lemma: Numquam rebus ejusmodi credulitatis suae commodaret assensum› Numquam rebus ejusmodi credulitatis suae commodaret assensum. Afri utuntur saepissime praeterito imperfecto pro plusquamperfecto, ut loquuntur grammatici. Extat haec ἐναλλαγὴ apud Arnobium et (continues)

"Would never have lent the assent of its belief to things of this kind." The Africans very often use the past imperfect for the pluperfect, as the grammarians say. This exchange occurs in Arnobius and (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 399)

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Dissitae. ms.

"Dissitae" ("set apart"): manuscript.

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Sic ms. Bene. Vir doctus in Miscellae. Obss. VI. p. 509. Comparat verba Sallustii Catil. cap. 52. : qui mihi atque animo meo nullius umquam delicti gratiam fecissem ORELL.

So the manuscript. Rightly. A learned man in the Miscellaneae Observationes VI, p. 509, compares the words of Sallust, Catiline ch. 52: "I who have never pardoned any offence to myself and my own mind." ORELLI.

COMMENTARIUS. (comm.) ‹anchor: (lemma on the previous page)› · col 793

(continued) Tertullianum locis compluribus : quin et apud antiquos scriptores, ut apud Plautum non raro. Hinc igitur Augustini celebre dictum illud : Non crederem Evangelio, nisi me Ecclesiae commoveret auctoritas. Id est non credidissem, tum, cum eram Manichaeus. Sic hoc loco commodarent pro commodassent. HERALD. Plura hujus Enallages exempla collegerunt Corte ad Sallust. Jugurth., cap. 50, pag. 681, et Gronov., ad Liv., lib. XXXIV, c. 4. ORELL.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Vanos, mendaces› · col 793 Vanos, mendaces. Haec eadem copulat Virgilius, Aen. II, vers. 79, seq. : Nec, si miserum Fortuna Sinonem / Finxit, vanum etiam mendacemque improba finget. Vani autem quinam proprie dicantur, docet A. Gellius, lib. XVIII, c. 4 : Nos autem postea ex Apollinari didicimus, vanos proprie dici, non, ut vulgus diceret, desipientes et hebetes, aut ineptos; sed, ut veterum doctissimi dixissent, mendaces et infidos, et levia inaniaque pro gravibus et veris astutissime componentes. Neque satis plane Gellius : vani enim potius, qui morbo quodam et ingenita mentiendi voluptate (ut ait Tertullian. Apologet., c. 7) mentiuntur, quam qui mendacia astute componunt. Vani sunt itaque, qui Graecis dicuntur μάταιοι, quia μάτην, id est nullius lucri causa, sed genio suo tantum morem gerentes mentiuntur. HERALD. — Nostri Aufschneider, Windbeutel. ORELL.

"Empty, lying." Virgil couples these same words, Aeneid II, line 79 ff.: "Nor, if Fortune has made Sinon wretched, shall she in her malice make him empty and lying too." Who are properly called "vani" Aulus Gellius teaches, book XVIII, ch. 4: "But we learned afterwards from Apollinaris that 'vani' is properly said not, as the common people would say, of the foolish and dull or the inept, but, as the most learned of the ancients would have said, of liars and the faithless, who most cunningly set out light and empty things in place of weighty and true ones." Nor is Gellius quite clear: for the "vani" are rather those who lie from a kind of disease and an inborn pleasure in lying (as Tertullian says, Apology, ch. 7), than those who cunningly compose lies. The "vani", then, are those whom the Greeks call mataioi, because they lie maten, that is, for no gain, but merely indulging their own bent. HERALD. — In our language, Aufschneider, Windbeutel ("braggart, windbag"). ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Aut puerili› · col 793 Aut puerili. Est e correctione Heraldi : antea ut puerili. ORELL.

"Or childish." This is from Herald's correction; before it read "as childish." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Et execrabili haberentur in nomine› · col 793 Et execrabili haberentur in nomine. Nonnulli (Ful. Ursinus) legendum existimabant in omine : nempe quia infanda habiti Christiani. Sed hac ipsa de causa vulgata lectio retinenda erat : ut significetur scilicet, ipsum nomen christianorum infaustum fuisse et execrabile. Supra : Quid ut ominis pessimi, nostri nominis inhorrescitis mentione ? Hoc autem execrabile nomen Glossae : Execramur, καταρώμεθα, ἀποτροπιαζόμεθα, βδελυττόμεθα. Item : Execrat, ἀπαγορεύει, ἀφελπίζει (pro quo legendum ἀφιερίζει). ἀπεύχεται, καταρᾶται. Execrabiles igitur erant, quos arcebant sacris, tamquam impios, pollutos, et magno aliquo scelere impiatos : ἐναγεῖς apud Graecos. (Quos si restituebant, resecrare eos dicebantur.) Vid. Cornel. Nep., Alcibiad., cap. 6. HERALD.

"And were held under an accursed name." Some (Fulvius Ursinus) thought one should read "in omine" ("under an accursed omen"), namely because the Christians were held to be unspeakable. But for this very reason the common reading was to be kept: so that it means, of course, that the very name of the Christians was ill-omened and accursed. Above: "Why do you shudder at the mention of our name, as of the worst of omens?" On this "accursed" name, the Glosses: "Execramur": we curse, we avert, we abhor. Likewise: "Execrat": forbids, despairs of (for which read: consecrates [to the gods below]), deprecates, curses. The "execrabiles", then, were those whom they kept from the sacred rites as impious, polluted and defiled by some great crime: enageis among the Greeks. (If they restored them, they were said to "resecrare" them.) See Cornelius Nepos, Alcibiades, ch. 6. HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: LV. — Coeli convexionibusque dimotae› · col 793 LV. — Coeli convexionibusque dimotae. Obert Gifanius legendum censet coelique convexionibus, probante Th. Cantoro. Sed nil mutandum. Amat hoc Arnobius, verbi causa, lib. II, cap. 2 : a quo omnia terrena cunctaque coelestia animantur motu irriganturque vitali. Sic enim vel optimi scriptores, verbi causa, Cornel. Nepos Timoleonte init. Siciliam multos annos bello vexatam, a barbarisque oppressam. Velleius Pat., II, c. 75 : Tiberium Caesarum, vindicem romani imperii, futurumque ejusdem Caesaris filium, gestans sinu. OSCHNER.

LV. — "And removed by the vaults of heaven." Obert Gifanius thinks one should read "and by the vaults of heaven," with Theodore Canter's approval. But nothing is to be changed. Arnobius is fond of this, for example, book II, ch. 2: "by whom all earthly and all heavenly things are animated and watered with vital motion." So indeed even the best writers, for example Cornelius Nepos at the opening of the Timoleon: "Sicily, harassed by war for many years and oppressed by barbarians." Velleius Paterculus, II, ch. 75: "carrying in her bosom Tiberius, the [future] Caesar, avenger of the Roman empire and future son of that same Caesar." OSCHNER.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Temeraria desperatione› · col 794 Temeraria desperatione. Id est, ἀπονοίᾳ. Vide supra ad cap. XXV. ORELL.

"In rash despair." That is, aponoia (desperate folly). See above on ch. XXV. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Beneficia patris munerandis animis hominibusque› · col 794 Beneficia patris munerandis animis hominibusque. Haec lectio vitiosa videbatur interpretibus vario modo illam restituentibus. Gelenius : Et numera dis hominibus portabant. Lud. Carrio : Et munera sanandis animis hominibusque portabant, sequente editore Lugd. Bat. Alii : munerandis feminis hominibusque. Alii : Munera piis animis ominibusque. Alii : Munera nudis animis ominibusque. Heraldus : Munera mundi terminos adusque portabant. Sed recte, opinor, antiquam lectionem defendit Stewechius. Homines enim hoc loco idem quod corpora. Sic infra lib. II, cap. 28 : Animae foris positae et nondum hominibus conjugatae. Eodem sensu homines opponuntur animis in notissimo illo Homeri loco Iliad. A. init. : Πολλὰς δ' ἰφθίμους ψυχὰς Ἄϊδι προΐαψεν / Ἡρώων, αὐτοὺς δὲ ἑλώρια τεῦχε κύνεσσιν, etc. Cf. Scholia ad Aristophan. Acharn. vs. 397. Et munerare absolute beglucken, beschenken. Neque etiam omnia omnino Christi et Apostolorum miracula in sanationibus constabant. ORELL.

"The Father's benefits, for souls and men to be gifted." This reading seemed corrupt to the interpreters, who restored it in various ways. Gelenius: "And they carried gifts to gods and men." Ludovicus Carrio: "And they carried gifts for souls and men to be healed," followed by the Leiden editor. Others: "for women and men to be gifted." Others: "gifts to pious souls and omens." Others: "gifts to bare souls and omens." Heraldus: "they carried gifts to the very ends of the world." But Stewechius, I think, rightly defends the old reading. For "men" here is the same as "bodies." So below, book II, ch. 28: "souls placed outside and not yet joined to men." In the same sense "men" are set against "souls" in that most famous passage of Homer at the opening of Iliad A: "it sent many mighty souls of heroes to Hades, and made the men themselves a prey for dogs," etc. Compare the scholia on Aristophanes, Acharnians, line 397. And "munerare" used absolutely: to make happy, to present with gifts. Nor indeed did all the miracles of Christ and the apostles without exception consist in healings. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: LVI. — Sed conscriptores nostri mendaciter ista prompserunt› · col 794 LVI. — Sed conscriptores nostri mendaciter ista prompserunt, extulere in immensum, etc. Just. Lipsius Epistolic. Quaest., lib. III, Epist. 15, pag. 531, ed. Vesal., legendum existimat : Sed cum scriptores nostri, etc. At recte est conscriptores. Haec scil. verba continent novam objectionem gentilium. Sed, inquiunt, conscriptores nostri mendaciter ista prompserunt. Conscriptor familiare Arnobio. Vide caput sequens. Et conscriptio passim. Neque promiserunt, quod omnes editores habent ante Salmasium, equidem prorsus rejecerim. Videtur scil. Arnobius verbum hoc propria sua et primaria significatione accepisse pro porro mittere, protendere, ut dicitur promissa barba, promissa insula : hinc rem gestam, historiam promittere idem quod nimis extollere, dilatare, exaggerare. Nam objectionem adversariorum, gesta Christi omnia omnino falsa esse et mendaciis conficta, jam in praecedenti capite diluerat Arnobius : nunc pergit ad alterum, scilicet eas res ex parte quidem veras esse, sed nimis exaggeratas, elatas a christianis scriptoribus. At cum dictionis promittere res, historias, pro extollere, dilatare exempla frustra quaesivissem ap. antiquos, malui cum ed. Lugd. Bat. edere prompserunt. ORELL.

