Arnobii Afri Disputationum adversus gentes liber quartus

<!-- The foot images begin mid-note: the upper lines of these two notes (and their calls and anchors) lie above the rendered crop. Both notes belong to the end of Book III, set above the start of Book IV on this page. The Index capitum below the rule is editor's matter, not footnotes, and is not set here. --> (?) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1003 (call above crop) […] emendationem Meursii. Alii : Explorate..... defigi. quod num latine dici possit, equidem valde addubito. Dicitur quidem constanter, firmiter, alicui rei defigi vel adhaerere, non autem explorate. ORELL.

[…] Meursius's emendation. Others read: "Explorate ….. defigi" ("fixed in an explored way"), which I very much doubt can be said in Latin. One does indeed say that someone is fixed on, or clings to, something "constantly" or "firmly", but not "in an explored way". ORELLI.

(?) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1004 (call above crop) […] versarum urbium praesides. ORELL.

[…] guardians of the various cities. ORELLI.

(?) ‹anchor: Et in id periculum ducere› · call in col 1004 Et in id periculum ducere. Alii adducere; editor Lugd. Bat. perducere, quod e cod. ms. fluxit, teste Meursio in Append. ORELL.

"And to lead into that danger" (ducere). Others read adducere; the Leiden editor reads perducere, which came from the manuscript, on the witness of Meursius in his Appendix. ORELLI.

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<!-- The notes on this page are lemma notes (keyed by the author's words, no call letters), numbered by chapter. The topmost line of each column foot is partly cut by the crop. The left column's last note runs on into the right column. --> (I. Pietatem) ‹anchor: Pietatem› · note in col 1005 I. — Pietatem. Lactant., lib. I, cap. 20. Inscriptiones veteres (Gruteri), pag. 86. ELMENH. — Celebris est paucisque incognita, sive plebeiae, sive ingenuae, quae matrem suam (Valer. Max., lib. II, cap. 5, § 7), aut, ut alii tradunt, suum patrem in carcere constitutum, ne inedia conficeretur, lacte suo aluit. Narrat autem Plinius, Hist. Nat., lib. II, cap. 36, ac post illum Solinus (cap. 1), in facti hujus memoriam conditum eodem in carcere, C. Quinctio et M. Acilio consulibus, Pietatis templum, ubi theatrum Marcelli erat. Nec desunt, qui existiment, illud ipsum esse, quod Marcus Acilius Glabrio, ut ait Livius, in foro olitorio positum dedicavit. NOURR., pag. 483.

I. — Piety. Lactantius, book I, ch. 20. Ancient inscriptions (Gruter), p. 86. ELMENHORST. — Famous, and known to few people, is the story of the woman, whether of humble or free birth, who fed with her own milk her mother (Valerius Maximus, book II, ch. 5, § 7), or, as others relate, her father, held in prison, so that the parent should not die of hunger. Pliny relates (Natural History, book II, ch. 36), and Solinus after him (ch. 1), that in memory of this deed a temple of Piety was built on the site of that same prison, in the consulship of C. Quinctius and M. Acilius, where the theatre of Marcellus stood. Nor are there wanting those who think it to be the very temple which Marcus Acilius Glabrio, as Livy says, dedicated, set up in the vegetable market. LE NOURRY, p. 483.

(Concordiam) ‹anchor: Concordiam› · note in col 1005 Concordiam. Concordiae Deae meminit Augustinus, de Civ. Dei, lib. III, cap. 25; Varro, de Ling. lat., lib. IV; Martianus Capella, de Nupt. Philol., lib. II Inscript. vet., pag. 100; Plinius, Hist. Nat., lib. II, cap. 7. ELMENH. — Livio teste (lib. IX, cap. 46) a C. Flavio aedes Concordiae consecrata fuit in area Vulcani; et (lib. XXII, cap. 33) alia, quam duumviri ad eam rem creati in arce locaverunt. Testatum etiam Cicero facit (de Nat. deor., lib. II), Cotta consule, templum Concordiae tactum de coelo fuisse, et illius quoque mentio apud Dionem Cassium, lib. LXIV, et Fastis Romanorum facta est. Quamobrem canebat Ovidius Fast. IV, ante fin. : Te quoque magnifica, Concordia, dedicat aede / Livia, quam caro praestitit illa viro. NOURR., pag. 483.

Concord. The goddess Concord is mentioned by Augustine, City of God, book III, ch. 25; Varro, On the Latin Language, book IV; Martianus Capella, On the Marriage of Philology, book II; Ancient inscriptions, p. 100; Pliny, Natural History, book II, ch. 7. ELMENHORST. — On Livy's witness (book IX, ch. 46), a temple of Concord was consecrated by C. Flavius in the precinct of Vulcan; and (book XXII, ch. 33) another, which duumvirs appointed for the purpose placed on the citadel. Cicero also attests (On the Nature of the Gods, book II) that in Cotta's consulship the temple of Concord was struck by lightning; and it is mentioned too in Dio Cassius, book LXIV, and in the Roman Fasti. Hence Ovid sang (Fasti IV, near the end): "You too, Concord, Livia dedicates with a splendid temple, which she presented to her dear husband." LE NOURRY, p. 483.

(Salutem) ‹anchor: Salutem› · note in col 1005 Salutem. Vid. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. III, cap. 25; Varro, lib. IV, de Ling. lat. (pag. 22, ed. Bip.), inscriptio vetus, pag. 100 (ap. Gruter.), SALUTI PERPETUAE S. ELMENH.

Safety. See Augustine, City of God, book III, ch. 25; Varro, On the Latin Language, book IV (p. 22, Bipontine edition); an ancient inscription, p. 100 (in Gruter): "SACRED TO PERPETUAL SAFETY". ELMENHORST.

(Honorem) ‹anchor: Honorem› · note in col 1005 Honorem. Augustin., de Civit. Dei, lib. IV, cap. 21. Deo Honorino, ut honorarentur. Lactant., lib. I, cap. 20; Liber Inscriptt., pag. 100; Plin., Hist. nat., lib. II, cap. 7; Plutarch., de Roman. Fortuna, pag. 318; Valer. Max., lib. I, cap. 1. ELMENH.

Honour. Augustine, City of God, book IV, ch. 21: "To the god Honorinus, that they might be honoured." Lactantius, book I, ch. 20; Book of Inscriptions, p. 100; Pliny, Natural History, book II, ch. 7; Plutarch, On the Fortune of the Romans, p. 318; Valerius Maximus, book I, ch. 1. ELMENHORST.

(Virtutem) ‹anchor: Virtutem› · note in col 1005 Virtutem. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, cap. 22. Virtutem quoque deam fecerunt. Varro, de Ling. lat., lib. IV (p. 22, ed. Bip.); Valer. Max., lib. I, cap. 1; Lactant., lib. I, cap. 20, Inscript. vet., pag. 102; Plaut., Prolog. Amphytr. ELMENH.

Virtue. Augustine, City of God, book IV, ch. 22: "They made Virtue a goddess too." Varro, On the Latin Language, book IV (p. 22, Bipontine edition); Valerius Maximus, book I, ch. 1; Lactantius, book I, ch. 20; Ancient inscriptions, p. 102; Plautus, Prologue to the Amphitryo. ELMENHORST.

(Felicitatem) ‹anchor: Felicitatem› · note in col 1005 Felicitatem. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, Lib. IV, cap. 18 et 35; Inscript. vet., pag. 101. ELMENH. — Equidem omnia haec nomina litteris majoribus imprimi curavi. Arnobius enim (ut recte observat Meursius) non ut virtutum, sed ut deorum dearumque nomina ponit. ORELL.

Happiness. Augustine, City of God, book IV, chs. 18 and 35; Ancient inscriptions, p. 101. ELMENHORST. — For my part I have had all these names printed with capital letters, for Arnobius (as Meursius rightly observes) gives them not as the names of virtues but as the names of gods and goddesses. ORELLI.

(Caeteraque hujusmodi nomina) ‹anchor: Caeteraque hujusmodi nomina› · note in col 1005 Caeteraque hujusmodi nomina. Proba lectio. Nam ita appellat cassa nomina absque ulla substantia : quod ipse satis ostendit paulo post his verbis : Nam si verba existimantes haec cassa et nullius substantiae nomina. Falluntur ergo (Meursius, qui rescribi volunt : numina. HERALD.

"And the other names of this kind." A sound reading. For so he calls empty names without any substance, as he himself shows well enough a little later in these words: "For if, thinking these words to be empty names of no substance." Those are therefore mistaken (Meursius) who want "numina" (divinities) written instead. HÉRAULT.

(Aut, ut assolet, dicis causa ex eo) ‹anchor: Aut, ut assolet, dicis causa ex eo› · note in col 1005, continued in col 1006 Aut, ut assolet, dicis causa ex eo, etc. Ita Codex mstus, quam lectionem defendit Th. Canterus. Dicis causa fieri dicitur, quod neglecte, remisse, et eo tantum animo, ut officio functi videamur, non accurate, sed perfunctorie sit, quatenus satis sit ad vitandam reprehensionem. Hinc Varro, de Ling. latin., lib. VI. sub fin. : Et dicis causa fiebant quaedam, neque item facta, neque item dicta. Haec Canterus, cum quibus conferenda ea, quae supra annotavimus ad lib. III, cap. 16. Equidem Cantero prorsus assentior, neque video, cur dicis causa hic locum habere non possit. Sensus est : Nomina ista, quamvis vera numina non credatis, tamen superorum retulistis in coetum dicis causa, id est honoris gratia, quia bona istis significata et aestimatis, et optatis, ut vobis contingant. Sabaeus et Gelenius edidere : an ita, ut assolet dici, causa ex eo, etc., quod aperte vitiosum est. Editor Lugd. Bat. : an ita, ut assolet dici, causa ex ea. Heraldus : an ita, ut assolet dici, ex eo quod, etc. deleta voce causa tanquam glossemate et interpretamento verborum ex eo quod, etc. Mihi autem videntur verba, ita, ut assolet dici, locutionem aliquam proverbialem in sequentibus praeparare. Quare scribendum conjicio : An ita, ut assolet dici, dicis causa, ex eo quod, etc. dici scil. absorptum puto in codice ms. a sequentibus verbis dicis causa. At judicent doctiores. ORELL.

"Or, as is usual, for form's sake (dicis causa), from the fact," etc. So the manuscript codex, a reading defended by Th. Canter. A thing is said to be done "dicis causa" when it is done carelessly, slackly, and only with the intention of seeming to have done one's duty: not with care but perfunctorily, so far as is enough to avoid reproach. Hence Varro, On the Latin Language, book VI, near the end: "And some things were done for form's sake, neither likewise done nor likewise said." So Canter; compare with this what we noted above on book III, ch. 16. For my part I agree with Canter entirely, and I do not see why "dicis causa" cannot have its place here. The sense is: these names, although you do not believe them to be true divinities, you have nevertheless placed in the company of the gods for form's sake, that is, for the sake of honour, because you both value the good things they signify and wish that they may come to you. Sabaeus and Gelenius printed "an ita, ut assolet dici, causa ex eo," etc., which is plainly corrupt. The Leiden editor: "an ita, ut assolet dici, causa ex ea." Hérault: "an ita, ut assolet dici, ex eo quod," etc., deleting the word "causa" as a gloss and explanation of the words "ex eo quod," etc. To me, however, the words "ita, ut assolet dici" ("so, as is commonly said") seem to prepare for some proverbial expression in what follows. I therefore conjecture we should write: "An ita, ut assolet dici, dicis causa, ex eo quod," etc.; that is, I think "dici" was swallowed in the manuscript by the following words "dicis causa". But let the more learned judge. ORELLI.

(Ex eo quod optamus) ‹anchor: Ex eo quod optamus› · note in col 1006 Ex eo quod optamus et volumus bona ista nobis contingere, superorum retuleritis in censum. Plures autem horum nominum consecrationis causae a veteribus redditae sunt, nec aliena ea, quam proponit B. Augustinus verbis Gentilium libro IV de Civ. Dei : Quoniam sciebant, nemini talia, nisi Deo aliquo largiente, concedi : quorum deorum nomina non inveniebant, earum rerum nominibus appellabant deos, quas ab iis sentiebant dari, etc., Videbant praeterea pectus hominis quandoque caeca quadam et inusitata vi concitari : unde motus illos divinos existimabant. Hanc rationem tangit M. Tullius, lib. II, de Nat. Deor. : Tum autem res ipsa, in qua vis inest major aliqua, sic appellatur, ut ea ipsa vis nominetur Deus, ut Fides, ut Mens, etc. δαίμονας et θεοὺς Graeci appellant. Sic φιλοτιμίαν κακίστην δαιμόνων appellat Euripides, et εὐλάβειαν θεῶν χρησιμωτάτην, et similia. HERALD.

"Because we wish and want those good things to come to us, you have entered them in the roll of the gods." The ancients gave several reasons for consecrating these names, and not unlike them is the one that blessed Augustine puts forward in the words of the Gentiles in book IV of the City of God: "Since they knew that such things are granted to no one except by the gift of some god, they called the gods whose names they did not find by the names of the things which they perceived were given by them," etc. They saw besides that a man's breast is sometimes stirred by a certain blind and unaccustomed force, and so they thought those movements divine. Marcus Tullius touches on this reason in book II of On the Nature of the Gods: "Then the thing itself, in which some greater power resides, is so named that the very power is called a god, as Faith, as Mind," etc. The Greeks call them daemons and gods. So Euripides calls ambition "the worst of the daemons", and piety "the most useful of the gods", and the like. HÉRAULT.

(An vestrorum numinum) ‹anchor: An vestrorum numinum› · note in col 1006 An vestrorum numinum. Lego cum Meursio : ac vestrorum numinum. ORELL.

"Or of your divinities." With Meursius I read "ac vestrorum numinum" ("and of your divinities"). ORELLI.

(Divinis tamen religionibus consecratis) ‹anchor: Divinis tamen religionibus consecratis› · note in col 1006 Divinis tamen religionibus consecratis. Ita ed Lugd. Bat. Alii : divinis tamen in regionibus consecratis, id est in sedibus auspicatis. Equidem haesito utra lectio praeferenda sit. ORELL.

"Yet consecrated with divine rites." So the Leiden edition. Others: "yet consecrated in divine regions", that is, in seats chosen by augury. For my part I hesitate which reading should be preferred. ORELLI.

(Quibus coaequatis et adjungitis) ‹anchor: Quibus coaequatis et adjungitis› · note in col 1006 Quibus coaequatis et adjungitis. Fulv. Ursinus mavult : quibus coaptatis et jungitis. ORELL.

"To whom you make them equal and join them." Fulvio Orsini prefers "quibus coaptatis et jungitis" ("to whom you fit and join them"). ORELLI.

(Deos esse et haec rati) ‹anchor: Deos esse et haec rati› · note in col 1006 Deos esse et haec rati, templis, et pulvinaribus, etc. Male Meursius haec transponit ita : Deos esse haec rati, et templis, et pulvinaribus, etc. ORELL.

"Thinking these too to be gods, with temples and couches," etc. Meursius wrongly transposes it thus: "Thinking these to be gods, both with temples and couches," etc. ORELLI.

(Onerastis) ‹anchor: Onerastis› · note in col 1006 (continues) Onerastis. Ita Codex ms. quam lectionem a Gelenio caeterisque illum secutis editoribus temere mutatam in honorastis rectissime tuetur Stewechius «Onerari enim (inquit Jo. Vorstius in libro de Latinitate select., pag. 129, ed. M. Gesneri) non his tantum dicimur, quae gravia et molesta, sed et quae grata et jucunda sunt, si horum multitudo quaedam sit.» Sic apposito ad nostrum locum Justinus Hist., lib. V., cap. 5. Igitur omnibus non humanis tantum, verum et divinis eum (Alcibiadem) honoribus onerant. Ubi Acidalius legendum putat : Honorant. Male. Tacitus, Hist. lib I, cap. 25 : Postquam vario sermone callidos auda (continues)

"You have loaded." So the manuscript codex; Gelenius and the editors who followed him rashly changed the reading to "honorastis" ("you have honoured"), and Stewech most rightly defends it: "For we are said to be loaded (says Jo. Vorst in his book on select Latinity, p. 129, M. Gesner's edition) not only with things heavy and troublesome, but also with things welcome and pleasant, if there is a great number of them." So, aptly for our passage, Justin, History, book V, ch. 5: "Therefore they load him (Alcibiades) with every honour, not only human but even divine." There Acidalius thinks one should read "honorant" ("they honour"). Wrongly. Tacitus, Histories, book I, ch. 25: "After, with varied talk, the cunning and dar[ing] … (continues)

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<!-- Lemma notes (keyed by the author's words, no call letters), numbered by chapter. The left column's last note runs on into the right column. --> (Onerastis, cont.) ‹anchor: Onerastis› · note in col 1007

(continued) cesque cognovit, pretio et promissis onerat, data pecunia ad pertentandos plurium animos; et lib. IV, c. 13 : Laudibus inmodicis onerare. Phaedr., lib. V, Fab. V, 20 : Multis onerant laudibus. Ubi vid Burmann., pag. 249 et seqq. Adde Drakenborch., ad Sil., lib. III, vers. 15, et Cort., ad Sallust. Jugurth., c. 12, p. 458. Sic etiam Petronius in carmine de Bello Civili, vers. 156 : . . . . . . Et tu, Saturnia tellus, / Armis laeta meis olimque onerata triumphis. ubi alii legunt : ornata, alii : ornanda, male. ORELL.

(Victoria) ‹anchor: Victoria› · note in col 1007 Victoria. Vid. Varro, lib. IV, de Ling. lat.; Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, cap. 14, 15, 17, 21; Plauti Prolog. Amphitryon., Inscript. vet., pag. 100. DEAE VICTORIAE S. ELMENH. Posthumius, si Livio fides (lib. X, cap. 33), Aedem Victoriae, quam aedilis curulis ex mulctitia pecunia faciendam curaverat, dedicavit. Alio adhuc in libro (XXXV, 9) alias duplicis Victoriae aedes his verbis commemorat : Aediculam Victoriae virginis prope aedem Victoriae M. Porcius Cato dedicavit, biennio postquam vovit. Pausanias quoque (lib. I, pag. 20) et Dionysius Halicarn., Ant. rom., lib. I, pag. 26, de Victoriae fano loquuntur. Nos etiam alibi animadvertimus, Symmachum, cum ab imperatore Valentiniano postulasset aram Victoriae in curia restitui, ab Ambrosio fuisse prohibitum. NOURR. pag. 484.

Victory. See Varro, On the Latin Language, book IV; Augustine, City of God, book IV, chs. 14, 15, 17, 21; Plautus, Prologue to the Amphitryo; Ancient inscriptions, p. 100: "SACRED TO THE GODDESS VICTORY". ELMENHORST. Postumius, if Livy is to be believed (book X, ch. 33), dedicated a temple of Victory which as curule aedile he had had built from fine-money. In yet another book (XXXV, 9) Livy records two further temples of Victory in these words: "Marcus Porcius Cato dedicated a shrine of Victory the Virgin near the temple of Victory, two years after he vowed it." Pausanias too (book I, p. 20) and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, book I, p. 26, speak of a fane of Victory. We have also noted elsewhere that Symmachus, when he had asked the emperor Valentinian to restore the altar of Victory in the senate-house, was blocked by Ambrose. LE NOURRY, p. 484.

(printed under page 506) (Pax) ‹anchor: Pax› · note in col 1007 Pax. Vetus Inscriptio, pag. 239 : PACI. AETERNAE. DOMUS. IMP. VESPASIANI. CAESARIS. AUGUSTI. LIBERORUM. Q. EIUS. SACRUM. TRIB. SUC. IUNIOR. Juvenal. sat. I, 115 : Ut colitur Pax atque Fides, Victoria, Virtus. ELMENH.

Peace. An ancient inscription, p. 239: "SACRED TO THE ETERNAL PEACE OF THE HOUSE OF THE EMPEROR VESPASIAN CAESAR AUGUSTUS AND OF HIS CHILDREN. THE TRIBE SUC[USANA], JUNIOR [DIVISION]." Juvenal, Satire I, 115: "As Peace and Faith are worshipped, Victory, Virtue." ELMENHORST.

(Aequitas) ‹anchor: Aequitas› · note in col 1007 Aequitas. Vetus Inscriptio pag. 76 : FORTUNAE. PRIMIG. SIGNUM. AEQUITATIS. NIGRINA. AUXESIS. CUM. FELICE. AUG. LIB. ET SUIS. D. D. D. D. ELMENH. Aequitatis nomine Arnobius Justitiam haud dubie intelligit, de qua Ovidius cecinit lib. III, ex Ponto Epist. VI, vers. 23, seqq. : Principe nec nostro Deus est moderatior ullus; / Justitia vires temperat ille suas. / Nuper eam Caesar, facto de marmore templo, / Jam pridem posuit mentis in aede suae. Quidam tamen censent, nihil de eo templo apud idoneos auctores inveniri, atque idcirco poetam allusisse ad Martis ultoris aedem, quandoquidem vindicta, de qua Ovidius loquitur, pars quaedam est Justitiae. NOURR., pag. 484.

Equity. An ancient inscription, p. 76: "TO FORTUNE PRIMIGENIA, A STATUE OF EQUITY; NIGRINA AUXESIS, WITH FELIX, FREEDMAN OF AUGUSTUS, AND THEIR FAMILY, GAVE AND DEDICATED IT" [abbreviations as printed]. ELMENHORST. By the name Equity Arnobius no doubt means Justice, of whom Ovid sang in book III of the Letters from Pontus, letter VI, verse 23 ff.: "No god is more moderate than our prince; he tempers his strength with Justice. Caesar lately set her in a temple of marble, though long since he had placed her in the temple of his mind." Some, however, hold that nothing is found about that temple in reliable authors, and that the poet therefore alluded to the temple of Mars the Avenger, since vengeance, of which Ovid speaks, is a certain part of Justice. LE NOURRY, p. 484.

(II. Nisi forte communem tollitis) ‹anchor: Nisi forte communem tollitis› · note in col 1007, continued in col 1008 II. — Nisi forte communem tollitis nobis atque eripitis sensum. Cui plurimum tribuebat is, quem plurimum Arnobius imitatur, Lucretius, quippe Epicuri sectator, qui sensuum cognitionem existimabat omnium esse certissimam et tutissimam. Is igitur lib. I, 423, seqq. : Corpus enim per se communis deliquat esse / Sensus; quo nisi prima fides fundata valebit, / Haud erit, occultis de rebus quo referentes / Confirmare animi quicquam ratione queamus. HERALD.

II. — "Unless perhaps you take away and snatch from us common sense." Lucretius, whom Arnobius imitates most of all, attributed the greatest weight to it, being a follower of Epicurus, who held the knowledge of the senses the most certain and safest of all. So he says in book I, 423 ff.: "For the common sense [of all] declares by itself that body exists; and unless trust in it, founded first, stands firm, there will be nothing to which we can refer in hidden matters so as to prove anything by the reasoning of the mind." HÉRAULT.

(Virtutem viri) ‹anchor: Virtutem viri› · note in col 1008 Virtutem viri. Stewechius mavult : virtutem virtuosi. Male. Neque enim alia virtus hic intelligitur, quam virtus corporis, quam virilitatem, viri vim appelat Varro, cuique Romae templum constitutum, quod docet oppositio ignavia pectoris in sequentibus verbis. Vide notam sequentem Heraldi. ORELL.

"The virtue (manliness) of a man." Stewech prefers "virtutem virtuosi" ("the virtue of a virtuous man"). Wrongly. For no other virtue is meant here than bodily virtue, which Varro calls manliness, the strength of a man, and to which a temple was set up at Rome; this is shown by the contrast "cowardice of heart" in the words that follow. See the next note, Hérault's. ORELLI.

(Honorem honorati) ‹anchor: Honorem honorati› · note in col 1008 Honorem honorati. Varro, de Ling. lat. lib. IV : Honos ab honesto honore; itaque honestus dicitur quod honoratus. ELMENH.

"The honour of one honoured." Varro, On the Latin Language, book IV: "Honos (honour) from honest honour; and so a man is called honestus because he is honoured." ELMENHORST.

(Ignavia pectoris) ‹anchor: Ignavia pectoris› · note in col 1008 Ignavia pectoris. Ignaviam pectoris opponit virtuti, quam dixit appellari a VIRO et esse viri propriam : quibus quidem verbis declaravit virtutis acceptionem primigeniam, et eam usurpavit εἰδικῶς : cum tamen non sola fortitudo, sed et virtutes caeterae consecratae sint. Virtutem profecto veteres appellabant animi robur et constantiam in rebus bellicis, quod observat etiam Plutarchus in Coriolano. Unde Lucanus, lib. VI (vers 147) : Pronus ad omne nefas, et qui nesciret, in armis / Quam magnum crimen virtus civilibus esset. Virtutem dixit Lucanus fortitudinem, ἀνδρείαν. Sane Virtutem venerabantur Romani hujus rei proprie Deam, quam alias Bellonam appellabant. Lactantius, lib. I, cap. 21 : Ab isto genere sacrorum non minoris insaniae judicanda sunt......... Virtutis, quam eamdem Bellonam vocant, in quibus ipsi sacerdotes non alieno, sed suo cruore sacrificant. HERALD. Conf. quos citat Bunemann. ad Lactant., lib. I, pag. 140. ORELL.

"Cowardice of heart." He sets cowardice of heart against virtue, which he said is named from VIR (man) and is proper to a man; by these words he declared the original sense of virtue, and used it in the specific sense, although not courage alone but the other virtues too were consecrated. Certainly the ancients called strength and steadiness of mind in matters of war "virtue", as Plutarch also observes in the Coriolanus. Hence Lucan, book VI (verse 147): "Prone to every crime, and one who did not know how great a crime virtue is in civil wars." By virtue Lucan meant courage, andreia. Indeed the Romans worshipped Virtue as the goddess properly of this thing, whom otherwise they called Bellona. Lactantius, book I, ch. 21: "Of no lesser madness are to be judged … the [rites] of Virtue, whom they also call Bellona, in which the priests themselves sacrifice not with another's blood but with their own." HÉRAULT. Compare the passages Bünemann cites on Lactantius, book I, p. 140. ORELLI.

(Ut enim haec accidunt) ‹anchor: Ut enim haec accidunt› · note in col 1008 Ut enim haec accidunt, hominumque sunt posita in actionibus, affectibus fortuitis. Sic legendum pro ut enim haec accidant, hominum quae sunt posita in actionibus, affectibus fortuitis, etc. Id est quemadmodum sunt haec accidentia, quae hominibus accidunt, et vel sunt posita et sita in hominum actionibus, ut iniquitas, ignavia pectoris, etc. vel in affectibus fortuitis, et rebus quae fortuito contingunt; quales res sunt infelicitas, morbus, etc. Ita benigniores qualitates, Aequitas, Felicitas, etc. homini contingunt; ac postquam receptae sunt ab eo, has suas proprias appellationes sortiuntur. HERALD. — Fulv. Ursinus conj. hominum quae sunt posita in actionibus fortuitis, deleto affectibus. Stewechius : Hominum quae sunt posita in actionibus effectibus fortuitis, etc. Editor Lugd. Bat. in actionibus ac effectibus fortuitis. Quod non probo. Nam affectus pro passione, morbo apud Celsum : ut et adject. affectus, a um, pro aegroto, misero. Apuleius, Met., lib. IV, pag. 314, ed. Oudendorp. affectae domus triste fatum cuncta etiam civitas congemebat. Ovid., II, Amor., El. II, affectam amicam, id est, aegrotam. Etiam omissio copulae conveniens stylo Arnobio, quod supra jam aliquoties fuit observatum. ORELL.

"For as these things happen, and lie in men's actions and chance affections." So one should read instead of "ut enim haec accidant, hominum quae sunt posita in actionibus, affectibus fortuitis," etc. That is: just as there are these accidents which befall men, and they either lie and are placed in men's actions, as wickedness, cowardice of heart, etc., or in chance affections and things which happen by chance, such as misfortune, disease, etc.; so the kinder qualities, Equity, Happiness, etc., come to a man, and once received by him they take these names of their own. HÉRAULT. — Fulvio Orsini conjectures "hominum quae sunt posita in actionibus fortuitis", deleting "affectibus". Stewech: "Hominum quae sunt posita in actionibus effectibus fortuitis," etc. The Leiden editor: "in actionibus ac effectibus fortuitis". This I do not approve. For "affectus" is used for suffering, disease in Celsus; as is the adjective "affectus, a, um" for sick, wretched. Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book IV, p. 314, Oudendorp's edition: "the whole city too lamented the sad fate of the stricken house." Ovid, Amores II, elegy II: "affectam amicam", that is, a sick girlfriend. The omission of the copula, too, suits Arnobius's style, as has already been observed several times above. ORELLI.

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Caperet Fulv.

"Caperet" (would take): Fulvio Orsini.

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Potivisset vel coepisset Fulv.

"Potivisset" (would have gained) or "coepisset" (would have begun): Fulvio Orsini.

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Quorumne Sab.

"Quorumne" (of which [side]?): Sabaeus.

(Figuratio concepta est nominum) ‹anchor: Figuratio concepta est nominum› · note in col 1009 Figuratio concepta est nominum. Meursius mavult : numinum. ORELL.

"A figuration of names was conceived." Meursius prefers "numinum" ("of divinities"). ORELLI.

(III. Nam quod nobis catervas) ‹anchor: Nam quod nobis catervas› · note in col 1009 III. — Nam quod nobis catervas ignotorum alias inducitis Deorum. Ita primus emendavit Gelenius, sequentibus caeteris, probante etiam Heraldo in Curis II. Editio princeps romana : catervas signatorum. ORELL.

III. — "For as to your bringing in against us, elsewhere, crowds of unknown gods." So Gelenius first emended, the rest following, Hérault too approving it in his Curae II. The Roman first edition: "catervas signatorum" ("crowds of the signed"). ORELLI.

(Luperca Dea) ‹anchor: Luperca Dea› · note in col 1009 Luperca Dea. Lactant., lib. I, cap. 20 : Romuli nutrix Lupa honoribus est affecta divinis; Ovidius, II Fast., Lib. Inscript., pag. 105, Inscript. XI; Plutarch., in Romulo; Juvenal., sat. XI. ELMENH. — Deam Lupercam eamdem fuisse cum Acca Larentia, docet Ouzelius ad Minuc. Fel., cap. 25, pag. 257, seq., ed. Gronov. Conf. Liv., Hist. I, cap. 4. ORELL.

The goddess Luperca. Lactantius, book I, ch. 20: "Romulus's nurse, the She-wolf, was given divine honours." Ovid, Fasti II; Book of Inscriptions, p. 105, inscription XI; Plutarch, Romulus; Juvenal, Satire XI. ELMENHORST. — That the goddess Luperca was the same as Acca Larentia is shown by Ouzel on Minucius Felix, ch. 25, p. 257 f., Gronovius's edition. Compare Livy, History I, ch. 4. ORELLI.

(Ex rerum ergo proventu) ‹anchor: Ex rerum ergo proventu› · note in col 1009 Ex rerum ergo proventu, etc. Id est ἐκ συμβεβηκότος τοῦτο συνέβη. Sic annonae proventus dixerat supra, lib. I, cap. 14, et provenire, lib. II : Nec citra ejus nutum quidquam potest in rebus vel provenire vel cadere. HERALD. — Proventus pro successu vel etiam pro eventu simpliciter apud optimos scriptores. Ita Caesar de Bello Gall., VII, cap. 80 : Omnium militum intenti animi pugnae proventum expectabant; et cap. 29 : Errare, si qui in bello omnis secundos rerum proventus expectent. Ubi vid. Davis. et Morum in Ind. Conf. Bentlei. ad Manil., lib. I, vers. 410; Oudendorp., in Apulei. Met., lib. X, pag. 728; Bünemann, ad Lactant. Inst., lib. VI, cap. 4, § 9, pag. 715. ORELL.

"So from the outcome of events," etc. That is, "this came about by accident." So he had said "the yield of the harvest" above, book I, ch. 14, and "provenire" in book II: "Nor without his nod can anything in the world either come forth or fall." HÉRAULT. — "Proventus" is used for success, or even simply for outcome, in the best writers. So Caesar, Gallic War VII, ch. 80: "All the soldiers, their minds intent, awaited the outcome of the fight"; and ch. 29: "They err who expect every outcome in war to be favourable." See Davis there, and Morus in his index. Compare Bentley on Manilius, book I, verse 410; Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book X, p. 728; Bünemann on Lactantius, Institutes, book VI, ch. 4, § 9, p. 715. ORELLI.

(Ipsa esse occoepit) ‹anchor: Ipsa esse occoepit› · note in col 1009 Ipsa esse occoepit. Verissimam hanc lectionem e cod. ms. restituit Meursius et Heraldus. Antea legebatur : Ipsa esse hoc coepit. ORELL.

"She began to be herself." Meursius and Hérault restored this most true reading from the manuscript. Before, it read: "Ipsa esse hoc coepit." ORELLI.

(Et ipsius nominis significantiam traxit) ‹anchor: Et ipsius nominis significantiam traxit› · note in col 1009 Et ipsius nominis significantiam traxit. Glossae : Significantia, Σημασία. Fabius Victorinus prooemio in lib. I Ciceronis de Inventione : Ars est, quae significantiam sui plenam non habet . . . Haec vox generis triplicem significantiam habet. Lactant., Inst., lib. IV, cap. 26 : Quaecumque enim passus est, non fuerunt inania, sed habuerunt figuram et significantiam magnam; et eodem cap., § 17 : Sicut opera ejus significantiam quoque majoris potestatis habuerunt. HERALD et ELMENH. — Conf. Bünemann., ad Lactant., lib. I, pag. 535, et Mercer., ad Nonium Marcell., pag. 82. ORELL.

"And drew the meaning of the name itself." The Glosses: "Significantia, sēmasia (meaning)." Fabius Victorinus, in the preface to book I of Cicero's On Invention: "There is an art which does not have its full meaning … This word 'genus' has a threefold meaning." Lactantius, Institutes, book IV, ch. 26: "For whatever he suffered was not empty, but had a figure and great meaning"; and in the same chapter, § 17: "As his works also had the meaning of a greater power." HÉRAULT and ELMENHORST. — Compare Bünemann on Lactantius, book I, p. 535, and Mercier on Nonius Marcellus, p. 82. ORELLI.

(Praestana) ‹anchor: Praestana› · note in col 1009 Praestana. Hujus Deae mentionem apud alios frustra quaesivi. ORELL.

Praestana. I have looked in vain for mention of this goddess in other writers. ORELLI.

(Dea Panda) ‹anchor: Dea Panda› · note in col 1009, continued in col 1010 Dea Panda. Glossae : Panda, εἰρήνης θεά. ELMENH. — Hujus Deae meminit Varro in Fragmento Σκιομαχίας citato ab A. Gellio, lib. XIII, cap. 21 : Te Anna Perenna, Panda καὶ λατὰ, Pales / Neriones et Minerva, Fortuna ac Ceres. Idem Varro, de Vita Pop. rom., lib. I, ap. Nonium, v. pandere : Hanc Deam ( Pandam ) Aelius putat esse Cererem; sed quod in asylum qui confugisset, panis daretur, esse nomen factum a pane dando. Vide Auson. Popm., ad lib. I. Varronis, vol. II, pag. 307 et 381, ed Bipont.; et G. J. Voss., de Idolol., lib. II, cap. 36, pag. 186. ORELL. — Dionysius Halicarn., lib. II, pag. 105, meminit virginem illam, quae ad capiendum Capitolinum collem Tito Tatio viam pandisse ferebatur, ibi sepulcri honore donatam, ubi ceciderat, redditasque illi quotannis a Romanis inferias. Nonne ergo verosimile est, eam idcirco Pandae seu Panticae nomine dearum adscriptam fuisse numero ? NOURR. p. 417.

The goddess Panda. The Glosses: "Panda, goddess of peace." ELMENHORST. — Varro mentions this goddess in a fragment of the Skiomachia quoted by Aulus Gellius, book XIII, ch. 21: "You, Anna Perenna, Panda and Lata [as printed], Pales, Nerio and Minerva, Fortune and Ceres." The same Varro, On the Life of the Roman People, book I, in Nonius under "pandere": "This goddess (Panda) Aelius thinks to be Ceres; but [he says] the name was made from giving bread (panis), because bread was given to whoever had fled to the asylum." See Ausonius Popma on book I of Varro, vol. II, pp. 307 and 381, Bipontine edition; and G. J. Vossius, On Idolatry, book II, ch. 36, p. 186. ORELLI. — Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book II, p. 105, records that the maiden who was said to have opened (pandisse) the way for Titus Tatius to take the Capitoline hill was honoured with a tomb where she fell, and that funeral offerings were paid her yearly by the Romans. Is it not likely, then, that she was for this reason enrolled among the goddesses under the name Panda or Pantica? LE NOURRY, p. 417.

(Vel Pantica) ‹anchor: Vel Pantica› · note in col 1010 Vel Pantica. Ante facta haec ergo numquam fuerunt numina. Ita editor Lugd. Bat. Editio princeps : vel Pantica patefacta. Et haec ergo, etc. vitiosissime. Gelenius delet patefacta. Th. Canterus interpungit : vel Pantica. Patefacta et haec ergo. Stewechius : vel Pantica et haec ergo. Verum et tanquam superfluum delet Heraldus. Cod. ms. habet : A te facta et haec ergo, etc. quod manifeste pro ante facta. ORELL.

"Or Pantica. Before these things were done, then, they were never divinities." So the Leiden editor. The first edition: "vel Pantica patefacta. Et haec ergo," etc., most corruptly. Gelenius deletes "patefacta". Th. Canter punctuates: "vel Pantica. Patefacta et haec ergo." Stewech: "vel Pantica et haec ergo." But Hérault deletes "et" as superfluous. The manuscript has "A te facta et haec ergo," etc., which is plainly for "ante facta". ORELLI.

(Nique) ‹anchor: Nique› · note in col 1010 Nique. Ita legendum cum Gelenio pro neque, quod antea legebatur. Neque esset apodosis, quae hoc loco alienissima. ORELL.

"Nique" (and unless). So one should read with Gelenius, instead of "neque", which was read before. "Neque" would make an apodosis, which is wholly out of place here. ORELLI.

(Vocaminis) ‹anchor: Vocaminis› · note in col 1010 Vocaminis. Supra lib. I, cap. 3 : Gens nostra felicitate donari hujus vocaminis meruit. ORELL.

"Of the appellation." Above, book I, ch. 3: "Our people has deserved to be gifted with the happiness of this appellation." ORELLI.

(IV. Pellendorum hostium dea) ‹anchor: Pellendorum hostium dea› · note in col 1010 IV. — Pellendorum hostium dea potens Pellonia est. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, cap. 21 : Cum enim esset invocanda propter fessos diva Fessonia, propter hostes depellendos diva Pellonia. ELMENH. — Conf. Voss., de Idolol., lib. VII, cap. 18, pag. 763. ORELL.

IV. — "Pellonia is the goddess with power to drive off enemies." Augustine, City of God, book IV, ch. 21: "For the goddess Fessonia was to be invoked for the weary, the goddess Pellonia for driving off enemies." ELMENHORST. — Compare Vossius, On Idolatry, book VII, ch. 18, p. 763. ORELLI.

(Nisi molestum est) ‹anchor: Nisi molestum est› · note in col 1010 Nisi molestum est. Scriptam lectionem prae vulgata auro contra redimendam censeo : si ne molestum est. Si ne vocibus disjunctis non minus recte dicitur, quam a Titinnio et Plauto nevis, nevult, pro non vis, non vult. Nepurus pro non purus apud Festum. Itidem ne recte ex Plauto, ne funera in versu Catulli interpretatus doctissimus Janus Mellerus Palmerius in suis Spicilegiis, pag. 39. Si non pro nisi Ciceronem, Plautum, Terentium, Caesarem usurpasse, alias docui in gratiam juventutis. STEWECH.

"If it is not troublesome." I judge the manuscript reading worth buying back with its weight in gold against the common one: "si ne molestum est". "Si ne" as separate words is said no less correctly than "nevis", "nevult" for "non vis", "non vult" by Titinius and Plautus; "nepurus" for "non purus" in Festus. Likewise the most learned Janus Mellerus Palmerius, in his Spicilegia, p. 39, rightly explained "ne" from Plautus, and "ne funera" in a line of Catullus. That Cicero, Plautus, Terence and Caesar used "si non" for "nisi" I have shown elsewhere for the benefit of the young. STEWECH.

(Aut in gratiam concessura est quorum) ‹anchor: Aut in gratiam concessura est quorum› · note in col 1010 (continues) Aut in gratiam concessura est quorum. Id est : quibus gratiam et favorem suum accommodatura ? Neque enim aliter explicari debet haec phrasis. Nam ut concedere pro cedere accipiamus, aequum non est : quia de Pellonia heic agitur, non de Cedonia, ut ita ludam. Quare existimavi aliquando legendum : aut in aciem concessura est quorum? Nec me istius conjecturae adhuc poenitet. HERALD. — Haec sunt merae argutiae. Atqui in gratiam eorum concedit (id est cedit) (continues)

"Or into the favour of which side will she go over?" That is: to whom will she lend her favour and goodwill? For the phrase should not be explained otherwise. For it is not right that we take "concedere" as "cedere" (to yield), since we are dealing here with Pellonia, not with "Cedonia", to make a pun. So I once thought one should read: "or into whose battle-line will she go over?" Nor do I yet regret that conjecture. HÉRAULT. — These are mere quibbles. Yet she goes over (that is, yields) into their favour … (continues)

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Potuerunt Sab.

"Potuerunt" (they were able): Sabaeus.

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Perfugerat alii.

"Perfugerat" (had deserted): others.

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Dicemus Sab.

"Dicemus" (we shall say): Sabaeus.

(Aut in gratiam concessura est quorum, cont.) ‹anchor: —› · note in col 1011

(continued) Pellonia, quibus favet quorumque hostes repellit. ORELL.

(Quod si utique fecerit) ‹anchor: Quod si utique fecerit› · note in col 1011 Quod si utique fecerit. Ita edidi cum editore Lugd. Bat. Vulgo : utrimque, quod plane otiosum est ac superfluum, cum idem prorsus dicatur in verbis proxime cum antecedentibus, tum sequentibus, ORELL.

"But if she does so at all events." So I have printed with the Leiden editor. Commonly: "utrimque" ("on both sides"), which is plainly idle and superfluous, since exactly the same thing is said in the words both immediately before and after. ORELLI.

(Quod partis unius in pulsione formatum est) ‹anchor: Quod partis unius in pulsione formatum est› · note in col 1011 Quod partis unius in pulsione formatum est. Sic Editor Lugd. Bat. optime. Caeteri una voce impulsione, quod falsum. Non enim impellendorum, id est aggrediendorum, sed pellendorum, hoc est fugandorum, hostium Dea Pellonia. Ful. Ursin. : Ex impulsione. Dicendum potius fuisset e pulsione. Sed praepositiones istas saepissime permutari ab Arnobio supra jam ad lib. I et II. observatum est. ORELL.

"Which was formed in the driving-off of one side." So the Leiden editor, excellently. The rest read as one word "impulsione" ("in the attack"), which is wrong. For Pellonia is the goddess not of enemies to be attacked, that is, assailed, but of enemies to be driven off, that is, put to flight. Fulvio Orsini: "Ex impulsione." It should rather have been "e pulsione". But it has already been observed above, on books I and II, that Arnobius very often interchanges these prepositions. ORELLI.

(Apud Furculas Caudinas) ‹anchor: Apud Furculas Caudinas› · note in col 1011 Apud Furculas Caudinas. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. III, cap. 17 : In caudinas Furcas a Samnitibus obsessi ambo cum exercitu consules, foedus cum eis foedum facere coacti sunt, ita ut, equitibus romanis sexcentis obsidibus datis, caeteri, amissis armis aliisque spoliati, privatique tegminibus sub jugum hostium cum vestimentis singulis mitterentur. ELMENH. — Historiam prolixe narrat Livius lib. IX, ab init. ORELL.

"At the Caudine Forks." Augustine, City of God, book III, ch. 17: "Both consuls, besieged with the army by the Samnites at the Caudine Forks, were forced to make a shameful treaty with them, such that, six hundred Roman knights being given as hostages, the rest, having lost their arms, stripped of everything else and deprived of their cloaks, were sent under the enemy's yoke with a single garment each." ELMENHORST. — Livy tells the story at length at the beginning of book IX. ORELLI.

(Apud Thrasumeni lacum) ‹anchor: Apud Thrasumeni lacum› · note in col 1011 Apud Thrasumeni lacum. Ita ms. Alii : Thrasimenum. Valerius Max., lib. I, cap. 7. Apud lacum Thrasimenum XV millia Romanorum caesa, VI millia capta, X millia fugata sunt. ELMENH.

"At Lake Trasumenus." So the manuscript. Others: "Thrasimenum". Valerius Maximus, book I, ch. 7: "At Lake Trasimene fifteen thousand Romans were slain, six thousand taken, ten thousand put to flight." ELMENHORST.

(Diomedis campi) ‹anchor: Diomedis campi› · note in col 1011 Diomedis campi. Ad Aufidum flumen, ubi Cannae, vicus Romanorum clade nobilis. Hinc Martius vates apud Livium lib. XXV, cap. 12 : Amnem Trojugena Cannam Romane fuge, ne te alienigenae cogant in campo Diomedis conserere manus. Conf. Fest. h. v. ibique Dacer. ORELL.

"The fields of Diomede." By the river Aufidus, where Cannae lies, a village famous for the Romans' disaster. Hence the seer Marcius in Livy, book XXV, ch. 12: "Flee the river Canna, Roman of Trojan stock, lest foreigners force you to join battle in the field of Diomede." Compare Festus under this word, and Dacier there. ORELLI.

(V. Dii laevi et laevae) ‹anchor: Dii laevi et laevae› · note in col 1011, continued in col 1012 V. — Dii laevi et laevae. Optima haec cod. ms. lectio nec mutanda. Dii scil. hoc loco deos pariter deasque comprehendunt zeugmate generis frequentissimo, ubi, cum incertus est plurium sexus, genus masculinum adhibetur potissimum, ut dignius. Vide Sanct. Minerv., lib. IV, cap. 10, pag. 718, ed. Perizon. Male itaque Stewechius : Dii laevi, deae laevae. In editione Lugd. Bat. legitur : Dii laevia laeva, quod quid sibi velit, equidem nescire me fateor cum ignarissimis, et puto, hoc operarum esse vitium, et scriptum a doctissimo Salmasio : Dii laevi a laeva (scil. manu.) ORELL. — Fortassis legendum simpliciter : Dii laevi. Nam si substantivum Dii utrumque sexum comprehendit, quidni et adjectivum ? OCHSNER.

V. — "The left-hand gods and goddesses." This manuscript reading is excellent and is not to be changed. Here, that is, "Dii" includes gods and goddesses alike by a very common zeugma of gender, in which, when the sex of several is mixed, the masculine is used by preference as the worthier. See Sanctius's Minerva, book IV, ch. 10, p. 718, Perizonius's edition. Stewech is therefore wrong: "Dii laevi, deae laevae." In the Leiden edition one reads "Dii laevia laeva", and I confess, with the most ignorant, that I do not know what it means; I think it is a printers' error, and that the most learned Saumaise wrote "Dii laevi a laeva" (that is, from the left hand). ORELLI. — Perhaps one should read simply "Dii laevi". For if the noun "Dii" includes both sexes, why not the adjective too? OCHSNER.

(Quod quanam istud ratione dicatur) ‹anchor: Quod quanam istud ratione dicatur› · note in col 1012 Quod quanam istud ratione dicatur. Digna phrasis quae curiosum lectorem advertat. Abundat enim eleganter pronomen istud. Sic paulo post : Quae tamen haec ipsa, quae laeva appellamus, et dextera alia, in nobis nihil habent perpetuum. Hellenismus est. Lucas, Act., III, 13 : Ὁ Θεὸς τῶν πατέρων ἡμῶν ἐδόξασε τὸν παῖδα αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦν, ὃν ὑμεῖς μὲν παρεδώκατε καὶ ἠρνήσασθε αὐτόν. HERALD.

"By what reasoning that is said." A phrase worthy of the curious reader's notice, for the pronoun "istud" is elegantly redundant. So a little after: "Which yet these very things, which we call left, and others right, have nothing permanent in us." It is a Hellenism. Luke, Acts 3:13: "The God of our fathers has glorified his servant Jesus, whom you delivered up and denied him." HÉRAULT.

(Jam primum enim mundus) ‹anchor: Jam primum enim mundus› · note in col 1012 Jam primum enim mundus per se neque dexteras neque laevas, etc. Vide, qui hac de re multus est, Hadr. Jun. Animadv., lib. III, cap. 3, in J. Gruteri Lampade Crit., vol. IV, pag. 384. ELMENH.

"For first of all the world of itself has neither right nor left," etc. See Hadrianus Junius, who says much on this, Animadversiones, book III, ch. 3, in J. Gruter's Lampas Critica, vol. IV, p. 384. ELMENHORST.

(Neque anticas neque posticas) ‹anchor: Neque anticas neque posticas› · note in col 1012 Neque anticas neque posticas. Varro, de Ling. lat., lib. VI, pag. 81, ed. Bip. : Coelum qua tuimur, dictum templum. Sic : Contremuit templum magnum Jovis altitonantis. Id est (ut ait Naevius in Hemisphaerio), ubi terra caerulo septum stat. Ejus templi partes quatuor : sinistra ab oriente, dextra ab occasu, antica ad meridiem, postica ad occasum. Paulo aliter Festus : Posticum ostium dicitur in posteriore parte aedium. Caeterum antiqui etiam vicinum habitantem ad posteriorem partem aedium sic appellarunt : denique et quae ante nos sunt, antica, et quae post nos sunt, postica dicuntur, et dextram anticam et sinistram posticam dicimus. Sic etiam ea coeli pars, quae sole illustratur ad meridiem, antica utique nominatur, quae ad septentrionem est, postica : rursumque dividuntur in duas partes, orientem et occidentem. Vide ibi intp. et inprimis qui de hoc verbo multus est, J. Fr. Gronov., in lect. Plaut., p. 352. ORELL.

"Neither front nor back." Varro, On the Latin Language, book VI, p. 81, Bipontine edition: "The sky, where we gaze, is called a templum. Thus: 'The great templum of high-thundering Jove trembled.' That is (as Naevius says in the Hemisphere) where the earth stands enclosed by the blue. Of that templum there are four parts: the left from the east, the right from the west, the front to the south, the back to the west [as printed]." Festus, a little differently: "The back door is the one at the rear of a house. The ancients also called a neighbour who lived at the rear of the house by this name; and indeed what is before us is called front, and what is behind us back, and we call the right front and the left back. So too the part of the sky lit by the sun towards the south is called front, and that towards the north back; and again they are divided into two parts, east and west." See the interpreters there, and especially J. Fr. Gronovius, who says much on this word, in his Lectiones Plautinae, p. 352. ORELLI.

(Cardo frigoris) ‹anchor: Cardo frigoris› · note in col 1012 Cardo frigoris. Id est polus arcticus. Stat., Theb., VII, vers. 38 : . . . Arctoae labentem cardine portae. ORELL.

"The hinge of cold." That is, the Arctic pole. Statius, Thebaid VII, verse 38: "… sliding on the hinge of the northern gate." ORELLI.

(In vocabulum sinistri Auster et Meridies transit) ‹anchor: In vocabulum sinistri› · note in col 1012 (continues) In vocabulum sinistri Auster et Meridies transit. Ita (continues)

"The south wind and the south pass into the name of left." So … (continues)

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(In vocabulum sinistri Auster et Meridies transit, cont.) ‹anchor: —› · note in col 1013

(continued) e Cod. ms. ubi legitur Meridus transit, locum restituerunt Stewechius et Heraldus. Caeteri : Vocabulum sinistri Auster et Meridies trahet. Meursius : Trahent. ORELL.

(Neque dextera neque laeva natura esse ulla) ‹anchor: Neque dextera neque laeva natura esse ulla› · note in col 1013 Neque dextera neque laeva natura esse ulla. Ita Stewechius e Cod. ms. restituit. Quod miror a sequentibus editoribus neglectum voces neque dextera omittentibus. ORELL.

"That there is by nature no right and no left." So Stewech restored from the manuscript. I am surprised this was neglected by the later editors, who omit the words "neque dextera". ORELLI.

(Sed positionis et temporis) ‹anchor: Sed positionis et temporis› · note in col 1013 Sed positionis et temporis. Scribo : Et temporis ratione. Nam tale quid deest, aut scribendum sexto casu : Positione et tempore. MEURS., pag. 121.

"But of position and time." I write: "Et temporis ratione" ("and by reason of time"). For something of the kind is missing, or else one should write it in the ablative: "Positione et tempore." MEURSIUS, p. 121.

(Quas esse faustas et prosperis) ‹anchor: Quas esse faustas et prosperis› · note in col 1013 Quas esse faustas et prosperis semper cum ominibus ediderunt. Signate : nam prospera omnia et bona omina ἰδιώτατα. Glossae Philoxeni : Prosperum, αἴσιον. Prospere, εὐτυχῶς, κατὰ προαίρεσιν, αἰσίως, εὐμενῶς, κατὰ γνώμην. Et prospera nomina appellat Plinius, quae Cicero bona nomina. Cur publicis lustris, inquit, etiam nomina victimas ducentium prospera eligimus? Festus : Prospera quaedam nomina usurpabant antiqui, id est declinata, ut occurrerent fascino. Hinc prosper dies et bonus dies. Ovidius (Fast. I, vers. 71) : Prospera lux oritur : linguis animisque favete ! / Sunt dicenda bono nunc bona verba die. Nempe prosperum, quod spem bonam suggerit et proponit. HERALD. — Alii : Prosperis semper cum omnibus. ORELL.

"Which they declared to be auspicious, and always with prosperous omens." Pointedly said: for "prospera" and "bona omina" are most proper terms. The Glosses of Philoxenus: "Prosperum, aision (auspicious). Prospere, eutychōs (fortunately), kata proairesin (as one would choose), aisiōs (auspiciously), eumenōs (kindly), kata gnōmēn (as one wishes)." Pliny speaks of "prospera nomina", which Cicero calls "bona nomina": "Why at public purifications," he says, "do we choose even men with lucky names to lead the victims?" Festus: "The ancients used certain lucky names, that is, turned aside [from ill meaning], to counter the evil eye." Hence "prosper dies" and "bonus dies". Ovid (Fasti I, verse 71): "A prosperous day is rising: keep your tongues and minds favourable! Good words must now be spoken on a good day." "Prosperum", that is, what suggests and holds out good hope. HÉRAULT. — Others: "prosperis semper cum omnibus" ("always with all prosperous [things]"). ORELLI.

(VI. Lateranus) ‹anchor: Lateranus› · note in col 1013 VI. — Lateranus. Hujus dei alibi nulla mentio. OR.

VI. — Lateranus. There is no mention of this god elsewhere. ORELLI.

(Dictusque hoc nomine) ‹anchor: Dictusque hoc nomine› · note in col 1013 Dictusque hoc nomine. Ita Salmasius. Cod. ms. adjectusque. Gelenius, adauctusque. Meursius in Appendice, adjectusque. Scriverius, adlectusque. Nullum enim aliud illius Dei nomen indicatur, cui adjectum fuerit nomen Laterani. Alii : affectusque, quod magis placet. ORELL.

"And called by this name." So Saumaise. The manuscript: "adjectusque". Gelenius: "adauctusque". Meursius in his Appendix: "adjectusque". Scriverius: "adlectusque". For no other name of that god is given, to which the name Lateranus might have been added. Others: "affectusque", which pleases more. ORELLI.

(Quid ergo, si testa) ‹anchor: Quid ergo, si testa› · note in col 1013 Quid ergo, si testa, etc. Crudis autem laterculis caminos saepius exaedificabant, ut etiam ostendit Plinius : quandoque etiam testis, ut non temere hoc objiciat Arnobius. Nam tubulus, quo cingebatur ἡ ὀπή, id est κάπνη, sive foramen, per quod exibat et exhalabatur fumus, erat quandoque e testa : unde ὀπαίαν κεραμίδα Graeci appellabant. HERALD. In ed. Rom. legebatur si ista; unde Gelenius ex ingenio refinxit si orgilla. Testa e cod. ms. reposuerunt Stewech. et Heraldus. ORELL.

"What then, if of earthenware," etc. They built furnaces more often of unbaked bricks, as Pliny also shows; but sometimes of potsherds too, so that Arnobius does not raise this point idly. For the pipe that surrounded the vent (opē), that is, the chimney, or opening through which the smoke went out and was breathed off, was sometimes of earthenware: hence the Greeks called it the "vent-tile" (opaia keramis). HÉRAULT. In the Roman edition one read "si ista"; from which Gelenius out of his own head refashioned "si orgilla" [as printed]. Stewech and Hérault restored "testa" from the manuscript. ORELLI.

(Non luteis constructa est formis) ‹anchor: Non luteis constructa est formis› · note in col 1013 Non luteis constructa est formis. Proprie : unde formacei parietes, quos describit Plinius. HERALD.

"Was not built in clay moulds." Used properly: whence the "moulded walls" which Pliny describes. HÉRAULT.

(Et quid, quaeso, ut faciat) ‹anchor: Et quid, quaeso, ut faciat› · note in col 1013 Et quid, quaeso, ut faciat. Stewechius mavult : Ecquid, etc. Sed nil mutandum. Et adversativum, ut saepius ap. nostrum. ORELL.

"And what, pray, is it that he does?" Stewech prefers "Ecquid," etc. But nothing should be changed: "et" is adversative, as often in our author. ORELLI.

(Coquinas) ‹anchor: Coquinas› · note in col 1013 Coquinas. Papias : Coquina, culina. ELMENH.

Kitchens. Papias: "Coquina, culina (kitchen)." ELMENHORST.

(Habitudinem fictilibus contribuit vasculis) ‹anchor: Habitudinem fictilibus contribuit vasculis› · note in col 1014 Habitudinem fictilibus contribuit vasculis, ne flammarum dissiliant vi victa. Idem munus etiam Vulcano tributum, teste Varrone in Fragm., p. 265, ed. Bipont. Vulcanum, nec dum novae lugenae ollarum frangantur, ter precatur. Ubi vid. Auson. Popm., p. 325. ORELL.

"He gives soundness to the little earthen vessels, lest, overcome by the force of the flames, they burst." The same office was assigned to Vulcan too, on the witness of Varro in the Fragments, p. 265, Bipontine edition: "She prays three times to Vulcan, that the new lugenae [as printed] of the pots may not break." See Ausonius Popma there, p. 325. ORELLI.

(Curat, ut ad sensum palati) ‹anchor: Curat, ut ad sensum palati› · note in col 1014 Curat, ut ad sensum palati suis cum jucunditatibus veniant rerum incorruptarum sapores. Stewechius conj. summis cum jucunditatibus. Nic. Heinsius, Epist. ad J. G. Graevium, 257, in Sylloge Burmann., vol. IV, p. 329, mavult. : Lautis cum jucunditatibus. Cod. ms. vitiose : palatis cum jucunditatibus. Sed, ut vulgatum praeferam, faciunt voces : Rerum incorruptarum. ORELL.

"He sees to it that the flavours of unspoiled things come to the sense of the palate with their own pleasantness." Stewech conjectures "summis cum jucunditatibus" ("with the highest pleasantness"). Nic. Heinsius, Letter 257 to J. G. Graevius, in Burmann's Sylloge, vol. IV, p. 329, prefers "lautis cum jucunditatibus" ("with elegant pleasantness"). The manuscript, corruptly: "palatis cum jucunditatibus". But the words "of unspoiled things" make me prefer the common reading. ORELLI.

(Praegustatoris fungitur atque experitur officio) ‹anchor: Praegustatoris fungitur atque experitur officio› · note in col 1014 Praegustatoris fungitur atque experitur officio. Atque coqui proprium hoc officium. Alias praegustatores, προγεύσται, qui apposita jam edulia praegustant, quae consuetudo a Persarum aula alio postea traducta est. Hesychius : ἐδέατρος... προγεύστης βασιλέως, ἐπιμελητὴς δείπνου. HERALD. — Meursius elegantius quidem, sed minus ex more Arnobii talia verba, licet minus apta, conjungere amantis, totum locum sic refingit : et, an rite pulmenta condita sint, experitur atque praegustatoris fungitur officio. ORELL.

"He performs and tries out the office of taster." And this office is proper to the cook. Otherwise there are tasters, progeustai, who taste in advance the dishes already served, a custom later carried from the Persian court elsewhere. Hesychius: "edeatros … the king's taster, overseer of the dinner." HÉRAULT. — Meursius, more elegantly indeed, but less in the manner of Arnobius, who loves to join such words even when less apt, refashions the whole passage thus: "and he tries out whether the relishes have been duly seasoned, and performs the office of taster." ORELLI.

(VII. Militaris Venus) ‹anchor: Militaris Venus› · note in col 1014 VII. — Militaris Venus. Militaris Veneris rarior apud veteres mentio. Non semel tamen Pausanias Veneris armatae ac proinde militaris meminit, lib. II, p. 48, et lib. III, pp. 95 et 103. Nonnus quoque, ubi Venerem Marte potentiorem canit, Dionys. XXXV, vers. 175 : Μὴ Σπάρτης ἐπίβηθι, μαχήμονες ἧχι πολῖται / Χάλκεον εἶδος ἔχουσι κορυσσομένης Ἀφροδίτης. Conf. Lactant. Inst., lib. I, cap. 19. Denique ab Hesychio memoratur Ἔγχειος Ἀφροδίτη, Κυπρίοις. NOURR., p. 424. Etiam Venus, quasi amore sui Martis in bello auxiliari credita : unde dicta Συμμαχία, atque hoc nomine culta est a Mantinensibus, teste Pausania in Arcadicis. Haec Vossius, de Idolol., lib. VIII, cap. 18, p. 762. ORELL.

VII. — Military Venus. Mention of a military Venus is rather rare among the ancients. Yet Pausanias more than once mentions an armed and therefore military Venus, book II, p. 48, and book III, pp. 95 and 103. Nonnus too, where he sings of Venus as mightier than Mars, Dionysiaca XXXV, verse 175: "Do not set foot in Sparta, where the warlike citizens have a bronze image of Aphrodite in arms." Compare Lactantius, Institutes, book I, ch. 19. Lastly Hesychius records "Aphrodite of the Spear, among the Cyprians". LE NOURRY, p. 424. Venus too was believed to give aid in war, as it were for love of her Mars: hence she was called Symmachia (Ally), and was worshipped under that name by the Mantineans, on the witness of Pausanias in the Arcadica. So Vossius, On Idolatry, book VIII, ch. 18, p. 762. ORELLI.

(Castrensibus plagiis praesidet) ‹anchor: Castrensibus plagiis praesidet› · note in col 1014 Castrensibus plagiis praesidet. Codex ms. et Editt. vet. : castrensibus flagitiis. NOURR.

"She presides over the kidnappings of the camp." The manuscript and the old editions: "castrensibus flagitiis" ("over the vices of the camp"). LE NOURRY.

(Perfica) ‹anchor: Perfica› · note in col 1014 (continues) Perfica. Etiam hujus Deae impurae apud alium nulla mentio. Allegat quidem Turnebus, Advers., lib. XI, cap. 20, locum Lucretii II, vers. 1115 : Donicum ad extremum crescendi perfica finem / Omnia perduxit rerum Natura creatrix. At ibi perfica est adjectivum, idem quod perficiens, ut explicat Nonius. Conf. Lambin. et Creech. ad Lucretii l. I. Perficere sensu obscoeno usurpat Jul. Capi- (continues)

Perfica. Of this impure goddess too there is no mention in any other writer. Turnèbe, indeed, Adversaria, book XI, ch. 20, cites the passage of Lucretius II, verse 1115: "Until Nature, the creatress of things, bringing all to completion, has led them to the utmost end of growth." But there "perfica" is an adjective, the same as "perficiens" (completing), as Nonius explains. Compare Lambin and Creech on that passage of Lucretius. "Perficere" in an obscene sense is used by Julius Capi[tolinus] … (continues)

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1015

Vipibilia Sab.

"Vipibilia" [reading uncertain; line cut at the crop]: Sabaeus.

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Addit. ms. Omittit Sab.

The manuscript adds it; Sabaeus omits it.

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Esse ms. ipsa Sab.

"Esse" (to be): the manuscript; "ipsa" (herself): Sabaeus.

(Perfica, cont.) ‹anchor: —› · note in col 1015

(continued) tolinus Maximin., cap. 4, ubi vide Salmas. Script. Hist. Aug., vol. II, p. 18. ORELL.

(Luteas voluptates) ‹anchor: Luteas voluptates› · note in col 1015 Luteas voluptates. Luteas, id est turpissimas, contemptissimas, luto viliores. Sic ap. Plautum Truculent., act. IV, scen. IV, vers. 1 : Blitea et lutea est meretrix. ubi vide intpp. Eodem sensu stercoreus ap. eumdem Plaut. Mil. Glor., act. II, scen. I, vers. 12 : Miles meus herus, / Qui hinc ad forum abiit, gloriosus, impudens, / Stercoreus, plenus perjurii atque adulterii. ORELL.

"Muddy pleasures." Muddy, that is, most shameful, most contemptible, cheaper than mud. So in Plautus, Truculentus, act IV, scene IV, verse 1: "A harlot is a worthless and muddy thing"; see the interpreters there. In the same sense "stercoreus" (dungy) in the same Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, act II, scene I, verse 12: "The soldier, my master, who went off from here to the forum, boastful, shameless, dungy, full of perjury and adultery." ORELLI.

(Pertunda) ‹anchor: Pertunda› · note in col 1015 Pertunda. Tertullianus adversus Nationes, lib. II, cap. 11 : Et dea Pertunda et Subigus et Prema ..... parcite dei impudentes, luctantibus sponsis nemo intervenit. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. VI, cap. 9 : Adest enim dea Virginiensis, et deus pater Subigus, et dea mater Prema, et dea Pertunda, et Venus et Priapus, et quae sequuntur, obscoena sane ac turpia. ORELL.

Pertunda. Tertullian, Against the Nations, book II, ch. 11: "And the goddess Pertunda and Subigus and Prema … spare us, shameless gods: no one intrudes on wrestling bridegrooms." Augustine, City of God, book VI, ch. 9: "For there is present the goddess Virginiensis, and the god father Subigus, and the goddess mother Prema, and the goddess Pertunda, and Venus and Priapus," and what follows, obscene indeed and shameful. ORELLI.

(Virginalem scrobem) ‹anchor: Virginalem scrobem› · note in col 1015 Virginalem scrobem. Ita Euripid. Phoeniss., vers. 18. σπείρειν τέκνων ἄλοκα. ORELL.

"The virgin furrow." So Euripides, Phoenissae, verse 18: "to sow a furrow of children." ORELLI.

(Tutunus) ‹anchor: Tutunus› · note in col 1015 Tutunus. Ita e Cod. ms. edidit Salmasius in ed. Lugd. Bat. et ad Solin., cap. 26, p. 219. Alii : Mutunus. De foedissimo hoc Deo vide infra ad cap. 11. ID.

Tutunus. So Saumaise printed from the manuscript in the Leiden edition and on Solinus, ch. 26, p. 219. Others: "Mutunus". On this most foul god see below on ch. 11. THE SAME [ORELLI].

(Cujus immanibus pudendis) ‹anchor: Cujus immanibus pudendis› · note in col 1015 Cujus immanibus pudendis, etc. Conf. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. XI, cap. 9; lib. XII, cap. 24; Lactant., Inst. I, cap. 22, § 36. ELMENH. et HERALD.

"On whose monstrous privy parts," etc. Compare Augustine, City of God, book XI, ch. 9; book XII, ch. 24; Lactantius, Institutes I, ch. 22, § 36. ELMENHORST and HÉRAULT.

(Quod si minime vos admonent) ‹anchor: Quod si minime vos admonent› · note in col 1015 Quod si minime vos admonent ad intellectum veritatis res ipsae. Sensus est : Quod si res ipsae, id est tantae rerum foeditates, quibus praesidere, creduntur vestri sive dii, sive deae, si inquam, rerum ipsarum flagitia minime vos admonent ad intellectum veritatis (hoc est ad intelligendum, quaenam vera vestrorum deorum sit conditio, was an der Sache sey; was an euern Gottern sey), ex ipsis saltem nominum absurditatibus potestis id nosse, etc. Admonent, quod habent Gelenius et Salmasius, videtur e Cod. ms. fluxisse. Fulv. Ursin. conj. admovent, probante Heraldo. Sed parum aut nihil refert, utro modo legamus. Meursius, locum luxatum credens, verba : Quod si minime vos admonent ..... et falsorum imaginationes deorum, transponenda censet in finem Capitis post verba : mellis curans custodiensque dulcedinem. ORELL.

"But if the things themselves do not at all move you to understand the truth." The sense is: but if the things themselves, that is, such great foulnesses of things over which your gods or goddesses are believed to preside, if, I say, the vileness of the things themselves does not at all move you to understand the truth (that is, to understand what the true condition of your gods is; "what there is to the matter; what there is to your gods"), you can know it at least from the very absurdity of the names, etc. "Admonent", which Gelenius and Saumaise have, seems to have come from the manuscript. Fulvio Orsini conjectures "admovent" ("bring you to"), Hérault approving. But it matters little or nothing which way we read. Meursius, thinking the passage dislocated, holds that the words "But if … do not at all move you … and the imaginings of false gods" should be moved to the end of the chapter, after the words "tending and guarding the sweetness of honey". ORELLI.

(Puta ..... Peta ..... Nemestrinus) ‹anchor: Puta ..... Peta ..... Nemestrinus› · note in col 1015 Puta ..... Peta ..... Nemestrinus. Horum deorum alibi nulla notitia. Vide Voss., de Idolol., p. 236. ID.

Puta … Peta … Nemestrinus. Of these gods there is no knowledge elsewhere. See Vossius, On Idolatry, p. 236. THE SAME [ORELLI].

(Patellana numen est et Patella) ‹anchor: Patellana numen est et Patella› · note in col 1015 Patellana numen est et Patella. Papias : Patellana Dea a paganis dicitur, cum folliculi messium patescunt, aut e spicis exeunt. ELMENH. — Patelenam dicit Augustinus loco quem mox citabimus. ORELL.

"Patellana is a divinity, and Patella." Papias: "Patellana is the name the pagans give a goddess, when the husks of the crops open, or come out from the ears." ELMENHORST. — Augustine calls her Patelena in the passage we shall cite shortly. ORELLI.

(Patefaciendis rebus) ‹anchor: Patefaciendis rebus› · note in col 1015 Patefaciendis rebus. Annon legendum patefaciendis seminibus? Nam Dea agrorum Patellana. Vide Papiae locum modo laudatum. ORELL.

"Things to be opened." Should one not read "patefaciendis seminibus" ("seeds to be opened")? For Patellana is a goddess of the fields. See the passage of Papias just cited. ORELLI.

(Nodutis) ‹anchor: Nodutis› · note in col 1015, continued in col 1016 Nodutis. Augustinus, de Civ. Dei., lib. IV, cap. 8 : Praefecerunt ergo Proserpinam frumentis germinantibus : geniculis nodisque culmorum deum Nodotum : involumentis folliculorum deam Volutinam : cum folliculi patescunt, ut spica exeat, deam Patelenam; cum segetes novis aristis aequantur quia veteres aequare hostire dixerunt, deam Hostilinam : florentibus frumentis deam Floram : lactescentibus deam Lacturtiam : maturescentibus deam Maturam; cum runcantur, id est a terra auferuntur, deam Runcinam. Caeterum varie scribitur : Nodotus, Nodutus, Nodutis. ORELL.

Nodutis. Augustine, City of God, book IV, ch. 8: "So they put Proserpina over the sprouting corn; over the knees and knots of the stalks the god Nodotus; over the wrappings of the husks the goddess Volutina; when the husks open so that the ear comes out, the goddess Patelena; when the crops are levelled with new beards, because the ancients said 'hostire' for 'to level', the goddess Hostilina; over the flowering corn the goddess Flora; over it when milky the goddess Lacturtia; over it when ripening the goddess Matura; when it is weeded, that is, taken from the ground, the goddess Runcina." The name is variously written: Nodotus, Nodutus, Nodutis. ORELLI.

(Et quae praeest frugibus terendis, Terensis) ‹anchor: Et quae praeest frugibus terendis, Terensis› · note in col 1016 Et quae praeest frugibus terendis, Terensis. Terendis pro ferendis, quod antea legebatur, restituit Grotius apud Meursium. Elmenhorstius et Stewechius dederunt : et quia praeest frugibus terendis, Noduterensis. Equidem nolim aliquid definire in re incerta prorsus ac dubia. ORELL.

"And she who presides over the threshing of crops, Terensis." Grotius, in Meursius, restored "terendis" (threshing) for "ferendis" (bearing), which was read before. Elmenhorst and Stewech gave: "and because he presides over the threshing of crops, Noduterensis." For my part I would not settle anything in a matter wholly uncertain and doubtful. ORELLI.

(Vibilia) ‹anchor: Vibilia› · note in col 1016 Vibilia. Lego Vehilia ex conjectura. Nam veha veteribus Latinis via, teste Varrone, de Re rust., lib. I, cap. 2. Aut certe Venilia, de qua est apud eumdem Varronem, de Ling. lat., lib. IV. MEURS.

Vibilia. I read "Vehilia" by conjecture. For "veha" was "via" (road) to the ancient Latins, on Varro's witness, On Agriculture, book I, ch. 2. Or at any rate "Venilia", of whom there is mention in the same Varro, On the Latin Language, book IV. MEURSIUS.

(Orbonae) ‹anchor: Orbonae› · note in col 1016 Orbonae. Plinius, Hist. nat., lib. II, cap. 7 : Orbonae (fanum est) ad aedem Larium; ubi autem Orbona est non orborum tutatrix, sed potius dea, quae affert orbitatem. Conjungitur enim cum morbis, pestibus, febri malaque fortuna in deorum censum relatis. Eodem sensu et Tertullianus ad Nat., lib. II, cap. 14 : Orbonam deam, quae in orbitatem semina extinguat. Vide Harduin., ad Plin., l. I, pag. 72, et G. J. Vos., de Idolol., lib. VIII, cap. 17, pag. 759. Caeterum, ut bene observat Stewechius, orbum dixerunt veteres tam patrem qui liberos, quam liberos qui patrem, amisissent. Vid. Fest. v. Orba. Plinii verba descripta videntur e Cicerone, de Nat. deor., lib. III, cap. 25, ubi vid. Davis. ORELL.

Orbona's. Pliny, Natural History, book II, ch. 7: "Orbona has (a fane) by the temple of the Lares." There, however, Orbona is not the protectress of the bereaved, but rather the goddess who brings bereavement. For she is joined with diseases, plagues, fever and ill fortune, enrolled among the gods. In the same sense Tertullian too, To the Nations, book II, ch. 14: "The goddess Orbona, who extinguishes seed into childlessness." See Hardouin on Pliny, book I, p. 72, and G. J. Vossius, On Idolatry, book VIII, ch. 17, p. 759. For the rest, as Stewech well observes, the ancients called "orbus" both a father who had lost his children and children who had lost their father. See Festus under "Orba". Pliny's words seem to be copied from Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book III, ch. 25; see Davis there. ORELLI.

(Naeniae) ‹anchor: Naeniae› · note in col 1016 Naeniae. Deae Naeniae, extremis vitae seu funeribus praefectae, sacellum extra portam Viminalem, sicuti ex Paullo et Festo discimus, consecratum fuit. De hac Augustinus, de Civ. Dei, lib. VI, cap. 9, ex Varrone : Varro commemorare et enumerare deos coepit a conceptione hominis, eamque seriem produxit usque ad decrepiti hominis mortem, et deos ad ipsum hominem pertinentes clausit ad Naeniam deam, quae in funeribus senum cantatur. NOUR. p. 426.

Naenia's. To the goddess Naenia, set over the last things of life, that is, funerals, a chapel was consecrated outside the Viminal gate, as we learn from Paulus and Festus. Of her Augustine says, City of God, book VI, ch. 9, from Varro: "Varro began to record and enumerate the gods from a man's conception, and drew the series out to the death of a decrepit man, and closed the gods pertaining to man himself with the goddess Naenia, who is sung at the funerals of the old." LE NOURRY, p. 426.

(Jam quae durat) ‹anchor: Jam quae durat› · note in col 1016 Jam quae durat. Sic edidi ex emendatione Meursii pro Nam quae durat.

"Now she who hardens." So I have printed, by Meursius's emendation, instead of "Nam quae durat".

(Ossilago) ‹anchor: Ossilago› · note in col 1016 Ossilago. Legendum vel cum Cantero Ossipago, vel cum Stewechio Ossipanga. Vide supra ad lib. III, cap. 30. ORELL.

Ossilago. One should read either "Ossipago" with Canter, or "Ossipanga" with Stewech. See above on book III, ch. 30. ORELLI.

(Mellonia) ‹anchor: Mellonia› · note in col 1016 Mellonia. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, cap. 34 : Sine Segetia segetes, sine Bobova boves, mella sine Mellona, poma sine Pomona. ELMENH. — Meursius, leg. Mellona. ORELL.

Mellonia. Augustine, City of God, book IV, ch. 34: "Crops without Segetia, oxen without Bobova [as printed], honey without Mellona, fruit without Pomona." ELMENHORST. — Meursius reads "Mellona". ORELLI.

(VIII. Dicite, o quaeso) ‹anchor: Dicite, o quaeso› · note in col 1016 (continues) VIII. — Dicite, o quaeso, ut ita vobis propitiae faveant Peta, Puta, Patella. Sic editio prima. At Fulv. Ursinus particulam ut exterminavit, quae sane retinenda erat. Sic passim, veluti : ut illum dii deaeque senium perdant, et similia. Observat diligentissimus (continues)

VIII. — "Tell me, I pray, as you hope that Peta, Puta, Patella may favour you graciously." So the first edition. But Fulvio Orsini banished the particle "ut", which certainly ought to be kept. So everywhere, for instance: "as I hope the gods and goddesses may destroy that old man", and the like. The most diligent … observes … (continues)

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1017

Quod alii.

"Quod" (that): others.

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(a) ‹anchor: Quid ergo, inquitis› · call in col 1018 (printed at the left of the Lectiones variantes, under col 1017)

Quod alii.

"Quod" (for "Quid"): so others.

(b) ‹anchor: Limam custodiam liminum› · call in col 1018

Luminum Sab. inepte.

"Luminum" (of lights): Sabaeus, absurdly.

(VIII. Dicite, o quaeso, cont.) ‹anchor: —› · note in col 1017

(continued) Grammaticus, Aelius Donatus, ut accipi his in locis pro utinam. Alias ita et sic frequentissime. HERALD.

(Aut si exos genus humanum) ‹anchor: Aut si exos genus humanum› · note in col 1017 Aut si exos genus humanum velut quidam vermiculi nasceremur. V. genus, quod in prioribus editionibus deest, optime restituerunt Heraldus et editor Lugd. Bat. ORELL.

"Or if we, the human race, were born boneless like certain little worms." Hérault and the Leiden editor very well restored the word "genus", which is missing in the earlier editions. ORELLI.

(Cum esset vobis similiter nescium) ‹anchor: Cum esset vobis similiter nescium› · note in col 1017 Cum esset vobis similiter nescium. Nescium h. l. passive, quod nescitur. Vide Aul. Gell. lib. IX, cap. 12, qui infrequentem dicit passivum hunc vocabuli usum. Ita lib. I : Quid dicitis, o parvuli? incomperta vobis et nescia temerariae vocis loquacitate garrientes? MEURS.

"Since it was likewise unknown to you." "Nescium" is passive here: what is not known. See Aulus Gellius, book IX, ch. 12, who calls this passive use of the word uncommon. So in book I: "What do you say, little ones, prattling with the talkativeness of a rash voice things undiscovered and unknown to you?" MEURSIUS.

(IX. Judicatis sed falsis) ‹anchor: Judicatis sed falsis› · note in col 1017 IX. — Judicatis sed falsis. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii : et falsis. ORELL.

IX. — "Judged, but false." So the Leiden edition. Others: "et falsis" ("and false"). ORELLI.

(Qui est cunctis in mortalibus sensus) ‹anchor: Qui est cunctis in mortalibus sensus› · note in col 1017 Qui est cunctis in mortalibus sensus. Fulv. Ursinus : qui est cunctis inditus mortalibus sensus. Non male. ID.

"The sense which is in all mortals." Fulvio Orsini: "the sense which is implanted in all mortals." Not bad. THE SAME [ORELLI].

(Qui est enim, qui credat) ‹anchor: Qui est enim, qui credat› · note in col 1017 Qui est enim, qui credat, etc. Haec est lectio vetus quam temere mutaverunt. Nam qui pro quis saepe apud istos scriptores. Cyprianus, lib. III, Epist. 24 : Qui nunc votis, dilectissimi fratres, conscientiae victricis vigor? et alibi e Scriptura : Tu qui es, qui judicas alienum servum. HERALD.

"For who is there who would believe," etc. This is the old reading, which they rashly changed. For "qui" stands for "quis" often in these writers. Cyprian, book III, letter 24: "What now, dearest brothers, in your vows is the vigour of a victorious conscience?" And elsewhere, from Scripture: "Who are you who judge another's servant?" HÉRAULT.