LVI. — "But our writers have put these things out falsely, have exalted them beyond measure," etc. Justus Lipsius, Epistolicae Quaestiones, book III, letter 15, p. 531, Wesel edition, thinks one should read: "But since our writers," etc. But "conscriptores" is right. These words, namely, contain a new objection of the Gentiles: "But," they say, "our writers have put these things out falsely." "Conscriptor" is a word familiar to Arnobius; see the next chapter. And "conscriptio" throughout. Nor would I accept at all "promiserunt," which all the editors before Salmasius have. Arnobius, it is thought, took this verb in its own primary sense, for "to send forward, to stretch out," as one says "a long beard," "a long headband": hence "promittere" an event or a history is the same as to exalt too much, to enlarge, to exaggerate. For Arnobius had already refuted in the preceding chapter the opponents' objection that all the deeds of Christ were entirely false and made up of lies; now he goes on to the other, namely that those things were in part true, but much exaggerated and exalted by Christian writers. But since I looked in vain among the ancients for examples of the expression "promittere" things or histories for "to exalt, to enlarge," I have preferred to print "prompserunt" with the Leiden edition. ORELLI.

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Intercipi. ms.

"Intercipi" ("to be intercepted"): manuscript.

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Interpolata quaedam, quaedam et addita. Fulv.

Some things interpolated, and some things added as well. Fulvius [Ursinus].

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Est, probante Meursio. ms.

"Est" ("is"), with Meursius's approval: manuscript.

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Conscriptionibus Fulv. Supra : si quae sunt litteris conscriptionibusque mandata.

"Conscriptionibus" ("in writings"): Fulvius. Above: "if any things have been committed to letters and writings."

COMMENTARIUS. (comm.) ‹anchor: Aut apprehendere locum fortasse possetis› · col 795 Aut apprehendere locum fortasse possetis, quo videretur esse simillimum veri quo videretur pro quod videretur ex ms. restituit Stewechius legendum existimans : aut apprehendere fucum fortasse possetis, quo videretur, quod perplacet, vixque mihi temperare potui, quin in textum reciperem. ORELL.

"Or you might perhaps seize on a place by which it would seem most like the truth." Stewechius restored "quo videretur" for "quod videretur" from the manuscript, thinking one should read: "or you might perhaps seize on a disguise by which it would seem," which pleases me greatly, and I could hardly restrain myself from taking it into the text. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Aut consimilium his hominum› · col 795 Aut consimilium his hominum. Scil. haereticorum. ORELL.

"Or of men like these." That is, of heretics. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Ut et prudentium tardaret fidem› · col 795 Ut et prudentium tardaret fidem. Fulv. Ursinius : ut id credentium tardarent. Sed nil mutandum. Tardaret referend. ad malivolentia. Pro prudentium Meursius prodentium. ORELL.

"So as to slow the faith of the prudent too." Fulvius Ursinus: "so that they might slow this [faith] of believers." But nothing is to be changed. "Tardaret" is to be referred to "malivolentia" (ill will). For "prudentium" Meursius reads "prodentium" ("of those who hand down"). ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Sed numquam fuerit his bene› · col 795 Sed numquam fuerit his bene, ut Christus qui fuerit litterarum testimoniis colligatur. Ita lego et distinguo. Fuerit idem quod erit. Futurum exactum saepissime pro futuro indicativi, etiamsi nullum si praecesserit, praesertim cum de re agitur cujus eventus adhuc incertus est. Ita Cicero, Academ. IV, c. 36 : Age restitero Peripateticis..... sustinuero Epicureos..... Diodoto quid faciam Stoico? Ita hoc loco numquam fuerit his bene idem quod his (scilicet daemonibus et iis consimilibus hominibus) numquam (spero, credo) ista res bono, commodo erit, ut Christus, etc. Vult dicere Arnobius, daemonas et haereticos gavisuros fuisse, si Christi res gestae scriptorum tantum fide niterentur (quia scilicet scripta facillime possunt adulterari vel mutilari). At (pergit) numquam fuerit his bene, numquam gaudebunt. (Es wird ihnen, hoffe, denke ich, nie zu Gute kommen, sie werden nichts dadarch gewinnen). Nam et aliis momentis compluribus nititur fides christiana. Quis vulgaris interpunctionis : Sed numquam fuerit his bene Christus qui fuerit, litterarum, etc.; sensus sit, equidem nescire me fateor cum ignarissimis. ORELL.

"But it will never go well for them that who Christ was should be gathered from the testimonies of letters." So I read and punctuate. "Fuerit" is the same as "erit." The future perfect is very often used for the future indicative, even though no "if" has gone before, especially when the matter concerns something whose outcome is still uncertain. So Cicero, Academica IV, ch. 36: "Come, I shall have withstood the Peripatetics..... I shall have held off the Epicureans..... what am I to do with Diodotus the Stoic?" So in this place "it will never have gone well for them" is the same as: for them (namely the demons and men like them) this will never (I hope, I believe) be to their good or advantage, that Christ, etc. Arnobius means that the demons and heretics would have rejoiced if the deeds of Christ rested only on the credit of writers (because, of course, writings can very easily be corrupted or mutilated). But (he goes on) it will never go well for them; they will never rejoice. (It will never, I hope, I think, do them any good; they will gain nothing by it.) For the Christian faith rests on many other grounds as well. What the sense of the common punctuation is ("But Christ, who he was, will never have been well for them, of letters," etc.), I confess that I, with the most ignorant, do not know. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: LVII. — Compingimus› · col 795 LVII. — Compingimus. Ex msto restituit Stewech. et sic amat noster. Infra lib. IV : ignominiosas compingitis fabulas et lib. VII, obscoenas compingere cantiones. Caeteri : confingitis. ORELL.

LVII. — "We put together." Stewechius restored it from the manuscript, and our author likes the word. Below, book IV: "you put together shameful tales," and book VII: "to put together obscene songs." The rest: "confingitis" ("you invent"). ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Edissertata› · col 796 Edissertata. Et hoc debetur Stewechio. Amant frequentativum Afri, Apuleius, Tertullianus et Arnobius, imitatione Plautina. Sic edissertate et dicite passim ap. nostrum. Alii : edisserta. ORELL.

"Set forth at length." This too is owed to Stewechius. The Africans, Apuleius, Tertullian and Arnobius, love the frequentative, in imitation of Plautus. So "set forth and say" occurs throughout in our author. Others: "edisserta." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Turpissimas diis notas› · col 796 Turpissimas diis notas. Ita Meursius et Salmasius verissime. Antea dii. ORELL.

"Most shameful marks [branded] on the gods." So Meursius and Salmasius, most truly. Before, "dii." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Aut non simillimum veri est› · col 796 Aut non simillimum veri est, finem vicinis et finitimis, quam spatiorum inesse longinquitate distantibus. Notandus hic usus superlativi pro comparativo, ubi major aliquis comparationis gradus indicatur. Aut non simillimum veri est pro aut non multo est verosimilius. ORELL.

"Or is it not most like the truth that an end lies nearer to things neighbouring and bordering than to things distant by length of space?" Note here the use of the superlative for the comparative, where some greater degree of comparison is indicated. "Or is it not most like the truth" stands for "or is it not much more likely." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: LVIII. — Sed ab indoctis hominibus et rudibus scripta sunt› · col 796 LVIII. — Sed ab indoctis hominibus et rudibus scripta sunt. Fuit haec scripturae criminatio a gentibus passim inculcata, atque eodem modo a christianis scriptoribus repulsa : ut a Clemente Alexandrino in Protreptico, a Lactantio lib. III, cap. 1 et alibi. HERALD.

LVIII. — "But they were written by unlearned and rude men." This charge against the Scripture was pressed everywhere by the Gentiles, and repelled in the same way by Christian writers: as by Clement of Alexandria in the Protrepticus, and by Lactantius, book III, ch. 1, and elsewhere. HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Numquam enim veritas sectata est fucum› · col 796 Numquam enim veritas sectata est fucum. Clemens Alexandr. in Protrept. Γραφαὶ δὲ αἱ θεῖαι, καὶ πολιτεῖαι σώφρονες, σύντομοι σωτηρίας ὁδοί· γυμναὶ κομμωτικῆς, καὶ τῆς ἐκτὸς καλλιφωνίας, καὶ στωμυλίας καὶ κολακείας ὑπάρχουσαι. HERALD. — Caeterum enim, ut γὰρ apud Graecos, indicat, aliquid supplendum esse ex praecedentibus : ut hoc loco. Et merito. Recte. Numquam enim, etc. ORELL.

"For truth has never sought paint." Clement of Alexandria in the Protrepticus: "The divine Scriptures and sober ways of life are short roads to salvation; they are bare of cosmetic art, of outward fine speaking, of glib talk and of flattery." HERALD. — Moreover "enim", like gar among the Greeks, shows that something is to be supplied from what precedes: as in this place, "And rightly so. Rightly. For never," etc. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Collectiones› · col 796 Collectiones. Id est συλλογισμοί. Vide Quintil., Instit. IX, 2, et J. Ch. Th. Ernesti Lexicon technologiae lat. rhetor., hoc verbo. ORELL.

"Collections." That is, syllogismoi (syllogisms). See Quintilian, Institutio IX, 2, and J. Ch. Th. Ernesti, Lexicon technologiae Latinorum rhetoricae, under this word. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Fides quaeritur assertionis› · col 796 Fides quaeritur assertionis. Fulv. Ursin. assertioni, non male. ORELL.

"Credit is sought for an assertion." Fulvius Ursinus: "assertioni" (dative), not badly. ORELLI.

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Admittimus. Fulv.

"Admittimus" ("we admit"). Fulvius [Ursinus].

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Deliniamenta. Fulv.

"Deliniamenta." Fulvius.

COMMENTARIUS. (comm.) ‹anchor: LIX. — Angusti pectoris reprehensio› · col 797 LIX. — Angusti pectoris reprehensio. Angustum pectus appellat μικρόψυχον et velut μικρολόγον. HERALD.

LIX. — "A narrow-hearted reproach." By a "narrow breast" he means mikropsychos (small-souled) and, as it were, mikrologos (petty). HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Quod cum spinis nascuntur et purgamentis aliis› · col 797 Quod cum spinis nascuntur et purgamentis aliis. Purgamenta hoc loco inutiles herbae, lolium, etc. Palladius, de Re Rust., lib. I, tit. 35 : Paleas et purgamenta pluribus locis per hortum disposita simul omnia, cum nebulas videris instare, combures. ORELL.

"Because they spring up with thorns and other refuse." "Purgamenta" here means useless plants, darnel, etc. Palladius, On Agriculture, book I, title 35: "Chaff and refuse laid out in several places through the garden you will burn all together when you see mists threatening." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Utrumne quid glabre an hirsuta cum asperitate promatur› · col 797 Utrumne quid glabre an hirsuta cum asperitate promatur. Haec est emendatio felicissima Hug. Grotii prolata ab N. Heinsio, in Adversar., lib. IV, c. 8, cod. ms. grave, quod autem minime oppositum hirsutae asperitati. Al., leve. Fulv. Ursin., lene. Sed optimum glabre, quod in textum recipere non dubitavi. Sic noster infra, lib. III, dicit glabritates corporum et calvitia. ORELL.

"Whether a thing is put forth smoothly or with shaggy roughness." This is a most happy emendation of Hugo Grotius, published by N. Heinsius in the Adversaria, book IV, ch. 8; the manuscript has "grave," which, however, is not at all the opposite of "shaggy roughness." Others, "leve"; Fulvius Ursinus, "lene." But "glabre" is best, and I did not hesitate to take it into the text. So our author below, book III, speaks of "smoothness of bodies and baldness." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Inflectatur quod acui› · col 797 Inflectatur quod acui. Inflecti videtur hoc loco positum pro circumflecti. Non enim hoc loco de declamatione, quae, si mala est, omnino intellectum tardat, sed de stylo litterarumque positione sermo est. ORELL.

"Whether what should be acute is inflected." "Inflecti" seems to be put here for "circumflecti" (to be given a circumflex). For the talk here is not of delivery, which, if bad, slows understanding altogether, but of style and the placing of letters. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Deturque illis immo› · col 797 Deturque illis immo. Stewechio placet; deturque illis simiis, hoc est ridiculis optimorum scriptorum, exempli causa, Ciceronis imitatoribus. Vide Plin., lib. I, epist. V; Sidon., lib. I, epist. I. Plura collegit Meursius in Appendice Critici Arnobiani ad lib. III. ORELL.

"And rather let it be given to those." Stewechius prefers "and let it be given to those apes," that is, to the ridiculous imitators of the best writers, for example of Cicero. See Pliny, book I, letter 5; Sidonius, book I, letter 1. Meursius gathered more in the Appendix of the Criticus Arnobianus on book III. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Voluptatum delinimenta› · col 797 Voluptatum delinimenta. Alii delenimenta. Sed bene defendit vulgatam Oudendorpius ad Apulei. lib. III, delinimenta voluptatum optime dicuntur voluptates quasi unguen aliquod homines mollientes, a delino, ere, idem quod delibuo. ORELL.

"The blandishments of pleasures." Others, "delenimenta." But Oudendorp, on Apuleius book III, rightly defends the common reading: pleasures are very well called "delinimenta voluptatum," softening men like an ointment, from "delino, -ere," the same as "delibuo" (to anoint). ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Omne suum studium› · col 797 Omne suum studium. Editio princeps : Omnes unum studium. ORELL.

"All their zeal." The first edition: "All [their] one zeal." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Trivialem studio humilitatem secutos› · col 797 Trivialem studio humilitatem secutos. Studio, id est consulto. Solinus, cap. 35 : Hi delphines crocodilos studio eliciunt ad natandum, demersique astu fraudulento tenera ventrium subternatantes secant et interimunt. HERALD.

"Who followed a common lowliness on purpose." "Studio," that is, deliberately. Solinus, ch. 35: "These dolphins purposely lure the crocodiles to swim, and diving with crafty cunning, swimming beneath them, they cut the soft parts of their bellies and kill them." HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Et sophistica se potius ostentatione jactarent› · col 798 Et sophistica se potius ostentatione jactarent. Sophistas appellabant eo aevo eos praecipue, qui litteras humaniores tractabant, et in rhetoricis ac poeticis, denique in sermonis cura et flosculis elegantiae colligendis studium suum occupabant; quae erant rhetorum et grammaticorum praecipuae partes. HERALD.

"And should rather vaunt themselves with sophistic display." In that age they called "sophists" especially those who handled the humane letters and spent their zeal on rhetoric and poetry, and in short on care for language and gathering the little flowers of elegance; which were the chief business of rhetoricians and grammarians. HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Cum tibi sit ratio cum male se habentibus atque aegris› · col 798 Cum tibi sit ratio cum male se habentibus atque aegris. Alii : cum tibi sit oratio, etc. Sed τὸ ratio bene defendit J. Fr. Gronov., Obss., lib. II, cap. 10. Ratio, id est negotium, apud Ciceronem aliquoties. ORELL.

"Since you have dealings with those who are unwell and sick." Others: "since you have speech," etc. But J. Fr. Gronovius, Observationes, book II, ch. 10, rightly defends "ratio." "Ratio," that is, business, several times in Cicero. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Secus virile› · col 798 Secus virile. Ita restituit Lud. Carrio ex msto. Secus antique pro sexu aliquoties ap. Arnobium, verbi causa, lib. V, cap. 13 et 25. Vide interpretes, ad Festum verbo sexus. Ita Sallust., Fragment. Historiar., lib. II : At Metellus in ulteriorem Hispaniam post annum regressus; magna gloria concurrentium undique. virile et muliebre secus, per vias ac tecta omnium visebatur. Ubi vide Corte, pag. 960, et, qui omnia antiqui hujus et obsoleti vocabuli loca diligenter collegit, J. Fr. Gronov., ad Liv., lib. XXVI, c. 47; et Lindenbrog., ad Ammian. Marcellin., lib. XVI, cap. 11, § 9. ORELL.

"The male sex." So Ludovicus Carrio restored it from the manuscript. "Secus," in the old way, stands for "sexus" several times in Arnobius, for example book V, ch. 13 and 25. See the interpreters on Festus under the word "sexus." So Sallust, Fragments of the Histories, book II: "But Metellus, returning after a year into Further Spain, was looked upon with great glory by all, male and female, running together from every side through the roads and the houses." On which see Corte, p. 960, and J. Fr. Gronovius, who diligently collected all the passages of this old and obsolete word, on Livy, book XXVI, ch. 47; and Lindenbrog on Ammianus Marcellinus, book XVI, ch. 11, § 9. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Applicetur› · col 798 Applicetur. Sic editor Leidensis ex ms. Caeteri applicet vitiose, quod tamen, more suo, retinuit Oberthur. id quod sequitur, scil. haec. ORELL.

"Should be applied." So the Leiden editor from the manuscript. The rest have "applicet," wrongly, which Oberthür nonetheless kept, as is his way. "That which follows," namely "haec." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Vitiorum criminamini foeditate› · col 798 Vitiorum criminamini foeditate. Foeditate e ms. addidit Meursius, optime. Lipsius emendabat vitio verborum criminamini, Bertius, vi vitiorum. ORELL.

"You accuse with the foulness of faults." Meursius added "foeditate" from the manuscript, excellently. Lipsius emended "you accuse with a fault of words," Bertius "with the force of faults." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Stribiligines› · col 798 Stribiligines. Glossae : Stribiligo, σολοικισμός. Gellius, lib. V, c. 20. Soloecismus a Sinnio Capitone ejusdemque aetatis aliis imparilitas appellatur, vetustioribus Latinis stribiligo dicebatur, a versura videlicet et pravitate tortuosa orationis, quasi steribiligo quaedam. ELMENH. — Videtur derivatum a στρέφω, vertere, στρεβλός, στρόβλος. Hinc pro steribiligo, strebiligo vel strobiligo legendum ap. Gell. ORELL.

"Solecisms." The Glosses: "Stribiligo", soloikismos (solecism). Gellius, book V, ch. 20: "The solecism is called 'imparilitas' (unevenness) by Sinnius Capito and others of the same age; by the older Latins it was called 'stribiligo,' evidently from the twisting and crooked perversity of the speech, a sort of 'steribiligo'." ELMENHORST. — It seems derived from strepho, to turn; strebios (twisted), strobilos. Hence in Gellius one should read "strebiligo" or "strobiligo" for "steribiligo." ORELLI.

(printed under page 401)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 402)

(a) ‹anchor: Quis est enim› · call in col 800

Etenim. Fulv.

"Etenim" ("for indeed"). Fulvius [Ursinus].

COMMENTARIUS. (comm.) ‹anchor: Nonne alius haec utria, alius dicitis hos utres› · col 799 Nonne alius haec utria, alius dicitis hos utres. Ita edidi cum Lugd. Bat. Variant autem editores : Cod. ms. aliud..... aliud, quod manifeste vitiosum. Nam hujus lectionis sensus foret : aliud (hoc est significatione diversum) esse utria et utres, cum tamen vocabula ejusdem significationis, at diversae terminationis et generis hic enumeret Arnobius. Lipsius leg. aliubi haec utria, aliubi..... hos utres. Heraldus in Curis secundis (contra Salmasium) scribit in msto. extitisse alius, sed postea alia manu, alioque atramento mutatum esse in aliud, et ipse legendum existimat alias—alias. Equidem non video, quare alius ..... alius mutandum sit. Pro utria.....utres Gronov., ad A. Gell., lib. III, cap. 16, legendum censet utera .... uteros, qui Gellius, l. l., habeat uterus. Sed et hic nil mutandum, novimus enim complures ejusmodi obsoletas antiquioris latinitatis terminationes prorsus interiisse, alias tantummodo servatas in grammaticorum citatis. Et Nonius verbo utres aperte dicit etiam neutrum usurpatum ab antiquis, citans locum Lucilii : Andronius Flaccii eget utria, ORELL.

"Does not one of you say 'these utria' and another 'these utres'?" So I have printed it, with the Leiden edition. But the editors vary: the manuscript has "aliud ..... aliud," which is plainly faulty. For the sense of that reading would be that "utria" and "utres" are something different (that is, different in meaning), whereas Arnobius here lists words of the same meaning but of different ending and gender. Lipsius reads "in one place 'these utria', in another ..... 'these utres'." Heraldus in his Curae secundae (against Salmasius) writes that "alius" stood in the manuscript, but was later changed into "aliud" by another hand and in another ink, and he himself thinks one should read "alias — alias." For my part I do not see why "alius ..... alius" should be changed. For "utria ..... utres" Gronovius, on Aulus Gellius book III, ch. 16, thinks one should read "utera .... uteros," since Gellius in that place has "uterus." But here too nothing is to be changed, for we know that a good many obsolete endings of this kind from older Latin have entirely perished, being preserved elsewhere only in the grammarians' quotations. And Nonius, under the word "utres," says plainly that the neuter too was used by the ancients, quoting a passage of Lucilius: "Andronius Flaccii eget utria." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Coelus et coelum› · col 799 Coelus et coelum. Vide eumdem Nonium de indiscretis generibus verbo coelum, multa exempla citantem. ORELL.

"Coelus and coelum." See the same Nonius, on words of indeterminate gender, under the word "coelum," quoting many examples. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Filus et filum› · col 799 Filus et filum. Hoc, nescio qua de causa, Fulvius Ursinus mutat in hilus et hilum. ORELL.