(Esse Deos Lucrios) ‹anchor: Esse Deos Lucrios› · note in col 1017, continued in col 1018 Esse Deos Lucrios. Nazianzenus, Orat. 2. in Julian., p. 308 : Ἂν ἴδω σου τὸν Κερδῷον, καὶ τὸν λόγιον ἐναγώνιον, συγκρύπτω τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, καὶ παρατρέχω τὸν θεόν. et Orat. 3. in Julian. πῶς οὖν ὁ κερδῷος αὐτοῖς σταθήσεται, καὶ τὸ σακέλλιον προβληθήσεται, καὶ ἡ κλεπτικὴ δύναμις τοῦ θεοῦ τιμηθήσεται; ELMENH. — Κερδῷος propr. Mercurius vid. Suid. v. κερδῷος. At Lycophron Alexandr. vers. 208, Apollinem sic appellat propter oracula, quibus aliorum et suae utilitati consulebat, dicens : Δελφινίου παρ' ἄντρα Κερδῴου θεοῦ. Ubi vide Meurs. ORELL. — Qui autem fuerint illi dei, docet nos Suidas v. κερδῷος — Κερδῷος θεὸς ὁ Ἑρμῆς, ὡς κέρδους ποιητικός. καὶ ἄγγελον δὲ αὐτὸν καλοῦσι καὶ κλῶπα· διὸ καὶ μάρσυππον αὐτὸν ποιοῦσι βαστάζειν. καὶ ἔφορον αὐτὸν τοῦ λόγου, καὶ τῆς κλοπῆς, καὶ ἐμπολείων, ἤγουν κέρδους ἔφορον. Idem testatur Nonnus ad Gregor. Nazianzen., Orat. in Julian., p. 148, ed. Montag., Κερδῷον θεὸν καλοῦσι οἱ Ἕλληνες τὸν Ἑρμῆν, ὡς κέρδους περιποιητικόν· διὸ καὶ Ἀριστοφάνης ὁ κωμικὸς ἐν τῷ δράματι τῷ Πλούτῳ, ἀπορῶν τίνα δεῖ καλέσαι τὸν Ἑρμῆν, φησίν· Ἐμπολαῖον αὐτὸν ἱδρυσώμεθα, τουτέστι κέρδους ἔφορον. Etiam Apollo κερδῷος. Testis Julianus in eadem Oratione, pag. 77. : πῶς οὖν ὁ κερδῷος αὐτοῖς σταθήσεται, καὶ τὸ σακέλλιον προβληθήσεται, καὶ ἡ κλεπτικὴ δύναμις τοῦ θεοῦ τιμηθήσεται, καὶ τὸ ἄνευ χαλκοῦ Φοῖβον μὴ μαντεύεσθαι, μηδὲ εἶναί τι τοῦ ὀβολοῦ τιμιώτερον; NOURR., p. 422, et ORELL.

"That there are gods of gain." Nazianzen, Oration 2 against Julian, p. 308: "If I see your god of gain, and the eloquent one, the god of contests, I cover my eyes and run past the god." And Oration 3 against Julian: "How then will their god of gain stand, and the money-bag be held out, and the thieving power of the god be honoured?" ELMENHORST. — "Kerdōos" is properly Mercury; see Suidas under that word. But Lycophron, Alexandra, verse 208, so names Apollo, for the oracles by which he looked after others' advantage and his own, saying: "beside the caves of the Delphinian god of gain." See Meursius there. ORELLI. — Who those gods were Suidas teaches us under "kerdōos": "The god of gain is Hermes, as the maker of gain. They also call him messenger and thief; and so they make him carry a purse. And [they call him] overseer of speech, and of theft, and of trade, that is, overseer of gain." Nonnus attests the same on Gregory Nazianzen, Oration against Julian, p. 148, Montagu's edition: "The Greeks call Hermes the god of gain, as the procurer of gain; and so Aristophanes the comic poet, in the play Plutus, at a loss what he should call Hermes, says: 'Let us set him up as the god of trade,' that is, overseer of gain." Apollo too is "kerdōos": the witness is Julian [as printed] in the same oration, p. 77: "How then will their god of gain stand, and the money-bag be held out, and the thieving power of the god be honoured, and Phoebus refuse to prophesy without bronze, and nothing be more precious than the obol?" LE NOURRY, p. 422, and ORELLI.

(Libentinam) ‹anchor: Libentinam› · note in col 1018 Libentinam. Augustinus, de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, cap. 8 : Audent aliquas partes deae Cloacinae tribuere, aut Volupiae, quae a voluptate appellata est, aut Libentinae, cui nomen a libidine. ELMENH. — Cicero, de Nat. deor., lib. II, cap. 23 : Quo ex genere Cupidinis et Voluptatis et Libentinae Veneris vocabula consecrata sunt, vitiosarum rerum neque naturalium, etc., ubi vide Davis., pag. 153. Nonius v. Prolubium..... Varro de Lingua lat., lib. V : Prolubiem et prolubidinem dici ab eo quod lubeat; unde etiam lucus Veneris Lubentinae. Ubi vide Mercer. Nam in editionibus omnibus Varronis (v. c. Bipont.) pag. 63, locus est mancus et corruptus. Vide not. Antonii Augustin., vol. II, pag. 138. Libentina itaque Venus bene distinguenda a Libitina Venere, funerum praeside. ORELL.

Libentina. Augustine, City of God, book IV, ch. 8: "They dare to assign some share to the goddess Cloacina, or to Volupia, who is named from pleasure (voluptas), or to Libentina, whose name comes from lust (libido)." ELMENHORST. — Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book II, ch. 23: "Of which kind are the names of Cupid and Pleasure and Libentine Venus, consecrated though they are things vicious and not natural," etc.; see Davis there, p. 153. Nonius under "Prolubium" … Varro, On the Latin Language, book V: "Prolubies and prolubido are said from what pleases (lubeat); hence too the grove of Venus Lubentina." See Mercier there. For in all the editions of Varro (for example the Bipontine), p. 63, the passage is defective and corrupt. See the notes of Antonius Augustinus, vol. II, p. 138. Venus Libentina must therefore be well distinguished from Venus Libitina, who presides over funerals. ORELLI.

(Quis Liburnum) ‹anchor: Quis Liburnum› · note in col 1018 Quis Liburnum. Hoc nomen corruptum videtur. In Regio enim ms. Codice habetur Burnum : quod quidem cum librarii depravatum suspicarentur, rescripsere Liburnum; quamobrem Meursius legendum putavit Liberum, quem ab ethnicis libidini praefectum fuisse, testis est Augustinus, de Civ. Dei, lib. VI, c. 9, et lib. VII, cap. 2, NOURRIUS. — Nolim tamen mutare quidquam. Plura enim talium deorum ignotorum nomina legimus apud nostrum. De verbo superesse vide supra ad lib. III, cap. 23. ORELL.

"Who [believes] Liburnus." This name seems corrupt. For in the Royal manuscript one finds "Burnum"; and since the copyists suspected it was corrupt, they rewrote it "Liburnum". For this reason Meursius thought one should read "Liberum" (Liber), who was set over lust by the heathen, as Augustine witnesses, City of God, book VI, ch. 9, and book VII, ch. 2. LE NOURRY. — Yet I would rather change nothing, for we read many names of such unknown gods in our author. On the verb "superesse" see above on book III, ch. 23. ORELLI.

(Experitur) ‹anchor: Experitur› · note in col 1018 Experitur. Ita ms. Alii : expeditur, quod Heraldus frustra defendit. Elmenhorstius : Expetit. ORELL.

"Tries." So the manuscript. Others: "expeditur" ("is dispatched"), which Hérault defends in vain. Elmenhorst: "Expetit" ("seeks"). ORELLI.

(Quis Limentinum, quis Limam) ‹anchor: Quis Limentinum, quis Limam› · note in col 1018 (continues) Quis Limentinum, quis Limam. Dicam quod sentio. Limam deam, quae sit, ignoro; neque eam hic tolerandam puto. Subsequitur enim in Arnobio : Quis curatores obliquitatum Limos? Augustinus, lib. IV, de Civ. Dei, cap. 8, irridens paganorum stultitiam, qui uni homini ostiario totam domum committant, tres uni januae deos praeficiant, ait : Tres deos isti posuerunt, Forculum foribus, Cardeam cardini, Limentinum limini. Eosdem illos pari numero Tertullianus ponit in suo Scorpiaco; sed isthic Cardum legitur. Iterum in libro de Corona militis : Cardam nominarunt. Denique in libro de Idololatria Cardea lectitatur. Quid si Cardeum et Cardeam, item Limentinum, et pro Lima ista Limentinam deam coluisse suspicemur? pariter ut Robigum et Robiginem. STEWECH. — In Cod. ms. legitur, quis Lunam, vitiosissime. Herald. legend. suspicatur, quis Janem, antiquo scribendi modo pro Janum, allegans Tertullian. de Idolol., cap. 15, Janem a janua; et Apologet., cap. 10 : Saturnus... exceptus a Jano vel Jane, ut Salii volunt. Equidem lectionem (continues)

"Who [believes in] Limentinus, who in Lima?" I will say what I think. Who the goddess Lima is I do not know, nor do I think she can be tolerated here. For there follows in Arnobius: "Who [in] the Limi, curators of crookedness?" Augustine, City of God, book IV, ch. 8, mocking the folly of the pagans, who entrust a whole house to one man as doorkeeper yet set three gods over one door, says: "These people set up three gods: Forculus for the doors, Cardea for the hinge, Limentinus for the threshold." Tertullian sets down the same ones, the same number, in his Scorpiace; but there "Cardus" is read. Again in the book On the Soldier's Crown: "They named Carda." Lastly, in the book On Idolatry "Cardea" is read. What if we suspect that they worshipped a Cardeus and a Cardea, and likewise a Limentinus and, in place of this Lima, a goddess Limentina? just as Robigus and Robigo. STEWECH. — In the manuscript one reads "quis Lunam", most corruptly. Hérault suspects one should read "quis Janem", an old spelling for "Janum", citing Tertullian, On Idolatry, ch. 15: "Janes from janua (door)"; and Apology, ch. 10: "Saturn … received by Janus, or Janes, as the Salii will have it." For my part, the reading … (continues)

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(Quis Limentinum, quis Limam, cont.) ‹anchor: —› · note in col 1019

(continued) […] apud antiquos Limae mentio. Quamobrem suspicantur corruptum esse hoc nomen, ac pro ea Limentinam (Stewech.), aut Janum, aut Janam, sive Janem (Herald.) legendum. Quid si legeretur Cardea, dea cardinibus praeposita? cujus meminit Tertullianus, lib. II, ad Nation., cap. 15, et de Idolol., cap. 15, aut Carna? de qua plura Ovidius cecinit lib. VI, Fast., NOURR., p. 421.

(Cum fanorum quotidie videamus) ‹anchor: Cum fanorum quotidie videamus› · note in col 1019 Cum fanorum quotidie videamus, etc. Non necessaria Meursii conjectura : cum fanorum quotidie mille videamus. Fanorum scil. limina (quod supplendum ex praecedentibus) subruuntur ac convelluntur a furibus et sacrilegis. ORELL.

"Since we see daily [the thresholds] of temples," etc. Meursius's conjecture is unnecessary: "since we see daily a thousand of temples". That is, the thresholds of temples (to be supplied from what precedes) are undermined and torn up by thieves and the sacrilegious. ORELLI.

(Nec sine his esse flagitiosos ad lupanaria commeatus) ‹anchor: Nec sine his esse flagitiosos ad lupanaria commeatus› · note in col 1019 Nec sine his esse flagitiosos ad lupanaria commeatus. Proprie. Lactantius, lib. III, cap. 15 : Quid ergo interfuit, quo animo philosophus ad meretricem famosissimam commearet, cum eum populus et rivales sui viderent omnibus perditis nequiorem (ubi vide Bunemann., p. 347). Proprie etiam flagitiosos. Cicero : In stupris vero et flagitiis nefarias ejus libidines commemorare pudore deterreor. Haec autem cum praecedentibus optime conveniunt. Quare de transpositione quod suspicantur, vanum est. HERALD. Meursius haec verba transponere voluit post v. propudiosa experitur (quod idem mutavit in expetit, male) atque exercet obscoenitas, cum hoc sit officium Liburni et Libentinae, non autem Limentini et Limae. At respicere videtur Arnobius ad amatores excubias, agentes ad januas meretricum, qua de re notissima vide intpp. ad Propert. I, 16. Caeterum pro Liburnum, cujus apud alios nulla mentio, idem Meursius leg. putat Liberum, citans Augustin., de Civit. Dei, lib. VI, cap. 9. Liberum a liberamento appellatum volunt, quod mares in coeundo per ejus beneficium, emissis seminibus, liberentur. ORELL.

"And that without these there are no shameful visits to the brothels." Used properly. Lactantius, book III, ch. 15: "What difference did it make, then, with what intention the philosopher went to visit the most notorious harlot, when the people and his rivals saw him more worthless than all the abandoned?" (see Bünemann there, p. 347). "Shameful" too is used properly. Cicero: "Shame deters me from recounting his wicked lusts in debaucheries and vices." These words fit the preceding ones excellently, so the transposition they suspect is groundless. HÉRAULT. Meursius wanted to move these words after "propudiosa experitur (which he also changed, wrongly, to expetit) atque exercet obscoenitas", since this is the office of Liburnus and Libentina, not of Limentinus and Lima. But Arnobius seems to be looking to the lovers keeping watch at the doors of harlots, a very well-known matter; see the interpreters on Propertius I, 16. For the rest, instead of "Liburnum", of whom there is no mention in others, the same Meursius thinks one should read "Liberum", citing Augustine, City of God, book VI, ch. 9: "They will have it that Liber is named from liberation (liberamentum), because by his favour males in intercourse are freed by the emission of seed." ORELLI.

(Quis curatores obliquitatum. Limos) ‹anchor: Quis curatores obliquitatum. Limos› · note in col 1019 Quis curatores obliquitatum. Limos. Hyginus, de Limitib. constituendis, p. 151, ed. Goesii : Limites autem appellati a limo, antiquo verbo, id est, transversi, ubi vide Rigalt., p. 262. Glossae veteres : Limes, τρίβος, πλαγία ὁδός. Conf. Serv., ad Aen., XII, v. 120, unde limis oculis, id est obliquis. Caeterum Limorum deorum alibi, quod sciam, nulla mentio. ID.

"Who [believes in] the Limi, curators of crookedness?" Hyginus, On Laying Out Boundaries, p. 151, Goes's edition: "Limites (boundaries) are named from 'limus', an old word, that is, crosswise"; see Rigault there, p. 262. The old Glosses: "Limes, a beaten path, a side road." Compare Servius on the Aeneid XII, verse 120, whence "limis oculis", that is, with sidelong eyes. For the rest, there is, so far as I know, no mention of the gods Limi elsewhere. THE SAME [ORELLI].

(Saturnum praesidem sativis) ‹anchor: Saturnum praesidem sativis› · note in col 1019 Saturnum praesidem sativis. Secutus sum emendationem Canteri tanquam proxime accedentem ad vitiosam Codicis lectionem Latinis. Alii, verbi causa Gelenius et Salmasius, ediderunt praesidem sationis. Sed elegantius videtur praesidem sativis, ut praefectus urbi. ID.

"Saturn, guardian over sown fields." I have followed Canter's emendation as coming closest to the manuscript's corrupt reading "Latinis". Others, for instance Gelenius and Saumaise, printed "praesidem sationis" ("guardian of sowing"). But "praesidem sativis" seems more elegant, like "praefectus urbi" (prefect over the city). THE SAME [ORELLI].

(Quis montinum montium?) ‹anchor: Quis montinum montium?› · note in col 1019, continued in col 1020 Quis montinum montium? Montium magna olim veneratio, inque iis exstructae arae et templa, ut satis superque ex historia tam sacra quam profana patet, plerisque numinibus fuerunt. Indi apud Philostratum (de Vit. Apollon., l. I, c. 2), Caucasum θεῶν οἶκον vocant. Persae apud Herodotum (l. I, c. 131) ἐπὶ τὰ ὑψηλότατα τῶν οὐρέων ἀναβαίνοντες Jovi hostias immolant. Montinus, qui montibus praeest deus, apud Arnobium occurrit. Mater Galerii Maximiani deorum montium cultrix et mulier admodum superstitiosa Lactantio dicitur in libro de Mortibus persecutorum, c. 11. Dii MONTENSES in inscriptione, apud Gruter., p. 21, celebrantur, qua, quia Romae inventa, videntur significari dii, qui septem montibus praesidebant, quorum- […] montium, quod celebrabatur a montanis, id est, qui montes inhabitabant, non autem a toto populo, uti apud Varronem (l. V, de Ling. lat.) videre licet, quoque in septem locis, teste Festo, faciebant sacrificium diis, ut opinor, praesidibus montium (Gisb. Cuper, in Apotheosi Homeri, p. 15). Plura affert Joan. Columbus ad Lactant., de Mort. persecut., p. 284, seqq.; edit. Bauldrii et Bernart., ad Stat., Thebaid., I, p. 4, ed. Crucaei. ORELL.

"Who [believes in] Montinus of the mountains?" Mountains were once greatly revered, and altars and temples were built on them to very many divinities, as is more than plain from history both sacred and profane. The Indians in Philostratus (Life of Apollonius, book I, ch. 2) call the Caucasus "the house of the gods". The Persians in Herodotus (book I, ch. 131) sacrifice victims to Jupiter "going up to the highest peaks of the mountains". Montinus, the god who presides over mountains, appears in Arnobius. The mother of Galerius Maximian is called by Lactantius, in the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 11, "a worshipper of the gods of the mountains and a very superstitious woman". The gods MONTENSES are celebrated in an inscription in Gruter, p. 21; because it was found at Rome, the gods meant seem to be those who presided over the seven hills, whose- […] of the hills, which was celebrated by the "montani", that is, those who lived on the hills, not by the whole people, as can be seen in Varro (book V, On the Latin Language); and in seven places, on Festus's witness, they offered sacrifice to the gods, I think the guardians of the hills (Gisbert Cuper, in the Apotheosis of Homer, p. 15). Joan. Columbus brings more on Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, p. 284 ff., Baudri's edition; and Bernartius on Statius, Thebaid I, p. 4, Crucé's edition. ORELLI.

(Quis segnium Murciam) ‹anchor: Quis segnium Murciam› · note in col 1020 Quis segnium Murciam. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, l. IV, c. 16 : Vocaverunt deam Murciam, quae praeter modum non moveret, ac faceret hominem, ut ait Pomponius, Murcidum, id est nimis desidiosum et inactuosum. ELMENH. — Murcia cognomen Veneris, quae auctore Festo, sacellum habebat sub monte Aventino. De nominis autem etymo dissentiunt viri eruditi. Varro, de Lingua lat., l. IV, p. 43, ed. Bipont., tradit, alios derivasse ab urceis, quod is locus esset inter figulos, alios autem a murteto, quod ibi id fuerit. Vid. not. Auson. Popm., p. 105; Scaliger. et Dacer. ad Fest., p. 253; Salmasius autem ad Solin., p. 637, et G. J. Vossius, in Etymol. rom., rectius, ut mihi quidem videtur, deducunt a graeco μαλακός, μαλχός, aeolice μολχὸς vel μυλχός, et Syracusanorum dialecto (ut Hesychius auctor est) μυρχός. Unde latinum marcer, marcidus, et murcus, murcidus. Vid. Vales., ad Ammian. Marcellin., l. XV, p. 98. Caeterum ejusdem numinis meminerunt etiam Plinius, Hist. nat., l. XV, c. 29, et Tertullianus, de Spectaculis, qui Murciam appellat marcoris deam ex emendatione Turnebi. Alii enim legunt, amoris; alii, marmoris. In editione Lugd. Bat. legitur Murcidam, credo, operarum vitio. Nam ipse Salmasius, ad Solinum p. 4, ubi de hoc nomine multus est, legendum statuit Murciam. ORELL.

"Who [believes in] Murcia of the sluggish?" Augustine, City of God, book IV, ch. 16: "They named a goddess Murcia, who would not move a man beyond measure and would make him, as Pomponius says, 'murcidus', that is, too slothful and inactive." ELMENHORST. — Murcia was a surname of Venus, who, on Festus's authority, had a chapel under the Aventine hill. Learned men disagree on the derivation of the name. Varro, On the Latin Language, book IV, p. 43, Bipontine edition, reports that some derived it from pitchers (urcei), because the place was among the potters, and others from a myrtle grove (murtetum), because there was one there. See the notes of Ausonius Popma, p. 105; Scaliger and Dacier on Festus, p. 253. But Saumaise on Solinus, p. 637, and G. J. Vossius in his Roman Etymology, more correctly, as it seems to me, derive it from the Greek malakos (soft), malchos, in Aeolic molchos or mylchos, and in the dialect of the Syracusans (on Hesychius's authority) myrchos. Hence the Latin "marcer", "marcidus", and "murcus", "murcidus". See Valois on Ammianus Marcellinus, book XV, p. 98. The same divinity is also mentioned by Pliny, Natural History, book XV, ch. 29, and by Tertullian, On the Shows, who calls Murcia "goddess of languor" by Turnèbe's emendation; for others read "of love", others "of marble". In the Leiden edition one reads "Murcidam", I think by a printers' error, for Saumaise himself, on Solinus p. 4, where he says much on this name, settles that one should read "Murciam". ORELLI.

(Deam Pecuniam) ‹anchor: Deam Pecuniam› · note in col 1020 Deam Pecuniam. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, l. IV, c. 20 : Deae Pecuniae, ut pecuniosi essent, c. 24. Pecunia dicta est dea quae dat pecuniam. L. VII, c. 4 : Obscurata est dea Pecunia..... Cur dea Pecunia Minervae praelata non est ? Diversum sentit Juvenal., sat. I, vers. 114 : Etsi funesta pecunia templo / Nondum habitas, nullas nummorum ereximus aras. ELMENH.

"The goddess Money." Augustine, City of God, book IV, ch. 20: "[They worshipped] the goddess Money, that they might be moneyed"; ch. 24: "The goddess who gives money was called Money." Book VII, ch. 4: "The goddess Money has been obscured … Why was the goddess Money not preferred to Minerva?" Juvenal thinks otherwise, Satire I, verse 114: "Although, deadly Money, you do not yet dwell in a temple, and we have raised no altars to coins." ELMENHORST.

(Donare annulos aureos) ‹anchor: Donare annulos aureos› · note in col 1020 Donare annulos aureos. Equestrem dignitatem. Et sane ita res erat : Si quadringentis sex septem millia desunt, / Plebs eris. De jure annulorum aureorum alia observatio. HERALDUS.

"To bestow golden rings." That is, the rank of knight. And so indeed the matter stood: "If six or seven thousand are lacking from the four hundred, you will be a commoner." On the right of golden rings there is another observation. HÉRAULT.

(Honorum suggestus summos) ‹anchor: Honorum suggestus summos› · note in col 1020 Honorum suggestus summos. Meursius conj. : Honorem, suggestus summos. ORELL.

"The highest platforms of honours." Meursius conjectures: "Honour, the highest platforms." ORELLI.

(Securum per opulentias otium) ‹anchor: Securum per opulentias otium› · note in col 1020 Securum per opulentias otium. Quietem cum rerum ubertate ait Jul. Firmicus, l. V, Mathes., c. V : Ante enim hoc tempus vitiosi erunt, epulones, et bibones; et qui, posthabita omni rei familiaris cura, nihil aliud affectent, nisi epicureorum more sine laboribus in quiete et rerum ubertate vivere. HERALD. — Stewechius, nusquam non antiqui aliquid et reconditi odorans, legendum putat, per pollentias, male. ORELL.

"Untroubled leisure through riches." Julius Firmicus speaks of "quiet with abundance of things", book V of the Mathesis, ch. V: "For before this time they will be vicious, feasters and drinkers; and men who, setting aside all care of their estate, aim at nothing else than to live, in the manner of the Epicureans, without labours in quiet and abundance of things." HÉRAULT. — Stewech, everywhere scenting something ancient and recondite, thinks one should read "per pollentias", wrongly. ORELLI.

(X. Quod si habere insistitis) ‹anchor: Quod si habere insistitis› · note in col 1020 (continues) X. — Quod si habere insistitis suos proprios prae- (continues)

X. — "But if you insist that [the gods] have their own proper … (continues)

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Attingimus Sab.

"Attingimus" (we touch): Sabaeus.

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Tutelatoribus Sab. male.

"Tutelatoribus" (to the guardians): Sabaeus, wrongly.

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Queritamini Sab.

"Queritamini" (you complain): Sabaeus.

(X. Quod si habere insistitis, cont.) ‹anchor: —› · note in col 1021

(continued) sides, ossa, mella, etc. Secutus sum emendationem Salmasii contextui accommodatissimam. Cod. ms. et editores caeteri omnes : Quid si haberent in sedibus suos proprios praesides, ubi quid sibi velint verba in sedibus, equidem prorsus ignorare me fateor. Fulv. Ursinus conj. : Quid si haberent in se divos suos proprios praesides. Atqui res illae, de quibus loquitur Arnobius, ossa, mella, etc., neutiquam divos in se habebant inclusos, sed deos super se positos, id est illarum curam gerentes. ORELL.

(Nimietatis) ‹anchor: Nimietatis› · note in col 1021 Nimietatis. Infra : Dum vos arguimus nimietatis. L. VII, c. 26 : Sequitur, ut de thure deque mero aliquid sine ulla nimietate dicamus. Usus hac voce Apuleius, Apologia, p. 461; Plinius, Hist. nat., l. XIV, c. 6; Columella, l. IV, c. 24; Ammian. Marcellin., l. 19, p. 179. ELMENH. — Eutropius etiam, l. X, c. ult. : Quidam (exanimatum opinantur Jovianum) nimietate prunarum, quas gravi frigore adoleri multas jusserat. ORELL.

"Of excess." Below: "While we charge you with excess." Book VII, ch. 26: "It follows that we say something about incense and unmixed wine without any excess." This word is used by Apuleius, Apology, p. 461; Pliny, Natural History, book XIV, ch. 6; Columella, book IV, ch. 24; Ammianus Marcellinus, book 19, p. 179. ELMENHORST. — Eutropius too, book X, last chapter: "Some (think Jovian died) from the excess of live coals, which, because of the severe cold, he had ordered to be burnt in great number." ORELLI.

(Cunilae) ‹anchor: Cunilae› · note in col 1021 Cunilae. Scribon. Larg. c. 124 : Cunila, quam Saturejam quidam vocant, ubi vide Rhod. in Lexico. Pfefferkraut. ORELL.

Of cunila. Scribonius Largus, ch. 124: "Cunila, which some call savory"; see Rhodius there, in his Lexicon. "Pfefferkraut" [German: savory]. ORELLI.

(Non ficis) ‹anchor: Non ficis› · note in col 1021 Non ficis. Stewechius e codice, ut ait, ms. reposuit non ficubus, in observatione sua plura afferens de discrimine τοῦ ficus, i, id est morbi intestini recti extremi ab attritu nimio orti, et ficus, us, id est arboris et fructus, quod tamen discrimen locum non habere et vocabulum ficus utraque declinatione, sed foeminino genere, praesertim ab antiquioris latinitatis scriptoribus, de arbore et fructu promiscue usurpatum, contra ficus, i, sed masculino genere, de corporis vitio, docet Gesnerus in Thesauro. Sed J. G. Graevius in Epistola ad N. Heins., 259; Syllog. Burmann., t. IV, p. 334, testatur, in eodem codice legi ficiis, et merito miratur ficus hoc loco memoratas inter herbas et olera. Itaque pro non ficiis reponendum censet caepitiis. Equidem leviore mutatione, et una tantum littera mutata, rescribendum puto, non viciis. Viciae (Wicken) leguminis genus memoratum Virgilio Georg., I, 75 et aliis. ORELL.

"Not with figs." Stewech, from the manuscript, as he says, restored "non ficubus", bringing forward in his observation a good deal on the difference between "ficus, -i", that is, a disease of the end of the rectum arising from excessive chafing, and "ficus, -us", that is, the tree and its fruit. Gesner, however, teaches in his Thesaurus that this distinction does not hold, and that the word "ficus" in both declensions, but in the feminine gender, was used indiscriminately for the tree and the fruit, especially by the writers of older Latinity; whereas "ficus, -i", but in the masculine gender, is used of the bodily ailment. But J. G. Graevius, in Letter 259 to N. Heinsius (Burmann's Sylloge, vol. IV, p. 334), attests that in the same manuscript one reads "ficiis", and rightly wonders that figs are mentioned in this place among herbs and vegetables. So instead of "non ficiis" he thinks one should restore "caepitiis" (onions). For my part, by a lighter change, altering only one letter, I think one should write "non viciis". Vetches (Wicken), a kind of pulse, are mentioned by Virgil, Georgics I, 75, and by others. ORELLI.

(Betaceis, caulibus) ‹anchor: Betaceis, caulibus› · note in col 1021 Betaceis, caulibus. Ita edidit Salmasius e cod. ms. rectissime. Betaceis, scil. pedibus, id est radicibus et fibris betarum. Ita malvacei, rapicii, scil. pedes. Vide eumdem Salmasium ad Solin., cap. 40, pag. 583. Quod non intelligentes caeteri editores mutarunt in betis, caulibus. Possumus etiam, elisa virgula, legere betaceis caulibus, id est caulibus vel stirpibus betarum, unde se producunt folia. Sed malim virgulam interponere et caulibus accipere de brassica, quo sensu κατ' ἐξοχὴν dicitur a Latinis. Vide Davis., ad Cic., de Nat. deor., II, c. 47, pag. 217, ed. II, et Jos. Scaliger, ad Varron. de Re rust., lib. I, cap. 16. Unde Gallorum le chou, nostrum Kohl. Beta sive betacei, graece τεῦτλον, apud Italos bietola, nostrum Mangold, Beisskohl. Cujus descriptionem vide ap. Plin., Hist. nat., lib. XIX, cap. 8. Add. Schneider., Ind. ad Script. Rei rust., hoc verbo. ORELL.

"With beet-roots, with cabbages." So Saumaise printed, most rightly, from the manuscript. "Betaceis", that is, "pedibus": the roots and fibres of beets. So "malvacei", "rapicii", that is, "pedes" [roots of mallow, of turnip]. See the same Saumaise on Solinus, ch. 40, p. 583. The other editors, not understanding this, changed it to "betis, caulibus". We could also, dropping the comma, read "betaceis caulibus", that is, the stalks or stems of beets, from which the leaves grow. But I would rather put the comma in and take "caulibus" of the cabbage, the sense in which the Latins use it par excellence. See Davis on Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods II, ch. 47, p. 217, 2nd edition, and Jos. Scaliger on Varro, On Agriculture, book I, ch. 16. Hence the French "le chou", our "Kohl". Beta or betacei, in Greek teutlon, in Italian "bietola", our "Mangold, Beisskohl". For its description see Pliny, Natural History, book XIX, ch. 8. Add Schneider's index to the Writers on Agriculture, under this word. ORELLI.

(Partibus, et sunt casibus obnoxia plurimis) ‹anchor: Partibus, et sunt casibus obnoxia plurimis› · note in col 1022 Partibus, et sunt casibus obnoxia plurimis. Meursius legendum suspicatur : partibus? Haec sunt, etc. Malim : quae sunt. ORELL.

"In parts, and they are exposed to very many mishaps." Meursius suspects one should read: "in parts? These are," etc. I would prefer "quae sunt" ("which are"). ORELLI.

(XI. Quid dicitis, o patres novarum religionum) ‹anchor: Quid dicitis, o patres novarum religionum› · note in col 1022 XI. — Quid dicitis, o patres novarum religionum, quid potestatum? Hoscine a nobis deos violari et negligi sacrilego clamitatis et quiritamini contemptu? Sic edidi ex emendatione editoris Lugd. Bat. Cod. ms. et ed. princeps romana habent : Quid dicitis, o patres novarum religionum, qui potestatum obscoene a nobis deos violari et negligi sacrilege clamitatis, quiritaminique contemni, etc. nullo sensu. Frid. Lindenbrogius refingit : Quid dicitis, o patres novarum religionum? quid protestamini? Heraldus, nescio qua de causa offensus vocibus patres novarum religionum, locum ita censet restituendum : Quid dicitis, o patres magnarum religionum atque potestatum? Ergone a nobis Deos violari et negligi sacrilege clamitatis, quiritaminique contemni? etc. Equidem puto, delendum quid ante potestatum, et legendum : Quid dicitis, o patres novarum religionum, potestatum? quae est constructio vere Arnobiana. In caeteris omnibus editorem Leidensem sequor. Patres novarum religionum, etc., non sunt sacerdotes, antistites, ut interpretatur Heraldus, sed in genere Romani, quos in hujus libri initio alloquitur, qui nova nec antea audita numina eorumque cultus introducebant. Potestates idem quod dii, numina. Vide supra, ad lib. III, cap. 33. ORELL.

XI. — "What do you say, fathers of new religions, what of [new] powers? Is it these gods that you cry out and complain are violated and neglected by us with sacrilegious contempt?" So I have printed by the Leiden editor's emendation. The manuscript and the Roman first edition have: "Quid dicitis, o patres novarum religionum, qui potestatum obscoene a nobis deos violari et negligi sacrilege clamitatis, quiritaminique contemni," etc., which makes no sense. Friedrich Lindenbrog refashions: "What do you say, fathers of new religions? what do you protest?" Hérault, offended for some reason by the words "fathers of new religions", thinks the passage should be restored thus: "What do you say, fathers of great religions and powers? Do you then cry out that the gods are sacrilegiously violated and neglected by us, and complain that they are despised?" etc. For my part I think "quid" before "potestatum" should be deleted, and one should read: "What do you say, fathers of new religions, of powers?" which is a truly Arnobian construction. In all the rest I follow the Leiden editor. "Fathers of new religions", etc., are not priests and prelates, as Hérault interprets, but the Romans in general, whom he addresses at the beginning of this book, who were bringing in new divinities, never heard of before, and their cults. "Powers" means the same as gods, divinities. See above on book III, ch. 33. ORELLI.

(Patres religionum) ‹anchor: Patres religionum› · note in col 1022 Patres religionum, id est auctores, inventores, frequenti metaphora. Vide Petav., ad Synes. Epist. I, not., pag. 44. Sic Philo Byzant. de VII orbis spectaculis, cap. III : Διὸς Κρόνος μὲν ἐν οὐρανῷ, Φειδίας δ' ἐν Ἤλιδι πατήρ ἐστι, ubi vide Allatii et nostras notas, et ad Epist. Socrat. VI, pag. 168. Conf. Boissonade ad Marin. Vit. Procl. p. 75, seq. ORELL.

"Fathers of religions", that is, authors, inventors, by a common metaphor. See Petau on Synesius, Letter I, notes, p. 44. So Philo of Byzantium, On the Seven Sights of the World, ch. III: "Kronos is the father of Zeus in heaven, but Phidias in Elis", where see Allacci's notes and ours; and on the Letters of Socrates VI, p. 168. Compare Boissonade on Marinus's Life of Proclus, p. 75 f. ORELLI.

(Lateranum genium focorum) ‹anchor: Lateranum genium focorum› · note in col 1022 Lateranum genium focorum. Ita restituit Meursius ex msto. Antea legebatur : Larem genium focorum. Quod etiamsi defendi possit, tamen hoc loco stare nequit, ubi Arnobius repetit deorum nomina, quorum supra mentionem fecerat, Limentini, Pertundae, Perficae, Nodutis, Terensis, Laterani. ORELL.

"Lateranus, genius of hearths." So Meursius restored from the manuscript. Before, it read: "Larem genium focorum" ("the Lar, genius of hearths"). Even if that could be defended, it cannot stand in this place, where Arnobius repeats the names of the gods he had mentioned above: Limentinus, Pertunda, Perfica, Nodutis, Terensis, Lateranus. ORELLI.

(Nodutim, Terensem) ‹anchor: Nodutim, Terensem› · note in col 1022 Nodutim, Terensem. Ita distinguit editor Lugd. Bat. Alii e Cod. ms. : Noduterensem. Vide supra ad cap. 7. ORELL.

"Nodutis, Terensis." So the Leiden editor divides them. Others, from the manuscript: "Noduterensem". See above on ch. 7. ORELLI.

(Quia non supplices Mutuno procumbimus atque Tutuno) ‹anchor: Quia non supplices Mutuno procumbimus› · note in col 1022 (continues) Quia non supplices Mutuno procumbimus atque Tutuno. Haec est emendatio Gelenii verissima proximeque accedens ad monstrum lectionis codicis msti : Quia non supplices uno procumbimus atque est uno, unde Sabaeus in editione principe romana refinxerat : Quia non supplices id est humi procumbimus atque Tutuno. Meursius : Quia non supplices procumbimus aeque Futino. Salmasius, in ed. Lugd. Bat., utramque emendationem retinens, locum ita dedit : Quia non supplices humi Mutuno procumbimus atque Tutuno. Humi procumbere phrasis Lucretiana. Lib. V, vers. 1299 : Nec procumbere humi prostratum et pandere palmas. Caeterum de etymo nominum Mutunus et Tutunus (continues)

"Because we do not fall down as suppliants before Mutunus and Tutunus." This is Gelenius's emendation, most true and coming nearest to the monstrous reading of the manuscript: "Quia non supplices uno procumbimus atque est uno", from which Sabaeus in the Roman first edition had refashioned: "Because we do not, as suppliants, that is, fall down on the ground and Tutunus." Meursius: "Because we do not fall down as suppliants equally to Futinus." Saumaise, in the Leiden edition, keeping both emendations, gave the passage thus: "Because we do not fall down on the ground as suppliants before Mutunus and Tutunus." "To fall down on the ground" is a Lucretian phrase, book V, verse 1299 [as printed]: "Nor to fall down prostrate on the ground and spread out the palms." For the rest, on the derivation of the names Mutunus and Tutunus … (continues)

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Delet Fulv.

Fulvio Orsini deletes it.

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Certis Fulv. Cet. etc. vide Not.

"Certis" (certain): Fulvio Orsini. The others, etc.: see the notes.

(Quia non supplices Mutuno procumbimus, cont.) ‹anchor: —› · note in col 1023

(continued) multus est Salmasius ad Solinum, cap. 24, pag. 219. Cujus verba haec sunt : « Graecum est μυττός.... τὸ γυναικεῖον, Hesych., et μυττών, ῶνος, unde muttonus et muttunus, quod autem apud Latinos fere semper de virili membro usurpatur. Lucilius tamen muliebre intellexisse videtur in Fragmento Satyr. IV, ap. Nonium v, lurcare : Nam quid moetuno. (Ita enim legendum, non moetino.) Subrectoque huic opu' signo ? ubi de utroque sermo est. Tutunus autem a πόσθη et πόσθων, qui ingens habet virile. Aeolice πόθθων, πόθθωνος. Inde Latinum puttunus et tuttunus. Nam T. et P. invicem permutabant tam Aeoles, quam veteres Latini. Muttunus, Tuttunus itaque numen erat πριαπώδες, Romanis matronis cultum (Vide supra, cap. 7, et Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, cap. 11 : Mutunus et Tutunus, qui est apud Graecos Priapus), quod utriusque obscoeni appellationem et utriusque sexus pudenda videtur habuisse, vel certe utriusque pudendi simulacrum eodem sacello consecratum (quod erat in Veliis adversum murum Mustellinum, teste Festo). Utrumque enim ἀντὶ τοῦ προβασκανίου apud veteres et arcendo fascino in usu fuit. Unde Glossae veteres : Mutonium, προβασκάνιον, ὡς Λουκίλλιος. » (Nam pudenda pro amuletis suspendi e collo pueris, auctor Varro.) Haec Salmasius. Conf. Turneb., Adversar., lib. XVII, cap. 33. Jan. Guilielm. Verosimil., lib. I, cap. 23, in Lampade Crit. Gruteri, vol. III, p. 274, Sciopp. et Scaliger, ad Priapeia Carm. LXXIII, interpretes ad Festum, hoc verbo, pag. 256, ed. Dacer. Doula ad Lucil., Frag., pag. 286, ed. Havercamp.; J. Lips. Elect, lib. II, cap. 19, Op., tom. I, p. 822, seq., ed. Vesal.; Bunemann., ad Lactant., lib. I, cap. 20, pag. 132, et P. Burmann., II, in Antholog. lat., vol. II, pag. 544. ORELL.

(Ne dum talia confingitis monstra) ‹anchor: Ne dum talia confingitis monstra› · note in col 1023 Ne dum talia confingitis monstra, taliaque molimini. Ms. auget : Talia atque molimini. Male bis inculcata vox una. Scribendum enim : Ne dum talia confingitis monstra atque molimini. MEURS. in Append.

"Lest, while you fashion such monsters and contrive such things." The manuscript adds: "Talia atque molimini." One word is wrongly pressed in twice. For one should write: "Lest, while you fashion and contrive such monsters." MEURSIUS, in the Appendix.

(Inolescant) ‹anchor: Inolescant› · note in col 1023 Inolescant. Ita Gelenius pro insolescant, optime. Inolescere, crescere, augeri, verbum Virgilianum. ORELL. — Post τὰ accessionibus inolescant necessario desunt quaedam. Videntur enim gentes religionis suae veritatem ex extispiciis et auguriis voluisse probare; quam partem defensionis refutare aggreditur istis verbis : Cur ergo, etc. MEURS., pag. 129.

"Grow in." So Gelenius, excellently, instead of "insolescant". "Inolescere": to grow, to be increased; a Virgilian word. ORELLI. — After the words "accessionibus inolescant" something is necessarily missing. For the heathen seem to have wanted to prove the truth of their religion from entrails and auguries; and he sets out to refute that part of their defence with these words: "Why then," etc. MEURSIUS, p. 129.

(Cur ergo e vobis fortasse aliquis dixerit) ‹anchor: Cur ergo e vobis fortasse aliquis dixerit› · note in col 1023, continued in col 1024 Cur ergo e vobis fortasse aliquis dixerit, esse falsum istos deos? Et invocati, etc. Sic edidit Salmasius ex msto. Gelenius : Cur ergo. . . . esse falsos istos deos contendis? Si invocati, etc. At nihil mutandum. Est scilicet trajectio haud infrequens apud Arnobium pro : Cur ergo e vobis fortasse aliquis dixerit, falsum (est) esse istos deos? Sequens. Et est adversativum. Vide supra, ad lib. I, cap. 15. ORELL.

"Why then, someone of you will perhaps say, is it false that these are gods? And when invoked," etc. So Saumaise printed from the manuscript. Gelenius: "Why then … do you contend that these gods are false? If when invoked," etc. But nothing should be changed. It is, of course, a transposition not uncommon in Arnobius, for: "Why then, someone of you will perhaps say, is it false that these are gods?" In the next words "et" is adversative. See above on book I, ch. 15. ORELLI.

(Vel quod suspicionibus plenissima res tota est) ‹anchor: Vel quod suspicionibus plenissima res tota est› · note in col 1024 Vel quod suspicionibus plenissima res tota est. Ita ms. Fulv. Ursinus et Sabaeus ediderunt superstitionibus. ORELL.

"Or because the whole affair is full of suspicions." So the manuscript. Fulvio Orsini and Sabaeus printed "superstitionibus" ("of superstitions"). ORELLI.

(Aut in contrarios exitus frustrata expectatione torqueri) ‹anchor: Aut in contrarios exitus frustrata expectatione torqueri› · note in col 1024 Aut in contrarios exitus frustrata expectatione torqueri. Ita Gelenius, Elmenhorst., Salmasius. At in editione Th. Canteri legitur : frustrata expeditione : quod, si e Codice ms. fluxit, non temere rejiciendum putaverim. Expeditio scil. accipiendum sensu proprio et primario, quo significat ἄνυσιν, felicem operis successum, ejus absolutionem ac perfectionem. Quo sensu dicuntur expeditae rationes. ORELL.

"Or to be twisted to contrary outcomes, the expectation frustrated." So Gelenius, Elmenhorst, Saumaise. But in Th. Canter's edition one reads "frustrata expeditione", which, if it came from the manuscript, I would not lightly reject. "Expeditio", that is, is to be taken in its proper and primary sense, in which it means accomplishment (anysis), the happy success of a work, its completion and perfection; in which sense one speaks of "expeditae rationes" (settled accounts). ORELLI.

(XII. Eamdem tamen facietis fidem) ‹anchor: Eamdem tamen facietis fidem› · note in col 1024 XII. — Eamdem tamen facietis fidem. Haec est lectio vetus, pro qua alii (Gelenius) : numquam tamen. Placet Merceri conjectura : tandem tamen facietis fidem. Suspicabar : eamne tamen, etc. HERALD. — Salmasius in ed. Lugd. Bat., dedit : An iidem tamen, etc., et in praecedentibus : Sed sint, ut asseritis, verae, scil. praedictiones, pro vera, quod antea legebatur. Fulv. Ursinus : Qui tamen facietis fidem. Mihi codicis lectio videtur sanissima, hoc scil. sensu : Sed concedamus vobis veras esse has praedictiones : An eamdem tamen (id est simili modo) nobis facietis fidem, aequo persuadebitis (ut recte interpretatur Meursius in Appendice), dicentes, numina ista, v. c. Melloniam, inserere se fibris? ORELL.

XII. — "Yet you will produce the same belief." This is the old reading, for which others (Gelenius) have "never yet". Mercier's conjecture pleases me: "yet at length you will produce belief." I suspected: "eamne tamen," etc. HÉRAULT. — Saumaise, in the Leiden edition, gave "An iidem tamen," etc., and in the preceding words "Sed sint, ut asseritis, verae", that is, the predictions, for "vera", which was read before. Fulvio Orsini: "Who yet will produce belief." To me the manuscript's reading seems perfectly sound, in this sense, that is: "But let us grant you that these predictions are true: will you nevertheless produce the same belief in us (that is, in like manner), will you equally persuade us (as Meursius rightly interprets in the Appendix), when you say that those divinities, for example Mellonia, insert themselves into the entrails?" ORELLI.

(Significantias) ‹anchor: Significantias› · note in col 1024 Significantias. Vide supra ad cap. 3, hujus libri notam Elmenhorstii. ORELL.

"Meanings." See above, on ch. 3 of this book, Elmenhorst's note. ORELLI.

(Jecusculis) ‹anchor: Jecusculis› · note in col 1024 Jecusculis. Similiter Sidonius, lib. V, Epist. XVII : Namque et jecusculi fibra tumente pungebant exercitatum crebri dolores, ubi vid. Savaron., pag. 366. Ita bonuscula in Cod. Theodosiano : specula pro parva spe ap. Plautum in Rudente : mercedula, bibliothecula ap. Symmach., lib. IV, Epist. XVIII, ubi vide, qui de talibus diminutivis multus est, Juretum in ed. Lectii, pag. 145. ORELL.

"In little livers." Similarly Sidonius, book V, letter XVII: "For with the fibre of his little liver swelling, frequent pains were pricking the overworked man"; see Savaron there, p. 366. So "bonuscula" (small goods) in the Theodosian Code; "specula" for a small hope in Plautus's Rudens; "mercedula", "bibliothecula" in Symmachus, book IV, letter XVIII, where see Juret, who says much about such diminutives, in Lect's edition, p. 145. ORELLI.

(Nonne accidere, fieri, licet astu dissimuletis, potest) ‹anchor: Nonne accidere, fieri, licet astu dissimuletis, potest› · note in col 1024 Nonne accidere, fieri, licet astu dissimuletis, potest. Haec est optima Gelenii correctio. Alii habent ex msto : Nonne accidere (fieri licet actu dissimuletis). Heraldus, vocibus fieri actu tamquam glossemate et interpretamento τοῦ accidere eliminatis, legit : Nonne accidere (licet dissimuletis) potest. Sed multum praefero emendationem Gelenii stylo Arnobii talia verba sine copula conjungentis convenientissimam. ORELL.

"Can it not happen, come about, though you cunningly hide it?" This is Gelenius's excellent correction. Others have from the manuscript: "Nonne accidere (fieri licet actu dissimuletis)." Hérault, removing the words "fieri actu" as a gloss and explanation of "accidere", reads: "Can it not happen (though you hide it)?" But I much prefer Gelenius's emendation, which best suits the style of Arnobius, who joins such words without a copula. ORELLI.

(Accitionibus) ‹anchor: Accitionibus› · note in col 1024 Accitionibus. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. cod. ms. et ed. princeps : in actionibus. Alii : incantationibus. Sed acciere, accitio, proprium de magis, quamvis alia hujus substantivi exempla non succurrant. ORELL.

"By summonings." So the Leiden edition; the manuscript and the first edition: "in actionibus" ("in actions"). Others: "incantationibus" ("by incantations"). But "acciere", "accitio" are proper to magicians, although no other examples of this noun come to mind. ORELLI.

(Antitheos saepius obrepere pro accitis) ‹anchor: Antitheos saepius obrepere pro accitis› · note in col 1024 (continues) Antitheos saepius obrepere pro accitis. Verissimam hanc lectionem primus Stewechius eruit e cod. ms., ubi legebatur pro accis, quod Gelenius perperam mutavit in pro veris. Meursius : pro aliis. De antitheis, id est malis geniis, bonis adversantibus eorumque opera ac beneficia praepedientibus, vide Jamblich. (continues)

"That counter-gods often creep in instead of those summoned." Stewech first dug out this most true reading from the manuscript, where one read "pro accis", which Gelenius wrongly changed to "pro veris" ("instead of the true ones"). Meursius: "pro aliis" ("instead of others"). On the antithei, that is, evil spirits opposing the good ones and hindering their works and benefits, see Iamblichus … (continues)

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1025

In quos ms. Meurs. conj. iis quos.

"In quos" (into whom): the manuscript. Meursius conjectures "iis quos" (to those whom).

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(b) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1026

Ita Sab. Interrogetis alii.

So Sabaeus. "Interrogetis" (you would ask): others.

(Antitheos saepius obrepere pro accitis, cont.) ‹anchor: —› · note in col 1025

(continued) de Myster. Aegypt., sect. 3, cap. 31, pag. 102, ed. Gal. et D. Tiedemann., Dissert. de Magicarum artium origine, etc., p. 14. Hinc diabolum antitheum, id est Dei adversarium, appellat Lactantius Inst., lib. II, cap. 9, § 13, ubi vid. Bunemann, pag. 238. Caeterum obrepere proprium verbum de omnibus, quae latenter et fallaciter adeunt et sensus fallunt, verbi causa daemonibus, spectris, insomniis. Vide Gesner., in Thesaur., et C. Barth. ad Rutil. Itinerar., I, v. 305, pag. 233, ed. Janssonii. Ita Cicero de Divin., II, cap. 67 : Nullae ergo imagines obrepunt in animos dormientium extrinsecus. ORELL.

(Cur ratione non pari credamus) ‹anchor: Cur ratione non pari credamus› · note in col 1025 Cur ratione non pari credamus. Fulv. Ursinus : Cur ratione non deos pari credamus. Ed. Lugd. Bat. : Cum ratione non dispari credamus. ORELL.

"Why should we not believe on equal grounds?" Fulvio Orsini: "Why should we not believe on equal grounds that they are gods?" The Leiden edition: "Since we should believe on grounds not unequal." ORELLI.

(XIII. Partibusque se cunctis locorum divisionumque supponens) ‹anchor: Partibusque se cunctis locorum divisionumque supponens› · note in col 1025 XIII. — Partibusque se cunctis locorum divisionumque supponens, etc. Illud mihi eximi nequaquam poterit, quin veram hujus loci restitutionem odoratus sim, et pro illa gratiam sint habituri Arnobii studiosi : Partibusque se cunctis jecorum divisionumque supponens, sive pro declinatione vetusta jocinorum. Ad extispicinam rem totam pertinere, indicio sunt haec non multo ante praemissa : numquam tamen facietis fidem, Melloniam (verbi causa) vel Limentinum inserere se fibris, etc. Tum et illud quoque pro me facere non negabis : Numquid illorum (deorum puta) aliquando vidistis os, habitum, faciem? aut eadem haec possunt in pulmonibus, aut jecusculis conspici? Fibras porro jecorum esse, testis Festus. Has in extispiciis dispici maxime solere, incognitum esse non potest iis, qui antiquitatis studium et vetustatis lautitias primis labris degustarunt. Cui vacat, legat fragmentum Labeonis ex libro XV, de Disciplinis etruscis apud Fulgentium Planciadem in Manales, et Apuleium Apologia prima pro se ipso. STEWECH. Non possum assentiri Stewechio. Nam in proxime antecedentibus non amplius de haruspicibus, sed de eorum fratribus Magis, diisque ipsis apparentibus sermo est; ad eosdem igitur referenda verba illa : Paribus se cunctis locorum divisionumque supponens, quae sunt ἓν διὰ δυοῖν pro partibus cunctis locorum divisorum, id est, locorum intervallo vel maximo separatorum. Haec figura poetis frequentissima insolentior quidem est apud prosaicos scriptores, ferenda tamen in Arnobio poetarum veterum, Lucretii, Virgilii, etc., imitatore. ORELL.

XIII. — "And setting himself under all parts of places and divisions," etc. It can by no means be taken from me that I have scented the true restoration of this passage, and students of Arnobius will be grateful for it: "And setting himself under all parts of the livers and divisions", or, by the old declension, "jocinorum". That the whole thing concerns inspection of entrails is shown by this, said not long before: "you will never make us believe that Mellonia (for instance) or Limentinus inserts himself into the entrails," etc. And you will not deny that this too supports me: "Have you ever seen the mouth, bearing, face of those (that is, of the gods)? or can these same things be seen in lungs or little livers?" That the fibres belong to livers Festus is witness. That these are especially examined in the inspection of entrails cannot be unknown to those who have tasted with the tip of their lips the study of antiquity and the delicacies of old times. Whoever has leisure, let him read the fragment of Labeo from book XV, On the Etruscan Disciplines, in Fulgentius Planciades under "Manales", and Apuleius, the first Apology for himself. STEWECH. I cannot agree with Stewech. For in the words immediately preceding the talk is no longer of the haruspices, but of their brothers the Magi and of the gods themselves appearing; to them, therefore, those words are to be referred: "Paribus se cunctis locorum divisionumque supponens" [as printed], which is a hendiadys for "to all parts of places divided", that is, of places separated by even the greatest distance. This figure, very frequent in the poets, is indeed rather unusual in prose writers, yet bearable in Arnobius, the imitator of the old poets, Lucretius, Virgil, etc. ORELLI.

(Quisnam iste est unus? interrogabit) ‹anchor: Quisnam iste est unus? interrogabit› · note in col 1025 Quisnam iste est unus? interrogabit. Forte possumus, etc. Reponi volunt (Fulvius Ursin. et Stewechius) interrogabitis. Probum fortasse interrogabit, ut inquit, de quo dicebamus ad lib. I, cap. 3. HERALD. — Meursius sic interpungit : interrogabit forte. Possumus, etc. Idem post verba, divorum praebeat et potestatum, non pauca excidisse arbitratur de unitate Dei et iis, qui deos se fingant. Sed meo quidem judicio optime cohaerent omnia. ORELL.

"'Who is that one?' he will ask. Perhaps we can," etc. They (Fulvio Orsini and Stewech) want "interrogabitis" ("you will ask") put back. "Interrogabit" is perhaps sound, like "inquit", of which we spoke on book I, ch. 3. HÉRAULT. — Meursius punctuates thus: "interrogabit forte. Possumus," etc. He also thinks that after the words "divorum praebeat et potestatum" not a little has dropped out about the unity of God and about those who make themselves out to be gods. But in my judgement at least everything hangs together excellently. ORELLI.

(Forte possumus istum veris nominibus dicere) ‹anchor: Forte possumus istum veris nominibus dicere› · note in col 1025 Forte possumus istum veris nominibus dicere. Ms. : Forte possumus instituti veris nominibus dicere, quod defendit Stewech. ORELL.

"Perhaps we can call him by true names." The manuscript: "Forte possumus instituti veris nominibus dicere", which Stewech defends. ORELLI.

(Aegyptios) ‹anchor: Aegyptios› · note in col 1026 Aegyptios. Summi Dei verique apud Aegyptios sacerdotes aliquam notitiam extitisse, evincere conantur Cudworthus et Jablonsky ex famosa illa templi Saitani inscriptione, conservata a Proclo in Tim. Plat., pag. 30. : Ἐγώ εἰμι πᾶν τὸ γεγονὸς καὶ ὂν καὶ ἐσόμενον, / Καὶ τὸν ἐμὸν πέπλον οὐδείς πω ἀπεκάλυψεν. Et loco Porphyrii ap. Euseb., Praep. Evang., lib. III, cap. 12. Contrarium pluribus argumentis adstruit Meiners. V. Cl. in Historia Doctrinae de vero Deo, vol I, sect. I, pag. 31, seqq. ORELL.

The Egyptians. That some knowledge of the supreme and true God existed among the Egyptian priests Cudworth and Jablonski try to prove from that famous inscription of the temple at Sais, preserved by Proclus on Plato's Timaeus, p. 30: "I am all that has been and is and will be, and no one has yet lifted my veil"; and from a passage of Porphyry in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, book III, ch. 12. Meiners, a distinguished man, argues the contrary with several arguments in his History of the Doctrine of the True God, vol. I, section I, p. 31 ff. ORELLI.

(Persas) ‹anchor: Persas› · note in col 1026 Persas. Vid. Euseb. Praep. Evangel., lib. I, cap. vls. [as printed]; Stanley, Hist. Philos., p. XIV, cap. VI, pag. 1163, et prae caeteris, Meiners. V. Cl., in 4 Commentationibus insertis Scriptis Societatis scientiarum Goettingensis. ORELL.

The Persians. See Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, book I, last chapters [?]; Stanley, History of Philosophy, part XIV, ch. VI, p. 1163; and above all Meiners, a distinguished man, in four dissertations included in the Transactions of the Göttingen Society of Sciences. ORELLI.

(Chaldaeos) ‹anchor: Chaldaeos› · note in col 1026 Chaldaeos. Vide Stanley, Hist. Philos., p. XIII, sect. II, cap. 32, p. 1150, ed. Lips., et Meiners., Hist. Doctrinae de vero Deo, p. I, sect. III, pag. 74, seqq. ORELL.

The Chaldaeans. See Stanley, History of Philosophy, part XIII, section II, ch. 32, p. 1150, Leipzig edition; and Meiners, History of the Doctrine of the True God, part I, section III, p. 74 ff. ORELLI.

(Indos) ‹anchor: Indos› · note in col 1026 Indos. Vid. Meiners., in lib. laud., p. I, sect. IV, p. 91 seqq. ORELL.

The Indians. See Meiners in the book cited, part I, section IV, p. 91 ff. ORELLI.

(Omnesque illos alios) ‹anchor: Omnesque illos alios› · note in col 1026 Omnesque illos alios, qui in interioribus viderunt et cognoverunt haec artibus. Interiores artes appellat, quas alibi arcanas et secretas. Supra. lib. II, cap. 61 : Quid illi sibi volunt secretarum artium ritus, quibus affamini nescio quas potestates? HERALD.

"And all those others who in the inner arts have seen and known these things." He calls "inner" the arts which elsewhere he calls hidden and secret. Above, book II, ch. 61: "What do they mean, those rites of the secret arts by which you address I know not what powers?" HÉRAULT.

(In quo risum tenere non possunt) ‹anchor: In quo risum tenere non possunt› · note in col 1026 In quo risum tenere non possunt, non tantum puerculi et procaces. In ms. Reg. puericuli. Unde suspicantur nonnulli (Meursius) pueri ridiculi. Vulgata lectio servari potest, ut ita significet Arnobius vernularum dicacitatem et procacitatem. Ac fuisse pusiones dicaces, eosque saepius ex Alexandria, in deliciis veterum notum satis est. Papinius : Non ego mercatus Pharia de puppe procaces / Delicias, doctumve sui convicia Nili / Infantem, linguaque simul salibusque protervum. HERALD. J. G. Graevius Epist. ad N. Heinsium, 239, in sylloge Burmann. vol. IV, pag. 335, legendum putat aut vernulae procaces, aut potius vernaculi et procaces. Ita dens vernaculorum felle lividus ap. Martialem. Quam conjecturam approbat Heinsius, Epist. 241, pag. 337. ORELL.

"At which not only little boys and the saucy cannot keep from laughing." In the Royal manuscript: "puericuli". Hence some (Meursius) suspect "pueri ridiculi" ("laughable boys"). The common reading can be kept, so that Arnobius means the wit and sauciness of the little house-slaves. That there were witty little boys, often from Alexandria, among the darlings of the ancients is well enough known. Papinius [Statius]: "I did not buy from a Pharian ship saucy darlings, or a child taught the abuse of his own Nile, impudent at once with tongue and wit." HÉRAULT. J. G. Graevius, Letter 239 to N. Heinsius, in Burmann's Sylloge, vol. IV, p. 335, thinks one should read either "vernulae procaces" or rather "vernaculi et procaces". So "a tooth livid with the gall of house-slaves" in Martial. Heinsius approves this conjecture, Letter 241, p. 337. ORELLI.

(Verum etiam serii atque in maris tetrici asperitatem durati) ‹anchor: Verum etiam serii atque in maris tetrici› · note in col 1026 (continues) Verum etiam serii atque in maris tetrici asperitatem durati. Dedi emendationem Salmasii; Codex ms. habet : verum etiam serii atque mares tetrici asperitate durati; ad cujus lectionis vestigia Stewechius leg. censet : Verum etiam mares serii, atque tetricia asperitate durati, putans mares opponi hoc loco puerculis. Sed perperam. Nam mares opponuntur foeminis, viri pueris. Gelenius edidit : atque in mores tetricos asperitate durati. Canterus : atque in mores tetricia asperitate durati. Quam lectionem defendens Heraldus mores explicat confirmatum et ἐγκεχρωσμένον ἦθος : quo sensu Graeci philosophi ἦθος usurpant absolute. Tales homines de- (continues)

"But even the serious, and those hardened to the harshness of a grim sea" [maris, as printed]. I have given Saumaise's emendation. The manuscript has "verum etiam serii atque mares tetrici asperitate durati"; following the traces of that reading, Stewech thinks one should read "But even serious males, and those hardened with grim harshness", thinking "males" is here opposed to "little boys". But wrongly: for males are opposed to females, men to boys. Gelenius printed "and hardened with harshness into grim manners". Canter: "atque in mores tetricia asperitate durati". Defending this reading, Hérault explains "mores" as settled and ingrained character (ēthos), the sense in which the Greek philosophers use "ēthos" absolutely. Such men … (continues)

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1027

Sint Fulv.

"Sint" (let them be): Fulvio Orsini.

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(b) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1027

Ita Sab. Commodatum alii.

So Sabaeus. "Commodatum" (lent): others.

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(c) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1027

Prolatus Fulv. male. Infra : Maia tertius natus et Jove procreatus.

"Prolatus" (brought forth): Fulvio Orsini, wrongly. Below: "the third, born of Maia and begotten by Jupiter."

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Omittit ms. Caet. vide Not.

The manuscript omits it. For the rest, see the notes.

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(e) ‹anchor: sed Nili› · call in col 1028

Nisi ms. mendose.

"Nisi" (unless): the manuscript, by an error.

(Verum etiam serii atque in maris tetrici asperitatem durati, cont.) ‹anchor: —› · note in col 1027

(continued) scribit Jul. Firmicus, lib. VIII. Mathes., cap. 15 : Quicumque hoc oriente sidere nati fuerint, graves erunt, austeri, et omni severitatis atrocitate metuendi, ac vultum semper ex morum integritate fingentes, qui etiam Stoicam sectam vero sequantur affectu. Tales enim apud veteres fuerunt Catones. Sed praefero equidem correctionem Salmasii. ORELL.

(Insinuatum ac traditum) ‹anchor: Insinuatum ac traditum› · note in col 1027 Insinuatum ac traditum. Vide supra, ad lib. I, cap. 73. ORELL.

"Instilled and handed down." See above on book I, ch. 73. ORELLI.

(Nominis proprietas quiret) ‹anchor: Nominis proprietas quiret› · note in col 1027 Nominis proprietas quiret. (Neque enim fieri per rerum naturam potest, ut, quod unum est, fiat duo : et in diversas res eat unitas, ingenita simplicitate divisa). Ausus sum verba illa, quae in omnibus editionibus in fine hujus libri leguntur, sed a plerisque editoribus uncinis inclusa, tamquam turpiter luxata et loco posita alienissimo, hic inserere, ut videtur, suo loco ac convenientissimo. Sed nihilominus mihi videntur haec a sciolo quodam glossatore profecta. Quare uncis inclusi et literis cursivis, quas dicunt, exaranda curavi. ORELL.

"The proper sense of the name could." ("For it cannot happen by the nature of things that what is one becomes two, and that unity, its inborn simplicity divided, passes into different things.") I have ventured to insert here, in what seems their own and most fitting place, those words which in all editions are read at the end of this book, but which most editors put in brackets as shamefully dislocated and set in a quite foreign place. Nevertheless they seem to me to come from some smatterer of a glossator. So I have put them in brackets and had them printed in what are called italic letters. ORELLI.

(Et puerilium disciplinarum recordatione composita) ‹anchor: Et puerilium disciplinarum recordatione composita› · note in col 1027 Et puerilium disciplinarum recordatione composita. Haec est lectio vetus, pro qua temere Gelinius seposita, melius alii consopita. Sed et lectio explicari potest, ut sit composita quasi sepulta. Nam componere τοὺς νεκροὺς proprie. Omnes composui. Felices. HERALD. — Heraldum sequitur Salmasius. Equidem praetulerim consopita eo libentius, si, ut Elmenhorstius in variis lectionibus annotat, ita legatur in Codice ms. ORELL.

"And laid to rest by the memory of boyhood lessons." This is the old reading, for which Gelenius [printed Gelinius] rashly put "seposita" ("set aside"), others better "consopita" ("lulled to sleep"). But the reading can be explained too, so that "composita" is as it were "buried". For "componere" is used properly of the dead: "I have laid them all to rest. Happy they." HÉRAULT. — Saumaise follows Hérault. For my part I would prefer "consopita" all the more readily if, as Elmenhorst notes in his various readings, that is the reading in the manuscript. ORELLI.

(Judicii acris viri atque ingenio perspicaci) ‹anchor: Judicii acris viri atque ingenio perspicaci› · note in col 1027 Judicii acris viri atque ingenio perspicaci. Alii : judicii acres viri, etc. In editione Lugd. Bat. et eam sequente Gallandii legitur : atque per ingenio perspicaci. Quod nescio utrum operarum vitio enatum, an prius per consulto in textum sit illatum e Cod. ms., cum nulla sit ad haec verba notata lectionis varietas. Quam lectionem si sequamur, tmesis est pro ingenio perspicaci, id est maxime perspicaci. Ita per intensivum non raro a verbo suo tmesi dirimitur, verbi causa ap. Cic., de Orat., I, cap. 49 : Per mihi mirum visum est; et II, cap. 67 : Per mihi scitum videtur. Sed fateor, neque perperspicax, neque aliud simile compositum cum duplici per hactenus mihi occurrisse. ORELL.

"Men of sharp judgement and penetrating mind." Others: "judicii acres viri", etc. In the Leiden edition, and Gallandi's which follows it, one reads "atque per ingenio perspicaci". I do not know whether this arose from a printers' error, or whether "per" was earlier deliberately brought into the text from the manuscript, since no variant is noted at these words. If we follow this reading, it is a tmesis for "per[perspicaci]", that is, most penetrating. So intensive "per" is not rarely separated from its word by tmesis, for instance in Cicero, On the Orator I, ch. 49: "It seemed to me very wonderful"; and II, ch. 67: "It seems to me very clever." But I confess that neither "perperspicax" nor any similar compound with a double "per" has so far come my way. ORELLI.

(Dare nobis compendium potuisset res ista) ‹anchor: Dare nobis compendium potuisset res ista› · note in col 1027 Dare nobis compendium potuisset res ista. Id est : paucissimis re ista nobis defungi licuisset. Dare compendium loquendi genus insolentius. ORELL.

"That matter could have given us a short cut." That is: we could have dispatched that matter in very few words. "To give a short cut" is a rather unusual expression. ORELLI.

(XIV. Aiunt igitur Theologi vestri) ‹anchor: Aiunt igitur Theologi vestri› · note in col 1027 XIV. — Aiunt igitur Theologi vestri, etc. Haec et sequentia mutuatus est Arnobius a Cicerone in libro III, de Natura deorum, cap. 21 seq., cum quibus conferendi sunt L. Ampelius Lib. Memorial. cap. 9, et Clemens Alexandr. in Protrept., p. 24, et. Potter. ORELL.

XIV. — "So your theologians say," etc. Arnobius borrowed this and what follows from Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book III, ch. 21 ff., with which compare L. Ampelius, Liber Memorialis, ch. 9, and Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus, p. 24, Potter's edition. ORELLI.

(Tres in rerum natura Joves esse) ‹anchor: Tres in rerum natura Joves esse› · note in col 1028 Tres in rerum natura Joves esse. Cicero l. I. : Principio Joves tres numerant ii, qui theologi nominantur, ex quibus primum et secundum natos in Arcadia, alterum patre Aethere, ex quo etiam Proserpinam natam ferunt et Liberum : alterum patre Coelo, qui genuisse Minervam dicitur, quam principem et inventricem belli ferunt : tertium Cretensem, Saturni filium : cujus in illa insula sepulcrum ostenditur. Paulo aliter Clemens in Protrept., p. 24 : Εἰσίν, inquit, οἱ τρεῖς τοὺς Ζῆνας ἀναγράφουσι· τὸν μὲν Αἰθέρος ἐν Ἀρκαδίᾳ, τὼ δὲ λοιπὼ τοῦ Κρόνου παῖδε· τούτοιν τὸν μὲν ἐν Κρήτῃ, θάτερον δὲ ἐν Ἀρκαδίᾳ πάλιν : cum quo consentit Ampelius, ubi vide novissimum editorem Tzschuckium p. 103 seq. Conf. Lactant., lib. I, cap. 11. ORELL.

"That there are three Jupiters in the nature of things." Cicero, in the place cited: "First, those who are called theologians count three Jupiters, of whom the first and second were born in Arcadia: one whose father was Aether, from whom they say Proserpina and Liber were also born; the other whose father was Caelus, who is said to have begotten Minerva, whom they call the leader and inventor of war; the third the Cretan, son of Saturn, whose tomb is shown in that island." Clement, a little differently, in the Protrepticus, p. 24: "There are those," he says, "who record three Zeuses: one the son of Aether, in Arcadia, and the other two sons of Kronos; of these two, one in Crete, the other again in Arcadia." Ampelius agrees with him; see his latest editor Tzschucke there, p. 103 f. Compare Lactantius, book I, ch. 11. ORELLI.

(Apud insulam Cretam et sepulturae traditus et procreatus) ‹anchor: Apud insulam Cretam et sepulturae traditus› · note in col 1028 Apud insulam Cretam et sepulturae traditus et procreatus. Callimachus, Hymn. in Jov., vers. 8 seq. : Κρῆτες ἀεὶ ψεῦσται· καὶ γὰρ τάφον, ὦ ἄνα, σεῖο / Κρῆτες ἐτεκτήναντο· σὺ δ' οὐ θάνες· ἐσσὶ γὰρ αἰεί. Ubi vid. Spanhem. Conf. Lactant., lib. I, cap. 22; Minut. Fel., in Octavio; Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. VII, cap. 4. ELMENH. et ORELL.

"Both buried and begotten on the island of Crete." Callimachus, Hymn to Zeus, verse 8 f.: "Cretans are always liars; for the Cretans even built a tomb for you, O lord; but you did not die, for you are for ever." See Spanheim there. Compare Lactantius, book I, ch. 22; Minucius Felix, in the Octavius; Augustine, City of God, book VII, ch. 4. ELMENHORST and ORELLI.

(Quinque Soles) ‹anchor: Quinque Soles› · note in col 1028 Quinque Soles .... ex quibus, ut referunt, Sol primus Jovis filius dicitur, et Aetheris habetur nepos. Cicero l. I. : Soles ipsi quam multi a theologis proferuntur? Unus eorum Jove natus, nepos Aetheris. Conf. Ampel., cap. 11. ORELL.

"Five Suns … of whom, as they relate, the first Sun is said to be the son of Jupiter and is held to be the grandson of Aether." Cicero, in the place cited: "How many Suns are put forward by the theologians! One of them born of Jupiter, grandson of Aether." Compare Ampelius, ch. 11. ORELLI.

(Secundus aeque Jovis filius, et Hyperiona proditus genetrice) ‹anchor: Secundus aeque Jovis filius› · note in col 1028 Secundus aeque Jovis filius, et Hyperiona proditus genetrice. Ita Cod. ms. Cicero : alter (Sol) Hyperione (natus). Unde princeps editor Sabaeus locum ex ingenio sic refinxit : Secundus Regina et Hyperione proditus genitore, quam lectionem contra Gelenium mutantem : secundus Rhea et Hyperione proditus genitore, defendit Th. Canterus, in Var. Lectt., lib. II, cap. 11, in Lampade Gruteri, vol. III, p. 748, seq., demonstrans Magnam Matrem Βασίλειαν, id est Reginam, dici a Diodoro Siculo Bibl., lib. III, p. 190, et Augustino, de Civ. Dei, lib. II, cap. 4. Sed Codicis ms. lectio, quam Arnobio primus restituit Stewechius, sequentibus Heraldo et editore Lugd. Bat., confirmatur loco gemino ipsius Arnobii infra ejusdem libri cap. 22 : Ex Hyperiona, inquitis, matre et ex Jove jaculatore fulminis Sol aureus et flagrantissimus notus est. Diversam itaque a Cicerone traditionem secutus est noster. Caeterum in patre secundi hujus Solis Hyperione omnes auctores, excepto Arnobio, consentiunt; non item in matre, quam Thiam vocat Hesiodus, in Theogon., vers. 371; Pindarus, Isthm. V, initio; et Apollodorus, lib. I, cap. 2, § 2 Euryphaessam; Homerus, in Hymno in Solem, vers. 4. Vide Tzschuck., ad Ampelii l. I, p. 107. ORELL.

"The second likewise a son of Jupiter, and reported to have Hyperiona as his mother." So the manuscript. Cicero: "the second (Sun) [born] of Hyperion." From this the first editor Sabaeus refashioned the passage out of his own head thus: "The second, reported to have the Queen and Hyperion as his parent"; and Th. Canter, in his Variae Lectiones, book II, ch. 11, in Gruter's Lampas, vol. III, p. 748 f., defended this reading against Gelenius, who changed it to "the second, reported to have Rhea and Hyperion as his parent", showing that the Great Mother is called Basileia, that is, Queen, by Diodorus Siculus, Library, book III, p. 190, and by Augustine, City of God, book II, ch. 4. But the manuscript's reading, which Stewech first restored to Arnobius, followed by Hérault and the Leiden editor, is confirmed by a twin passage of Arnobius himself, below in ch. 22 of this same book: "From Hyperiona as mother, you say, and from Jupiter the hurler of the thunderbolt, the golden and most blazing Sun was born." So our author followed a tradition different from Cicero's. For the rest, all authors except Arnobius agree that Hyperion was the father of this second Sun; not so on the mother, whom Hesiod, Theogony, verse 371, calls Thia; Pindar, Isthmian V, at the beginning [likewise]; and Apollodorus, book I, ch. 2, § 2, and Homer, Hymn to the Sun, verse 4, Euryphaessa. See Tzschucke on Ampelius, in the place cited, p. 107. ORELLI.

(Quartus Jalysi pater) ‹anchor: Quartus Jalysi pater› · note in col 1028 (continues) Quartus Jalysi pater. Addit Cicero : Camiri et Lindi, (continues)

"The fourth, father of Ialysus." Cicero adds: "of Camirus and Lindus," … (continues)

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(Quem Rhodi peperit heroicis temporibus Acantho) ‹anchor: Quem Rhodi peperit heroicis temporibus Acantho› · note in col 1029 Quem Rhodi peperit heroicis temporibus Acantho. Annon legendum : Quem Rhode peperit heroicis temporibus Acantho? nam in praecedentibus non solum matres deorum, verum etiam patres memorantur, et Rhodes, sed uxoris Neptuni, mentio fit in loco Tzetzis modo allato, contra Acanthus foeminae nuspiam apud veteres. Sed nihil definire ausim in re incerta prorsus ac dubia. — Ita primum ORELL. Sed postea subdidit : — Delenda annotatio nostra ad haec verba : Nam sanissimam esse lectionem vulgatam, quem Rhodi peperit Acantho, demonstrat Ciceronis locus de Nat. deor., III, 21 : Quartus Sol is, quem heroicis temporibus Acantho Rhodi peperisse dicitur, avum Jalysi, Camiri et Lindi. In quo autem exscribendo falsus est Arnobius solem illum patrem Jalysi commemorans, non avum. Conf. Jo. Meurs. in Rhodo, lib. I, cap. 4, pag. 10 et seq. ORELL.

"Whom Acantho bore at Rhodes in the heroic age." Should one not read: "Whom Rhode bore to Acanthus in the heroic age"? For in what precedes not only the mothers of the gods but their fathers too are recorded; and Rhode, the wife of Neptune, is mentioned in the passage of Tzetzes just cited, whereas the woman Acantho is mentioned nowhere among the ancients. But I would not dare to settle anything in a matter wholly uncertain and doubtful. — So ORELLI at first. But afterwards he added: — Our note on these words should be deleted. For that the common reading, "whom Acantho bore at Rhodes", is perfectly sound is shown by Cicero's passage, On the Nature of the Gods III, 21: "The fourth Sun is he whom Acantho is said to have borne at Rhodes in the heroic age, grandfather of Ialysus, Camirus and Lindus." In copying it out, however, Arnobius went wrong in calling that Sun the father of Ialysus, not the grandfather. Compare Jo. Meursius on Rhodes, book I, ch. 4, p. 10 f. ORELLI.

(Quintus Scythici regis) ‹anchor: Quintus Scythici regis› · note in col 1029 Quintus Scythici regis et versipellis habetur Circae Scythici regis, id est Colchi. Ampelius, cap. IX : Quintus Colchi filius, ex quo Circe et Medea et Phaeton nati sunt. Cicero autem, quem noster toto hoc capite fere exscripsit, consentiens cum caeteris plerisque Deorum genealogiis Solem patrem facit Circes, dicens : Quintus, qui Colchis fertur Aetam et Circam procreavisse. Unde suspicor nostrum locum ita refingendum : Quintus Scythici regis (scil. filius) et pater versipellis habetur Circae. Caeterum alium praeterea Solem, Oceani filium, commemorat Plinius, Hist. nat., lib. VII, cap. 57, cui Gellius medicinae inventionem ex melle assignaverat. Vide Tzschuck. ad Ampel. l. I, pag. 109. ORELL.

"The fifth is held [son] of a Scythian king and of shape-shifting Circe": of a Scythian king, that is, of Colchis. Ampelius, ch. IX: "The fifth, son of Colchus, from whom Circe and Medea and Phaethon were born." Cicero, however, whom our author copied out almost wholly in this chapter, agreeing with most other genealogies of the gods, makes the Sun the father of Circe, saying: "The fifth, who in Colchis is said to have begotten Aeetes and Circe." So I suspect our passage should be refashioned thus: "The fifth is held [son] of a Scythian king and father of shape-shifting Circe." For the rest, Pliny, Natural History, book VII, ch. 57, records yet another Sun, son of Ocean, to whom Gellius [as printed] had assigned the discovery of medicine from honey. See Tzschucke on Ampelius, in the place cited, p. 109. ORELLI.

(Jam Mercurius primus) ‹anchor: Jam Mercurius primus› · note in col 1029 Jam Mercurius primus, qui in Proserpinam dicitur genitalibus adhinnivisse subrectis, supremi progenies Coeli est. Cicero l. I, cap. 22 : Mercurius unus Coelo patre, Die matre natus; cujus obscoenius excitata natura traditur, quod aspectu Proserpinae commotus sit. Caeterum adhinnire proprie. Prudentius Hamartigen : Thuscis namque ille puellis / Primus adhinnivit simulato numine moechus. et ipse Arnobius, infra lib. V, cap. 23 : Etiamne in matrem, etiamne in filiam efferati pectoris appetitionibus adhinnivit? ELMENH. Constructionem hanc pluribus exemplis illustrat Oudendorpius, ad Sueton. August., cap. 70, pag. 281, et in Addendis, pag. 1032. Sic Apuleius, Met. I, pag. 7 : Venerem habere in aliquem, et Minucius Felix Octav., cap. 22 : Jovem narrat..... toro Veneris illectum, flagrantius, quam in adulteras soleat, cum Junone uxore concumbere. Jam Mercurius primus pro Nam, quod antea legebatur, recte reposuit Meursius. ORELL.

"Now the first Mercury, who is said to have neighed after Proserpina with his genitals erect, is the offspring of highest Heaven." Cicero, in the place cited, ch. 22: "One Mercury was born of Caelus as father and Dies as mother; of him it is told that his nature was roused rather obscenely, because he was stirred by the sight of Proserpina." "Adhinnire" (to neigh after) is used properly. Prudentius, Hamartigenia: "For he, the adulterer, was the first to neigh after the Tuscan girls under a feigned divinity." And Arnobius himself, below, book V, ch. 23: "Did he neigh after his mother, after his daughter too, with the cravings of a savage heart?" ELMENHORST. Oudendorp illustrates this construction with many examples on Suetonius, Augustus, ch. 70, p. 281, and in the Addenda, p. 1032. So Apuleius, Metamorphoses I, p. 7: "to feel desire towards someone"; and Minucius Felix, Octavius, ch. 22: "He tells how Jupiter … enticed to the couch of Venus, lay with his wife Juno more ardently than he is wont with adulteresses." Meursius rightly restored "Jam Mercurius primus" for "Nam", which was read before. ORELLI.