"Filus and filum." This, for what reason I do not know, Fulvius Ursinus changes into "hilus and hilum." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Crocus et crocum› · col 799 Crocus et crocum. Vide eumdem Nonium verbo crocum neutrum citantem ex Sallust. Hist. II. Iter vertit ad Corcyram urbem, pastusque nemore, in quo crocum gignitur; quod fragmentum neglectum a Cortio. Sic etiam Cornelius Fronto, libro I de Oratoribus in operibus novissime repertis et editis ab Angelo Maio, q. 226 : Tibi saepenumero curandum crocum in theatro longe atque alte exprimatur. ORELL.

"Crocus and crocum." See the same Nonius under the word "crocum," quoting the neuter from Sallust, Histories II: "He turned his way to the city of Corcyra, and having fed in a grove in which saffron grows"; a fragment overlooked by Corte. So too Cornelius Fronto, On Orators, book I, in the works most recently found and published by Angelo Mai, q. 226: "You must often take care that saffron be squeezed out far and high in the theatre." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Fretus et fretum› · col 799 Fretus et fretum. Hac de re plura proferuntur exempla a Nonio. Sed quod ibi e Lucilio proponitur coeli nomine et salis fretus, legerim coeli lumen et sali fretus. Ita significabat Lucilius, dici eleganter coeli lumen pro coelo, et sali fretum pro salo. HERALD.

"Fretus and fretum." Several examples on this matter are brought forward by Nonius. But what is put there from Lucilius, "coeli nomine et salis fretus," I would read "coeli lumen et sali fretus." So Lucilius meant that "the light of heaven" is elegantly said for "heaven," and "the strait of the sea" for "the sea." HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Hoc pane et hic panis› · col 799 Hoc pane et hic panis. Charis. Inst. gramm., lib. I, p. 69. Panis masculino genere dicitur, tametsi neutro genere Plautus dixit in Curculione : / Haec sunt ventris stabilimenta, pane et assa bubula. / Cf. Nonium. ELMENH.

"This pane (neuter) and this panis (masculine)." Charisius, Institutiones grammaticae, book I, p. 69: "Panis is used in the masculine gender, though Plautus used the neuter in the Curculio: 'These are the props of the belly, bread and roast beef.'" Compare Nonius. ELMENHORST.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Hic sanguis et hoc sanguen› · col 799 Hic sanguis et hoc sanguen. Vid. Nonius in sanguis, Priscian., lib. VI, p. 708; Lucret., lib. I, vs. 837. ELMENH.

"This sanguis (masculine) and this sanguen (neuter)." See Nonius under "sanguis"; Priscian, book VI, p. 708; Lucretius, book I, line 837. ELMENHORST.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Candelabrum, candelaber› · col 799 Candelabrum, candelaber. Videsis Nonium verbo candelabrum. ELMENH.

"Candelabrum, candelaber." See, if you please, Nonius under the word "candelabrum." ELMENHORST.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Epicadios› · col 799 Epicadios. Ita legend. ms. et edit. rom. Epicandeos vitiose. Sueton. de illustr. Grammat., c. 12 : Cornelius Epicadus L. Cornelii Sullae dictatoris libertus calatorque in sacerdotio augurali, filioque ejus Fausto gratissimus fuit; quare numquam non utriusque se libertum edidit. Librum autem, quem Sulla novissimum de rebus suis imperfectum reliquerat, ipse supplevit. Cf. Lud. Carrio, qui de homine multus est, Lect. antiq., lib. I, cap. 13. ORELL.

"The Epicadi." So one should read. The manuscript and the Roman edition have "Epicandeos," wrongly. Suetonius, On Illustrious Grammarians, ch. 12: "Cornelius Epicadus, freedman of the dictator Lucius Cornelius Sulla and his attendant in the augural priesthood, was a great favourite of his son Faustus as well; for which reason he always declared himself the freedman of both. The book which Sulla had left unfinished as the last about his own deeds, he completed himself." Compare Ludovicus Carrio, who has much to say about the man, Lectiones antiquae, book I, ch. 13. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Caesellios› · col 800 Caesellios. Caesellius Vindex scripsit commentarios celebratissimos Lectionum antiquarum, teste Gellio, lib. VII, cap. 2, qui illum hominem haud intelligentem laudat. Citatur quoque a Charisio, lib. I et II, et Prisciano, lib. X, saepius. ELMENH. et ORELL.

"The Caesellii." Caesellius Vindex wrote very celebrated commentaries of Ancient Readings, on the witness of Gellius, book VII, ch. 2, who praises him as a man of no small understanding. He is also quoted by Charisius, books I and II, and by Priscian, book X, rather often. ELMENHORST and ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Verrios› · col 800 Verrios. Intelligendus M. Verrius Flaccus, illustris grammaticus tempore Augusti, de quo pluribus agit Suetonius, de illustr. Grammat., cap. 17, cujusque opus de significatione verborum compendium redegit Festus. ORELL.

"The Verrii." Marcus Verrius Flaccus is meant, a famous grammarian in the time of Augustus, of whom Suetonius treats at length, On Illustrious Grammarians, ch. 17, and whose work On the Meaning of Words Festus reduced to an epitome. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Scauros› · col 800 Scauros. Terentius Scaurus divi Adriani temporibus grammaticus vel nobilissimus, teste A. Gellio, lib. XI, cap. 24, ubi vid. Gronov. Hujus extat liber de Orthographia, a Putschio editus. ORELL.

"The Scauri." Terentius Scaurus, in the times of the deified Hadrian, the most celebrated grammarian, on the witness of Aulus Gellius, book XI, ch. 24, where see Gronovius. A book of his On Orthography survives, published by Putschius. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Et Nisos› · col 800 Et Nisos. Th. Canterus Var. Lect., I. 23, legendum existimat Gnifos (M. Antonius Gnifo memoratur a Suetonio). Sed ipse sententiam retractat, monitus a Carrione, Antiq. Lect., lib. II. cap. 11, qui multus est de Niso grammatico, passim citato a Charisio, Velio Longo, Servio, Prisciano. Inter alia Fastorum libros conscripsisse eum testatur Macrobius Sat., I cap. 12, quae notitia fugit Carrionem. ORELL.

"And the Nisi." Theodore Canter, Variae Lectiones I, 23, thinks one should read "Gnifos" (Marcus Antonius Gnipho is mentioned by Suetonius). But he himself retracts the view, warned by Carrio, Antiquae Lectiones, book II, ch. 11, who has much to say about Nisus the grammarian, quoted here and there by Charisius, Velius Longus, Servius and Priscian. Among other things Macrobius, Saturnalia I, ch. 12, testifies that he wrote books on the Fasti, a piece of information that escaped Carrio. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: LX. — Quod oculorum susciperet injectum› · col 800 LX. — Quod oculorum susciperet injectum. τὴν ἐπίβλεψιν. Nam vocem graecam exprimere voluit Arnobius. HERALD. — Elmenhorst. in ed. Han. leg. conj. sustineret. ORELL.

LX. — "That it should receive the cast of the eyes." Ten epiblepsin (the looking-upon). For Arnobius wished to render the Greek word. HERALD. — Elmenhorst, in the Hanau edition, reads by conjecture "sustineret" ("should bear"). ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Inertissimae contemplationis› · col 800 Inertissimae contemplationis. Id est contemplationis obtusae, hebetis, impeditae, infirmitate humana nequeuntis aspicere divina ac coelestia. Graece μύωψ. Alii ineptissimae, inepte. Equidem legendum suspicor intentissimae. ORELL.

"Of the most sluggish contemplation." That is, of a contemplation that is blunt, dull, hindered, unable through human weakness to look upon things divine and heavenly. In Greek, myops (short-sighted). Others, "ineptissimae," ineptly. For my part I suspect one should read "intentissimae" ("most intent"). ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Quis est enim mortalium, qui quiret eum videre› · col 800 Quis est enim mortalium, qui quiret eum videre, quis cernere. Hanc lectionem primus restituit Stewechius. Antea legebatur : Qui quaereret, etc. quod ortum videtur a librario verba praecedentia contemplationis inertissimae male intelligente. Sed si Stewechium sequamur, in posteriori membro esse debuisset : qui cernere, vel quis est, qui cernere, etc. Itaque magis placet, quod Heraldus proponit in Curis secundis : Quis enim mortalium quiret eum videre, quis cernere, deleto est. ORELL.

"For who is there among mortals who could see him, who could discern him?" Stewechius first restored this reading. Before, it read "Who would seek," etc., which seems to have arisen from a copyist who misunderstood the preceding words "of the most sluggish contemplation." But if we follow Stewechius, the latter member ought to have been "who [could] discern," or "who is there who [could] discern," etc. So what Heraldus proposes in his Curae secundae pleases more: "For who among mortals could see him, who could discern him?", with "est" deleted. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Primigenia natura› · col 800 Primigenia natura Supra primigenii motus moderamen. Lib. II : Habet ergo primigenios ortus. Mac- (continues)

"Primal nature." Above: "the governance of the primal motion." Book II: "It has, then, primal origins." Mac- (continues)

(printed under page 402)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 403)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible on the page foot (perhaps "noluit")› · call in col 801

Noluit. Male. Sab.

"Noluit" ("he did not wish"). Wrongly. Sabaeus.

(printed under page 403)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible on the page foot› · call in col 801

Servatus. Male. Sab.

"Servatus" ("kept"). Wrongly. Sabaeus.

(printed under page 403)

(c) ‹anchor: id, quod nosse› · call in col 801

Quod non esse. Sab.

"Quod non esse" ("that it is not"). Sabaeus.

(printed under page 403)

(d) ‹anchor: atque audire conquireres› · call in col 801

Conquiris. Fulv.

"Conquiris" ("you seek"). Fulvius [Ursinus].

(printed under page 403)

(e) ‹anchor: not visible on the page foot› · call in col 802

Sed. Fulv.

"Sed" ("but"). Fulvius.

(printed under page 403)

(f) ‹anchor: not visible on the page foot› · call in col 802

Similitudine proximo. ms. Male.

"Similitudine proximo" ("nearest by likeness"): manuscript. Wrongly.

(printed under page 403)

(g) ‹anchor: not visible on the page foot› · call in col 802

Fulv. Deos.

Fulvius: "Deos" ("gods").

(printed under page 403)

(h) ‹anchor: quam nec ipsam perpeti succubuisset› · call in col 802

Ita Galen. et Fulv. ms. occubuisset.

So Gelenius and Fulvius. The manuscript has "occubuisset."

(printed under page 403)

(i) ‹anchor: inexplicabilis ratio fati› · call in col 802

Ms. et Sab. satis.

The manuscript and Sabaeus: "satis" ("enough").

COMMENTARIUS. (comm.) ‹anchor: (Primigenia natura, from the previous page)› · col 801

(continued) tian. Capella, lib. VII de Nupt. philol. : Tu singularis primigeniaeque naturae fontem Jupiter recognosce. ELMENH.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Vel qualitate vel numine› · col 801 Vel qualitate vel numine. Qualitas idem est quod modo dixit Arnobius propriam primigeniamque naturam numen id quod barbare dicunt deitatem. ORELL.