(Sub terra est alter, Trophonius qui esse jactatur) ‹anchor: Sub terra est alter, Trophonius qui esse jactatur› · note in col 1029 Sub terra est alter, Trophonius qui esse jactatur. Cicero, l. I : Alter Valentis et Phoronidis (vel, ut Davisius suspicatur legendum, Coronidis) filius, is, qui sub terris habetur, idem Trophonius. ELMENH. Ampelius : Secundus Jovis et Croniae filius, vel Proserpinae. Servius ad Aen. IV, 877 Liberi et Proserpinae profert filium. Trophonium Apollinis filium faciunt Pausanias in Boeot., pag. 785, et Philostratus, Vit. Apollonii, lib. VIII, cap. 19. Vide Davis., ad Cic. l. I. ORELL.

"The second is under the earth, who is boasted to be Trophonius." Cicero, in the place cited: "The second, son of Valens and Phoronis (or, as Davis suspects should be read, Coronis), he who is held to be under the earth, the same as Trophonius." ELMENHORST. Ampelius: "The second, son of Jupiter and Cronia, or of Proserpina." Servius, on the Aeneid IV, 877, gives him as the son of Liber and Proserpina. Pausanias, in the Boeotica, p. 785, and Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, book VIII, ch. 19, make Trophonius the son of Apollo. See Davis on Cicero, in the place cited. ORELLI.

(Maia tertius matre, et Jove procreatus) ‹anchor: Maia tertius matre, et Jove procreatus› · note in col 1029, ending at the head of col 1030 (the lines between lie above the crop) Maia tertius matre, et Jove procreatus; sed tertio. […] ORELL.

"The third begotten of Maia as mother and of Jupiter; but the third …" […] ORELLI.

(Quartus soboles Nili est) ‹anchor: Quartus soboles Nili est› · note in col 1030 Quartus soboles Nili est, cujus nomen Aegyptia gens horret et reveretur expromere. Cicero : Quartus Nilo patre, quem Aegyptii nefas habent nominare. ELMENH. — Parem Judaeorum circa vocem יהוה superstitionem observat Davisius, ad Cic. l. I. Quartum hunc non agnoscit Ampelius, cum sequente confundens. ORELL.

"The fourth is the offspring of the Nile, whose name the Egyptian people shudder at and fear to utter." Cicero: "The fourth, with the Nile for father, whom the Egyptians hold it impious to name." ELMENHORST. — Davis, on Cicero in the place cited, observes a like superstition of the Jews about the word YHWH. Ampelius does not recognise this fourth, confusing him with the next. ORELLI.

(Quintus Argi est interemptor) ‹anchor: Quintus Argi est interemptor› · note in col 1030 Quintus Argi est interemptor, fugitivus atque exul, et proditor apud Aegyptum litterarum. Cicero : Quintus, quem colunt Pheneatae, qui et Argum dicitur interemisse, ob eamque causam Aegyptum profugisse, atque Aegyptiis leges et litteras tradidisse. Hunc Aegyptii Thoth appellant. Eodem nomine anni primus mensis apud eos vocatur. Ampelius : Quartus Cyllenii filius, qui Aegyptiis litteras et numerum dixit. Conf. Diodor. Sic., Bibl. I, cap. 16, Argi interemptor Ἀργειφόντης. ORELL.

"The fifth is the slayer of Argus, a fugitive and exile, and the revealer of letters in Egypt." Cicero: "The fifth, whom the people of Pheneus worship, who is also said to have slain Argus, and for that reason to have fled to Egypt and to have given the Egyptians laws and letters. Him the Egyptians call Thoth; by the same name the first month of the year is called among them." Ampelius: "The fourth, son of Cyllenius, who taught the Egyptians letters and number." Compare Diodorus Siculus, Library I, ch. 16. "Slayer of Argus": Argeiphontes. ORELLI.

(Sed et Minervae ...... quinque sunt) ‹anchor: Sed et Minervae ...... quinque sunt› · note in col 1030 Sed et Minervae....... quinque sunt. Cicero, de Nat. deor., lib. III, cap. 23 : Minerva prima, quam Apollini matrem supra diximus : secunda orta Nilo, quam Aegyptii Saitae colunt : tertia illa, quam Jove generatam supra diximus : quarta Jove nata et Coryphe, Oceani filia; quam Arcades Corian nominant, quadrigarum inventricem ferunt : quinta, Pallantis, quae patrem dicitur interemisse, virginitatem suam violare conantem; cui pinnarum talaria adfigunt, Clemens Alex. Protrept. (pag. 24, ed. Potter.) : Εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ πέντε Ἀθηνᾶς ὑποτίθενται· τὴν μὲν Ἡφαίστου τὴν Ἀθηναίαν· τὴν δὲ Νείλου τὴν Αἰγυπτίαν· τρίτην τοῦ Κρόνου, τὴν πολέμου εὑρέτιν· τετάρτην τὴν Διός, ἣν Μεσσήνιοι Κορυφασίαν ἀπὸ τῆς μητρὸς ἐπικεκλήκασιν· ἐπὶ πᾶσι τὴν Πάλλαντος καὶ Τιτανίδος τῆς Ὠκεανοῦ· ἣ τὸν πατέρα δυσσεβῶς καταθύσασα, τῷ πατρῴῳ κεκόσμηται δέρματι, ὥσπερ κῳδίῳ. CANTERUS. — Conf. Jul. Firmic. de Errore profan. relig. cap. 17, pag. 436, ed. Gronovii et L. Ampel., cap. 9. ORELL.

"But there are also five Minervas …" Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book III, ch. 23: "The first Minerva, whom we said above was the mother of Apollo; the second, sprung from the Nile, whom the Egyptians of Sais worship; the third, she whom we said above was begotten by Jupiter; the fourth, born of Jupiter and Coryphe, daughter of Ocean, whom the Arcadians call Coria and say invented the four-horse chariot; the fifth, daughter of Pallas, who is said to have killed her father when he tried to violate her virginity; on her they fasten winged sandals." Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus (p. 24, Potter's edition): "There are those who suppose five Athenas: the Athenian, daughter of Hephaestus; the Egyptian, daughter of the Nile; a third, daughter of Kronos, the inventor of war; a fourth, daughter of Zeus, whom the Messenians have named Koryphasia from her mother; and besides all these the daughter of Pallas and of Titanis the daughter of Ocean, who, having impiously sacrificed her father, is adorned with her father's skin like a fleece." CANTER. — Compare Julius Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions, ch. 17, p. 436, Gronovius's edition, and L. Ampelius, ch. 9. ORELLI.

(Prima non virgo) ‹anchor: Prima non virgo› · note in col 1030 Prima non virgo, sed ex Vulcano Apollinis procreatrix. Vulcani filiam, quae Athenas condidit, faciunt Ampelius et Jul. Firmicus l. I, et Clemens. ORELL.

"The first not a virgin, but by Vulcan the mother of Apollo." Ampelius and Julius Firmicus, in the place cited, and Clement make her the daughter of Vulcan, who founded Athens. ORELLI.

(Nili altera proles) ‹anchor: Nili altera proles› · note in col 1030 Nili altera proles, et quae esse perhibetur Aegyptia Sais. Verissimam hanc codicis ms. lectionem contra editorem Lugd. Bat. v. Sais perperam eliminantem bene defendit Davisius ad Ciceronis l. I docens e Pausaniae Boeoticis lib. IX, cap. 12 (pag. 560. ed. Francof.), Sais nomen fuisse non tantum urbis Aegyptiae, sed et Minervae, quae ibi colebatur. Conf. Turneb., Adversar., lib. XI, cap. 10, vol. II, p. 214. Proprium tamen nomen Minervae apud Aegyptios fuisse Neith. Νηΐθ, tradit Plato in Timaeo et noster infra cap. 16. Caeterum de cultu Minervae Saiticae, vide Herodot., lib. II; Plutarch. de Iside et Osiride, cap. 36; Orig., contra Cels., lib. III, p. 256; Athenagor., Apolog. pro Christ. (pag. 26. ed. Rechenberg.). Jul. Firmicus : Fuit alia in Aegypto, Nili regis filia, textrinae artis magistra. ORELL.

"The second offspring of the Nile, she who is said to be the Egyptian Sais." Davis, on Cicero in the place cited, well defends this most true manuscript reading against the Leiden editor, who wrongly removes the word "Sais", showing from book IX of Pausanias, the Boeotica, ch. 12 (p. 560, Frankfurt edition), that Sais was the name not only of an Egyptian city but also of the Minerva worshipped there. Compare Turnèbe, Adversaria, book XI, ch. 10, vol. II, p. 214. Yet the proper name of Minerva among the Egyptians was Neith, "Nēith", as Plato relates in the Timaeus and our author below, ch. 16. For the rest, on the cult of the Saitic Minerva see Herodotus, book II; Plutarch, On Isis and Osiris, ch. 36; Origen, Against Celsus, book III, p. 256; Athenagoras, Apology for the Christians (p. 26, Rechenberg's edition). Julius Firmicus: "There was another in Egypt, daughter of King Nile, mistress of the weaver's art." ORELLI.

(Stirps Saturni est tertia) ‹anchor: Stirps Saturni est tertia› · note in col 1030 Stirps Saturni est tertia, et quae usum excogitavit armorum. Jul. Firmicus, Tertia vero patre Saturno genita est. Sed hanc viraginem fuisse commemorant : nam numquam se intra foeminei sexus verecundiam tenuit, sed arma strepitumque pugnarum, et cruenta secuta est studia bellorum. Ampelius autem : Tertia Jovis filia, quae in bellicis rebus se exercuit. ORELL.

"The third is the offspring of Saturn, she who devised the use of arms." Julius Firmicus: "The third was begotten by Saturn as father. But they record that she was a warrior-maiden: for she never kept herself within the modesty of the female sex, but followed arms and the din of battles and the bloody pursuits of wars." Ampelius, however: "The third, daughter of Jupiter, who exercised herself in the affairs of war." ORELLI.

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1031

Aggrediamurque Sab.

"Aggrediamurque" (and let us approach): Sabaeus.

(Jovis quarta progenies) ‹anchor: Jovis quarta progenies› · note in col 1031 Jovis quarta progenies, quam Messenii Coryphasiam nuncupant. Haec ad verbum traducta ex Clemente. Aliter Jul. Firmicus : Quarta Jovis Cretici regis fuit filia, quae occisum patri detulit Liberum. Et Ampelius; Quarta Solis filia quadrigas junxit. ORELL.

"The fourth, offspring of Jupiter, whom the Messenians call Coryphasia." This is translated word for word from Clement. Julius Firmicus differently: "The fourth was the daughter of Jupiter, king of Crete, who reported Liber's murder to his father." And Ampelius: "The fourth, daughter of the Sun, yoked the four-horse chariot." ORELLI.

(Et quae Pallantem occidit patrem) ‹anchor: Et quae Pallantem occidit patrem› · note in col 1031 Et quae Pallantem occidit patrem, incestorum appetitorem, est quinta. Ita Gelenius et caeteri editores. Editio princeps romana e Cod. ms. habet; Corypallantem, unde Fulv. Ursinus refinxit; Corya Pallantem. At, ut bene Heraldus observat, videntur priores syllabae e praecedentibus, ubi Coryphasiam Minervam nominat, huc translatae. Nam reliqui, quos citavimus, auctores in nomine Pallante consentiunt. Jul. Firmicus l. I : Quinta Pallante patre et Tritonide matre orta est, quae patris appellata nomine Pallas est ab hominibus nuncupata. Haec parricidalis amentia furoris et vesanae temeritatis instinctu patrem Pallantem crudeli morte jugulavit. Nec simplici patris morte contenta, ut diutius malis suis frueretur, et ut de morte patris crudelius triumpharet, exuviis corporis ejus ornata est, ut parricidii facinus ex crudeli ostentatione publicaret. Hujus est Palladium, pro nefas ! nomine consecratum. Brevius Ampelius; Quinta Pallantis et Titanidos filia. Haec patrem occidit, pro suae virginitatis observatione, qui ejus cupidus fuit. Unde et Pallas dicta est. Melius tamen nomen Palladis derivatur ἀπὸ τοῦ πάλλειν τὸ δόρυ. Conf. Dresen. ad Joseph. Iscan., lib. II, vers. 272. ORELL.

"And she who killed her father Pallas, seeker after incest, is the fifth." So Gelenius and the other editors. The Roman first edition, from the manuscript, has "Corypallantem", from which Fulvio Orsini refashioned "Corya Pallantem". But, as Hérault well observes, the first syllables seem to have been carried over here from the preceding words, where he names Minerva Coryphasia. For the other authors we have cited agree on the name Pallas. Julius Firmicus, in the place cited: "The fifth was born of Pallas as father and Tritonis as mother, and, named after her father, was called Pallas by men. By the parricidal madness of frenzy and at the prompting of insane rashness she butchered her father Pallas with a cruel death. Nor content with her father's simple death, so as to enjoy her crimes longer and triumph more cruelly over her father's death, she adorned herself with the spoils of his body, to publish the deed of parricide by cruel display. Hers is the Palladium, consecrated, O horror! by her name." Ampelius more briefly: "The fifth, daughter of Pallas and Titanis. She killed her father, who desired her, to keep her virginity. Hence she too was called Pallas." Yet the name Pallas is better derived "from brandishing (pallein) the spear". Compare Dresemius on Joseph of Exeter, book II, verse 272. ORELLI.

(XV. Ac ne longum videatur et nimium) ‹anchor: Ac ne longum videatur et nimium› · note in col 1031 XV. — Ac ne longum videatur et nimium, minutatim velle capita ire per singula. Haec lectio est e ms. regio. Antea legebatur, et nimium minutum. Vox est Lucretiana minutatim. (II, vers. 1130, V, 708, 724, et aliquoties ). HERALD.

XV. — "And lest it seem long and excessive to want to go through each head bit by bit." This reading is from the Royal manuscript. Before, it read "et nimium minutum" ("and excessively minute"). "Minutatim" is a Lucretian word (II, verse 1130; V, 708, 724; and several other times). HÉRAULT.

(Quatuor esse Vulcanos) ‹anchor: Quatuor esse Vulcanos› · note in col 1031 Quatuor esse Vulcanos. Vide Cic., de Nat. deor., III, c. 24, et Ampel. c. IX. ORELL.

"That there are four Vulcans." See Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods III, ch. 24, and Ampelius, ch. IX. ORELLI.

(Tres Dianas) ‹anchor: Tres Dianas› · note in col 1031 Tres Dianas. Cicero l. I, c. 23, Ampelius l. I. ORELL.

"Three Dianas." Cicero, in the place cited, ch. 23; Ampelius, in the place cited. ORELLI.

(Aesculapios totidem) ‹anchor: Aesculapios totidem› · note in col 1031 Aesculapios totidem. Cicero l. I, c. 22, Ampelius. ORELL.

"As many Aesculapiuses." Cicero, in the place cited, ch. 22; Ampelius. ORELLI.

(Dionysios quinque) ‹anchor: Dionysios quinque› · note in col 1031 Dionysios quinque. Cicero, l. I, c. 23. Ampelius. Diodorus autem Siculus tres tantum commemorat Bibl. III, pag. 207. ORELL.

"Five Dionysuses." Cicero, in the place cited, ch. 23; Ampelius. Diodorus Siculus, however, records only three, Library III, p. 207. ORELLI.

(Ter binos Hercules) ‹anchor: Ter binos Hercules› · note in col 1031 Ter binos Hercules. Cicero l. I, cap. 16; Ampelius, l. l. Tres tantum numerant Herodotus, lib. II, cap. 43, 44; Diodorus Siculus, bibl. III, pag. 207, 208, et Arrianus, de Exped. Alexandri, lib. II, cap. 16. Vide Davis., ad Cic., l. I. ORELL.

"Three pairs of Hercules." Cicero, in the place cited, ch. 16; Ampelius, in the place cited. Herodotus counts only three, book II, chs. 43, 44; so Diodorus Siculus, Library III, pp. 207, 208, and Arrian, On the Expedition of Alexander, book II, ch. 16. See Davis on Cicero, in the place cited. ORELLI.

(Quatuor Veneres) ‹anchor: Quatuor Veneres› · note in col 1031 Quatuor Veneres. Totidem recensent Cicero, l. I, cap. 23, et Ampelius. Duas tantum statuit Plato, in Conviv. (pag. 182, vol. X, ed. Bipont. ) ORELL.

"Four Venuses." Cicero, in the place cited, ch. 23, and Ampelius list as many. Plato sets only two, in the Symposium (p. 182, vol. X, Bipontine edition). ORELLI.

(Tria genera Castorum) ‹anchor: Tria genera Castorum› · note in col 1031 Tria genera Castorum. Cicero, l. I, cap. 21. ORELL.

"Three kinds of Castors." Cicero, in the place cited, ch. 21. ORELLI.

(Totidemque Musarum) ‹anchor: Totidemque Musarum› · note in col 1031, continued in col 1032 Totidemque Musarum. Cicero, l. I, cap. 21, ubi vid. Davis., pag. 301, ed. II. Conf. quae observavimus supra ad lib. III, cap 37. ORELL.

"And as many of Muses." Cicero, in the place cited, ch. 21; see Davis there, p. 301, 2nd edition. Compare what we observed above on book III, ch. 37. ORELLI.

(Pinnatorum Cupidinum trigas) ‹anchor: Pinnatorum Cupidinum trigas› · note in col 1032 Pinnatorum Cupidinum trigas et quadrigas Apollinarium nominum. τριάδας καὶ τετράδας : quo de loquendi genere plura observata olim a Cujacio et Scaligero, et nuper ab Isaaco Casaubono ad Vopiscum. HERALD. Eodem sensu συνωρίδα, τετρωρίδα a Graecis dici, observat Jos. Scaliger ad Propert., lib. III, Eleg. 21, vers. 15, ubi hanc loquendi rationem pluribus exemplis illustrat. Caeterum quatuor Apollines cum nostro recenset Cicero l. I., cap. 23; quinque autem Ampelius, cap. 9. Aristotelem auctorem sequens, ut et Clemens Alexandr., in Protrept., p. 24, ed. Potter., qui a Didymo grammatico adjici sextum notat, Magnetis filium. De Cupidinum triga similia tradit Cicero eodem capite. ORELL.

"Teams of three winged Cupids, and teams of four of the name of Apollo." That is, triads and tetrads: on this way of speaking much was once observed by Cujas and Scaliger, and recently by Isaac Casaubon on Vopiscus. HÉRAULT. Jos. Scaliger observes, on Propertius, book III, elegy 21, verse 15, that in the same sense the Greeks say "pair" (synōris) and "team of four" (tetrōris), and illustrates this way of speaking with many examples. For the rest, Cicero, in the place cited, ch. 23, lists four Apollos with our author; Ampelius, ch. 9, five, following Aristotle as his authority, as does Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus, p. 24, Potter's edition, who notes that the grammarian Didymus adds a sixth, son of Magnes. Cicero relates similar things about the team of Cupids in the same chapter. ORELLI.

(Aut si aliquis ex his est, ignorabitur et nescietur) ‹anchor: Aut si aliquis ex his est, ignorabitur et nescietur› · note in col 1032 Aut si aliquis ex his est, ignorabitur et nescietur : quia sit consimilium nominum confusione caecatus. Ita omnes editores ante Lugduno-Batavum, qui locum ita refinxit : Aut si aliquis ex iis est, ignorabitur et nescietur quid sit, consimilium nominum confusione caecatus, quae correctio non placet. Contextus enim flagitare videtur quis sit, scil. deus : et longe praefero lectionem antiquam, hoc scil. sensu : Aut si aliquis ex his (deus) est, ignorabitur et nescietur, quia sit consimilium nominum confusione caecatus, id est obscuratus, qui non facile discerni possit. Eodem sensu rapida et celeritate caecata oratio dicitur a Cicerone in Bruto, c. 76, ubi autem dubia est lectio, nam alii legunt citata. Eodem sensu caecus centies ap. veteres pro latente, cognitu difficili. Vide Gesner. in Thesauro et Semler. Ind. ad Tertullianum. Sed commodius forsitan locus noster mutatione levissima sic possit refingi : Aut si aliquis ex his est, ignorabitur et nescietur, quis sit, consimilium nominum confusione caecatis, constructione graeca pro a caecatis consimilium nominum confusione. ORELL.

"Or if any of these is [a god], he will be unknown and not recognised, because he is blinded by the confusion of like names." So all the editors before the Leiden one, who refashioned the passage thus: "Or if any of them is, it will be unknown and not recognised what he is, blinded by the confusion of like names", a correction which does not please. For the context seems to demand "who he is", that is, which god; and I much prefer the old reading, in this sense: "Or if any of these is (a god), he will be unknown and not recognised, because he is blinded", that is, obscured, "by the confusion of like names", so that he cannot easily be distinguished. In the same sense Cicero, in the Brutus, ch. 76, speaks of speech "rapid and blinded by speed", though there the reading is doubtful, for others read "citata" ("hurried"). In the same sense "caecus" is used a hundred times by the ancients for hidden, hard to recognise. See Gesner in the Thesaurus, and Semler's index to Tertullian. But perhaps our passage could more conveniently be refashioned by a very slight change thus: "Or if any of these is, it will be unknown and not recognised who he is, by those blinded by the confusion of like names", a Greek construction for "by those blinded by the confusion of like names". ORELLI.

(XVI. Fingite nos enim vel auctoritate idonea motos) ‹anchor: Fingite nos enim vel auctoritate idonea motos› · note in col 1032 XVI. Fingite nos enim vel auctoritate idonea motos, vel violentia terroris vestri. Haec est emendatio felicissima Gelenii pro codicis lectione : vel auctoritate ideo motos. Et nescio sane quid moverit editorem Lugduno-Batavum haec mutare in vel auctoritate commotos. Atqui bene habet auctoritate idonea, id est sufficiente, ut apud intos [as printed] idonea substantia pro sufficiens, homines idonei, quibus pecunia recte tuto que creditur. Vide Stewech. ORELL.

XVI. "For suppose that we have been moved either by adequate authority or by the violence of your terror." This is Gelenius's most happy emendation of the manuscript's reading "vel auctoritate ideo motos". And I really do not know what moved the Leiden editor to change this to "vel auctoritate commotos". Yet "auctoritate idonea", that is, sufficient, is well said; as in the jurists [?] "idonea substantia" for sufficient [means], and "homines idonei", men to whom money is rightly and safely lent. See Stewech. ORELLI.

(Minervam verbi causa) ‹anchor: Minervam verbi causa› · note in col 1032 Minervam verbi causa. Lucretius, III, 423, seq. : Atque animam, verbi causa, cum dicere pergam / Mortalem esse docens. HERALD.

"Minerva, for example." Lucretius III, 423 f.: "And when, for example, I go on to speak of the soul, teaching that it is mortal." HÉRAULT.

(Aris flammantibus sua reddere constituta) ‹anchor: Aris flammantibus sua reddere constituta› · note in col 1032 (continues) Aris flammantibus sua reddere constituta. Proprium verbum. Virgilius Georg., II, vers. 194 : (continues)

"To render on blazing altars what is appointed for them." A proper word. Virgil, Georgics II, verse 194: … (continues)

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(a) ‹anchor: Minervium nomen tu fers› · call in col 1033

Feres Sab.

"Feres" (you will bear): Sabaeus.

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(b) ‹anchor: et ex amoris› · call in col 1033

Ex delet ms

The manuscript deletes "ex".

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Plane Fulv.

"Plane" (plainly): Fulvio Orsini.

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Quaerere alii.

"Quaerere" (to seek): others.

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(e) ‹anchor: Sai, ex coeno› · call in col 1034

Cum ex caeno Fulv. Vide Not.

"Cum ex caeno" (when from the mud): Fulvio Orsini. See the notes.

(Aris flammantibus sua reddere constituta, cont.) ‹anchor: —› · note in col 1033

(continued) Lancibus et pandis fumantia reddimus exta. (ubi reddere sacrorum vocabulum esse Servius notat). Sic reddere thura, reddere vina et similia. HERALD. — Conf. C. Barth. ad Stat. Theb., IV, 466, qui de hoc verbo multus est, et Voss. ad Virgil., l. I. ORELL.

(Meum nomen est Minervae cum numine) ‹anchor: Meum nomen est Minervae cum numine› · note in col 1033 Meum nomen est Minervae cum numine. Sic edidi ex emendatione editoris Lugd. Bat. Antea legebatur : Meum nomen est Minervae, tum numen. Sed tum copulativum numquam ponitur, nisi cum vel aliud tum praecesserit. Quare Fulv. Ursin. leg. conj. ac numen. ORELL.

"Mine is the name of Minerva, together with the divinity." So I have printed by the Leiden editor's emendation. Before, it read: "Meum nomen est Minervae, tum numen." But copulative "tum" is never used unless "cum" or another "tum" has come before. So Fulvio Orsini conjectures one should read "ac numen" ("and the divinity"). ORELLI.

(Inquiet quinta Minerva) ‹anchor: Inquiet quinta Minerva› · note in col 1033 Inquiet quinta Minerva. Ita Gelenius caeterique. In editione prima legebatur quarta errore manifesto. OR.

"The fifth Minerva will say." So Gelenius and the rest. In the first edition one read "quarta" (the fourth), by a manifest error. ORELLI.

(Tu tinnis) ‹anchor: Tu tinnis› · note in col 1033 Tu tinnis. Ita sagacissime correxit editor Lugd. Bat., Cod. ms. tutunis, unde Stewechius fecit tutun' es. Gelenius ex ingenio refinxit tu sis, sequentibus caeteris editoribus plerisque. Sed multum praefero tu tinnis, id est garris, res futiles loqueris. Sic Plaut. Pseud., act. III, scen. II : Molestus ne sis nimium, jam tinnis, non places. ubi vide Lambin. et Gronov. Translatio ducta de vasis aereis, nolis, doliis, quae proprie tinnire dicuntur, unde et tintinnabulum. ORELL.

"You jingle." So the Leiden editor most shrewdly corrected; the manuscript "tutunis", from which Stewech made "tutun' es". Gelenius out of his own head refashioned "tu sis", followed by most of the other editors. But I much prefer "tu tinnis", that is, you chatter, you talk trifles. So Plautus, Pseudolus, act III, scene II: "Don't be too tiresome; now you're jingling, you don't please." See Lambin and Gronovius there. The metaphor is taken from bronze vessels, bells, jars, which are properly said to "tinnire" (ring); hence also "tintinnabulum". ORELLI.

(Castitatis purae imminuta es sanctitate) ‹anchor: Castitatis purae imminuta es sanctitate› · note in col 1033, continued in col 1034 Castitatis purae imminuta es sanctitate. Haec dicuntur expressissime : καὶ ἐμφατικώτατα. Castitatem puram appellat virginitatem. Nam ita pura et integra virgo, ac casta, quae Veneris opera non novit. Infra, l. VII, quia sit purae virginitatis intactae. Et imminuere virginitatem proprium, id est integritatem illam temerare. Plautus Cistell., act I, scen. I : Neque pudicitiam meam mihi alius imminuit quisquam; et ipse Arnobius, l. V : Quibus nihil tale metuentem castitate imminueret genetricem. Hinc Ausonius in Centone Nuptiali imminutionem pro prima coitione posuit. Recte praeterea castitatis sanctitas. Nam castitas et virginitas sancta et involata etiam apud hostes moderatos. Quare Scipio ap. Tit. Livium, ubi grande continentiae exemplum posteris tradit, virginis captivae, quae adducebatur, integritate ne oculis delibata : Mea populique romani, inquit, causa facerem, ne quid, quod sanctum usque esset, apud vos violaretur. Nunc, ut id curem impensius, vestra quoque virtus dignitasque facit. HERALD. et ELMENH. — Ita Curtius, l. III, c. 12, § 21, de Alexandro : Virgines excellentis formae tam sancte habuit, quam si eodem, quo ipse, parente genitae forent; et libro IV, c. 10, § 53 : Caste sancteque habitam reginam. Plura exempla profert Buneman., ad Lactant. Inst., l. VI, c. 24, p. 844 seq. Vim verbi imminuere pluribus exponit Jos. Scaliger, ad Priapeia Carm. XXXII, 2 in P. Burmanni Anthol. lat., vol. II, p. 505. ORELL.

"You have been impaired in the holiness of pure chastity." This is said most expressively, and most emphatically. By pure chastity he means virginity: for a virgin is pure and whole and chaste in this sense, that she has not known the works of Venus. Below, book VII: "because she is of pure, untouched virginity." And "to impair virginity" is the proper term, that is, to violate that integrity. Plautus, Cistellaria, act I, scene I: "Nor has anyone else impaired my chastity"; and Arnobius himself, book V: "by which he might impair in chastity the mother, who feared nothing of the kind." Hence Ausonius in the Wedding Cento used "imminutio" for the first union. "Holiness of chastity" is rightly said besides: for chastity and virginity are holy and inviolate even among moderate enemies. So Scipio in Titus Livy, where he hands down to posterity a great example of continence, the integrity of a captive maiden who was brought to him not touched even by his eyes: "I would do it," he says, "for my own sake and the Roman people's, that nothing that was ever holy should be violated among us. Now your virtue and dignity also make me take the more care of it." HÉRAULT and ELMENHORST. — So Curtius, book III, ch. 12, § 21, of Alexander: "He kept the maidens of outstanding beauty as holily as if they had been born of the same parent as himself"; and book IV, ch. 10, § 53: "the queen kept chastely and holily." Bünemann brings more examples on Lactantius, Institutes, book VI, ch. 24, p. 844 f. Jos. Scaliger sets out the force of the verb "imminuere" at length on the Priapea, poem XXXII, 2, in P. Burmann's Latin Anthology, vol. II, p. 505. ORELLI.

(Nonne vides in Capitoliis omnibus) ‹anchor: Nonne vides in Capitoliis omnibus› · note in col 1034 Nonne vides in Capitoliis omnibus virginales esse species Minervarum. Tres in Capitolio cellas, σηκούς, fuisse Jovis, Junonis et Minervae, testes Dyonysius Halicarn., lib. III, et Vitruvius, de Architect., l. I, c. 7, quod imitabantur etiam in coloniis; unde Arnobius dixit : In omnibus Capitoliis. Quod igitur omnium deorum domicilium Capitolium dicitur a Cicerone, Aurelio Victore et Tertulliano, id accipiendum non de templo, sed de ipso monte Capitolino, qui passim et pene totus deorum aris, statuis, templis insessus. Vide Just. Lips., de Magnit. Rom., l. III, c. 5 Oper., tom. III, p. 770, ed. Vesal., et Just. Rycquium, in Comment. de Capitolio rom., c. 9, p. 107. ORELL.

"Do you not see that in all the Capitols the figures of the Minervas are virginal?" That there were three chambers (sēkoi) in the Capitol, of Jupiter, Juno and Minerva, is attested by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book III, and Vitruvius, On Architecture, book I, ch. 7; and this was imitated in the colonies too, whence Arnobius said "in all the Capitols". So when the Capitol is called the dwelling of all the gods by Cicero, Aurelius Victor and Tertullian, this is to be understood not of the temple but of the Capitoline hill itself, which was everywhere, almost entirely, covered with altars, statues and temples of the gods. See Justus Lipsius, On the Greatness of Rome, book III, ch. 5, Works, vol. III, p. 770, Wesel edition; and Justus Rycquius, Commentary on the Roman Capitol, ch. 9, p. 107. ORELLI.

(Quorum sum Neith lingua) ‹anchor: Quorum sum Neith lingua› · note in col 1034 Quorum sum Neith lingua, Platonis testificante Timaeo. Plato in Timaeo, p. 21 (ed. H. Steph.) : Ἔστι τις κατ' Αἴγυπτον (ἦ δ' ὅς) ἐν τῷ Δέλτα, περὶ ὃ κατὰ κορυφὴν σχίζεται τὸ τοῦ Νείλου ῥεῦμα, Σαϊτικὸς ἐπικαλούμενος νομός, τούτου δὲ τοῦ νομοῦ μεγίστη πόλις Σάϊς. ὅθεν δὴ καὶ Ἄμασις ἦν ὁ βασιλεύς, οἷς τῆς πόλεως θεὸς ἀρχηγός ἐστιν, Αἰγυπτιστὶ μὲν τοὔνομα Νηΐθ, Ἑλληνιστὶ δέ, ὡς ὁ ἐκείνων λόγος, Ἀθηνᾶ. Chalcidius sic vertit : Est Aegypti regio Delta, cujus vertice Nili scinduntur fluenta, juxta quae Sais nomine civitas magna, quam regit mos vetus, lex Saitica nuncupatur. Ex hac urbe Amasis fuit imperator; conditor vero Deus urbis aegyptiaca lingua censetur Neith, graeca dicitur Αθηνα. ELMENH. — Ineptissime Chalcidius νομόν, id est nomum, sive pagum Saiticum, legem interpretatur. ORELL.

"In whose tongue I am Neith, as Plato's Timaeus witnesses." Plato in the Timaeus, p. 21 (H. Estienne's edition): "There is in Egypt (he said), in the Delta, at whose apex the stream of the Nile divides, a district called the Saitic, and the greatest city of this district is Sais, from which King Amasis also came. For them the city has a founding goddess, whose name in Egyptian is Neith, and in Greek, as their account goes, Athena." Chalcidius translates thus: "There is a region of Egypt, the Delta, at whose apex the streams of the Nile divide; near them is a great city named Sais, which an old custom rules, called the Saitic law. From this city came the commander Amasis; and the god who founded the city is reckoned in the Egyptian tongue Neith, in Greek is called Athena." ELMENHORST. — Most absurdly Chalcidius renders "nomos", that is, the nome or Saitic district, as "law" [nomos]. ORELLI.

(Cui coryfasiae nomen est) ‹anchor: Cui coryfasiae nomen est› · note in col 1034 Cui coryfasiae nomen est, etc. De hoc nomine vide P. Victorium Var. Lectt., l. XI, c. 15. ORELL.

"Whose name is Coryphasia," etc. On this name see P. Vettori, Variae Lectiones, book XI, ch. 15. ORELLI.

(Aut illam, quae tertia est) ‹anchor: Aut illam, quae tertia est› · note in col 1034 Aut illam, quae tertia est, cessuram patienter nomen. Ita locum restituit Canterus. Cod. ms. vitiose cessuram patientiae nomen. Editor Lugd. Bat. rescribit cessuram patienter nomine, quod elegantius. Sed cedere aliquid haud infrequens. Sic in Anthol., lat. P. Burmanni, l. IV, Epigr. 154, p. 112, vol. II : Et gratam cessit docta Pedana chelyn. ORELL.

"Or that she who is the third will patiently yield the name." So Canter restored the passage. The manuscript, corruptly: "cessuram patientiae nomen". The Leiden editor rewrites "cessuram patienter nomine" ("will patiently give up the name"), which is more elegant. But "cedere aliquid" (to yield something) is not uncommon. So in P. Burmann's Latin Anthology, book IV, epigram 154, p. 112, vol. II: "And the learned Pedana yielded the welcome lyre." ORELLI.

(Itane tu audes majestatem) ‹anchor: Itane tu audes majestatem› · note in col 1034 Itane tu audes majestatem tibi mei nominis usurpare Sai, ex coeno, etc. Non dubitavi reddere Arnobio lectionem codicis ms. verissimam. Duplex enim apud Aegyptios Minervae nomen, Neith et Sais. Vide supra, ad c. 14. Quod non intelligens Gelenius ex ingenio edidit : usurpare, quae ex coeno. Alii : Usurpare. Si verum ex coeno. Meursius in Append., majestatem usurpare sinceram, ex coeno, etc. Salmasius, usurpare, ex coeno. OR.

"Do you dare, then, to usurp for yourself the majesty of my name, Sais, [you who came] from the mud," etc. I have not hesitated to give back to Arnobius the manuscript's most true reading. For Minerva had a double name among the Egyptians, Neith and Sais. See above on ch. 14. Not understanding this, Gelenius printed out of his own head "usurpare, quae ex coeno" ("to usurp, you who from the mud"). Others: "Usurpare. Si verum ex coeno." Meursius in the Appendix: "majestatem usurpare sinceram, ex coeno," etc. Saumaise: "usurpare, ex coeno." ORELLI.

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(At tibi tu aliam dignitatem assume) ‹anchor: At tibi tu aliam dignitatem assume› · note in col 1035 At tibi tu aliam dignitatem assume. Verba sunt tertiae Minervae Saturniae ad quartam coryfasiam. Optima igitur haec Salmasii emendatio. Antea legebatur : aut tibi tu alienam dignitatem assumis. Et in sequentibus, atque de, etc., pro deam quae. Meursius, in Appendice legend. censet : Dignitatem assumis deae, quae de vertice, etc. Scriverius, ibidem : Dignitatem assumis eque vertice, etc. ORELL.

"But you, take some other dignity for yourself." These are the words of the third Minerva, Saturn's daughter, to the fourth, Coryphasia. So this emendation of Saumaise's is excellent. Before, it read: "or you assume for yourself another's dignity." And in what follows "atque de," etc., for "deam quae". Meursius in the Appendix thinks one should read: "You assume the dignity of the goddess who from the head," etc. Scriverius, in the same place: "You assume the dignity, and from the head," etc. ORELLI.

(Ex capite conceptos filios procreat) ‹anchor: Ex capite conceptos filios procreat› · note in col 1035 Ex capite conceptos filios procreat. Nihil mutandum. Hoc enim quaerit, an Jupiter capite concipiat filios et procreet. Vana igitur sunt, quae proponuntur caetera. HERALD. — Alii, Jovis e capite concepta tu fueris ? Meursius conj. conceptas filias. Male Filii sunt liberi, filii et filiae, ut fratres fratres et sorores, dii dii et deae. Vide Burmann., ad Quintilian., Inst. IX, c. 3, 63, p. 517. ORELL.

"Does he beget children conceived from the head?" Nothing is to be changed. For he asks whether Jupiter conceives and begets children with his head. The other proposals are therefore idle. HÉRAULT. — Others: "Were you conceived from the head of Jupiter?" Meursius conjectures "conceptas filias" ("daughters conceived"). Wrongly: "filii" means children, sons and daughters, as "fratres" means brothers and sisters, and "dii" gods and goddesses. See Burmann on Quintilian, Institutes IX, ch. 3, 63, p. 517. ORELLI.

(Forcipes) ‹anchor: Forcipes› · note in col 1035 Forcipes. Ita Elmenhorstius et Salmasius rectissime. Alii, forfices. Editio princeps fornices. ORELL.

"Tongs." So Elmenhorst and Saumaise, most rightly. Others: "forfices" ("shears"). The first edition: "fornices" ("arches"). ORELLI.

(Ex pateris aureis inferia vina defundi) ‹anchor: Ex pateris aureis inferia vina defundi› · note in col 1035 Ex pateris aureis inferia vina defundi. Sic e cod. ms. locum egregie restituit Lud. Carrio Emendd., l. II, c. 3, in Lampade Gruteri, vol. III, part. II, p. 131, seq., ubi de his vocibus multus est; et Meursius, p. 131. Antea legebatur, In seriam vina defundi. Inferia vina quid sint, optime explicat ipse Arnobius infra, l. VII, c. 31, ex Trebatio. Nimirum vinum inferium dicebatur vinum, quod infertur, offertur, graece χοή. Festus autem, derivans ab infra, inferium vinum dicit esse id, quod in sacrificando infra paterae labrum ponebatur. Ubi vide intpp. et ad v. Calpar. Hinc libandi formula : Jupiter, macte, hoc vino inferio esto. Quae ni adhibita fuisset, vinum omne usibus humanis eripiebatur Jovique sacrum fiebat. Vide Paul. Leopard., Emendd., XVIII, 16, in Lamp. Gruteri, vol. III, part. I, p. 338; Nic. Loens., Quaest. Epiphyllid., l. III, c. 12, in ejusdem Operis vol. V, p. 358; Schneider. (V. Cl. ad Cat. de Re rust., c. 132, p. 167); Jo. Saubert., de Sacrificiis, c. 25, p. 590, ed. Crenii, et Gesner., in Thesauro. ORELL.

"That offering-wines be poured out from golden bowls." So Louis Carrion excellently restored the passage from the manuscript, Emendationes, book II, ch. 3, in Gruter's Lampas, vol. III, part II, p. 131 f., where he says much on these words; and Meursius, p. 131. Before, it read: "In seriam vina defundi" ("wines poured into a jar"). What "inferia vina" are Arnobius himself explains excellently below, book VII, ch. 31, from Trebatius. That is, "inferium" wine was the wine that is brought in, offered; in Greek, a libation (choē). Festus, however, deriving it from "infra" (below), says that "inferium" wine is what in sacrificing was placed below the lip of the bowl; see the interpreters there, and under the word "Calpar". Hence the formula of libation: "Jupiter, be honoured with this offering-wine." Had this not been used, all the wine was taken away from human uses and became sacred to Jupiter. See Paulus Leopardus, Emendationes XVIII, 16, in Gruter's Lampas, vol. III, part I, p. 338; Nic. Loensis, Quaestiones Epiphyllides, book III, ch. 12, in vol. V of the same work, p. 358; Schneider (a distinguished man, on Cato, On Agriculture, ch. 132, p. 167); Jo. Saubert, On Sacrifices, ch. 25, p. 590, Crenius's edition; and Gesner in the Thesaurus. ORELLI.

(Arbiter) ‹anchor: Arbiter› · note in col 1035 Arbiter. Glossae, arbiter, διαιτητής. Festus : Arbiter dicitur judex, qui totius rei habeat arbitrium et facultatem. A praetore datus, vel ex conventione litigantium electus. ELMENH.

Arbiter. The Glosses: "arbiter, diaitētēs (arbitrator)." Festus: "An arbiter is the name for a judge who has the decision and power over the whole matter." Appointed by the praetor, or chosen by agreement of the litigants. ELMENHORST.

(Cervicibus tantis erit) ‹anchor: Cervicibus tantis erit› · note in col 1035 Cervicibus tantis erit. Id est, tam fortis, audax, impudens. Phrasis ciceroniana in Verr. III, c. 59 : Qui erunt tantis cervicibus recuperatores, qui audeant in provincia, cum praetor adsit, non solum contra voluntatem ejus, sed etiam contra fortunas judicare? Quem locum procul dubio imitatus est Arnobius noster. Est scilicet, ut bene ibi Hotomannus observat, metaphora sumpta a bubus, quorum ii valentissimi judicantur, qui cervicibus sunt durissimis. ORELL.

"Will be of so stiff a neck." That is, so bold, daring, shameless. A Ciceronian phrase, Verrines III, ch. 59: "What assessors will be of so stiff a neck as to dare, in a province, with the praetor present, to give judgement not only against his will but even against his fortunes?" A passage our Arnobius no doubt imitated. It is, of course, as Hotman well observes there, a metaphor taken from oxen, of which those with the toughest necks are judged the strongest. ORELLI.

(Vindicias justas dare) ‹anchor: Vindicias justas dare› · note in col 1035, continued in col 1036 Vindicias justas dare. Ascon., in Cic. Verr., III : Lis vindiciarum est, quum litigatur de ea re apud Praetorem cujus incertum est quis debeat esse possessor, etc. Vindicias dare itaque erat praetoris rem litigatam addicentis vindicanti, id est possessionem ei decernentis. Conf. Fest., hoc verbo, Gellius, Noct. Att., l. XX, c. 10, ibique not. et Excurs. Gronovii. Heineccii, Antiquitates Juris Rom., ad Inst., l. IV, tit. VI, vol. II, p. 225, seqq. Vinc. Gravina de Orig. Juris, p. 183, et Adams Haudbuch der Rom. Alterthumer, vol. I, p. 411, seqq. ORELL.

"To give just interim possession." Asconius on Cicero's Verrines III: "A suit over interim possession is when there is litigation before the praetor about a thing of which it is uncertain who ought to be the possessor," etc. So "vindicias dare" was the act of the praetor assigning the disputed thing to the claimant, that is, decreeing possession to him. Compare Festus under this word; Gellius, Attic Nights, book XX, ch. 10, with the notes and Gronovius's excursus there; Heineccius, Antiquities of Roman Law, on the Institutes, book IV, title VI, vol. II, p. 225 ff.; Vinc. Gravina, On the Origin of Law, p. 183; and Adam's Handbuch der römischen Alterthümer [printed "Haudbuch ... Alterthumer"], vol. I, p. 411 ff. ORELLI.

(Aut sacramenta pronuntiare non justa) ‹anchor: Aut sacramenta pronuntiare non justa› · note in col 1036 Aut sacramenta pronuntiare non justa. Varro : Ea pecunia, quae in judicium venit in litibus, sacramentum a sacro. Qui petebat et qui inficiabatur, de aliis rebus uterque quingentos aeris ad pontificem deponebant; de aliis rebus item certo alio numero assium. Qui judicio vicerat, suum sacramentum a sacro auferebat. Victi ad aerarium redibat. Actor igitur defensorem sponsione lacessebat, ut aut debitum fateretur, aut restipularetur. Mos est antiquissimus. Aristophanes in Pluto : Τί δῆτά σοι τίμημ' ἐπιγράψω τῇ δίκῃ, / Ἐάν γ' ἁλῷς; ΠΕ. ὅ τι σοι δοκεῖ. Sed hic locus de simplici sponsione intelligi potest. At qui debitorem in jus vocabat πρυτανεῖα, i. e. sacramenta, simul ἐτίθει, eodemque illum adigebat. Aristophanes in Nubibus : Πᾶς γάρ τις ὄμνυσ', οἷς ὀφείλων τυγχάνω, / Θείς μοι πρυτανεῖ' ἀπολεῖν μέ φησι κἀξολεῖν. Heic Scholiastes pluribus : τὰς δεκάδας τοῦ χρέους καταβάλλοντες τοῖς πρυτανεῦσιν, εἰσῆγον τοὺς χρεωστοῦντας· πρυτανεῖα δὲ τὰ νῦν καλούμενα παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις σπόρτουλα. Postea : ἦν δὲ ἀργύριόν τι, ὅπερ κατετίθεσαν οἱ δικαζόμενοι ἀμφότεροι, καὶ ὁ φεύγων καὶ ὁ διώκων. HERALD. — Cum Varrone consentiens Festus addit : Sacramenti autem nomine id aes dici coeptum est, quod et propter aerarii inopiam, et sacrorum publicorum multitudinem consumebatur id in rebus divinis, ubi vide intpp. et ad Valer. Max. Lib. VII. cap. 7, § 2; Heineccii Ant. Jur. Rom. Vol, II, pag. 231 seqq. ORELL.

"Or to pronounce unjust forfeits." Varro: "The money that comes into court in suits is called sacramentum, from sacrum. The claimant and the denier each deposited with the pontiff five hundred asses in some cases, and in other cases likewise some other fixed number of asses. He who had won the case took back his sacramentum from the sacred treasury; the loser's went to the treasury." The plaintiff, then, challenged the defendant with a wager, so that he should either admit the debt or make a counter-stipulation. The custom is very ancient. Aristophanes in the Plutus: "What penalty, then, shall I write down for you in the suit, if you are convicted? — Whatever you like." But this passage can be understood of a simple wager. He, however, who summoned a debtor to court at the same time deposited the prytaneia, that is, the sacramenta, and bound the other to do the same. Aristophanes in the Clouds: "For everyone to whom I happen to owe money, depositing the court-fees against me, says he will destroy me utterly." Here the Scholiast at length: "paying the tenths of the debt to the prytaneis, they brought in the debtors; prytaneia are what are now called sportulae among the Romans." And afterwards: "It was a sum of money which both litigants deposited, both the defendant and the prosecutor." HÉRAULT. — Agreeing with Varro, Festus adds: "That money began to be called by the name sacramentum because, both on account of the poverty of the treasury and the multitude of public rites, it was spent on divine matters"; see the interpreters there and on Valerius Maximus, book VII, ch. 7, § 2; Heineccius, Antiquities of Roman Law, vol. II, p. 231 ff. ORELLI.

(Nonne potius ibit domum) ‹anchor: Nonne potius ibit domum› · note in col 1036 Nonne potius ibit domum. Ut ille apud Plautum Blepharo in Amphitruone : Vos inter vos partite : ego abeo : mihi negotium est. HERALD.

"Will he not rather go home?" Like Blepharo in Plautus's Amphitryo: "Share it out between yourselves: I'm off: I have business." HÉRAULT.

(Sultitiae crimen incurrat) ‹anchor: Stultitiae crimen incurrat› · note in col 1036 Sultitiae crimen incurrat. Similiter Lactantius, Inst. Lib. II, cap. 7, ult. Crimen loquacitatis incurram, ubi locutionem hanc scriptoribus sacris, Hieronymo, Ambrosio, etc., sollemnem pluribus exemplis illustrat Bunemann., pag. 244. ORELL.

"He would incur the charge of folly." Similarly Lactantius, Institutes, book II, ch. 7, at the end: "I shall incur the charge of talkativeness"; there Bünemann, p. 244, illustrates with many examples this expression, customary with the sacred writers, Jerome, Ambrose, etc. ORELLI.

(XVII. Quorum numeros tenditis et multiplicatis) ‹anchor: Quorum numeros tenditis et multiplicatis› · note in col 1036 (continues) XVII. — Quorum numeros tenditis et multiplicatis. Corrigit Stewechius : quorum numeros extenditis, multiplicatis, quod consentaneum mori Arnobii (continues)

XVII. — "Whose numbers you stretch and multiply." Stewech corrects: "whose numbers you extend, multiply", which is consistent with the habit of Arnobius … (continues)

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(a) ‹anchor: Et qui fieri potis est› · call in col 1037

Ita ms. Pote est alii.

So the manuscript. "Pote est" (it is possible): others.

(XVII. Quorum numeros tenditis et multiplicatis, cont.) ‹anchor: —› · note in col 1037

(continued) copulam omittere amantis. Nihil tamen mutare ausim. Verba praecedentia de aliis omnibus idem Stewechius immutat : de aliis numinibus. ORELL.

(Nimietatis) ‹anchor: Nimietatis› · note in col 1037 Nimietatis. Vide supra ad cap. 10. ORELL.

"Of excess." See above on ch. 10. ORELLI.

(Dignum tanti nominis opinione) ‹anchor: Dignum tanti nominis opinione› · note in col 1037 Dignum tanti nominis opinione. Et hoc loco Meursius reponere vult : tanti numinis. ORELL.

"Worthy of the repute of so great a name." Here too Meursius wants to substitute "tanti numinis" ("of so great a divinity"). ORELLI.

(XVIII. Ut visum est atque sedit) ‹anchor: Ut visum est atque sedit› · note in col 1037 XVIII. — Ut visum est atque sedit. Sedere pro placere, fixum obstinatumque esse. Virgilius Aen., V, 418 : Idque pio sedet Aeneae; probat auctor Acestes. et VII, vers 611 : Ubi certa sedet patribus sententia pugnae. Florus, lib. II, cap. 15, § 4 : Cum bellum sederet, de belli fine tractatum est. Ubi vide Duker. et Freinshem. in Indice nostrum quoque locum citantem. Conf. Perizon., ad Sanctii Minerv. IV, c. 4, 114, et Savaron., ad Sidon., lib. IV, epist. 15, pag. 276. ORELL.

XVIII. — "As it seemed good and was settled." "Sedere" for "placere" (to please), to be fixed and determined. Virgil, Aeneid V, 418: "And this is settled for pious Aeneas; Acestes, its author, approves." And VII, verse 611: "When the fathers' decision for battle is firmly settled." Florus, book II, ch. 15, § 4: "When war was settled, the end of the war was discussed." See Duker there, and Freinsheim in his index, who also cites our passage. Compare Perizonius on Sanctius's Minerva IV, ch. 4, 114, and Savaron on Sidonius, book IV, letter 15, p. 276. ORELLI.

(Libidinosam extulerint fictionem) ‹anchor: Libidinosam extulerint fictionem› · note in col 1037 Libidinosam extulerint fictionem. Ita editiones omnes. Cod. ms. habet : libidinosa extulerint fictione, quod cum Stewechio praetulerim lectioni vulgatae. ORELL.

"Have put forth a capricious fiction." So all the editions. The manuscript has "libidinosa extulerint fictione" ("have put forth by capricious fiction"), which with Stewech I would prefer to the common reading. ORELLI.

(Quod in medio positum est) ‹anchor: Quod in medio positum est› · note in col 1037 Quod in medio positum est. Id est, quod publicatum est, ut loquebatur modo Lucretius, lib. V, vers 1159 : Et Celata diu in medium peccata dedisse. Sic Graeci. Heraclitus ap. Plutarchum alicubi : ἀμαθίην κρύπτειν οὐκ ἄμεινον, ἀλλ' εἰς μέσον τιθέναι καὶ θεραπεύσαι. Sic εἰς μέσον φέρειν, εἰς μέσον ἕλκειν et similia. HERALD.

"What is placed in the open." That is, what has been made public, as Lucretius spoke just now, book V, verse 1159: "And to have brought into the open sins long hidden." So the Greeks. Heraclitus, somewhere in Plutarch: "It is not better to hide ignorance, but to set it in the open and cure it." So "to bring into the open", "to drag into the open", and the like. HÉRAULT.

(Ex hominum de his scriptis) ‹anchor: Ex hominum de his scriptis› · note in col 1037 Ex hominum de his scriptis. Ita Salmasius. Cod. ms. ex hominum descriptis. Fulv. Ursinus : hominum descriptis, omisso ex quod probat Stewechius. ORELL.

"From men's writings about them." So Saumaise. The manuscript: "ex hominum descriptis". Fulvio Orsini: "hominum descriptis", omitting "ex", which Stewech approves. ORELLI.

(Nullum aliquando mortalium scripsisse de Diis quidquam) ‹anchor: Nullum aliquando mortalium scripsisse› · note in col 1037, continued in col 1038 Nullum aliquando mortalium scripsisse de Diis quidquam. Et haec est editoris Lugd. Bat. correctio. Cod. ms. et editio princeps vitiosissime : nullum aliquando mortalium, nullum esse de diis quidquam. Unde Gelenius refinxit : meminisse de diis quidquam. Heraldus mavult : intimasse de diis quidquam, id est φανερῶσαι, γνωρίσαι. Sed praefero emendationem Salmasii ob sequentia : quos in animis vestris nullius scripti informaverit notio. ORELL.

"That no mortal ever wrote anything about the gods." This too is the Leiden editor's correction. The manuscript and the first edition, most corruptly: "nullum aliquando mortalium, nullum esse de diis quidquam". From which Gelenius refashioned: "remembered anything about the gods". Hérault prefers "intimasse de diis quidquam", that is, to have made known, to have disclosed. But I prefer Saumaise's emendation because of what follows: "whom the notion of no writing had formed in your minds." ORELLI.

(XIX. Homines utrique) ‹anchor: Homines utrique› · note in col 1038 XIX. — Homines utrique. Ita Meursius et editor Lugd. Bat. Gelenius : utrinque. ORELL.

XIX. — "Men on both sides." So Meursius and the Leiden editor. Gelenius: "utrinque" ("on both sides", adverb). ORELLI.

(Id libidinis et falsitatis arguere) ‹anchor: Id libidinis et falsitatis arguere› · note in col 1038 Id libidinis et falsitatis arguere. Rescribunt nonnulli (ut Meursius) : libidinosae falsitatis, quomodo supra dixit libidinosam fictionem. Nolim quidquam temere mutare. Sic igitur significat Arnobius fictionem, quae a poetarum libidine et lubentia profecta est : quia scilicet libitum iis est ea fingere et comminisci, quae postea miserunt in litteras. HERALD. — Elmenhorstius leg. censet : libidinose falsitatis arguere. ORELL.

"To charge that with caprice and falsehood." Some (as Meursius) rewrite "libidinosae falsitatis" ("with capricious falsehood"), as above he said "capricious fiction". I would not change anything rashly. So, then, Arnobius means a fiction which came from the caprice and pleasure of the poets: because, that is, it pleased them to feign and invent the things they afterwards committed to writing. HÉRAULT. — Elmenhorst thinks one should read "libidinose falsitatis arguere" ("capriciously to charge with falsehood"). ORELLI.

(Per humani generis jura) ‹anchor: Per humani generis jura› · note in col 1038 Per humani generis jura atque ipsius mortalitatis consortia. Obtestandi seu obsecrandi hic modus valde elegans : integer quidem hoc loco, alias tamen non semel interpolatus, ut ostendi in Quaestionibus Apuleianis. STEWECH. — Luculentum exemplum habemus apud Apuleium Met., lib. VI, init. Per ego te frugiferam tuam dexteram istam deprecor, per laetificas messium caerimonias, per tacita secreta cistarum, et per famulorum tuorum draconum pinnata curricula, etc., etc. miserandae Psyches animae, supplicis tuae subsiste. Ubi vide intpp. pag. 385, ed. Oudendorp. et Elmenhorst. in Ind. ORELL.

"By the rights of the human race and the fellowship of mortality itself." This way of adjuring or beseeching is very elegant: intact in this place, though elsewhere more than once interpolated, as I showed in my Apuleian Questions. STEWECH. — We have a splendid example in Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book VI, at the beginning: "I beseech you by that fruitful right hand of yours, by the gladdening ceremonies of the harvest, by the silent secrets of the caskets, and by the winged courses of the dragons your servants," etc., etc., "stand by the soul of pitiable Psyche, your suppliant." See the interpreters there, p. 385, Oudendorp's edition, and Elmenhorst in the index. ORELLI.

(Aut cum esse arbitramini vos ita) ‹anchor: Aut cum esse arbitramini vos ita› · note in col 1038 Aut cum esse arbitramini vos ita. Fulv. Ursinus mavult eos. Sed nil mutandum. Esse vos ita, hoc est, profectos ex terreni generis humilitate. ORELL. — Arbitrari collocatum hoc loco pro judicare : qua notione id crebrum in scriptis Apuleii et Plauti. STEWECH.

"Or when you judge that you are so." Fulvio Orsini prefers "eos" ("that they are"). But nothing is to be changed. "That you are so", that is, sprung from the lowliness of an earthly race. ORELLI. — "Arbitrari" is placed here for "judicare" (to judge), a sense frequent in the writings of Apuleius and Plautus. STEWECH.

(Ne offensionis aliquid apud ipsos contrahatis deos) ‹anchor: Ne offensionis aliquid apud ipsos contrahatis deos› · note in col 1038 Ne offensionis aliquid apud ipsos contrahatis deos. Lib. V : Cum unam contrahere possetis culpam. ELMENH.

"Lest you incur some offence with the gods themselves." Book V: "When you could incur a single fault." ELMENHORST.

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1039

Emissos Fulv.

"Emissos" (sent out): Fulvio Orsini.

(Beneficiis obscoenitatis) ‹anchor: Beneficiis obscoenitatis› · note in col 1039 Beneficiis obscoenitatis. Obscoenitas, hoc loco pro obscoeno virili membro. Vide Bunemann., ad Lactant. Epist., cap. 23, pag. 1240. ORELL.

"By the services of obscenity." "Obscenity" here stands for the obscene male member. See Bünemann on Lactantius's Epitome, ch. 23, p. 1240. ORELLI.

(Istius nominis) ‹anchor: Istius nominis› · note in col 1039 Istius nominis. Meursius : Numinis. ORELL.

"Of that name." Meursius: "Numinis" ("of that divinity"). ORELLI.

(Aut nativitatis expertes deos) ‹anchor: Aut nativitatis expertes deos› · note in col 1039 Aut nativitatis expertes deos, etc. Nescio quid in mentem venerit Stewechio lectionem hanc sanissimam, immo unice veram corrumpenti rescribendo e Cod. ms. expertos. Atqui expertes legendum esse patet ex oppositione mox sequente : Aut si aliquos ortus habeant. ORELL.

"Or that the gods are without birth," etc. I do not know what came into Stewech's head, corrupting this perfectly sound, indeed uniquely true, reading by writing "expertos" from the manuscript. Yet that "expertes" should be read is clear from the contrast immediately following: "Or if they have some origin." ORELLI.

(XX. Atque in conjugalia foedera) ‹anchor: Atque in conjugalia foedera› · note in col 1039 XX. — Atque in conjugalia foedera conditionibus veniunt ante quaesitis. Sic passim apud mstos et alios. Unde formula : Conditione tua non utor. Hinc apud Q. Curtium, lib. IV, cap. 5, ubi Darius filiam Alexandro offert in matrimonium, et pro dote quidquid inter Hellespontum et Euphratem jacet, Parmenio : Optimum, ait, regnum occupari posse conditione, non bello. HERALD. — Conf. G. Corte ad Plin., lib. I, epist. 10, et lib. VI, epist. XXXII, pag. 42 et 472 ed. Longolii. ORELL.

XX. — "And they come into marriage bonds on terms sought beforehand." So everywhere in the manuscripts [?] and others. Hence the formula: "I do not take up your offer of marriage." Hence in Q. Curtius, book IV, ch. 5, where Darius offers Alexander his daughter in marriage, and as dowry whatever lies between the Hellespont and the Euphrates, Parmenio says: "It is best that a kingdom can be won by a marriage-match, not by war." HÉRAULT. — Compare G. Corte on Pliny, book I, letter 10, and book VI, letter XXXII, pp. 42 and 472, Longolius's edition. ORELLI.

(Usu, farre, coemptione) ‹anchor: Usu, farre, coemptione› · note in col 1039 Usu, farre, coemptione. Haec omnia, teste Servio in Virgil. Georg., lib. I, vers. 30, ad antiquos nuptiarum ritus pertinebant. Tribus enim modis, inquit, apud veteres nuptiae fiebant : USU, si verbi gratia mulier anno cum viro, licet sine legibus, fuisset; FARRE, cum per Pontificem maximum et dialem flaminem per frugem et molam salsam conjungebantur; unde confarreatio appellabatur, ex quibus nuptiis patrimi et matrimi nascebantur : COEMPTIONE vero atque in manum conventione, cum illa in filiae locum, maritus in patris veniebat, ut, si quis prior fuisset defunctus, locum haereditatis alteri faceret. Videsis Brissonium de vet. ritu nuptiarum in Graevii Thesauro Ant. rom., tom. VIII, pag. 1016 à 1128, qui hos veteres ritus, et quod Arnobius de speratis, pactis, sponsis, et fescenninis mox addidit, explicat. NOURRIUS.

"By usage, by spelt, by purchase." All these, on Servius's witness on Virgil's Georgics, book I, verse 30, belonged to the ancient rites of marriage. "For among the ancients," he says, "marriages were made in three ways: BY USAGE, if, for instance, a woman had been with a man for a year, even without legal forms; BY SPELT, when they were joined by the Pontifex Maximus and the Flamen of Jupiter with grain and salted meal, whence it was called confarreatio, and from such marriages were born children with both parents living [patrimi et matrimi]; BY PURCHASE, and by coming into the husband's hand, when she came into the place of a daughter and the husband into that of a father, so that whichever died first left the other the place of heir." See Brisson on the ancient rite of marriage, in Graevius's Thesaurus of Roman Antiquities, vol. VIII, pp. 1016 to 1128, who explains these ancient rites, and what Arnobius soon adds about betrothed, promised and pledged brides, and the Fescennine verses. LE NOURRY.

(Genialis lectuli sacramenta condicunt) ‹anchor: Genialis lectuli sacramenta condicunt› · note in col 1039 Genialis lectuli sacramenta condicunt. Vulgo editur conducunt, quod ineptum esse vidit quoque Ursinus, similiter et Modius noster, qui mecum concurrunt. Foedera genialis lectuli Arnobius non multo inferius appellat : Foedus thori genialis Apuleius nono de Asino. Allusum autem ad formulam nuptialem, qua fides vicissim dabatur : Ubi tu Caius, ego Caia. Quae quidem formula hanc habuit originem. Uxor Tarquinii Prisci regis Romanorum, Caia Caecilia appellabatur; ejus nomen boni ominis causa post in nuptiis frequentatum, ut auctor Festus, cui adjungendus Plutarchus in Problem. De lectulo geniali post Guil. Canterum et Jos. Scaligerum adeundus Justus Lipsius in Elect. lib. I, cap. 17, et Plutarch. Problem. 2. STEWECH. — Proprie dixit sacramenta. Praedictae enim solemnitates ad foedus conjugale sanciendum et affirmandum adhibebantur. Ea igitur erant veluti mystica quaedam signa, et praeterea quasi mutuae fidei sacra vincula. HERALD.

"They agree on the sacred pledges of the marriage bed." Commonly printed "conducunt" ("they hire"), which Orsini too saw to be absurd, and likewise our Modius, who agree with me. A little lower Arnobius speaks of "the bonds of the marriage bed"; Apuleius, in the ninth book of the Ass, "the bond of the marriage couch". There is an allusion to the wedding formula by which faith was pledged in turn: "Where you are Gaius, I am Gaia." This formula had the following origin. The wife of Tarquinius Priscus, king of the Romans, was called Gaia Caecilia; her name was afterwards used often at weddings as a good omen, on Festus's authority, to whom Plutarch in the Roman Questions should be added. On the marriage bed, after Wilhelm Canter and Jos. Scaliger, consult Justus Lipsius, Electa, book I, ch. 17, and Plutarch, Roman Questions 2. STEWECH. — He properly said "sacramenta". For the aforesaid solemnities were used to sanction and confirm the marriage bond. They were therefore like certain mystic signs, and besides as it were sacred bonds of mutual faith. HÉRAULT.

(Habent speratas, habent pactas) ‹anchor: Habent speratas, habent pactas› · note in col 1040 Habent speratas, habent pactas. Nonius, pag. 439 ed. Merceri : Inter speratam et dictam et pactam et sponsam hoc interest, quod virgo prius, quam petatur, sperata dicitur. Plautus, Amphit. : Amphitryo uxorem salutat laetus speratam suam. Dehinc promissa dicta, vel pacta, vel sponsa dici potest. Virgil., (Aen., lib. II) : Cui pater et conjux quondam tua dicta relinquor. Et idem in alio loco (Aen. X, 79 : Et gremiis abducere pactas. Titinius Quinto : Qui exacta aetate sponsa sit desponsa. Conf. Juret. ad Symmach., lib. IX, epist. 40, p. 216, ed. Lectii. Pacta dicebatur veteribus puella, quando de nuptiis certa conditione convenerat; ubi vero stipulationes interpositae solemnes et sponsalia essent celebrata, tum sponsa audiebat. Vid. Reusch., ad Juvenc. Hist. Evangel., lib. I, vers. 139, pag. 34. ORELL.

"They have hoped-for brides, they have promised brides." Nonius, p. 439, Mercier's edition: "Between 'sperata', 'dicta', 'pacta' and 'sponsa' there is this difference: a maiden is called 'sperata' (hoped-for) before she is asked for. Plautus, Amphitryo: 'Amphitryo gladly greets his hoped-for wife.' After that, once promised, she can be called 'dicta' or 'pacta' or 'sponsa'. Virgil (Aeneid, book II): 'To whom I, once called yours, am left, both father and spouse.' And the same elsewhere (Aeneid X, 79): 'And to carry promised brides from their parents' laps.' Titinius in the Quintus: 'Who, at full age, has been betrothed as a bride.'" Compare Juret on Symmachus, book IX, letter 40, p. 216, Lect's edition. Among the ancients a girl was called "pacta" when agreement about the marriage had been reached on fixed terms; but once the solemn stipulations had been made and the betrothal celebrated, then she was called "sponsa". See Reusch on Juvencus, Gospel History, book I, verse 139, p. 34. ORELLI.

(Habent interpositis stipulationibus sponsas) ‹anchor: Habent interpositis stipulationibus sponsas› · note in col 1040 Habent interpositis stipulationibus sponsas. Plautus in Curculione : Spondesne, miles, mihi hanc uxorem? M. Spondeo. in Trinummo (Act. II, Scen. IV) : Sine dote posco tuam sororem filio, / Quae res bene vortat. Habeone pactam? Quid taces? / S. Proh Dii immortales! conditionem quojusmodi? / Ph. Quin fabulare, Dii bene vortant, Spondeo. Postea : Nunc tuam sororem filio posco meo, / Quae res bene vortat. Quid? nunc etiam consulis? / L. Quid isthuc? Quando ita vis, Di bene vortant, spondeo. Habes hic plenam stipulationem, et interposita stipulatione sponsionem. HERALD.

"They have brides pledged with stipulations made." Plautus in the Curculio: "Do you pledge me this woman as wife, soldier? — I pledge." In the Trinummus (act II, scene IV): "I ask your sister for my son without a dowry; may it turn out well. Do I have her promised? Why are you silent? — Ye immortal gods! What a match! — Come, speak: may the gods prosper it. — I pledge." Afterwards: "Now I ask your sister for my son; may it turn out well. What? still deliberating? — What's that? Since you will have it so, may the gods prosper it: I pledge." Here you have a full stipulation, and, the stipulation being made, the pledge. HÉRAULT.

(Et quod participes fescenninorum non essent) ‹anchor: Et quod participes fescenninorum non essent› · note in col 1040 Et quod participes fescenninorum non essent. Fescennini versus a pueris cantari solebant, erantque verba turpia, seu omni lascivia et obscoenitate plena, unde ῥήματα αἰσχρὰ καὶ ἀσχημοσύνη γέμοντα dicuntur illa jocularia dicta Chrysostomo. Dicti sunt vero fescennini aut a Fescennio, Etruriae oppido, vel a fascino. PRIOR. — Lucanus II, 368 : Non soliti lusere sales, nec more Sabino / Excepit tristis convicia festa maritus. HERALD.

"And because they would have no share in the Fescennine verses." Fescennine verses were usually sung by boys, and were foul words, full of every lewdness and obscenity; hence those jesting sayings are called by Chrysostom "shameful words, full of indecency" [the Greek printed ἀσχημοσύνη, as set]. They were called Fescennine either from Fescennium, a town of Etruria, or from "fascinum". PRIEUR. — Lucan II, 368: "The customary jests did not play, nor did the gloomy husband receive in Sabine fashion the festive abuse." HÉRAULT.

(Perturbasse discordiis omnia) ‹anchor: Perturbasse discordiis omnia› · note in col 1040 Perturbasse discordiis omnia, etc. Alludit Arnobius ad famosissimum illud aureum malum Eridis indeque exortam contentionem inter Junonem, Minervam et Venerem Trojanis funestam. ORELL.

"To have thrown everything into confusion with discord," etc. Arnobius alludes to that most famous golden apple of Eris, and the contest it gave rise to between Juno, Minerva and Venus, fatal to the Trojans. ORELLI.

(Et in humanum in posterum genus?) ‹anchor: Et in humanum in posterum genus?› · note in col 1040 Et in humanum in posterum genus? etc. Annon legendum : Et inhumana in posterum genus. ORELL.

"And against the human race for the future?" etc. Should one not read: "And inhuman things against the race for the future"? ORELLI.

(Sevisse) ‹anchor: Sevisse› · note in col 1040 Sevisse. Ita Meursius et reliqui eum sequentes, rectissime. Antea edebatur saevisse. ORELL.

"To have sown." So Meursius and the rest who follow him, most rightly. Before, "saevisse" ("to have raged") was printed. ORELLI.

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(a) ‹anchor: dissolverentur› · call in col 1041

Dissolverent Sab.

"Dissolverent" (they would dissolve): Sabaeus.

(XXI. Pater deorum et hominum) ‹anchor: Pater deorum et hominum› · note in col 1041 XXI. — Pater deorum et hominum. Cicero de Natura deor., II, cap. 25 : Sed ipse Jupiter, id est juvans pater, quem conversis casibus appellamus a juvando Jovem, a poetis pater divumque hominumque dicitur. ELMENH. — Hic autem loquendi modus ex Homero sumptus est, apud quem Jupiter passim vocatur πατὴρ ἀνδρῶν τε θεῶν τε. Vide Dion. Chrysost., orat. XII et LIII; Jamblich., Vit. Pythag., § 39; Philostrat., Vit. Apollon., lib. IV, § 30. DAVIS ad Cic. de Nat. deor., II, c. 2, p. 112. ORELL.

XXI. — "Father of gods and men." Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods II, ch. 25: "But Jupiter himself, that is, the helping father (juvans pater), whom, in the oblique cases, we call Jove from helping, is called by the poets father of gods and men." ELMENHORST. — This way of speaking is taken from Homer, in whom Jupiter is everywhere called "father of men and gods". See Dio Chrysostom, Orations XII and LIII; Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, § 39; Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, book IV, § 30. DAVIS on Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods II, ch. 2, p. 112. ORELLI.

(Supercilio et nutu totum motans et tremefaciens coelum) ‹anchor: Supercilio et nutu totum motans› · note in col 1041 Supercilio et nutu totum motans et tremefaciens coelum. Et hoc ex Homero sumptum Illiad., A, 528, seq. Conf. Davis, ad Cic. de Nat. deor., II, 2. ORELL.

"Moving and making the whole sky tremble with his brow and nod." This too is taken from Homer, Iliad A, 528 f. Compare Davis on Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods II, 2. ORELLI.

(Et ex alieni uberis alimonia) ‹anchor: Et ex alieni uberis alimonia› · note in col 1041 Et ex alieni uberis alimonia mox traditam retinuisse vitam. Varro apud Nonium : Habens antepositam alimoniam, sedens altus alieno sumptu. Lactantius quoque scriptor disertissimus hac voce usus est. Inst., l. VII, cap. 4 : Mundus igitur a Deo factus est, non utique propter ipsum mundum : neque enim aut calore solis, aut lunae lumine, aut aspiratione ventorum, aut humore imbrium, aut alimonia frugum, cum sensu careat, indiget. Et cap. V : Ut ubertate frugum et herbarum viventium pro natura et usu cuique generi alimoniam administraret. HERALD. — Vide Bunemann. ad Lactant., l. I., qui rariorem vocem alimonia pluribus exemplis illustrat pag. 874 : Alieni uberis, id est, non materni. Respicit scil. ad capram Amaltheam, quae Jovem lacte suo nutrivit. ORELL.

"And kept the life just given him by nourishment from another's breast." Varro in Nonius: "Having his nourishment set before him, sitting well fed at another's expense." Lactantius too, a most eloquent writer, used this word, Institutes, book VII, ch. 4: "The world, then, was made by God, but certainly not for the sake of the world itself: for, lacking sense, it needs neither the heat of the sun, nor the light of the moon, nor the breath of the winds, nor the moisture of the rains, nor the nourishment of crops." And ch. V: "That by the abundance of crops and herbs he might supply nourishment to each kind of living thing according to its nature and use." HÉRAULT. — See Bünemann on Lactantius, book I, who illustrates the rarer word "alimonia" with many examples, p. 874. "Of another's breast", that is, not his mother's. He refers, that is, to the goat Amalthea, who nursed Jupiter with her milk. ORELLI.

(Tonans, fulgurans et fulminans) ‹anchor: Tonans, fulgurans et fulminans› · note in col 1041 Tonans, fulgurans et fulminans et nubila terribilia conducens. Βροντητής, ἀστεροπητής, ἀστράπτης, νεφεληγερέτης. Apuleius, de Mundo : Jupiter dicitur et fulgurator et tonitrualis et fulminator. HERALD. et ELMENH. — Fulgurans, quod habet ed. Lugd. Bat,, est e correctione Stewechii. Antea legebatur : fulgens. ORELL.

"Thundering, lightening and hurling the bolt, and gathering the terrible clouds." Thunderer, lightener, flasher, cloud-gatherer. Apuleius, On the World: "Jupiter is called both lightener and thunderer and hurler of bolts." HÉRAULT and ELMENHORST. — "Fulgurans", which the Leiden edition has, is from Stewech's correction. Before, it read "fulgens" ("shining"). ORELLI.

(Ut fletum exponeret ineptissime tractum) ‹anchor: Ut fletum exponeret ineptissime tractum› · note in col 1041, continued in col 1042 Ut fletum exponeret ineptissime tractum. Exponeret, quod habet cod ms., primus Arnobio reddidit Th. Canterus, sequente editore Lugd. Bat. Alii : poneret. Sed exponere apud illius aevi scriptores haud infrequens pro deponere. Vide Salmasium ad Tertullian., de Pallio, pag. 352, et Semler., Ind. Latinitatis in Tertullian. Sic toga exponitur, et in Fragmentis Hilarii exponere episcopos pro deponere, et ipse Arnobius infra cap. 26 : Nomen virginitatis exponere. Pro ineptissime tractum Stewechius legendum existimat : ineptissime jactatus, vel potius : ineptissime tactus, nimirum a matribus vel nutricibus, ut placent somnumque inducant; quo alludit Plautus Amphytrione : Quod si ego illum tractim tangam, ut dormiat. Burmannus, in Addendis ad Claudian., pag. 1019, legendum suspicatur : Ineptissime fractum, quod autem cum sequentibus verbis : vocibus infractis, ingratam efficeret repetitionem. Neque etiam frangi dici potest fletus infantis, qui idem semper est et unius fere soni. Et omnino nihil mutandum : tractus fletus scilicet est i. q. protractus, continuatus. Ita tracta et fusa oratio ap. Ciceronem, de Orat. II, § 159, opponitur contortae et acri. ORELL.

"To put away his crying, most absurdly drawn out." "Exponeret", which the manuscript has, Th. Canter first restored to Arnobius, followed by the Leiden editor. Others: "poneret". But "exponere" for "deponere" (to put away) is not uncommon among the writers of that age. See Saumaise on Tertullian, On the Pallium, p. 352, and Semler's index of Latinity in Tertullian. So "the toga is put off" ("exponitur"); and in the Fragments of Hilary "exponere episcopos" for "to depose bishops"; and Arnobius himself below, ch. 26: "to put off the name of virginity". For "ineptissime tractum" Stewech thinks one should read "ineptissime jactatus" ("most absurdly tossed"), or rather "ineptissime tactus" ("most absurdly patted"), that is, by mothers or nurses, to soothe him and bring on sleep; to which Plautus alludes in the Amphitryo: "But if I stroke him lingeringly, so that he sleeps." Burmann, in the Addenda to Claudian, p. 1019, suspects one should read "ineptissime fractum" ("most absurdly broken"); but this, with the following words "vocibus infractis" ("with broken words"), would make an unpleasant repetition. Nor can an infant's crying be said to be broken, since it is always the same and of almost a single sound. And nothing at all should be changed: "tractus fletus" is the same as protracted, continued. So in Cicero, On the Orator II, § 159, "tracta et fusa oratio" (drawn-out and flowing speech) is opposed to speech that is compressed and sharp. ORELLI.

(Et vocibus delinitus infractis) ‹anchor: Et vocibus delinitus infractis› · note in col 1042 Et vocibus delinitus infractis. Habet a Lucretio, V, 231 : Almae nutricis blanda atque infracta loquela. Nempe cum balbutientibus pusionibus blandulae nutrices ita balbutiunt. Nam infracta proprie parvulorum loquela. Minucius Felix, cap. 2 : Et quod est in liberis amabilius, adhuc annis innocentibus, et adhuc dimidiata verba tentantibus, loquelam ipso offensantis linguae fragmine dulciorem. B. Hieronymus ad Salvinam, de servanda viduitate : Garrula atque balbutiens linguae offensione sit dulcior. HERALD. — Sic etiam κεκλασμένην μουσικὴν appellat Philo in libro de Agricultura musicam theatralem infractam scil. ac molliorem, et masculis auribus indignam (Idem, ad Minucii l. I., pag. 11, ed. Gronov.

"And soothed with broken words." He has it from Lucretius V, 231: "The coaxing and broken speech of the kindly nurse." That is, when coaxing nurses babble so with babbling little boys. For "infracta" is properly the speech of little children. Minucius Felix, ch. 2: "And what is more lovable in children, at the still innocent age and still trying half-words, a speech sweeter for the very breaking of the stumbling tongue." Blessed Jerome to Salvina, on keeping widowhood: "Chattering and babbling, let it be sweeter for the stumbling of the tongue." HÉRAULT. — So too Philo, in the book On Agriculture, calls theatrical music "broken music" (keklasmenē mousikē), that is, enfeebled and rather soft, and unworthy of manly ears (the same, on Minucius, in the place cited, p. 11, Gronovius's edition). [The closing parenthesis is not printed.]

(Genitur) ‹anchor: Genitur› · note in col 1042 Genitur. Ita ms. Vide supra ad lib. II, cap. 43. Utitur hoc verbo Lucretius, lib. III, vers. 798 : Totum posse extra corpus durare genique. Varro, de Re rust., lib. I, cap. 40 : Primum semen, quod est principium genendi, id duplex. Item, lib. II, cap. 6 : Quod similes parentum genuntur, etc.; et Censorinus, cap. 3 : Hic, sive quod, ut genamur, curet, sive quod una genitur nobiscum, sive etiam quod nos genitos suscipit ac tuetur, certe a genendo Genius appellatur : quae loca citavit Meursius in Appendice. Alii : gignitur. ORELL.

"Is begotten" (genitur). So the manuscript. See above on book II, ch. 43. Lucretius uses this verb, book III, verse 798: "That the whole could last outside the body and be begotten." Varro, On Agriculture, book I, ch. 40: "The first seed, which is the beginning of begetting, is twofold." Likewise book II, ch. 6: "That they are begotten like their parents," etc.; and Censorinus, ch. 3: "He is called Genius from begetting, certainly, whether because he takes care that we are begotten, or because he is begotten together with us, or because he receives and protects us once begotten": passages Meursius cited in the Appendix. Others: "gignitur". ORELLI.