"Either in quality or in divinity." "Quality" is the same as what Arnobius just called "his own and primal nature"; "numen" is what they barbarously call "deitas" (deity). ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: LXI. — Latent taliter involutae› · col 801 LXI. — Latent taliter involutae. Sic emendavit Meursius in Append., e ms. cod. qui habet latentaliter involutae. Antea edebatur latenter involutae, pro quo Fulv. Ursinus mavult latentes, involutae. Stewechius : latent altae, involutae. Simillimus Ciceronis locus lib. I. de Divinat, cap. XVIII. latet fortasse causa obscuritate involuta naturae. ORELL.

LXI. — "They lie hidden, thus wrapped up." So Meursius emended in the Appendix, from the manuscript, which has "latentaliter involutae." Before, "latenter involutae" was printed, for which Fulvius Ursinus prefers "latentes, involutae." Stewechius: "they lie hidden deep, wrapped up." A very similar passage of Cicero, On Divination, book I, ch. 18: "perhaps the cause lies hidden, wrapped in the obscurity of nature." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Et prius te formares ad non credendi frontem› · col 801 Et prius te formares ad non credendi frontem. Ad obstinationem pene impudentem. Dixisset tamen clarius : et prius tuam formares ad non credendum frontem : ac potius etiam firmares, quam formares, ut dicimus durare frontem. HERALD.

"And you would sooner shape yourself to a brow of unbelief." That is, to an almost shameless obstinacy. He would, however, have said it more clearly as "and you would sooner shape your brow to not believing"; and better still "firmares" (harden) than "formares," as we say "to harden the brow." HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: LXII. — Sed more est hominis interemptus› · col 801 LXII. — Sed more est hominis interemptus. Non ipse, etc. Disputat haec Arnobius e gnosticorum vel Docetarum doctrina, qui statuebant aeonem (ut dicebant) Christum cum Jesu filio Mariae, dum in terris viveret, conjunctum, sejunxisse se ab illo, antequam cruci affigeretur; adeoque non Christum filium Dei, sed hominem Jesum, filium Mariae, in cruce necatum. Hoc scil. erat Cerinthi et Ebionitarum dogma. Vide Irenaeum adv. Haeres., lib. I, cap. 25, 26, ed. Erasmi. In hoc et aliis locis compluribus gnosticum facile agnoscimus Arnobium, maxime autem libro II, in iis, quae de origine animarum disputat. ORELL.

LXII. — "But he was slain after the manner of a man. Not he himself," etc. Arnobius argues these things from the teaching of the Gnostics or Docetae, who held that the aeon (as they said) Christ, joined to Jesus the son of Mary while he lived on earth, separated himself from him before he was fixed to the cross; and that therefore it was not Christ the Son of God but the man Jesus, son of Mary, who was killed on the cross. This, namely, was the dogma of Cerinthus and the Ebionites. See Irenaeus, Against Heresies, book I, ch. 25, 26, Erasmus's edition. In this and a good many other places we easily recognise Arnobius as a Gnostic, but most of all in book II, in what he argues about the origin of souls. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Homo, quem induerat› · col 801 Homo, quem induerat. Homo id quod humana natura. Ita Lactantius, Inst., lib. IV, cap. 10, homini, quem induerat, quem gerebat, ubi vid. Bunemann., pag 452. Concretum pro abstracto. ORELL.

"The man whom he had put on." "Man" means human nature. So Lactantius, Institutes, book IV, ch. 10: "to the man whom he had put on, whom he bore," where see Bünemann, p. 452. The concrete for the abstract. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Si quo tempore Sibylla praesaga, oracula› · col 801 Si quo tempore Sibylla praesaga, oracula, etc. Ita Fulv. Ursinus, quem secuti omnes reliqui editores Arnobii. Cod. ms. et editio romana habent : Si quo tempore Sibylla praesagia, oracula, quod tamquam glossema expungit Canterus, defendit Heraldus more nobii plura ejusmodi vocabula idem significantia coacervandi. Vide supra. ORELL.

"If at any time the foreknowing Sibyl, the oracles," etc. So Fulvius Ursinus, followed by all the other editors of Arnobius. The manuscript and the Roman edition have "If at any time the Sibyl, presages, oracles," which Canter strikes out as a gloss; Heraldus defends it by [Ar]nobius's habit of heaping up several words of this kind meaning the same thing. See above. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Si Bacis, si Helenus› · col 802 Si Bacis, si Helenus. Haec est sagacissima conjectura J. Merceri pro lectione antiqua : si vates, si Helenus. Quod si legamus, sequens aliique vates hariolantes injucundam sane efficeret repetitionem : neque verosimile est in hac celeberrimorum vatum recensione Bacidem omissum fuisse ab Arnobio, praesertim cum Clemens Alexandrinus, quem noster studiosissime sequitur et saepius ad verbum exprimit, illius meminerit Strom. I, p. 398. De Bacide, vate Boeotio, locus classicus est ap. Pausaniam in Boeoticis. Duo ejusdem nominis, alterum Boeotium, alterum Arcadem statuit Clemens l. l. Tres fuisse Bacides docet Scholiastes Aristophan. ad Pacem, vers. 1071, et Aelian., Var. Hist , XII, 35, ubi vid. intpp. Cf. Wesseling. ad Herodot. VIII, 20; et Davis., ad Cic., de Divinat., I, 18. Helenus cui non notus e pulcherrimo illo Episodio Virgilii Aen. VIII, 294? ubi vide Heyne V. Cl. in Excursu X. ORELL.

"If Bacis, if Helenus." This is a most acute conjecture of J. Mercier for the old reading "if a seer, if Helenus." If we read that, the following "and other seers prophesying" would make a truly unpleasant repetition; nor is it likely that in this roll of the most celebrated seers Bacis was left out by Arnobius, especially since Clement of Alexandria, whom our author follows most zealously and very often renders word for word, mentions him, Stromata I, p. 398. On Bacis, the Boeotian seer, the classic passage is in Pausanias, in the Boeotica. Clement, in the place cited, sets down two of the same name, one Boeotian, the other Arcadian. That there were three Bacides is taught by the scholiast on Aristophanes, Peace, line 1071, and by Aelian, Varia Historia XII, 35, where see the interpreters. Compare Wesseling on Herodotus VIII, 20; and Davies on Cicero, On Divination I, 18. Helenus: to whom is he not known from that most beautiful episode of Virgil, Aeneid VIII, 294? Where see the most distinguished Heyne in Excursus X. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Si Martius› · col 802 Si Martius. Hunc vatem illustrem dicit et duo ejus vaticinia, alterum de Cannensi clade, alterum de ludis Apollini vovendis, citat Livius XXV, 12; Plinius, Hist. Nat., VII, c. 33. Divinitas, ait, et quaedam coelitum societas fuit........ apud Romanos in Martio. Martiorum fratrum meminit Servius ad Aen. VI, 70, 72. Symmachus, lib. IV, epist. 35, et inprimis Cicero, de Divin. I, 40, ubi vide Davis. ORELL. — Conf. Fest. in Negumate et Ningulus. Ammian. Marcellin., lib. XIV; Isidor., Origg., lib. VI; Macrob., Saturn., lib. I, cap. XVII et alios plures. MEURS.

"If Martius." Livy XXV, 12 calls this seer illustrious and quotes two of his prophecies, one on the disaster of Cannae, the other on the vowing of games to Apollo; Pliny, Natural History VII, ch. 33: "There was divinity," he says, "and a certain fellowship with the heavenly beings ........ among the Romans in Martius." Servius mentions the brothers Martii on Aeneid VI, 70, 72; Symmachus, book IV, letter 35; and above all Cicero, On Divination I, 40, where see Davies. ORELLI. — Compare Festus under "Negumate" and "Ningulus"; Ammianus Marcellinus, book XIV; Isidore, Origins, book VI; Macrobius, Saturnalia, book I, ch. 17, and many others. MEURSIUS.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Vias rerum postulantibus explicabant› · col 802 Vias rerum postulantibus explicabant : Lycophron : / . . . . Λοξοῖς δυσφάτους αἰνιγμάτων / Οἴμους τυλίσσων. HERALD. [The Greek is in very small type; read with uncertainty.]

"They unfolded the ways of things to those who asked." Lycophron: ". . . . winding the hard-to-utter paths of riddles." HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Assumpti hominis fuit, non ipsius; gestaminis, non gestantis› · col 802 Assumpti hominis fuit, non ipsius; gestaminis, non gestantis. Ita Fulv. Ursinus. Cod. ms. assumptio hominis fuit ipsius gestaminis, etc., nullo sensu. ORELL.

"It belonged to the man assumed, not to himself; to what was borne, not to the bearer." So Fulvius Ursinus. The manuscript: "the assumption of the man was of the thing borne itself," etc., with no sense. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Quam nec ipsam perpeti succubuisset, tanta si non agenda res esset› · col 802 Quam nec ipsam perpeti succubuisset, tanta si non agenda res esset. Forsitan legendum : Succubuisset, suis tanta si non agenda res esset. CANTER.

"Which he would not have submitted to suffer, had not so great a thing been to be done." Perhaps one should read: "He would have submitted, had not so great a thing been to be done for his own." CANTER.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 404)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible on the page foot› · call in col 803

Ita Sab. et ms. Alii : Qui enim.

So Sabaeus and the manuscript. Others: "Qui enim" ("for who").

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(b) ‹anchor: not visible on the page foot› · call in col 804

Ita Sab. Alii : imputandum.

So Sabaeus. Others: "imputandum" ("to be imputed").

COMMENTARIUS. (comm.) ‹anchor: LXIII. — Et in abditos recessus thesauri interioris inducere› · col 803 LXIII. — Et in abditos recessus thesauri interioris inducere. Hesychius : Θησαυρὸς — εἰς ἀγαλμάτων καὶ χρημάτων καὶ ἱερῶν ἀπόθεσιν οἶκος. Recte. Significat igitur Arnobius adytum, ἢ τὸ ἀπόκρυφον μέρος τοῦ ἱεροῦ, ipsius sacri penetralia, quae dicit Apuleius, ubi imago, et caetera, quae mystis ostendebantur, cum consecrarentur, custodiebantur. Et respicere videtur ad veterum philosophorum λόγους ἐξωτερικοὺς et ἐσωτερικούς. Illi tradebantur τοῖς ἔξω, iis, quibus nondum patebat thesaurus interior; isti committebantur τοῖς μεμυημένος, iis, qui legitime initiati erant et consignati. HERALD.