(XXII. Hos coetus) ‹anchor: Hos coetus› · note in col 1042 XXII. — Hos coetus. Et haec palmaria correctio libri manuscripti pro coitus, ut antea legebatur. Coetum pro coitu tribus ad minimum vicibus Arnobio reddemus, praeeunte libro vetusto; et praeter Lucretium, cujus phrasin hic scriptor unice adamasse videtur, ipsum quoque Ciceronem perinde locutum infra ostendetur. STEWECH.

XXII. — "These unions" (coetus). This too is a prize correction from the manuscript book, instead of "coitus", as was read before. We shall restore "coetus" for "coitus" to Arnobius at least three times, with the old book leading the way; and it will be shown below that, besides Lucretius, whose phrasing this writer seems to have loved above all, Cicero himself also spoke in the same way. STEWECH.

(Procreasse, quam ipse est natus atque editus, praedicatis) ‹anchor: Procreasse, quam ipse est natus atque editus› · note in col 1042 Procreasse, quam ipse est natus atque editus, praedicatis. Et hanc verissimam codicis ms. lectionem Arnobio restituit Stewechius, sequente editore Lugd. Bat. Alii, etiam recentissimus editor Oberthür., ex interpolatione Gelenii : Procreasse, natum atque editum, praedicatis, Alii : Procreasse, quem natum atque editum praedicatis. Male utrumque. ORELL.

"You declare that he begot [her] whom he himself was born and brought forth" [construction as printed]. This most true manuscript reading too Stewech restored to Arnobius, followed by the Leiden editor. Others, including the most recent editor Oberthür, from Gelenius's interpolation: "You declare that he begot, born and brought forth." Others: "That he begot, whom you declare born and brought forth." Both wrongly. ORELLI.

(Arquitenens) ‹anchor: Arquitenens› · note in col 1042 Arquitenens. Ita supra, lib. II, cap. 25 : Arquata tellula, ubi vide notam Heraldi. ORELL.

"Bow-bearing." So above, book II, ch. 25: "the curved little earth"; see Hérault's note there. ORELLI.

(Silvarum agitatrix Diana) ‹anchor: Silvarum agitatrix Diana› · note in col 1042 (continues) Silvarum agitatrix Diana. Stewechius mavult (continues)

"Diana, huntress of the woods." Stewech prefers … (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: silvarum agitatrix› · note in col 1043

(continued) silvarum habitatrix. Sed vulgatam lectionem, quae e Cod. ms. fluxit, bene defendit Burmannus, ad Ovid. Met. v, vers. 605, vol. ii, p. 371. Notissima locutio agitare feras de venatoribus. Hinc Arnobius audaciore metaphora dixit Dianam silvarum agitatricem, hoc est venatricem, quae feras in silvis agitat. ORELL.

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(2) ‹anchor: Et eodem Castores, graece Dioscuris nomen est› · note in col 1043

Et eodem Castores, graece Dioscuris nomen est. Editio Gelenii: Ex eodem quibus graece Dioscuris nomen est. In romano codice abest quibus, et ejus loco lacuna est, quam tamen ut suppleamus, non videtur nobis legendum quibus, sed potius Castores. Antiquitus enim dicebantur Castores, Castor et Pollux, et illi graece Διόσκουροι dicuntur. Sic noster libro i, cap. 36: Tyndaridae Castores, et hoc eodem libro cap. 15: Tria genera Castorum. Minucius in Octavio, cap. 21: Castores alternis moriuntur, ut vivant, TH. CANTERUS. Conf. Turneb. Adversar., lib. xv, cap. 21, p. 467. Canteri emendationem in textum recepit Salmasius, rectissime. ORELL.

"And from the same, the Castores, whose name in Greek is Dioscuri." Gelenius's edition: "From the same, those whose name in Greek is Dioscuri." In the Roman codex "quibus" is missing, and in its place there is a gap; yet to fill it, we think one should read not "quibus" but rather "Castores." For in antiquity Castor and Pollux were called "the Castores," and in Greek they are called Dioskouroi. So our author in book i, ch. 36: "the Tyndarid Castores," and in this same book, ch. 15: "three kinds of Castores." Minucius in the Octavius, ch. 21: "The Castores die by turns, that they may live." TH. CANTER. Compare Turnebus, Adversaria, book xv, ch. 21, p. 467. Salmasius took Canter's emendation into the text, most rightly. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: Qui et Bromius dicitur› · note in col 1043

Qui et Bromius dicitur. Ovidius, Met., iv, 11 seqq.: Thuraque dant Bacchumque vocant Bromiumque Lyaeumque / Ignigenamque, satumque iterum, solumque Bimatrem. ELMENH.—Βρόμιος, ἀπὸ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν γένεσιν αὐτοῦ γενομένου βρόμου, ut ait Diodorus Siculus, lib. iii, p. 149, et ap. Euseb., lib. ii Praeparat. Evang., c. 2, p. 54. NOURR., p. 394.

"Who is also called Bromius." Ovid, Metamorphoses iv, 11 ff.: "They offer incense and call on Bacchus, Bromius and Lyaeus, / the fire-born, the twice-begotten, the only one with two mothers." ELMENHORST.—Bromios, "from the roar (bromos) that took place at his birth," as Diodorus Siculus says, book iii, p. 149, and in Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica book ii, ch. 2, p. 54. LE NOURRY, p. 394.

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(4) ‹anchor: Ex femine› · note in col 1043

Ex femine. Ita Meursius in Append., et Stewechius ex msto. pro ex semine, quod antea legabatur. ORELL.

"From the thigh." So Meursius in the Appendix, and Stewech from the manuscript, for "from the seed," which was read before. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Gestator affabilium colubrarum› · note in col 1043

Gestator affabilium colubrarum. Affabiles colubrae, hoc est, cicures, mites, innoxiae. ORELL.

"Bearer of affable snakes." Affable snakes, that is, tame, gentle, harmless. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Et in foemineos appetitus … fervore› · note in col 1043

Et in foemineos appetitus inflammati pectoris incaluisse fervore. Infra cap. 26. Quid de illis amoribus dicam, quibus in foeminas sanctos incaluisse coelestes, vestris proditum litteris atque auctoribus continetur. Ovid. iii, Tristium: Hospitis igne duas incaluisse deas. Horatius iv, Od. xi, 32: Non ego posthac alia calebo / Foemina. ELMENH.

"And grew hot with the fever of an inflamed breast for women's desires." Below, ch. 26: "What shall I say of those loves by which, as your writings and authors record, the holy heavenly ones grew hot for women?" Ovid, Tristia iii: "That two goddesses grew hot with fire for a guest." Horace, Odes iv, xi, 32: "Hereafter I shall burn for no other woman." ELMENHORST.

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(7) ‹anchor: Cum nobilitas eam commendaret tanta, facies, oris dignitas› · note in col 1043

Cum nobilitas eam commendaret tanta, facies, oris dignitas. Sagax quidem, sed non necessaria est Stewechii conjectura: cum nobilitas eam commendaret, lauta facies, non magis quam Meursii: cum nobilitas eam commendaret tanta faciei. Pro oris dignitas Cod. ms. habet: os, dignitas, non male. ORELL.

"Since such noble birth commended her, her face, the dignity of her countenance." Stewech's conjecture, "since noble birth commended her, a splendid face," is shrewd but not necessary, any more than Meursius's, "since such nobility of face commended her." For "the dignity of her countenance" the manuscript has "her countenance, her dignity," not badly. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹anchor: Ulnarum nivei marmoreique candores› · note in col 1043

Ulnarum nivei marmoreique candores. Λευκώλενος Ἥρη. Expressit igitur Homericum epithetum. HERALD.

"The snowy and marble whiteness of her arms." "White-armed Hera." So he rendered the Homeric epithet. HÉRAULT.

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(9) ‹anchor: Uxore contentus haud una› · note in col 1043

Uxore contentus haud una. Quintilian., Declam. xiv: Meretrice una fui semper eademque contentus. Petronius: Contentus vidua pudicaque nocti. ELMENH.—Eodem sensu ἀγαπᾶν apud Graecos. ORELL.

"Not content with one wife." Quintilian, Declamation xiv: "I was always content with one and the same harlot." Petronius: "Content with a widowed and chaste night." ELMENHORST.—The Greeks use agapan ("to be content with") in the same sense. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹anchor: Amiculis› · note in col 1043, running into col 1044

Amiculis. Sic Graeci ἐρωμένας dicunt, easque ab uxore legitima separant. Plutarchus in Antonio: Ὀκταβίαν μὲν γὰρ πραγμάτων ἕνεκα διὰ τὸν ἀδελφὸν συνελθεῖν καὶ τὸ τῆς γαμετῆς ὄνομα καρποῦσθαι· Κλεοπάτραν δὲ τοσούτων ἀνθρώπων βασιλεύουσαν ἐρωμένην Ἀντωνίου καλεῖσθαι. Sic Diogenes Laertius Lamiam Demetrii Phalerei ἐρωμένην fuisse ait, id est amicam et concubinam; Cononis autem sororem, uxorem. HERALD.

"With his lady-friends." So the Greeks say erōmenai ("beloved women"), and distinguish them from the lawful wife. Plutarch in the Antony: "Octavia had joined him for political reasons, for her brother's sake, and enjoyed the name of wife; but Cleopatra, queen over so many peoples, was called Antony's beloved." So Diogenes Laertius says Lamia was Demetrius of Phalerum's erōmenē, that is, his lady-friend and concubine, but Conon's sister his wife. HÉRAULT.

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(11) ‹anchor: Impatientiam suam spargebat passim› · note in col 1044

Impatientiam suam spargebat passim. Apuleius Met. ii, p. 171. Impatientiam Veneris Fotidi meae monstrans. ELMENH.— Impatientiam scil. appellat inhonestam libidinis lentiginem, quam significationem pluribus exemplis explicat idem Elmenhorstius Indice in Apuleium h. v., et qui de hac voce multus est, J. Fr. Gronovius Obss. lib. iv, cap 25, p. 817, ed Platueri. ORELL.

"He scattered his impatience everywhere." Apuleius, Metamorphoses ii, p. 171: "Showing my Fotis my impatience for love." ELMENHORST.—By "impatience," that is, he means the shameful itch of lust; Elmenhorst likewise explains this meaning with several examples in his Index to Apuleius under this word, as does J. Fr. Gronovius, who has much to say on the word, Observationes book iv, ch. 25, p. 817, Platner's edition. ORELLI.

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(12) ‹anchor: Ut babecali adolescentes solent› · note in col 1044

Ut babecali adolescentes solent. Lectionem hanc unice veram e cod. msto primus Arnobio reddidit Salmasius. Occurrit idem vocabulum etiam in Petronii Satyrico, cap. 37, fin: Ad summam quemvis ex istis babaecalis in rutae folium conjiciet, ubi autem diversimode editur, ab aliis babacelis, ab aliis babaeculis. Si babacelis legamus, videtur derivandum a graeco βαίκηλος seu βάκηλος, inde per reduplicationem βαβαίκηλος, ut ex βάζειν βαβάζειν. Βάκηλος vero dicitur homo magnae staturae, sed excors vel effoeminatus. Sed praefero babecalis, compositum ex βαβαὶ et καλοί. Et ita apud nostrum legendum, ut sit sensus: belli (si diis placet) adolescentes. Dictum scil. per ironiam: unsere schonen, feinen jungen Herren. Quod vocabulum non intelligentes alii interpretes perperam mutarunt nostrum locum, v. c. Gelenius edens: ut bacchari adolescentes solent, quam lectionem tuetur multisque astruit exemplis Heraldus. Bacchari scil. cum lascivia quadam et petulantia vagari, et lasciviam suam spargere, proterve vagari ac discurrere, et quasi vitulari: quo sensu occurrit apud Lucretium, libro v, 821 seq: Animal prope certo tempore fudit / Omne quod in magnis bacchatur montibu' passim. et Lampridium in Commodo: in palatio per convivia et balneas bacchabatur. Meursius legendum conjicit: ut vagari adolescentes solent, eodem sensu, probante Rigaltio ad Artemidor., Oneirocrit., lib. ii, cap. 53, p. 97, ed. Reiff. Sed praestat Codicis scriptura babecali eo sensu, quo diximus. ORELL.

"As young dandies (babecali) are wont." Salmasius was the first to restore to Arnobius this reading, the only true one, from the manuscript. The same word occurs also in Petronius's Satyricon, end of ch. 37: "In short, she will knock any of those dandies into a cocked hat," where, however, it is printed variously, by some "babacelis," by others "babaeculis." If we read "babacelis," it seems to derive from the Greek baikēlos or bakēlos, and thence by reduplication babaikēlos, as babazein from bazein. A bakēlos is a man of great stature but witless or effeminate. But I prefer "babecalis," compounded of babai and kaloi ("oh, the beauties"). And so it should be read in our author, the sense being: "pretty young men (if you please)." It is said, that is, ironically: "our fine, elegant young gentlemen." Not understanding this word, other editors wrongly altered our passage, e.g. Gelenius, printing "as young men are wont to revel (bacchari)," a reading Hérault defends and supports with many examples. "Bacchari," that is, to roam about with a certain wantonness and petulance, and to scatter one's lust, to roam and run about wantonly, and as it were to frisk like a calf: in which sense it occurs in Lucretius, book v, 821 f.: "She brought forth almost at a fixed time every animal that revels everywhere over the great mountains," and in Lampridius's Commodus: "he revelled in the palace through banquets and baths." Meursius conjectures one should read "as young men are wont to roam," in the same sense, with the approval of Rigault on Artemidorus, Oneirocritica book ii, ch. 53, p. 97, Reiff's edition. But the manuscript's reading "babecali" is preferable, in the sense we have stated. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹anchor: Ex infinitis corporibus› · note in col 1044

Ex infinitis corporibus. Salmasius reposuit: ex finitis, hoc est e mortalibus. Sed nil mutandum. Ex infinitis dictum pro ex innumeris. Meursius conjicit: ex infinitis initis corporibus, haud male. V. initis (idem quod stupratis) facillime absorberi poterat ab extremis litteris praecedentis vocabuli. ORELL.

"From countless bodies." Salmasius substituted "from finite ones," that is, from mortals. But nothing should be changed. "From infinite" is said for "from innumerable." Meursius conjectures "from countless bodies entered," not badly. The word "initis" (the same as "debauched") could very easily have been swallowed by the last letters of the preceding word. ORELLI.

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(14) ‹anchor: XXIII. — Adulteria tamen legibus vindicant, et capitalibus afficiunt eos poenis› · note in col 1044

XXIII. — Adulteria tamen legibus vindicant, et capitalibus afficiunt eos poenis. Adulterium hic capitale facit, quomodo et auctor Queroli pag. 11, Ammianus Marcellin., Hist., lib. xxviii, pag. 397, et Theodoretus, sermone iii, contra Graecos, pag. 45.

XXIII. "Yet they punish adulteries by law, and inflict capital penalties on those (whom they catch in another's bed)." Here he makes adultery a capital crime, as do the author of the Querolus, p. 11, Ammianus Marcellinus, History book xxviii, p. 397, and Theodoret, discourse iii against the Greeks, p. 45.

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1045

Flictatur ms.

The manuscript has "flictatur."

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(1) ‹anchor: XXIII. — Adulteria tamen legibus vindicant (from p. 524)› · note in col 1045

(continued) Romae morte punitum non est, sed relegatione. Tiberius imperator primus poenam auxit: viris videlicet deportationem, foeminis deportationem et publicationem bonorum. Primus Constantinus Magnus adulterii crimen capitis poena vindicavit, sacrilegosque nuptiarum temeratores gladio punivit. Vide Cujac., lib. vi Observatt., cap. 11; Brissonius, ad legem Jul. de adulteriis, pag. 91; Theodorus Marcilius ad Institut. Justinian., pag. 755. ELMENH. — At cum vilibus foeminis et publicanis meretricibus consuetudo fuit impunita: cujus rei ratio est, quod neminem proprie laedi existimarent. Plautus, in Curculione: Nemo heic prohibet, nec vetat, / Quin quod palam est venale, si argentum est, emas. / Nemo ire quemquam publica prohibet via, / Dum ne per fundum septum faciat semitam. / Dum te abstineas nupta, vidua, virgine, / Juventute, pueris liberis, ama quod lubet. Ergo, modo corporibus alienis et liberis abstinerent, libidinem suam passim effundere poterant sine ullo infamiae metu. Quare Sossiani, qui ancillas compresserat, opinionem gravatam potius, quam infamia afflictam, Diocletianus et Maximianus Impp. rescripserunt. Quam igitur caeca sit prudentia humana, vel hinc manifestum. HERALD.

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(2) ‹anchor: Genialis lectuli expugnatione› · note in col 1045

Genialis lectuli expugnatione. B. Cyprianus: Ille matrimonii expugnator alieni. Zeno Veronensis, sermone de Patientia: Verum tamen in ipso fructu suo, quo expugnati pudoris alieni labe gaudere consuevit, semper infelix est. Nec temere genialis lectuli dixit. Sic enim violari significat et ipsum γαμήλιον θεόν. Apuleius Miles. II. Et a nexu quidem Venereo hospitis tuae tempera, et probi Milonis genialem torum religiosus suspice. HERALD.

"By storming the marriage bed." Blessed Cyprian: "That stormer of another's marriage." Zeno of Verona, in the sermon on Patience: "Yet even in his very enjoyment, in which he is wont to rejoice at the stain of another's chastity taken by storm, he is always unhappy." Nor did he say "marriage bed" idly. For so he means that the very god of marriage is violated. Apuleius, Milesian Tales II: "And refrain from amorous embrace with your hostess, and look with reverence on the marriage bed of honest Milo." HÉRAULT.

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(3) ‹anchor: Subsessoris et adulteri persona› · note in col 1045

Subsessoris et adulteri persona. Subsessores sunt insidiantes mulieribus ad committendum adulterium. Valerius Max., lib. ii, cap. 1, § 5: Nulli enim tunc subsessorum alienorum matrimoniorum oculi metuebantur. Ubi vide intpp. et Taubmann., ad Virgil., Aen. xi, pag. 974. ORELL.

"The part of a lurker and adulterer." Lurkers are men who lie in wait for women to commit adultery. Valerius Maximus, book ii, ch. 1, § 5: "For in those days no one feared the eyes of men lurking after other men's marriages." See the commentators there, and Taubmann on Virgil, Aeneid xi, p. 974. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: Notae cujus› · note in col 1045

Notae cujus. Glossae: Nota, ψόγος, σπῖλος. Papias: Nota, peccatum, dedecus, macula. Nonius: Nota dicitur probrum. Lucilius, lib. xxx: Quem scis scire tuas omnes maculasque, notasque. ELMENH.

"Of any brand of disgrace." The Glossaries: "Nota: blame, stain." Papias: "Nota: sin, disgrace, blemish." Nonius: "Nota means a shameful act." Lucilius, book xxx: "Whom you know to know all your blemishes and brands of disgrace." ELMENHORST.

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(5) ‹anchor: Amissis› · note in col 1045

Amissis. Ita Meursius et Salmasius optime pro amissi. ORELL.

"Having been lost." So Meursius and Salmasius, excellently, for "amissi." ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Maletractatio› · note in col 1045, running into col 1046

Maletractatio. Infra lib. v: Immunes tamen a deorum maletractatione nec sic estis. HERALD.—Conf. Turneb., Adversar., lib. xi, cap. 20, et Pontan., ad Macrob., Satur. v, cap. 17, pag. 543, ed. Zeun. ORELL.

"Ill-treatment." Below, book v: "Yet not even so are you free from ill-treatment of the gods." HÉRAULT.—Compare Turnebus, Adversaria book xi, ch. 20, and Pontanus on Macrobius, Saturnalia v, ch. 17, p. 543, Zeune's edition. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹anchor: Quod flectere oculos possit in se Jovis› · note in col 1046

Quod flectere oculos possit in se Jovis. Sic egregie locum restituit Meursius. Antea legebatur: quod flectere oculos possit inde Jovis. ORELL.

"That she could turn Jupiter's eyes upon herself." So Meursius excellently restored the passage. Before, it read: "that she could turn Jupiter's eyes from there." ORELLI.

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(8) ‹anchor: O egregia merces culpae› · note in col 1046

O egregia merces culpae. Quod in membranis esset: o gra merces, arbitrabar legi posse: o grandis merces. Ita grandis pecunia ap. Plautum. Vide Commentarios Vegetianos (ad lib. iii, cap. 7, pag. 289, ed. Vesal.) STEWECH.

"O splendid reward of guilt." Since the parchment had "o gra merces," I thought it could be read "o grandis merces" ("O great reward"). So "grandis pecunia" in Plautus. See my Commentaries on Vegetius (on book iii, ch. 7, p. 289, Wesel edition). STEWECH.

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(9) ‹anchor: XXIV. — Veritatem propriam intueri› · note in col 1046

XXIV. — Veritatem propriam intueri. Mire placet Stewechii conjectura: veritatem promptam; id est apertam, cunctorum expositam oculis. Vide supra ad lib. ii, cap. 57. ORELL.

XXIV. "To behold the truth itself." Stewech's conjecture "the ready truth," that is, open, exposed to the eyes of all, pleases me wonderfully. See above on book ii, ch. 57. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹anchor: Labores generis humani› · note in col 1046

Labores generis humani. Labores hoc loco pro calamitatibus, incommodis, ut saepissime. ORELL.

"The labours of the human race." "Labours" here for calamities, misfortunes, as very often. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹anchor: Ex ovis esse progenitos quosdam deos› · note in col 1046

Ex ovis esse progenitos quosdam deos. Ita verissime restituit ed. Lugd. Bat. Antea legebatur: ex Jove esse progenitos. Alludit autem Arnobius vel ad Castores, vel potius ad deos Syros, quos ovorum progeniem dixit supra lib. i, cap. 36. ORELL.

"That certain gods were born from eggs." So the Leiden edition restored it, most truly. Before, it read "were born from Jupiter." Arnobius alludes either to the Castores or, rather, to the Syrian gods, whom he called "the offspring of eggs" above, book i, ch. 36. ORELLI.

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(12) ‹anchor: Cythereae Veneris concretum coaluisse candorem› · note in col 1046

Cythereae Veneris concretum coaluisse candorem. Macrobius, i. sat., cap. 8. Hanc (Saturnum) aiunt abscidisse Coeli patris pudenda, quibus in mare dejectis Venerem procreatam; quae a spuma, unde coaluit, Aphrodite nomen accepit. Ubi vide Pontan. ORELL.

"That the whiteness of Cytherean Venus grew together and took form." Macrobius, Saturnalia i, ch. 8: "They say that he (Saturn) cut off the private parts of his father Caelus, and that when these were thrown into the sea Venus was born; who took the name Aphrodite from the foam (aphros) from which she grew together." See Pontanus there. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹anchor: Numquid parricidii causa vinctum esse Saturnum … relevari› · note in col 1046

Numquid parricidii causa vinctum esse Saturnum, et suis diebus tantum vinculorum ponderibus relevari. Sic eleganti conjectura reposuit J. Lipsius, Epistol. Quaest., lib. iii, epist. xv, Oper. tom. i, pag. 532, ed. Vesal. Nam opinio veterum erat Saturnum suis, id est Saturnalium diebus iterum quasi regni compotem esse, caeterum annum in vinclis haberi. Lucianus in Chronosolon.: Ἦν δὲ οὐ πεδήτης, οὐδὲ αὐχμοῦ πλέως, οἷον αὐτὸν οἱ ζωγράφοι..... ἐπιδείκνυνται, ἀλλὰ τὴν μὲν ἅρπην εἶχε πάνυ τεθηγμένην· τὰ δὲ ἄλλα φαιδρός τε ἦν, καὶ καρτερὸς, καὶ βασιλικῶς ἐνεσκεύαστο. Editio princeps corruptissime: Saturnum et ab his diebus tantis vinculorum ponderibus elevari, unde Gelenius fecerat: et suis diebus tantis vinculorum ponderibus relevari. Meursius autem: et aliquis (id est aliquibus) diebus tantis vinculorum ponderibus relevari. Codex ms. habet: Et ablui diebus tantis, etc. quod tuetur Salmasius, in ed. Lugd. Bat., et ad Solin., cap. 15, pag. 132, locum ita refingens: Et ablui diebus statis, vinculorum ponderibus et levari. Ablui dictum putat Salmasius pro absolvi, ut dilui pro dissolvi ap. Ciceronem, de Amicit., cap. xxi, amicitiae diluendae magis quam discendendae, cui addi potest alter Ciceronis locus plane geminus de Offic., lib. ii, (continues)

"That Saturn was bound for parricide, and relieved of the weight of his chains only on his own days." So J. Lipsius restored it by an elegant conjecture, Epistolicae Quaestiones book iii, letter xv, Works vol. i, p. 532, Wesel edition. For the ancients believed that on his own days, that is, the days of the Saturnalia, Saturn was again as it were master of his kingdom, but for the rest of the year was held in chains. Lucian in the Cronosolon: "He was not fettered, nor full of squalor, as the painters ... show him; but he held his sickle very sharply whetted, and for the rest he was cheerful and strong, and arrayed like a king." The first edition, most corruptly: "Saturn ... and from these days to be lifted by such great weights of chains," from which Gelenius had made "and on his own days to be relieved of such great weights of chains." Meursius, however: "and on some days to be relieved of such great weights of chains." The manuscript has "and to be washed off on so many days," etc., which Salmasius defends in the Leiden edition and on Solinus, ch. 15, p. 132, recasting the passage thus: "and on fixed days to be washed off, and relieved of the weights of his chains." Salmasius thinks "ablui" is said for "absolvi" ("to be released"), as "dilui" for "dissolvi" in Cicero, On Friendship, ch. xxi, "friendships to be dissolved rather than torn apart," to which may be added another quite twin passage of Cicero, On Duties, book ii, (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Numquid parricidii causa vinctum esse Saturnum (from p. 525)› · note in col 1047

(continued) cap. 33: amicitias, quae minus delectent et minus probentur, magis decere censent sapientes sensim diluere, quam repente praecidere. At cum in utroque Ciceronis loco optimi Codices et probatissimae editiones habeant dissuendae et dissui, neque alibi uspiam inveniatur ablui pro absolvi, equidem sequi malui emendationem Lipsii. Suis diebus etiam de Saturnalibus multo significantius quam statis. ORELL.

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(2) ‹anchor: Beneficio Curetum ab interitu servatum Jovem› · note in col 1047

Beneficio Curetum ab interitu servatum Jovem. Vide supra ad lib. iii, cap. 41. ORELL.

"That Jupiter was saved from death by the kindness of the Curetes." See above on book iii, ch. 41. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: Numquid expulisse regno patrem› · note in col 1047

Numquid expulisse regno patrem, etc. Minucius Felix, cap. 22: Saturnus, Creta profugus, Italiam, metu filii saevientis accesserat, et Jani susceptus hospitio rudes illos homines et agrestes multa docuit, ut Graeculus et politus, litteras imprimere, nummos signare, instrumenta conficere. Itaque latebram suam, quod tuto latuisset, vocari maluit Latium, et urbem Saturniam dedit de suo nomine..... Ejus filius Jupiter Cretae, expulso parente, regnavit. Conf. Lucian., Saturnal.; Cyprianus, de Idolis; Lactant., lib. i, cap. 13, 14; Euseb., Praeparat. Evangel., lib. iii, cap. 3; Tertullian., Apologet., cap. 10. ELMENH.

"That he drove his father from the kingdom," etc. Minucius Felix, ch. 22: "Saturn, a fugitive from Crete, had come to Italy for fear of his raging son, and, received into Janus's hospitality, taught those rude and rustic men many things, being a little Greek and polished: to print letters, to stamp coins, to make tools. So he chose to have his hiding-place called Latium, because he had lain hidden (latuisset) there safely, and he gave the city of Saturnia its name from his own ..... His son Jupiter reigned in Crete after expelling his father." Compare Lucian, Saturnalia; Cyprian, On Idols; Lactantius, book i, ch. 13, 14; Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica book iii, ch. 3; Tertullian, Apology, ch. 10. ELMENHORST.

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(4) ‹anchor: Numquid pulsum a nobis senem Italorum delituisse in finibus› · note in col 1047

Numquid pulsum a nobis senem Italorum delituisse in finibus, etc. Ita Membranae, quod vitiosum sine dubio. Gelenius et Elmenhorstius legit: Pulsum a Jove, probante Heraldo. Heinsius, epist. 257, ad J. G. Graev., in Sylloge Burman., vol iv, pag. 329, corrigit: Pulsum culpa Jovis, quod probat Graevius in epistola sequenti, pag. 331. Equidem puto unius vocis transpositione locum sanandum, ita scil. legendo et interpungendo: Numquid a nobis: pulsum senem Italorum delituisse in finibus. Numquid a nobis scil. dicitur, quod repetendum ex verbis paulo ante praecedentibus: Numquid a nobis dicitur, ut ciconias, ut palumbes, ex ovis esse progenitos quosdam deos? Nec minus convenit huic emendationi, quod statim sequitur: Numquid incestas nuptias cum sorore Jovem ipsum dicimus fecisse nos? ORELL.

"That the old man, driven out by us, lay hidden in the territory of the Italians," etc. So the parchment, which is no doubt faulty. Gelenius and Elmenhorst read "driven out by Jupiter," with Hérault's approval. Heinsius, letter 257 to J. G. Graevius, in Burman's Sylloge, vol. iv, p. 329, corrects it to "driven out through Jupiter's fault," which Graevius approves in the following letter, p. 331. For my part I think the passage should be healed by transposing one word, reading and punctuating thus: "Is it by us ...: that the old man, driven out, lay hidden in the territory of the Italians?" "Is it by us," that is, "is it said," which is to be supplied from the words a little before: "Is it said by us that, like storks, like wood-pigeons, certain gods were born from eggs?" And what follows at once fits this emendation no less: "Do we say that Jupiter himself contracted an incestuous marriage with his sister?" ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Nomen Latio imposuisse pro munere› · note in col 1047

Nomen Latio imposuisse pro munere. Vide Minucii Felicis locum modo laudatum et Virgil. Aen. viii. Latiumque vocari / Maluit, his quoniam latuisset tutus in oris. Conf. Prudent. contra Symmach., lib. i. ELMENH.

"That he gave Latium its name as a gift." See the passage of Minucius Felix just cited, and Virgil, Aeneid viii: "And he chose that it be called Latium, since he had lain hidden safe on these shores." Compare Prudentius, Against Symmachus, book i. ELMENHORST.

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(6) ‹anchor: Numquid incestas nuptias cum sorore Jovem ipsum dicimus fecisse nos?› · note in col 1047

Numquid incestas nuptias cum sorore Jovem ipsum dicimus fecisse nos? Tertullian., Apologet., cap. 14: Jovem foede subantem in sororem. Firmicus, de Errore profan. relig. Junonem sane, et ne huic deesset incestus, Jovis volunt ex sorore conjugem factam. ELMENH.

"Do we say that Jupiter himself contracted an incestuous marriage with his sister?" Tertullian, Apology, ch. 14: "Jupiter foully in heat for his sister." Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions: "Juno, indeed, so that she too should not lack incest, they will have to have become Jupiter's wife from being his sister." ELMENHORST.

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(7) ‹anchor: Aut invitatum ad jus mensae pro suillis visceribus prolem nescium Lycaoniam pransitasse› · note in col 1047, running into col 1048

Aut invitatum ad jus mensae pro suillis visceribus prolem nescium Lycaoniam pransitasse. Codex ms. habet: Pro illis visceribus, unde Stewech. legendum censet: Pro hillis visceribus. Hirae, hillae quid sint, docuimus supra ad lib. ii, cap. 42. Suillis est ex emendatione Gelenii. Lycaonis fabula vulgata, varie tamen relata ab antiquis Mythographis. Conf. Apollodor., bibl. iii, cap. 8., Segm. i, pag. 302, seqq., ed. Heyn., nov., ubi vide Notas. Hygin., fab. 176, ibique Munker. Nicol. Damascen., pag. 416; Suid. in Λυκάων; Scholiastes Lycophron., ad vers. 481, et, qui illam elegantissimis versibus exposuit. Ovid., Met. i, 214, seqq. Noster autem sequitur Clementem Alexandrin. in Protrept., pag. 11 (31, ed. Potter): Μετέλαβε δὲ καὶ τραπέζης ἀνθρωπίνης παρὰ τοῖς Αἰθίοψιν [… not visible in foot image …] ἑστιάτωρ αὐτοῦ, τὸν παῖδα κατασφάξας τὸν αὐτοῦ (Νύκτιμος ὄνομα αὐτοῦ) παραθεὶς ὄψον τῷ Διΐ. ORELL.

"Or that, invited to the rights of the table, he unknowingly dined on Lycaon's offspring in place of pork entrails." The manuscript has "in place of those entrails," whence Stewech thinks one should read "in place of sausage entrails." What "hirae" and "hillae" are we showed above on book ii, ch. 42. "Suillis" (pork) is Gelenius's emendation. The fable of Lycaon is well known, though told variously by the ancient mythographers. Compare Apollodorus, Library iii, ch. 8, section i, p. 302 ff., Heyne's new edition, where see the notes; Hyginus, fable 176, and Muncker there; Nicolaus of Damascus, p. 416; the Suda under "Lycaon"; the scholiast on Lycophron, on line 481; and the one who set it out in most elegant verse, Ovid, Metamorphoses i, 214 ff. Our author, however, follows Clement of Alexandria in the Protrepticus, p. 11 (31, Potter's edition): "He also partook of a human table among the Ethiopians [… not visible …] his host, having slaughtered his own son (Nyctimus was his name), set him before Zeus as a dish." ORELLI.

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(8) ‹anchor: Numquid altero claudum pede› · note in col 1048

Numquid altero claudum pede, etc. Hujus rei sic meminit Clemens in Protrept., pag. 8 (25 ed. Potter.): Ἥφαιστος δὲ, ὃν ἔρριψεν ἐξ Ὀλύμπου Ζεὺς βηλοῦ ἀπὸ θεσπεσίοιο, ἐν Λήμνῳ καταπεσὼν, ἐχάλκευε, πηρωθεὶς τὼ πόδε. / . . . . . ὑπὸ δὲ κνῆμαι ῥώοντο ἀραιαί. (Hom. Illiad., Σ, 410). TH. CANTER. Haec verba revocant mihi in memoriam veteres eos, qui claudi essent, per jocum dictitasse Vulcani filios. Observo ex Orphei Argonauticis, vers. 211: Ἐν δὲ Παλαιμόνιος Λέρνου νόθος ἤλυθεν υἱός· / Σίνετο δὲ σφυρὰ δισσὰ, πόδας δ' οὐκ ἦεν ἀρηρώς· / Τοὔνεκεν Ἡφαίστοιο γόνον καλέεσκον ἅπαντες. MEURS., p. 135.

"That he was lame in one foot," etc. Clement mentions this in the Protrepticus, p. 8 (25, Potter's edition): "Hephaestus, whom Zeus hurled from Olympus, 'from the heavenly threshold,' fell on Lemnos and worked as a smith, maimed in both feet: ..... 'and beneath him his slender shanks moved nimbly'" (Homer, Iliad xviii, 410). TH. CANTER. These words remind me that the ancients used jokingly to call the lame "sons of Vulcan." I note from the Orphic Argonautica, line 211: "And among them came Palaemonius, bastard son of Lernus; both his ankles were maimed, and his feet were not sound; therefore all called him the offspring of Hephaestus." MEURSIUS, p. 135.

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(9) ‹anchor: Numquid cupidinis atque avaritiae causa … Aesculapium fulminis transfixum esse telo› · note in col 1048

Numquid cupidinis atque avaritiae causa, ut canit Boeotius Pindarus, Aesculapium fulminis transfixum esse telo. Idem Clemens, p. 1: Ἔχεις καὶ ἰατρὸν, οὐχὶ χαλκέα μόνον ἐν θεοῖς. Ὁ δὲ ἰατρὸς φιλάργυρος ἦν, Ἀσκληπιὸς ὄνομα αὐτῷ. Καί σοι τὸν σὸν παραθήσομαι ποιητὴν τὸν Βοιώτιον Πίνδαρον (Pyth. Od. iii, Antistr. 3). Ἔτραπε κἀκεῖνον ἀγάνορι μισθῷ χρυσὸς ἐν χερσὶ φανεὶς / Ἄνδρ' ἐκ θανάτου κομίσαι / Ἤδη ἁλωκότα. χερσὶ δ' ἄρα Κρονίων / Ῥίψας δι' ἀμφοῖν, ἀμπνοὰς / Στέρνων καθεῖλεν / Ὠκέως, αἴθων δὲ κεραυνὸς ἐνέσκηψε μόρον. Οὗτος μὲν οὖν κεῖται κεραυνωθεὶς ἐν τοῖς Κυνοσούριδος ὁρίοις. Et Tertullian. in Apologet., cap. 14: Est et ille de Lyricis (Pindarum dico), qui Aesculapium canit avaritiae merito, quam medicinam nocenter exercebat, fulmine judicatum. CANTERUS et ELMENHORST. Simili modo Tertullianus, Apologet., cap. 14: Est et ille, inquit, de Lyricis, Pindarum dico, qui Aesculapium canit avaritiae merito, quia medicinam nocenter exercebat, fulmine judicatum. Malus Jupiter, si fulmen illius est, impius in nepotem, invidus in artificem. NOURR., p. 398.

"That, as the Boeotian Pindar sings, Aesculapius was transfixed by the thunderbolt's shaft for his greed and avarice." The same Clement, p. 1: "You have a physician too among the gods, not only a smith. But the physician was a lover of money; Asclepius was his name. And I will set before you your own poet, the Boeotian Pindar" (Pythian Ode iii, Antistrophe 3): "Even he was turned aside by a lordly fee, gold shown in his hands, to bring back from death a man already taken. But the son of Cronus, hurling with his hands through both of them, swiftly tore the breath from their breasts, and the blazing thunderbolt struck down death." "So he lies thunderstruck in the territory of Cynosuris." And Tertullian in the Apology, ch. 14: "There is also that one among the lyric poets (Pindar, I mean), who sings that Aesculapius was judged by the thunderbolt for his avarice, the medicine which he practised harmfully." CANTER and ELMENHORST. Likewise Tertullian, Apology, ch. 14: "There is also that one," he says, "among the lyric poets, Pindar, I mean, who sings that Aesculapius was judged by the thunderbolt for his avarice, because he practised medicine harmfully. A wicked Jupiter, if the thunderbolt is his: impious towards his grandson, jealous of a craftsman." LE NOURRY, p. 398.

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(10) ‹anchor: Ambiguitate fefellisse responsi› · note in col 1048

Ambiguitate fefellisse responsi. Vid. Lucian. Dialog. deor. xvi, Junonis et Latonae; Cic., de Divin., ii, cap. 56; Tertullian., Apologet., cap. xxii; Hieronym., in Esaiam, cap. 41. ELMENH. Respicit Arnobius ad historiam Croesi et Pyrrhi deceptorum Apollinis oraculo. ORELL.

"That he deceived by the ambiguity of his response." See Lucian, Dialogues of the Gods xvi, Juno and Latona; Cicero, On Divination ii, ch. 56; Tertullian, Apology, ch. xxii; Jerome, on Isaiah, ch. 41. ELMENHORST. Arnobius has in view the story of Croesus and of Pyrrhus, deceived by Apollo's oracle. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹anchor: Numquid furem Mercurium publicavimus?› · note in col 1048

Numquid furem Mercurium publicavimus? Id est publice declaravimus, nec ejus famae pepercimus. Infra hoc eodem libro (cap. xxxvi): Dissolvere theatra haec potius, in quibus infamiae numinum propudiosis quotidie publicantur in fabulis. Tertullianus, adv. Judaeos, cap. 10: Nisi quod hic dominicam crucem intentabat, qua serpens diabolus publicabatur. Id est publice proponebatur ac denotabatur; quemadmodum et eorum, qui ita extinguuntur, fatum magis publicatur, quam si alio mortis genere tollerentur. B. Ambrosius, in cap. 3 Epist. ad Galat., comm. 13: Quia maledictus omnis, qui pendet in ligno; ut reo mortis sufficeret hoc, quia suspensus moriebatur in ligno! ne diutius [last words illegible in foot image] (continues)

"Did we publish Mercury as a thief?" That is, did we declare it publicly, and not spare his good name? Below in this same book (ch. xxxvi): "Rather dissolve these theatres, in which the infamies of the deities are published daily in shameful plays." Tertullian, Against the Jews, ch. 10: "Except that here he was pointing to the Lord's cross, by which the serpent, the devil, was published." That is, he was publicly exposed and branded; just as the fate of those who are put to death in this way is more published than if they were removed by another kind of death. Blessed Ambrose, on chapter 3 of the Epistle to the Galatians, comment 13: "Because cursed is everyone who hangs on a tree; so that this should be enough for one guilty of death, that he died hanged on a tree! so that no longer [illegible] (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Numquid furem Mercurium publicavimus? (from p. 526)› · note in col 1049

(continued) suspensus, majus haberet opprobrium mors ejus, quam deberet, et fieret macula generi ejus, si amplius mors ejus publicaretur. Quare non est sollicitandus Tertulliani locus, quem iisdem verbis repetit adversus Marcionem libro iii. HERALD. — Conf. Semler. Ind. Lat. Tertullianeae. ORELL. — Caeterum de fure Mercurio Prudentius Hamartigen.: Expertes furandi homines hac imbuit arte / Mercurius Maia genitus; nunc magnus habetur / Ille Deus, cujus dedit experientia fures. Conf. Fulgent, Mythol., p. 171. Suidas v. Ἑρμῆς et Κερδῷος. Phurnut. περὶ τῶν θεῶν φύσεως. ELMENH.