LXIII. — "And to lead into the hidden recesses of the inner treasury." Hesychius: "Thesaurus — a house for the storing of statues, money and sacred things." Rightly. Arnobius therefore means the adytum, or the hidden part of the temple, the innermost places of the sanctuary itself, as Apuleius calls them, where the image and the other things that were shown to the initiates at their consecration were kept. And he seems to have in view the "exoteric" and "esoteric" discourses of the ancient philosophers. The former were handed on to those outside, to whom the inner treasury was not yet open; the latter were entrusted to the initiated, to those who had been lawfully initiated and sealed. HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Vel potestate inversa› · col 803 Vel potestate inversa. Haec est felicissima emendatio editoris Lugd. Bat., Cod ms. vel potestate universa, quod Stewechius mutavit in : vel potestates universas. Potestates scilicet pro iis, qui potestate praediti sunt, ut in capite sequenti nobilitates pro nobilibus. ORELL.

"Or with power overturned." This is a most happy emendation of the Leiden editor; the manuscript has "or with all power," which Stewechius changed into "or all the powers": "powers," that is, for those endowed with power, as in the next chapter "nobilities" for "nobles." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Qui claudos praecipiebat incedere› · col 803 Qui claudos praecipiebat incedere. In romano cod ce legitur : praeciebat, unde Gelenius fecit : faciebat. Ego malo legere praecipiebat. Dicit enim Dominus in Evangelio : Vade et ambula. TH. CANTER.

"Who commanded the lame to walk." In the Roman manuscript one reads "praeciebat," from which Gelenius made "faciebat" ("made"). I prefer to read "praecipiebat" ("commanded"). For the Lord says in the Gospel: "Go and walk." TH. CANTER.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Alligare› · col 803 Alligare. Cod. ms. caligare vitiose. Fulv. Ursinus : colligare. ORELL.

"To bind." The manuscript has "caligare," wrongly. Fulvius Ursinus: "colligare." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Letum, cui vellet, indicere› · col 803 Letum, cui vellet, indicere, Id est dicto, verbo, nuda jussione (ut ait Arnobius supra) letum afferre. Diverso nonnihil sensu indicere supra cap. 3, ubi vide notas. ORELL.

"To pronounce death on whom he would," that is, to bring death by a word, by speech, by bare command (as Arnobius says above). "Indicere" is in a somewhat different sense above, ch. 3, where see the notes. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Durissimisque latronibus› · col 803 Durissimisque latronibus. Fulv. Ursin. dirissimis Or.

"And by most hardened robbers." Fulvius Ursinus: "dirissimis" ("most dreadful"). ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Dissignasset› · col 803 Dissignasset. Amat hoc verbum Arnobius. Sic infra lib. VII, cap. 6 : Habeatque pro vulnere, si quid animal caecum, atque in nubibus semper ignorationis incedens dissignaverit, dixerit, quo illorum minueretur auctoritas. Ita dissignare, dissignator passim ap. nostrum. Gesner. in Thesauro dissignare putat idem esse quod designare. Equidem crediderim, nonnihil interesse, ut sit dissignare idem quod dispescere, distribuere, vel potius varia, diversa designare, ut hoc loco diversos, multiplices cruciatus. Ita dissignatores dicebantur apud Romanos, qui loca in theatris spectatoribus distribuebant. Vide Schol. ad Horat. I, epist. 7, vers. 6, et J. Lips., de Amphitheatro, cap. 15, pag. 1033. Oper., ed Vesal., tom III. ORELL. — Nescio an vana sit in tali quidem scriptore subtilitas distinguendi, omninoque rectius videtur Gesneri judicium. Immo multi recentiores medio etiam aevo librarii affectarunt diffinire, diffinitionem, dissignare, etc. pro definire, designare. Caeterum pro illo discrimine laudari poterant interpretes ad Plauti Poenul. Prolog., vers. 19. OCHSNER.

"Had marked out." Arnobius is fond of this verb. So below, book VII, ch. 6: "and let him count it a wound if some blind creature, walking always in the clouds of ignorance, should have marked out, should have said, anything by which their authority might be lessened." So "dissignare," "dissignator" throughout our author. Gesner, in the Thesaurus, thinks "dissignare" the same as "designare." For my part I would believe there is some difference, so that "dissignare" is the same as to divide, to distribute, or rather to mark out various, different things, as in this place different, manifold torments. So among the Romans those were called "dissignatores" who distributed the places in the theatres to the spectators. See the scholiast on Horace I, letter 7, line 6, and J. Lipsius, On the Amphitheatre, ch. 15, p. 1033 of the Works, Wesel edition, vol. III. ORELLI. — I do not know whether such subtlety of distinction is not idle, at least in such a writer, and Gesner's judgement seems altogether more correct. Indeed many later copyists, even in the Middle Ages, affected "diffinire, diffinitionem, dissignare," etc., for "definire, designare." For that distinction, however, the interpreters on the Prologue of Plautus's Poenulus, line 19, might be cited. OCHSNER.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Cum enim de animarum periculis multa mala de illarum contra insinuator, magister atque auctor› · col 803 Cum enim de animarum periculis multa mala de illarum contra insinuator, magister atque auctor, etc. Locus misere deturpatus et in toto Arnobio facile corruptissimus; de quo autem sanando defectu emendatiorum codicum videtur desperandum esse. Quae interpretes ad illum contulere, haec sunt. Fulv. Ursinus legit : De animarum periculis multa medelarum contra insinuator, magister atque auctor, etc. Quod quid sibi velit, equidem nescire me fateor cum ignarissimis. Heraldus et Stewechius hiatum orationis suspicati locum ita ediderunt : Cum enim de animarum periculis multa, multa mala de illarum * * * * * * contra insinuator, etc. Editio romana recentior de anno 1583, totum locum ita restituit : Cum enim de animarum periculis multa, multa de illarum natura (scil. diceret) insinuator magister atque auctor ad officiorum convenientium fines, vias, leges et constituta direxit, non superbiae fastum comminuit. Quae lectio ferri posset, si modo libris antiquis juvaretur. Magis placet emendatio Oudendorpii ad Apulei. Met., lib. VII, pag. 467 : legentis, Cum enim de animarum periculis multa, multa de medelarum natura insinuaret, magister atque auctor, etc. Insinuare apud illius aevi scriptores saepius idem quod indicare, docere. Sic ipse Arnobius, infra lib. II, cap. 19 : Quid enim aliud, se spondent vel insinuare posse vel tradere, et lib. V, cap. 2. Pro veris et velut quiddam mirabile insinuare. Dictys Cretensis, de Bello Trojano, lib. II, cap. 9. Is namque tam moesto luctu Agamemnoni insinuans, quae circa filium ejus evenissent. Et lib. V, cap. 14, sua quippe opera insinuantibus id oblatum. Mihi, si quid tentare liceat, post verbum insinuator videtur esse aliquot linearum lacuna, et prius orationis membrum fortasse ita restituendum : Cum enim de animarum periculis multa mala dissignaret ( pro de illarum ) contra insinuatores * * * * * * magister atque auctor. Puto scilicet Arnobium hoc loco causas inimicitiae et odii populi judaici adversus Christum exposuisse, et, si quid video, particula enim aperte declarat, haec esse cum superioribus conjungenda, ubi de immanibus durissimisque latronibus, qui Christo manus injecerant, sermo est. Verba magister atque auctor, etc. mihi videntur finem novae periodi efficere, in qua generatim de Christi doctrina egerat Arnobius, cujus autem initium incuria librariorum excidit. Mala dissignare interpretor mala diversa, multiplicia praedicere, minari, vide supra eodem capite. Insinuatores explico vel doctores, vel homines malis artibus sese aliis insinuantes, gratiamque popularem captantes, quales apud Judaeos erant Pharisaei, in quos vehementissime Christum invectum novimus, verbi causa, Matth., XXIII, toties dicentem : vae vobis, Pharisaei! Quid quod huic conjecturae (continues)

"For when, concerning the perils of souls, many evils of theirs against the insinuator, master and author," etc. A wretchedly disfigured passage, easily the most corrupt in all Arnobius; and for want of better manuscripts it seems one must despair of healing it. What the interpreters have brought to it is this. Fulvius Ursinus reads: "Concerning the perils of souls, the insinuator of many remedies against them, master and author," etc. What that means I confess that I, with the most ignorant, do not know. Heraldus and Stewechius, suspecting a gap in the sentence, printed the passage thus: "For when, concerning the perils of souls, many things, many evils of theirs * * * * * * the insinuator against," etc. The more recent Roman edition of 1583 restored the whole passage thus: "For when, concerning the perils of souls, he spoke of many things, of many things concerning their nature, the insinuator, master and author, directed them to the ends, ways, laws and ordinances of fitting duties, [and] broke down the disdain of pride." This reading could be borne, if only it were supported by the old books. Oudendorp's emendation, on Apuleius, Metamorphoses book VII, p. 467, pleases more; he reads: "For when, concerning the perils of souls, he made known many things, many things concerning the nature of remedies, master and author," etc. "Insinuare" in the writers of that age often means the same as to indicate, to teach. So Arnobius himself below, book II, ch. 19: "For what else do they promise that they can either make known or hand on?", and book V, ch. 2: "to make known as true, and as something marvellous." Dictys Cretensis, On the Trojan War, book II, ch. 9: "For he, in such sad grief, making known to Agamemnon what had befallen concerning his son." And book V, ch. 14: "it being offered through their efforts, as they made it known." To me, if I may venture anything, there seems to be a gap of some lines after the word "insinuator," and the former member of the sentence should perhaps be restored thus: "For when, concerning the perils of souls, he marked out many evils (for 'de illarum') against the insinuators * * * * * * master and author." I think, namely, that Arnobius in this place set out the causes of the enmity and hatred of the Jewish people against Christ, and, if I see anything, the particle "enim" plainly declares that these words are to be joined with what precedes, where the talk is of the savage and most hardened robbers who had laid hands on Christ. The words "master and author," etc., seem to me to make the end of a new period, in which Arnobius had treated in general of Christ's teaching, but whose beginning dropped out through the carelessness of copyists. "To mark out evils" I interpret as to foretell, to threaten various, manifold evils; see above in the same chapter. "Insinuatores" I explain either as teachers or as men insinuating themselves into others by evil arts and courting popular favour, such as among the Jews were the Pharisees, against whom we know Christ inveighed most vehemently, for example in Matthew XXIII, saying so many times: "Woe to you, Pharisees!" What of the fact that to this conjecture (continues)

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[No lettered variant notes on this page; the commentary only.] COMMENTARIUS. (comm.) ‹anchor: (Cum enim de animarum periculis…, from the previous page)› · col 805

(continued) etiam favere videntur verba sequentia : non superbiae fastum comminuit. At judicent doctiores. ORELL.

(comm.) ‹anchor: LXIV. — Quem tenere nemo hominum possit ullius facinoris in reatu› · col 805 LXIV. — Quem tenere nemo hominum possit ullius facinoris in reatu. Hoc Christus ipse de se testatur Joh., VIII, vs. 46. Τίς ἐξ ὑμῶν ἐλέγχει με περὶ ἁμαρτίας; ELMENH.

LXIV. — "Whom no man could hold guilty of any crime." Christ himself testifies this of himself, John 8:46: "Which of you convicts me of sin?" ELMENHORST.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Donaria spoliant populanturque templorum› · col 805 Donaria spoliant populanturque templorum. Proprie. Hinc inspoliatum templum appellat Sallustius inviolatum, ἄσυλον. et templorum spoliatores ἱεροσύλους appellat Jul. Firmicus locis infinitis. HERALD.

"They strip and plunder the offerings of the temples." Properly said. Hence Sallust calls an inviolate temple, asylon, "unspoiled"; and Julius Firmicus, in countless places, calls hierosyloi (temple-robbers) "spoilers of temples." HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Qui proscriptionibus, exiliis, caedibus› · col 805 Qui proscriptionibus, exiliis, caedibus, etc. Ita optime locum restituit Heraldus, in Curis secundis, et Salmasius, in ed. Lugd. Bat. Antea legebatur et suis caedibus, pro quo Fulv. Ursinus malebat et saevis caedibus. ORELL.

"Who by proscriptions, exiles, slaughters," etc. So Heraldus, in the Curae secundae, and Salmasius, in the Leiden edition, restored the passage excellently. Before, it read "and by their own slaughters," for which Fulvius Ursinus preferred "and by cruel slaughters." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Qui matronarum pudorem ac virginum vi subruunt licentiosa› · col 805 Qui matronarum pudorem ac virginum vi subruunt licentiosa. Socrates, libro I. Historiae ecclesiasticae, cap. II, inter tyrannica Maxentii facinora flagitiosam illam licentiam numerat : Μαξέντιος δὲ κακῶς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐπέτριβε, τυραννικῷ μᾶλλον ἢ βασιλικῷ τρόπῳ χρώμενος κατ' αὐτῶν, μοιχεύων ἀναίδην τὰς τῶν ἐλευθέρων γυναῖκας, καὶ πολλοὺς ἀναιρῶν, καὶ ποιῶν τὰ τούτοις ἀκόλουθα. HERALD.

"Who undermine the modesty of matrons and virgins by licentious force." Socrates, Ecclesiastical History book I, ch. 2, counts that shameful licence among the tyrannical crimes of Maxentius: "Maxentius ground the Romans down wickedly, treating them in the manner of a tyrant rather than a king, shamelessly debauching the wives of free men, killing many, and doing the things that go with these." HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Appellatis indigetes atque divos› · col 805 Appellatis indigetes atque divos. ἥρωας. Dio Cass., lib. LI, Julium Caesarem ab Augusto in censum deorum relatum ait, et ἥρωα Julium appellatum, id est Divum Julium. Deos autem quandoque dicebant, non divos, et Graeci divos θεοὺς verterunt saepius. Lucianus in Longaevis : Ἀπολλόδωρος δὲ ὁ Περγαμηνὸς ῥήτωρ θεοῦ Καίσαρος, Σεβαστοῦ διδάσκαλος. HERALD. — Pulvinaribus, aris, templis, etc. — Prudentius. / Hunc morem veterum docili jam aetate secuta / Posteritas, mense atque adytis, et flumine, et aris / Augustum coluit, vitulo placavit et agno, / Strata ad pulvinar jacuit. / Hic honos igitur Julio primum impertitus, Augusto deinde, et caeteris deinceps HERALD.

"You call them indigetes and divi." Heroas (heroes). Dio Cassius, book LI, says that Julius Caesar was enrolled by Augustus among the gods, and called the hero Julius, that is, the Divine Julius. Sometimes, though, they said "gods," not "divi," and the Greeks quite often rendered "divi" as theoi (gods). Lucian in the Macrobii: "Apollodorus of Pergamum, the rhetor, teacher of the god Caesar Augustus." HERALD. — "With couches, altars, temples," etc. — Prudentius: "Following this custom of the ancients, posterity, now of a teachable age, worshipped Augustus with table and shrines, with river and altars, appeased him with calf and lamb, lay prostrate at his couch." This honour, then, was first bestowed on Julius, then on Augustus, and on the rest in turn. HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Ludorum et celebritate natalium› · col 805 Ludorum et celebritate natalium. Transpositio frequens Arnobio pro ludorum celebritate et natalium. ORELL. Julii Caesaris τὰ γενέσια πάντας ἑορτάζειν Triumviri ἠνάγκασαν, qui honos ad caeteros postea propagatus. Dio Cass., lib. XLVII. HERALD. Sic plane Velleius Pat., II, 68 : Senatus et auctoritate Consulis, ubi vid. Ruhnken. OCHSNER.

"With games and the celebration of birthdays." A transposition frequent in Arnobius, for "with the celebration of games and birthdays." ORELLI. The triumvirs compelled everyone to keep the birthday of Julius Caesar as a feast, an honour afterwards extended to the rest. Dio Cassius, book XLVII. HERALD. So plainly Velleius Paterculus II, 68: "by the Senate and the authority of the consul," where see Ruhnken. OCHSNER.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Vitas vestras secant› · col 805 Vitas vestras secant. Fulv. Ursin. conjecit vitia vestra; male. Ita Jul. Firmic. Astron., lib. VIII, cap. 7 : Alienas vitas amari sermonis licentia pulsent. Secare proprium de Satirarum scriptoribus. Persius, sat. I, vs. 115 : / Secuit Lucilius urbem, / Te Lupe, te Muti et genuinum fregit in illis. HERALD. et ELMENH.

"They cut up your lives." Fulvius Ursinus conjectured "your vices"; wrongly. So Julius Firmicus, Astronomica, book VIII, ch. 7: "let them assail other men's lives with the licence of bitter speech." "Secare" (to cut) is proper to writers of satire. Persius, satire I, line 115: "Lucilius cut up the city, you, Lupus, you, Mucius, and broke his back tooth on them." HERALD and ELMENHORST.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Qui sui temporis posteris notas scriptorum perpetuitate prolatant› · col 805 Qui sui temporis posteris notas scriptorum perpetuitate prolatant. Ita Fulv. Ursin. et Elmenhorst. Constructio haec est : qui sui temporis notas (id est ignominias, infamias) posteris prolatant scriptorum perpetuitate. Cod. ms. et ed. Rom. qui in temporis posteri notas. . . . . prolatant. Sed ita manca est oratio : deest enim accusativus, ad quem referendum sit prolatant. Stewech. qui in tempus posterum notas, etc. Alii : perpetuitatem prolatant. ORELL.

"Who carry forward to posterity the brands of their own time by the permanence of writings." So Fulvius Ursinus and Elmenhorst. The construction is this: who carry forward the brands (that is, the disgraces, the infamies) of their own time to posterity by the permanence of writings. The manuscript and the Roman edition: "who into the brands of later time . . . . . carry forward." But so the sentence is defective, for it lacks the accusative to which "prolatant" should be referred. Stewechius: "who into later time [carry forward] brands," etc. Others: "carry forward permanence." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Qui matrimonia suadent habenda esse communia› · col 806 Qui matrimonia suadent habenda esse communia. Platonem taxat, qui in Timaeo et de Republica dogma hoc introducit. ELMENH.

"Who urge that marriages be held in common." He censures Plato, who brings in this doctrine in the Timaeus and the Republic. ELMENHORST.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Qui cum pueris cubitant formosis› · col 806 Qui cum pueris cubitant formosis. Videtur his Socratem tangere Arnobius, cui recentiores, inprimis patres ecclesiastici, hoc crimen impingebant, gentiles etiam, verbi causa Lucianus in Vitarum auctione, cap. 15. Cf. J. M. Gesner., in libello : Socrates sanctus paederasta, et virum amicissimum H. Bremi ad Cic. de Fato, cap. 5. ORELL.

"Who lie with handsome boys." Arnobius seems by these words to touch Socrates, on whom later writers, above all the Church Fathers, fastened this charge, and pagans too, for example Lucian in the Sale of Lives, ch. 15. Compare J. M. Gesner in the little book "Socrates sanctus paederasta," and that most friendly man H. Bremi on Cicero, On Fate, ch. 5. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Qui pecudes vos esse› · col 806 Qui pecudes vos esse , etc. Perstringit hic quaedam stoicorum dogmata. HERALD.

"Who [say] that you are cattle," etc. Here he touches on certain doctrines of the Stoics. HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Bibliothecarum reponitis in arcanis› · col 806 Bibliothecarum reponitis in arcanis. Nec libros eorum solum, sed imagines etiam et statuas, quod observabamus ad Martialem. HERALD. Quinque praesertim in locis invenio collocatas fuisse ab antiquis imagines, Atrio, Limine, Cubiculo, Pinacotheca, Bibliotheca. Nec eaedem erant in omnibus. In atrio gentilitiae imagines, et avorum ex cera expressi vultus ordine stabant. Foris vero et in limine eorum imagines ponebantur ex aere, solidave alia materia, qui prae caeteris illustres atque insignes exstiterant. De utrisque Plinius lib. XXXIV, cap. 2. In cubiculis Lares erant ; et in totum quas cubiculares appellabant imagines, ut eorum quos charissimos habebant, in pinacothecis temere, neque ad vivum expressas imagines, aut deorum atque heroum, sive fabulas aliquas atque historias depictas habebant. Vide Plin., lib. XXXV, c. 3, et Petron., cap. 83, init. Superest bibliotheca (graece μουσεῖον) in qua eruditorum hominum, ut philosophorum, oratorum, poetarum, imagines positae, partim expressae ad vivum, partim confictae. Plinius loco citato aliique sexcenti. (Petav. ad Synes. Encom. Calvit. Commentar., p. 26) Meurs., conj. in arcivis. ORELL.

"You lay them up in the secret places of libraries." Not only their books but also their portraits and statues, as we noted on Martial. HERALD. I find that the ancients set up portraits chiefly in five places: the atrium, the threshold, the bedchamber, the picture gallery and the library. Nor were they the same in all. In the atrium stood in order the family portraits and the faces of ancestors moulded in wax. Outside, at the threshold, were placed portraits in bronze or some other solid material of those who had been illustrious and distinguished above the rest. Of both Pliny writes, book XXXIV, ch. 2. In the bedchambers were the Lares, and in general the portraits they called "bedchamber" portraits, as of those they held dearest; in the picture galleries they had portraits casually, and not taken from life, or portraits of gods and heroes, or painted fables and stories. See Pliny, book XXXV, ch. 3, and Petronius, ch. 83, beginning. There remains the library (in Greek mouseion), in which were placed portraits of learned men, such as philosophers, orators and poets, partly taken from life, partly invented. Pliny in the place cited, and six hundred others. (Petavius, Commentary on Synesius's Encomium of Baldness, p. 26.) Meursius conjectures "in arcivis" ("in the archives"). ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Quadrigis et statuis muneramini› · col 806 Quadrigis et statuis muneramini. Nempe statuis curulibus quae non solum magnis heroibus et bellica laude florentibus excitatae, sed inertibus etiam quandoque hominibus et plane ἀσαλπίγκτοις, ut causidicis. HERALD.

"You reward them with four-horse chariots and statues." That is, with curule statues, which were raised not only to great heroes flourishing in the glory of war, but sometimes even to idle men, wholly unacquainted with the trumpet, such as pleaders. HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Solum Christum convellere, dilacerare, potestis si Deum, vultis› · col 806 Solum Christum convellere, dilacerare, potestis si Deum, vultis. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. convellere est ex emendatione Gelenii. Cod. ms. et editio romana compellere vitiose et nullo sensu. Th. Canterus conj. : compilare, vel antiquo verbo compilare. Sequentia ita legit Mercerus : dilacerare potestis (id est audetis), si detur, vultis immo solum, si liceat, etc. Fulv. Ursin. deum si possitis. Th. Canterus : dilacerare potestis, si eum vultis, vel eum si vultis. Sed nil mutandum. Potestis si Deum dictum est pro : si potestis (eum dilacerare) cum Deus sit. Supra appellat Arnobius Christum Deum et quidem interiorum potentiarum Deum, Deum radice ab intima. ORELL.

"Christ alone you are able to tear down, to rend — if [he is] God, you wish to." So the Leiden edition; "convellere" is from Gelenius's emendation. The manuscript and the Roman edition have "compellere," wrongly and with no sense. Th. Canter conjectures "compilare" (to plunder), or, with the old verb, "compilare." Mercier reads what follows thus: "you are able (that is, you dare) to rend, if it be granted; nay, you only wish to, if it be allowed," etc. Fulvius Ursinus: "God, if you could." Th. Canter: "you are able to rend, if you wish him," or "him, if you wish." But nothing is to be changed. "Potestis si Deum" is said for "if you are able (to rend him), though he is God." Above, Arnobius calls Christ God, and indeed the God of the inner powers, God from the inmost root. ORELLI.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 406)

(a) ‹anchor: securioris› · call in col 807

Securiores. ms.

"Securiores" ("more secure," plural): manuscript.

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(b) ‹anchor: O ingratum› · call in col 807

Haec cum iis, quae duabus aliis sequuntur paginis, Canterus transtulit ad initium libri II. Quam transpositionem damnat Sabaei editio et ms., ut Stewechius monet.

Canter moved this, with what follows over two more pages, to the beginning of book II. The edition of Sabaeus and the manuscript condemn this transposition, as Stewechius points out.

COMMENTARIUS. (comm.) ‹anchor: Cruentis oribus mandere› · col 807 Cruentis oribus mandere. Proprium verbum. Lucretius, lib. IV : / Et quasi pantherae morsu saevique leonis / Mandantur, magnis clamoribus omnia complent, / Ennius : / Vulturis in sylvis miserum mandebat hemonem. HERALD.

"To chew with bloody mouths." The proper word. Lucretius, book IV: "And as if they were being chewed by the bite of a panther or a savage lion, they fill everything with great cries." Ennius: "The vulture in the woods was chewing the wretched man." HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: LXV. — Paratum› · col 807 LXV. — Paratum. Ita Salmas., in ed. Lugd. Bat., Ms. privatum. Fulv Ursin. pronum. ORELL.

LXV. — "Ready." So Salmasius, in the Leiden edition. The manuscript has "privatum." Fulvius Ursinus: "pronum" ("inclined"). ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Committeretis vos tamen› · col 807 Committeretis vos tamen. Propria locutio. Infra lib. II. Aegritudines corporum medicorum committitis manibus. A. Gellius, lib. I, c. 15 : Itaque auditis, non auscultatis tamquam pharmacopolam. Nam ejus verba audiuntur, verum ei nemo se committit, cum aeger est. HERALD.

"You would yet entrust yourselves." The proper expression. Below, book II: "You entrust the sicknesses of your bodies to the hands of physicians." Aulus Gellius, book I, ch. 15: "So you hear, but do not heed, as with a drug-seller. For his words are heard, but no one entrusts himself to him when he is sick." HERALD.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Eluxit› · col 807 Eluxit. Eleganter, instar flammae subito erumpentis. Vide Barth. Advers., lib. VI, cap. 5, p. 265. Ita et relucessere. Gratius Cyneget., vs. 7 : / Hinc omne auxilium vitae, rectusque reluxit / Ordo. / Et Claudian., de consulatu Stilichonis, lib. III, v. 64: / Hic, Stilicho, cunctis inopina reluxit, / Te victore, salus. ORELL.

"Shone forth." Elegantly, like a flame suddenly breaking out. See Barth, Adversaria, book VI, ch. 5, p. 265. So also "relucescere." Grattius, Cynegetica, line 7: "Hence all the help of life, and right order shone out again." And Claudian, On the Consulship of Stilicho, book III, line 64: "Here, Stilicho, an unhoped-for safety shone out again for all, with you as victor." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Inhumanitas quae tanta› · col 807 Inhumanitas quae tanta. Ita editor Lugd. Bat. ex emendatione Meursii. Alii : inhumanitasque tanta. ORELL.

"What inhumanity so great." So the Leiden editor, from Meursius's emendation. Others: "and so great inhumanity." ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Nuntiatorem muneris et portitorem tanti› · col 807 Nuntiatorem muneris et portitorem tanti. Ergo portitor jam eo aevo ad hoc exemplum. Sic tabellarios portitores litterarum appellat B. Hieronymus, quos alibi bajulos dicit. Papias : Bajulus, portitor, gerulus, nutritor. HERALD. — Conf. Barth., Adversar., lib. LIII, cap. 8, pag. 2492, et, qui ex recentioris latinitatis scriptoribus nubem exemplorum citat, Savaron., ad Sidon., lib. VI, epist. 4, pag. 390, et J. Fr. Gronov., Obss., lib. III, cap. 20. Munus autem, de quo hic mentio, est salutis praeconium et veritatis praedicatio. ORELL.

"The messenger and bearer of so great a gift." So "portitor" was already used in that age in this sense. Thus St Jerome calls letter-carriers "portitores litterarum," whom elsewhere he calls "bajuli." Papias: "Bajulus: carrier, porter, bearer, nurse." HERALD. — Compare Barth, Adversaria, book LIII, ch. 8, p. 2492; Savaron on Sidonius, book VI, letter 4, p. 390, who cites a cloud of examples from writers of later Latin; and J. Fr. Gronovius, Observationes, book III, ch. 20. The gift mentioned here is the proclamation of salvation and the preaching of truth. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Ruinis› · col 808 Ruinis. Scriverius malebat runis. (Runa, ae, genus teli, Vide Fest.) nec male, quomodo Ennius dixit : / Hastati spargunt hastas, fit ferreus imber. / Sed Cicero similiter locutus, lib. III, de Legibus : Caius vero Gracchus ruinis et iis ficis, quas ipse se projecisse in forum dixit, quibus digladiarentur inter se cives, nonne omnem reipublicae statum permutavit; et Seneca, epist. IX : Quanto hic mirabilior vir, qui per ferrum et ruinas et ignes illaesus et indemnis eraserit. MEURS., pag, 37. — Ruinae itaque h. l. sunt lapides, aedificiorum dirutorum rudera. ORELL.

"With ruins." Scriverius preferred "runis" ("runa," a kind of weapon; see Festus), and not badly, as Ennius said: "The spearmen scatter their spears; an iron shower falls." But Cicero spoke similarly, On the Laws, book III: "But did not Gaius Gracchus change the whole state of the commonwealth with the ruins and those daggers which he said he had thrown into the forum, with which the citizens might fight one another?" And Seneca, letter 9: "How much more admirable is this man, who has escaped unhurt and unharmed through steel and ruins and fires." MEURSIUS, p. 37. — "Ruinae" in this place, then, are stones, the rubble of demolished buildings. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Qui non modo nullum intulerit malum nulli› · col 808 Qui non modo nullum intulerit malum nulli. Meursius mavult : ulli. At duplicis negationis non affirmantis, sed vehementius negantis more Graecorum plura exempla affert Vechnerus in Hellenolex., c. 35, pag. 381, ed. Heusinger. ORELL.

"Who not only brought no evil to no one." Meursius prefers "ulli" ("to anyone"). But Vechner, in the Hellenolexia, ch. 35, p. 381, Heusinger's edition, brings several examples of a double negative that does not affirm but denies more strongly, after the manner of the Greeks. ORELLI.

(comm.) ‹anchor: Sed aequaliter benignus hostibus dicere› · col 808 Sed aequaliter benignus hostibus dicere, etc. Haec est Cod. ms. lectio temere mutata a Gelenio et F. Ursino : sed aequaliter benignus omnibus docuerit; aequaliter benignus scil. fuerit. Benignus dicere Graecismo frequentissimo, πραῢς τὸ λέγειν. Itaque non opus est, ut cum editore Lugd. Bat. legamus diceret. Si quid autem mutandum, mallem dixerit, quia praecessit intulerit, vel cum Stewechio ad lib. II, cap. 1, edixerit. Glossae Membr. edicit — totum dicit vel foras dicit ; unde edictum. Neque hostibus mutandum in omnibus. Videtur scil. respexisse Arnobius ad verba illa D. Pauli ad Coloss., I. vs. 21 : Καὶ ὑμᾶς ποτε ὄντας ἀπηλλοτριω- (continues)

"But equally kind to his enemies in speaking," etc. This is the manuscript reading, rashly changed by Gelenius and F. Ursinus to "but, equally kind to all, he taught"; "equally kind," that is, he was. "Kind in speaking" is a very frequent Graecism, praus to legein. So there is no need to read "diceret" with the Leiden editor. If anything is to be changed, I would prefer "dixerit," since "intulerit" went before, or, with Stewechius on book II, ch. 1, "edixerit." The parchment Glosses: "edicit — says all, or says openly; whence edictum." Nor is "hostibus" (to enemies) to be changed into "omnibus" (to all). Arnobius, that is, seems to have had in view those words of St Paul to the Colossians 1:21: "And you, who were once estran- (continues)

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COMMENTARIUS. (printed under the Book I text of col. 809, above the LIBER SECUNDUS band) (comm.) ‹anchor: Sed aequaliter benignus hostibus dicere› · col 808 (continued from n807)

(continued) μένους καὶ ἐχθροὺς τῇ διανοίᾳ ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις τοῖς πονηροῖς, νυνὶ δὲ ἀποκατήλλαξεν ἐν τῷ σώματι τῆς σαρκὸς αὐτοῦ διὰ τοῦ θανάτου, παραστῆσαι ὑμᾶς ἁγίους καὶ ἀμώμους καὶ ἀνεγκλήτους κατενώπιον αὐτοῦ. ORELL.

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