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(2) ‹anchor: Num nos esse Lavernam› · note in col 1049

Num nos esse Lavernam. Salmasius edidit, non vos esse Lavernam? Equidem mutandi causam nullam video. ORELL.

"Is it we (who say) that Laverna exists?" Salmasius printed "Is it not you (who say) that Laverna exists?" For my part I see no reason to change it. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: Numquid ex nobis Myrtilus est auctor … Musas?› · note in col 1049

Numquid ex nobis Myrtilus est auctor, qui Macari filiae Megalconis ancillulas profitetur fuisse Musas? Ita locum nostrum restituit Theod. Canterus, in Var. Lect., lib. i, cap. 1, in Gruteri Lampade, vol. iii, p. 712, seq., ex Clemente Alexandrino, qui in Protreptico suo hanc historiam pluribus verbis prosequens sic inquit p. 9 (27. ed. Potter.): Τὰς δὲ Μούσας, ἃς Ἄλκανδρος Διὸς καὶ Μνημοσύνης γενεαλογεῖ, καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ ποιηταὶ καὶ συγγραφεῖς ἐκθειάζουσι καὶ σέβουσιν· ἤδη δὲ καὶ ὅλαι πόλεις μουσεῖα μὲν ἵζουσιν αὐταῖς Μούσαις. Οὔσας θεραπαινίδας ταύτας ἐώνηται Μεγακλὼ, ἡ θυγάτηρ Μάκαρος· ὁ δὲ Μάκαρ Λεσβίων μὲν ἐβασίλευεν. διεφέρετο δὲ ἀεὶ πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα· ἠγανάκτει δὲ ἡ Μεγακλὼ ὑπὲρ τῆς μητρός· τί δ' οὐκ ἔμελλε; καὶ Μούσας θεραπαινίδας ταύτας, τοσαύτας τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὠνεῖται, καὶ καλεῖ Μύσας κατὰ τὴν διάλεκτον τῶν Αἰολέων· ταύτας ἐδιδάξατο ᾄδειν καὶ κιθαρίζειν τὰς πράξεις τὰς παλαιὰς ἐμμελῶς. Αἱ δὲ συνεχῶς κιθαρίζουσαι καὶ καλῶς κατεπάδουσαι τὸν Μάκαρα ἔθελγον καὶ κατέπαυον τῆς ὀργῆς· οὗ δὴ χάριν ἡ Μεγακλὼ χαριστήριον αὐταῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς μητρὸς ἀνέθηκε στήλας χαλκᾶς, καὶ ἀνὰ πάντα ἐκέλευσε τιμᾶσθαι τὰ ἱερά. Καὶ αἱ μὲν Μοῦσαι τοιαίδε· ἡ δὲ ἱστορία παρὰ Μυρσίλῳ τῷ Λεσβίῳ. Haec Clemens. Antea legebatur: Qui Macari filias, Megalconis ancillulas profitetur fuisse Musas, quam lectionem vitiosam nescio qua de causa retinuit editor Lugd. Bat. De Myrtilo Lesbio vide supra ad lib. iii, cap. 37. ORELL.

"Is Myrtilus, who declares that the Muses were the slave-girls of Megalco, daughter of Macar, one of us?" So Theod. Canter restored our passage, in his Variae Lectiones, book i, ch. 1, in Gruter's Lampas, vol. iii, p. 712 f., from Clement of Alexandria, who, following this story at greater length in his Protrepticus, says thus, p. 9 (27, Potter's edition): "The Muses, whom Alcander makes the daughters of Zeus and Mnemosyne, and whom the other poets and historians deify and worship, and to whom whole cities now set up shrines of the Muses, were slave-girls bought by Megaclo, the daughter of Macar. Macar was king of the Lesbians, and was always quarrelling with his wife; Megaclo was vexed on her mother's behalf (and how should she not be?), and bought these slave-girls, so many in number, and called them Mysai in the dialect of the Aeolians; she had them taught to sing and to play on the lyre the deeds of old, tunefully. And they, by continually playing the lyre and singing sweetly to Macar, charmed him and made him cease from his anger. For this reason Megaclo, as a thank-offering on her mother's behalf, set up bronze pillars to them and ordered that they be honoured in all the temples. Such were the Muses; the story is in Myrsilus of Lesbos." So Clement. Before, it read: "who declares that the daughters of Macar, slave-girls of Megalco, were the Muses," a faulty reading which the Leiden editor retained for what reason I do not know. On Myrtilus of Lesbos see above on book iii, ch. 37. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: XXV. — Quis rege a Cyprio … consecratam› · note in col 1049

XXV. — Quis rege a Cyprio, cujus nomen Cinyras est, ditatam meretriculam Venerem divorum in numero consecratam. Clemens Alexand., in Protrept., p. 5 (12, ed. Potter.): Οὐ γάρ με ὁ Κύπριος ὁ νησιώτης Κινύρας παραπείσει ποτ' ἄν, τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἀφροδίτην μαχλῶντα ὄργια ἐκ νυκτὸς ἡμέρᾳ παραδοῦναι τολμήσας, φιλοτιμούμενος θειάσαι πόρνην πολῖτιδα. Firmicus, de Errore profan. relig., p. 425, ed. Gronov.: Audio Cyniram Cyprium templum amicae meretrici donasse: ei erat Venus nomen. Initiasse etiam Cypriae Veneri plurimos, et vanis consecrationibus deputasse. Statuisse etiam, ut quicumque initiari vellet, secreto Veneris sibi tradito, assem in manum mercedis nomine Deae daret. ELMENH.— Vide nostrum infra, lib. v, cap. 19; Lactant., lib. i, cap. 20, et Lucian., de Dea Syria. ORELL.

XXV. "Who (says) that Venus, a little harlot enriched by a Cyprian king named Cinyras, was consecrated among the number of the gods?" Clement of Alexandria in the Protrepticus, p. 5 (12, Potter's edition): "For the Cyprian islander Cinyras will never persuade me, who dared to bring the lewd orgies of Aphrodite from night into day, ambitious to deify a harlot of his own city." Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions, p. 425, Gronovius's edition: "I hear that Cinyras the Cyprian gave a temple to his mistress, a harlot whose name was Venus; that he also initiated very many into the rites of the Cyprian Venus and assigned them to empty consecrations; and that he also decreed that whoever wished to be initiated should, once the secret of Venus had been handed to him, give a coin into the goddess's hand by way of a fee." ELMENHORST.— See our author below, book v, ch. 19; Lactantius, book i, ch. 20; and Lucian, On the Syrian Goddess. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Quis ex reliquiis Pelopis compactum esse Palladium prodidit› · note in col 1049, running into col 1050

Quis ex reliquiis Pelopis compactum esse Palladium prodidit. Clemens, l. i, pag. 14. (41, ed. Potter.): Πολλοὶ δ' ἂν τάχα θαυμάσειαν, εἰ μάθοιεν τὸ Παλλάδιον τὸ Διϊπετὲς καλούμενον, ὃ Διομήδης καὶ Ὀδυσσεὺς ἱστοροῦνται μὲν ὑφελέσθαι ἀπὸ Ἰλίου, παρακαταθέσθαι δὲ Δημοφῶντι, ἐκ τῶν Πέλοπος ὀστῶν κατεσκευάσθαι, καθάπερ τὸν Ὀλύμπιον ἐξ ἄλλων ὀστῶν Ἰνδικοῦ θηρίου. Καὶ δὴ τὸν ἱστοροῦντα Διονύσιον ἐν τῷ πέμπτῳ μέρει τοῦ Κύκλου περιΐστημι. Conf. qui rem fusius enarrat, Jul. Firmic. de Errore profan. relig., ibique Jos. Scaliger. pag. 434 seq. ed. Gronov. ORELL.

"Who related that the Palladium was put together from the remains of Pelops?" Clement, book i, p. 14 (41, Potter's edition): "Many perhaps would be amazed if they learned that the Palladium, called 'fallen from Zeus,' which Diomedes and Odysseus are said to have stolen from Ilium and entrusted to Demophon, was made from the bones of Pelops, as the Olympian Zeus was from other bones, those of an Indian beast. And I bring forward Dionysius, who relates this in the fifth part of his Cycle." Compare Julius Firmicus, who tells the story more fully, On the Error of Profane Religions, and Joseph Scaliger there, p. 434 f., Gronovius's edition. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Quis Spartanum fuisse Martem? non Epicharmus auctor est?› · note in col 1050

Quis Spartanum fuisse Martem? non Epicharmus auctor est? etc. Et hic locus petitus a Clemente Protrept. pag. 8. (24 seq. ed. Potter.): Ἄρης γοῦν, ὁ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ποιηταῖς ὡς οἷόντε τετιμημένος. / Ἄρες, Ἄρες βροτολοιγὲ, μιαιφόνε, τειχεσιπλῆτα, / ὁ ἀλλοπρόσαλλος οὗτος καὶ ἀνάρσιος, ὡς μὲν Ἐπίχαρμός φησιν, Σπαρτιάτης ἦν, Σοφοκλῆς δὲ Θρᾷκα οἶδεν αὐτὸν, ἄλλοι δὲ Ἀρκάδα. CANTER.

"Who (says) that Mars was a Spartan? Is not Epicharmus the author?" etc. This passage too is drawn from Clement, Protrepticus, p. 8 (24 f., Potter's edition): "Ares, at least, who is honoured by the poets as highly as can be — 'Ares, Ares, bane of mortals, blood-stained, stormer of walls' — this fickle and implacable one, was a Spartan, as Epicharmus says; Sophocles knows him as a Thracian, and others as an Arcadian." CANTER.

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(7) ‹anchor: Quis in Thraciae finibus procreatum? non Sophocles Atticus …?› · note in col 1050

Quis in Thraciae finibus procreatum? non Sophocles Atticus cunctis consentientibus theatris? Martem apud Thracas natum, testis etiam Vegetius de Re milit., lib. i, cap. ult., adductus poetarum fabulis. Inter eos Euripidem esse scio, quem memini Thraciam Martis domicilium vocare. Itidem Homerum, qui in Odyss. θ cecinit, Martem, vinculis Vulcani solutum, a quo in adulterio deprehensus fuerat, in Thraciam statim abiisse. Deus certe Thracum fuit Mars, ut testis Lycophronis enarrator; cultus maxime in ea civitate, cui nomen Crestone. Stephanus de Urbibus, et de eodem Lycophron, 937: Ὁρμοτομήσω τόν τε Κρηστώνης θεόν. Solere porro Thraces Marti et Bellonae captivorum hostiis litare, testis Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xxvii. De ferocia, magnanimitate eorumdem, et vitae ipsius contemptu consulendi Mela, Solinus, Herodotus, Florus, alii. Immo bellicosos usque eo homines illos fuisse Florus commemorat, ut signis militaribus, armis, disciplinae quoque Romanorum assueverint. STEWECH., ad Veget., l. i, p. 87, ed. Vesal. Add. Vales., ad Ammian. Marcellin., lib. xxi, p. 420. ORELL.

"Who (says) that he was born in the territory of Thrace? Is it not the Attic Sophocles, with all the theatres agreeing?" That Mars was born among the Thracians is attested also by Vegetius, On Military Matters, book i, last chapter, following the fables of the poets. Among them I know is Euripides, who, I remember, calls Thrace the home of Mars. Likewise Homer, who sang in Odyssey book viii that Mars, freed from the chains of Vulcan, by whom he had been caught in adultery, went off at once to Thrace. Mars was certainly the god of the Thracians, as the commentator on Lycophron attests; he was worshipped above all in the city called Crestone. So Stephanus, On Cities, and of the same god Lycophron, 937: "... and the god of Crestone." That the Thracians, moreover, used to sacrifice captives as victims to Mars and Bellona is attested by Ammianus Marcellinus, book xxvii. On their ferocity, their great-heartedness and their contempt for life itself consult Mela, Solinus, Herodotus, Florus and others. Indeed Florus records that those men were so warlike that they grew used even to the standards, arms and discipline of the Romans. STEWECH, on Vegetius, book i, p. 87, Wesel edition. Add Valois, on Ammianus Marcellinus, book xxi, p. 420. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹anchor: Quis mensibus in Arcadia tribus et decem vinctum? non Melae fluminis filius?› · note in col 1050

Quis mensibus in Arcadia tribus et decem vinctum? non Melae fluminis filius? Clemens in Protrept. pag. 8. (26 ed. Potter.): τοῦτον δὲ Ὅμηρος δεδέσθαι φησὶν ἐπὶ μῆνας τρισκαίδεκα (Il. V, 385 sqq.). Τλῆ μὲν Ἄρης, ὅτε μιν Ὦτος κρατερός τ' Ἐφιάλτης / Παῖδες Ἀλωῆος δῆσαν κρατερῷ ἐνὶ δεσμῷ· / Χαλκέῳ δ' ἐν κεράμῳ δέδετο τρισκαίδεκα μῆνας. Homerum itaque vocat Arnobius Melae fluminis filium, Μελησιγενῆ, quam tamen ἐπωνυμίαν aliter accepit ac Herodotus, Plutarchus, Proclus in Vitis Homeri, qui illum referunt ita appellatum propterea quod eum Nympha Critheis, e furtivo concubitu gravida, ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν καλούμενον Μέλητα, id est juxta Meletem fluvium prope Smyrnam peperisset. Cum nostro tamen consentit auctor incertus Epigrammatis in Analectis Brunkii, vol. iii, pag. 255: Υἱὲ Μέλητος Ὅμηρε, etc. Conf. C. Barth. ad. Stat. iii. Silv., vol. i. pag. 312. Hinc Μελητείους χάριτας, Gratias Homeri sive Musas, Meleager in Epigrammatis deduxit, et Tibullus Pa- (continues)

"Who (says) that he was bound in Arcadia for thirteen months? Is it not the son of the river Meles?" Clement in the Protrepticus, p. 8 (26, Potter's edition): "Homer says that he was bound for thirteen months" (Iliad v, 385 ff.): "Ares suffered, when Otus and mighty Ephialtes, the sons of Aloeus, bound him in a strong bond; in a bronze jar he lay bound thirteen months." So Arnobius calls Homer the son of the river Meles, Melesigenes ("Meles-born"), an epithet, however, which he took otherwise than Herodotus, Plutarch and Proclus in their Lives of Homer, who report that he was so named because the nymph Critheis, pregnant from a secret union, gave birth to him "at the river called Meles," that is, beside the river Meles near Smyrna. Yet the unknown author of an epigram in Brunck's Analecta, vol. iii, p. 255, agrees with our author: "Homer, son of Meles," etc. Compare C. Barth on Statius, Silvae iii, vol. i, p. 312. Hence Meleager in his epigrams derived "the Melesian Graces," the Graces of Homer, or the Muses, and Tibullus Pa- (continues)

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(printed under page 527) (LECTIONES VARIANTES d) ‹anchor: Melae› · variant reading on col 1050 Lego ex Plutarcho Meletis. Elmenh.

From Plutarch I read "Meletis." ELMENHORST.

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(1) ‹anchor: Quis mensibus in Arcadia tribus et decem vinctum? (from p. 527)› · note in col 1051

(continued) negyrico Messalae Meleteas chartas. Vide N. Heins., Advers., lib. i, cap. 8, pag. 78, seqq. Apud Graecos itaque constanter Μέλης, ητος. Quare Elmenhorst. legend. censet Meletis. Caeterum locum hunc in editionibus omnibus male luxatum Joh. Jortin in l. tit. Tracts Philological, Critical and Miscellaneous Lond., 1790, tom. ii, pag. 139, sic optime restituit: Quis in Arcadia? Non vos? Quis mensibus tribus et decem vinctum? Non Melae, etc. Arnobius enim hic exscripsit ac presso pede secutus est Clementem suum. Nec etiam Homerus Martem in Arcadia vinctum, sed tantummodo vinctum memorat tredecim mensibus, loci notatione non addita. ORELL.

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(2) ‹anchor: Quis ei canes ab Caribus, quis ab Scythis asinos immolari?› · note in col 1051

Quis ei canes ab Caribus, quis ab Scythis asinos immolari? non principaliter cum caeteris Apollodorus? Clemens, l. i., sic pergit: Πολλὰ κἀγαθὰ Κᾶρες σχοῖεν, οἳ καταθύουσιν αὐτῷ τοὺς κύνας· Σκύθαι δὲ τοὺς ὄνους ἱερεύοντες μὴ παυέσθων, ὡς Ἀπολλόδωρός φησιν, καὶ Καλλίμαχος· Φοῖβος ὑπερβορέοισιν ὄνων ἐπιτέλλεται ἱροῖς. ὁ αὐτὸς δὲ ἀλλαχοῦ· Τέρπουσιν λιπαραὶ Φοῖβον ὀνοσφαγίαι. De talibus canum et asinorum sacrificiis vide C. Barth. ad Stat. Theb., xii, 70, vol. iii, pag. 1440; J. Saubert., de Sacrificiis, cap. 23, pag. 518, seqq., ed. Crenii, qui omnes veterum locos diligenter collegit; Verheyk., ad Antonin. Liberal., cap. 20; Potter. ad Clement. l. i, pag. 25; Bentley et Hemsterh. ad Callimachi Fragment., 187 et 188, pag. 511, ed. Ernesti et Heyn. V. S., ad Apollodori Fragment., pag. 394 sq., ed. nov. ID.

"Who (says) that dogs are sacrificed to him by the Carians, asses by the Scythians? Is it not Apollodorus above all, with the others?" Clement, book i, goes on thus: "Much good may it do the Carians, who sacrifice dogs to him; and let the Scythians not cease offering asses, as Apollodorus says, and Callimachus: 'Phoebus is honoured by the Hyperboreans with sacrifices of asses.' And the same poet elsewhere: 'Fat slaughterings of asses delight Phoebus.'" On such sacrifices of dogs and asses see C. Barth on Statius, Thebaid xii, 70, vol. iii, p. 1440; J. Saubert, On Sacrifices, ch. 23, p. 518 ff., Crenius's edition, who diligently collected all the passages of the ancients; Verheyk on Antoninus Liberalis, ch. 20; Potter on Clement, book i, p. 25; Bentley and Hemsterhuis on the Fragments of Callimachus, 187 and 188, p. 511, Ernesti and Heyne's edition. See the same (Heyne) on the Fragments of Apollodorus, p. 394 f., new edition. THE SAME (Orelli).

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(3) ‹anchor: Quis, dum genialibus insultat alienis haesisse in laqueis involutum› · note in col 1051

Quis, dum genialibus insultat alienis haesisse in laqueis involutum. Ita Cod. ms. verissime. Geniales lectulos intelligit. Loquitur similiter Arnobius, lib. v. Quis illa furta dulcissima in alienis genialibus perpetrasse? non vos? Alii: genitalibus, male. Nam genitalia membra sunt, quae nominare, nisi honore praefato, non licet. Arnobius, lib. v, de Attide scribit haec: Genitalia sibi desecat. Supra lib. ii. Genitalibus Opis adjunctus Saturnus, etsi isthic membranis placet: Genialibus Opis adjunctus. Iterum recte editur lib. vi: Cum ejusdem numinis signo genialibus fusum thoris. Apuleius, Met., lib. ii: Et a nexu quidem Venereo hospitis tuae tempera, et probi Milonis genialem thorum religiosius suspice. De geniali lecto, quem etiam adversum dixere, consulendus J. Lipsius, l. i, Elect., cap. 17, et Joseph. Scaliger, in Castigationibus ad Festum voce Plutus. STEWECH.

"Who (says) that, while he leapt upon another's marriage beds, he was caught entangled in snares?" So the manuscript, most truly. He means marriage beds. Arnobius speaks likewise in book v: "Who (says) that he committed those sweetest thefts in other men's marriage beds? Is it not you?" Others read "genitalibus" (private parts), wrongly. For the genitals are members which may not be named except with an apology first. Arnobius in book v writes this of Attis: "He cuts off his genitals." Above, book ii: "Saturn joined to the genitals of Ops," though there the parchment prefers "joined to the marriage bed of Ops." Again, in book vi it is rightly printed: "stretched on marriage couches with an image of the same deity." Apuleius, Metamorphoses book ii: "And refrain from amorous embrace with your hostess, and look on the marriage bed of honest Milo with greater reverence." On the marriage bed, which they also called "adversus" (the bed facing the door), consult J. Lipsius, Electa book i, ch. 17, and Joseph Scaliger in his Castigationes on Festus, under the word "Plutus." STEWECH.

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(4) ‹anchor: Numquid aliquando a nobis conscriptus est mercenariam Deus servitutem servisse?› · note in col 1051, running into col 1052

Numquid aliquando a nobis conscriptus est mercenariam Deus servitutem servisse? etc. Et haec sumpta a Clemente in Protrept., pag. 22., ed. Potteri): Εἰκότως ἄρα οἱ τοιοίδε ὑμῶν θεοὶ, δοῦλοι παθῶν γεγονότες ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τῶν Εἱλώτων καλουμένων τῶν παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίοις, δούλειον ὑπεισῆλθεν ζυγὸν Ἀπόλλων Ἀδμήτῳ ἐν Φεραῖς· Ἡρακλῆς ἐν Σάρδεσιν Ὀμφάλῃ· Λαομέδοντι δ' ἐθήτευε Ποσειδῶν καὶ Ἀπόλλων, καθάπερ ἀχρεῖος οἰκέτης, μηδὲ ἐλευθερίας δήπουθεν δυνηθεὶς τυχεῖν παρὰ τοῦ προτέρου δεσπότου· τότε καὶ τοῦ Ἰλίου τείχη ἀνῳκοδομησάτην τῷ Φρυγί. TH. CANTER. — Mercenariam servitutem dicit Arnobius expressissime, siquidem isti homines servilia ministeria obibant, iisque, a quibus conducebantur, eodem nexu obnoxii erant, quo liberti patronis. HERALD. — Conf. Tertullian., Apologet., [… not visible in foot image …] librarius hanc vocem omisit. Clamant historia, sermonis ἀκολουθία. Deinde tacuisset Herculis et Neptuni dominos, quibus servierunt, crederem etiam Herculis dominam tacite praeterire voluisse. Possit cui legendum videri: ut Eurystheo Herculem, quia etiam isti servivit, sed priorem emendationem firmat Clemens, cujus loca pleraque in his ultimis libris exprimit. Ille ita: Δούλειον ὑπεισῆλθον ζυγὸν Ἀπόλλων Ἀδμήτῳ ἐν Φεραῖς, Ἡρακλῆς ἐν Σάρδεσιν Ὀμφάλῃ, etc. MEURS.— Fulv. Ursinus ex Clemente refingit: ut Herculem Sardibus amoris et petulantiae causa, hancque correctionem in textum recepit Salmasius. Sed nil mutandum. Nam loca, in quibus Hercules et Apollo servilia officia obierunt, ab Arnobio haud memorantur. ORELL.

"Has a god ever been written of by us as having served in hired servitude?" etc. This too is taken from Clement, Protrepticus, p. 22, Potter's edition: "Fittingly, then, such gods of yours, having become slaves of passions, but also [slaves] to those called Helots among the Lacedaemonians: Apollo went under the yoke of slavery to Admetus in Pherae, Heracles to Omphale in Sardis; Poseidon and Apollo served Laomedon for hire, like a useless servant who could not even obtain his freedom from his former master; it was then that the two of them built the walls of Ilium for the Phrygian." TH. CANTER. — Arnobius says "hired servitude" most expressly, since these men performed servile duties and were bound to those who hired them by the same tie as freedmen to their patrons. HÉRAULT. — Compare Tertullian, Apology, [… not visible …] the copyist omitted this word. History and the sequence of the discourse cry out for it. Moreover, had he been silent about the masters of Hercules and Neptune whom they served, I would believe that he also wished tacitly to pass over Hercules's mistress. Someone might think one should read "as Hercules to Eurystheus," since he served him too; but Clement confirms the former emendation, whose passages he renders for the most part in these last books. He says: "Apollo went under the yoke of slavery to Admetus in Pherae, Heracles to Omphale in Sardis," etc. MEURSIUS.— Fulvio Orsini recasts it from Clement: "as Hercules at Sardis for love and wantonness," and Salmasius took this correction into the text. But nothing should be changed. For the places in which Hercules and Apollo performed servile duties are not mentioned by Arnobius. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Minervam luminis ministram et lucernarum moderatricem› · note in col 1052

Minervam luminis ministram et lucernarum moderatricem. Sic emendavit Th. Canterus. Editio princeps modulatricem. Quam lectionem defendit C. Barthius ad Stat. Theb., iii, 661, vol. ii, pag. 856, putans hic alludi simul ad lucubrationem et olivum. Stewechius mavult inoleatricem. Clemens l. i.: Ὅμηρος δὲ τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν οὐκ αἰσχύνεται παραφαίνειν λέγων τῷ Ὀδυσσεῖ, χρύσεον λύχνον ἔχουσα ἐν χεροῖν. (Odyss., xix, 33 seq.) ORELL.

"Minerva, servant of light and governess of lamps." So Th. Canter emended it. The first edition has "modulatricem" (she who regulates). C. Barth defends that reading on Statius, Thebaid iii, 661, vol. ii, p. 856, thinking that it alludes at once to night-work and to olive oil. Stewech prefers "inoleatricem" (she who fills with oil). Clement, book i: "Homer is not ashamed to show Athena lighting the way for Odysseus, 'holding a golden lamp in her hands'" (Odyssey xix, 33 f.). ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Nonne ille vester est vates, qui Martem facit et Venerem mortalium manibus vulneratos?› · note in col 1052

Nonne ille vester est vates, qui Martem facit et Venerem mortalium manibus vulneratos? etc., etc. Clemens, l. i, p. 23 (31. ed. Potteri): Τεκμηριοῖ δὲ Ὅμηρος μάλα ἀκριβῶς, Ἀφροδίτην ἐπὶ τῷ τραύματι παρεισάγων ὀξὺ καὶ μέγα ἰάχουσαν· αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν πολεμικώτατον Ἄρη ὑπὸ τοῦ Διομήδους κατὰ τοῦ κενεῶνος οὐτασμένον διηγούμενος. Πολέμων δὲ καὶ τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν ὑπὸ Ὀρνύτου τρωθῆναι λέγει· καὶ μὴν καὶ τὸν Ἀϊδωνέα ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους τοξευθῆναι Ὅμηρος λέγει. καὶ τὰς Ἡλίου αὐγὰς (ita enim legendum) Πανύασσις ἱστορεῖ· ἤδη δὲ καὶ τὴν Ἥραν τὴν ζυγίαν ὑπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ Ἡρακλέους ὁ αὐτὸς οὗτος Πανύασσις ἐν Πύλῳ ἠμαθόεντι· Σωσίβιος δὲ καὶ τὸν Ἡρακλέα πρὸς τῶν Ἱπποκοωντιδῶν κατὰ τῆς χειρὸς οὐτασθῆναι λέγει. CANTERUS et ORELL.

"Is not that one your own bard, who makes Mars and Venus wounded by the hands of mortals?" etc., etc. Clement, book i, p. 23 (31, Potter's edition): "Homer attests it very precisely, bringing in Aphrodite at her wound shrieking shrill and loud, and telling how the most warlike Ares himself was stabbed in the flank by Diomedes. Polemo says that Athena too was wounded by Ornytus; and Homer says that Aidoneus was shot with an arrow by Heracles; and Panyassis tells of the rays of Helios (for so one must read); and the same Panyassis tells that Hera, goddess of marriage, was wounded by the same Heracles in sandy Pylos; and Sosibius says that Heracles too was stabbed in the hand by the sons of Hippocoon." CANTER and ORELLI.

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(7) ‹anchor: Panyassis› · note in col 1052

Panyassis. Ita in romano codice legitur pro Panyasis, et videtur in eo Arnobius noster secutus esse Graecos, qui per duplex scribunt: alioqui Latini euphoniae gratia per unum scribunt. Sed auctori nostro graecissari aliquando in deliciis est. CANTER. — Panyasis florens circa Olymp. 78, cujas fuerit, et quo satus sit parente, ne inter veteres quidem convenisse, Suidas testis est. Duris fuisse Samium tradidit ac Dioclis filium, alii Halicarnassensem dixere et filium Polyarchi, alii Herodoti avunculum. Floruit circa Ol. 78. Scripsit Antiquitates Graeciae, sed carmine; item Heracleidem Libris xiv, versibus novies millenis (ex quo carmine petita videntur, quae ex eo referunt Clemens et Arnobius), item Ionica versu pentametro. Vide Suid. et, qui de eo multus est, G. J. Voss., de Hist. Graec., lib. iv, cap. 6. ORELL.

"Panyassis." So it is read in the Roman codex for "Panyasis," and in this our Arnobius seems to have followed the Greeks, who write it with a double s; otherwise the Latins write it with one for the sake of euphony. But our author sometimes delights in Greek forms. CANTER. — Of Panyasis, who flourished about the 78th Olympiad, the Suda attests that not even the ancients agreed of what country he was or of what parent born. Duris reported that he was a Samian and the son of Diocles; others called him a Halicarnassian and son of Polyarchus; others the uncle of Herodotus. He flourished about Olympiad 78. He wrote the Antiquities of Greece, but in verse; also a Heracleid in fourteen books, in nine thousand lines (from which poem seem to come the things that Clement and Arnobius report from him); also Ionica in pentameter verse. See the Suda, and G. J. Vossius, who has much to say of him, On the Greek Historians, book iv, ch. 6. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹anchor: Ab Ornyto caesam› · note in col 1052

Ab Ornyto caesam. Meursius mavult laesam, quia ineptum sit dicere Deam immortalem ab homine mortali occisam, et Clemens, quem sequitur Arnobius noster, habeat τρωθῆναι, quod probo. Nam licet caedo, ere, saepissime dicatur pro verberare, vulnerare, participium tamen caesus absolute positum, ut et caedes, is, hoc significatu legisse non memini. Et (continues)

"Struck down by Ornytus." Meursius prefers "laesam" (wounded), because it would be absurd to say that an immortal goddess was killed by a mortal man, and Clement, whom our Arnobius follows, has "was wounded," which I approve. For although "caedo, caedere" is very often used for "to beat, to wound," I do not remember having read the participle "caesus" used absolutely, or "caedes" either, in this sense. And (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Ab Ornyto caesam (from p. 528)› · note in col 1053

(continued) [… possibly not visible in foot image …] facillime potuerunt C et L confundi a librariis. ORELL.

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(2) ‹anchor: Polemonis› · note in col 1053

Polemonis. Polemo Evegeti filius, cognomento Helladicus, genere iliensis, aequalis Aristophanis Grammatici, Panaetii discipulus, floruit sub Ptolemaeo Epiphane, circa Olymp. 168. Varia ejus scripta de origine civitatum, Phocidis, Ponti, Laconiae Geographiam, de cursu solis libros iii nec non Historiam Graecanicam, etc., etc. Citant Athenaeus et Suidas. Consulendus de eo prae caeteris G. J. Vossius, de Hist. Graec., lib. i, cap. 18. ORELL.

"Of Polemo." Polemo, son of Euegetes, surnamed Helladicus, by birth of Ilium, a contemporary of Aristophanes the grammarian and a pupil of Panaetius, flourished under Ptolemy Epiphanes, about the 168th Olympiad. Athenaeus and the Suda cite various writings of his: on the origins of cities; geographies of Phocis, Pontus and Laconia; three books on the course of the sun; also a Greek History, etc., etc. On him consult G. J. Vossius above all, On the Greek Historians, book i, ch. 18. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: Ab Hippocoontis liberis ipsum Sosibius Herculem cruciatum … doloris› · note in col 1053

Ab Hippocoontis liberis ipsum Sosibius Herculem cruciatum retulisse pronuntiat et illati vulneris et doloris. Exscripsit haec noster ex Clementis Protrept. Hyginus tamen affirmat Fab. 31, Herculem Hippocoontem cum decem filiis occidisse. Idem dicit Apollodorus, lib. ii Bibliothecae (cap. 7, § 3). ELMENH. Vide Heyn. V. S., not. ad Apollodor., l. i., pag. 188, ed. nov. De Sosibio Lacone, Grammatico, aequali Callimachi, vide Suid.; Censorin., de Die Nat., cap. 21; J. Lips., ad Taciti Annal., xi, 1; et G. J. Voss., de Hist. Graec., lib. i, cap. 15. ORELL.

"Does Sosibius declare that Hercules himself suffered the torment both of a wound inflicted and of pain at the hands of Hippocoon's children?" Our author copied this from Clement's Protrepticus. Hyginus, however, affirms in Fable 31 that Hercules killed Hippocoon with his ten sons. Apollodorus says the same, Library book ii (ch. 7, § 3). ELMENHORST. See Heyne, the eminent man, note on Apollodorus, book i, p. 188, new edition. On Sosibius the Laconian, grammarian, contemporary of Callimachus, see the Suda; Censorinus, On the Birthday, ch. 21; J. Lipsius on Tacitus, Annals xi, 1; and G. J. Vossius, On the Greek Historians, book i, ch. 15. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: Apud insulam Cretam sepulturae esse mandatum Jovem nobis editum traditur?› · note in col 1053

Apud insulam Cretam sepulturae esse mandatum Jovem nobis editum traditur? etc. Clemens in Protrept. pag. 24. (32. ed. Potter.): Ζήτει σου τὸν Δία· μὴ τὸν οὐρανὸν, ἀλλὰ τὴν γῆν πολυπραγμόνει. Ὁ Κρής σοι διηγήσεται, παρ' ᾧ καὶ τέθαπται. Καλλίμαχος ἐν ὕμνοις· καὶ γὰρ τάφον, ὦ ἄνα, σεῖο / Κρῆτες ἐτεκτήναντο. Vide supra ad lib. iii, cap. 30. ORELL.

"Is it in a book of ours that Jupiter is said to have been committed to burial on the island of Crete?" etc. Clement in the Protrepticus, p. 24 (32, Potter's edition): "Seek out your Zeus: search not heaven but the earth. The Cretan, among whom he is also buried, will tell you. Callimachus in the Hymns: 'For the Cretans, O lord, even built a tomb for you.'" See above on book iii, ch. 30. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: In Spartanis et Lacedaemoniis finibus nos dicimus conditos, in cunis coalitos fratres?› · note in col 1053

In Spartanis et Lacedaemoniis finibus nos dicimus conditos, in cunis coalitos fratres? etc., etc. Haec et sequentia iterum ex Clementis l. i., pag. 19. (26. ed. Potter.): Φιλόχορος δὲ ἐν Τήνῳ Ποσειδῶνά φησι τιμᾶσθαι ἰατρόν. Κρόνον δὲ ἐπικεῖσθαι Σικελίᾳ καὶ ἐνταῦθα αὐτὸν τετάφθαι. Πατροκλῆς δὲ ὁ Θούριος καὶ Σοφοκλῆς ὁ νεώτερος ἐν τρισὶ τραγῳδίαις ἱστορεῖτον τὼ Διοσκούρω πέρι· Ἀνθρώπω τινὲ τούτω τὼ Διοσκούρω ἐπικήρω γενέσθην, εἴ τῳ ἱκανὸς πιστώσασθαι Ὅμηρος τὸ λελεγμένον (Il. Γ, 243.): τοὺς δ' ἤδη κάτεχεν φυσίζοος αἶα / Ἐν Λακεδαίμονι αὖθι, φίλῃ ἐνὶ πατρίδι γαίῃ. Προσίτω δὲ καὶ ὁ τὰ Κυπριακὰ ποιήματα γράψας· Κάστωρ μὲν θνητὸς, θανάτου δέ οἱ αἶσα πέπρωται, / Αὐτὰρ ὅ γ' ἀθάνατος Πολυδεύκης, ὄζος Ἄρηος. Τοῦτο μὲν ποιητικῶς ἐψεύσατο. Ὅμηρος δὲ ἀξιοπιστότερος αὐτοῦ εἰπὼν περὶ ἀμφοῖν τοῖν Διοσκούροιν. Fratres itaque κατ' ἐξοχὴν appellat hoc loco Arnobius Tyndaridas, Castores. ORELL.

"Do we say that the brothers, grown up together in the cradle, are buried in the Spartan and Lacedaemonian territory?" etc., etc. This and what follows is again from Clement, book i, p. 19 (26, Potter's edition): "Philochorus says that in Tenos Poseidon is honoured as a physician; and that Cronus lies on Sicily and is buried there. Patrocles of Thurii and Sophocles the younger relate in three tragedies concerning the Dioscuri: these Dioscuri were two mortal men, if Homer is sufficient to confirm what is said (Iliad iii, 243): 'But them the life-giving earth already held, there in Lacedaemon, in their own dear native land.' Let the author of the Cypria come forward too: 'Castor was mortal, and the fate of death was allotted him; but Polydeuces, scion of Ares, was immortal.' This he lied in poet's fashion; but Homer is more trustworthy than he in what he said of both the Dioscuri." So in this passage Arnobius calls the Tyndarids, the Castores, "the brothers" par excellence. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Patrocles Thurius scriptorum in titulis indicatur› · note in col 1053, running into col 1054

Patrocles Thurius scriptorum in titulis indicatur. Stewech. conj. in titulis indigitatur, eodem sensu: contra quem bene observat Ol. Borrichius, in Cogitat., p. 129, indigitare ap. Latinos non esse indicare vel supra digitos recensere, sed invocare. Ita Macrobius, Sat., lib. i, cap. 17: Lindii colunt Apollinem λοίμιον, hoc cognomine finita pestilentia nuncupatum. Eadem opinio sospitalis et medici Dei in nostris quoque sacris fovetur: namque Virgines Vestales ita indigitant: Apollo Medice, Apollo Paean. Hinc indigitamenta libri cerimoniales. Vid. sup. ad lib. ii, cap. 73. Pro indicare, indicere, usus videtur hoc verbo Tertullianus de jejunio: Cum stupet coelum et aret annus, nudipedalia denuntiantur, magistratus purpuras ponunt, fasces retro avertunt, precem indigitant, hostiam instaurant. Ubi vero indigitant possis etiam explicare inchoant preces, precibus se ad festum praeparant. — De Patrocle Thurio vide Voss., de Hist. Graec., lib. iii, Op., vol. iv, pag. 184, ed Amst. ORELL.

"Patrocles of Thurii is named in the titles of the writers." Stewech conjectures "is invoked (indigitatur) in the titles," in the same sense; against him Ol. Borrichius rightly observes, in his Cogitationes, p. 129, that among the Latins "indigitare" does not mean to indicate or to count off on the fingers, but to invoke. So Macrobius, Saturnalia book i, ch. 17: "The Lindians worship Apollo Loimios, so named when a plague had ended. The same belief in a saving and healing god is cherished in our rites also: for the Vestal Virgins invoke him thus: Apollo the Physician, Apollo Paean." Hence the ceremonial books called "indigitamenta." See above on book ii, ch. 73. Tertullian seems to have used this verb for "to indicate, to proclaim" in On Fasting: "When the sky is struck dumb and the year is parched, barefoot processions are proclaimed, the magistrates lay aside their purple, turn their fasces backward, appoint a prayer (precem indigitant), renew the sacrifice." Though there you could also explain "indigitant" as "they begin prayers, they prepare themselves for the festival with prayers." — On Patrocles of Thurii see Vossius, On the Greek Historians, book iii, Works vol. iv, p. 184, Amsterdam edition. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹anchor: Chaeroneus Plutarchus› · note in col 1054

Chaeroneus Plutarchus, etc. Sic editi, Sed codex ms. regius exhibet: Hieronymus, Plutarchus. Verum si Arnobius heic, quemadmodum et alibi, Clementem Alexandrinum sequitur, scribendum erat: Hieronymus et Dicaearchus vel: Hieronymus philosophus. (Verba Clementis sunt p. 19. Sylb.: Ἡρακλέα οὖν καὶ αὐτὸς Ὅμηρος θνητὸν οἶδεν ἄνθρωπον. Ἱερώνυμος δὲ ὁ φιλόσοφος καὶ τὴν σχέσιν αὐτοῦ ὑφηγεῖται τοῦ σώματος, μικρὸν, φριξότριχα, ῥωστικὸν δὲ σχιζίαν, νευρώδη, μέλανα, γρυπὸν, ὑποχαροπὸν, τετανότριχα. οὗτος οὖν Ἡρακλῆς δύο πρὸς τοῖς πεντήκοντα ἔτη βεβιωκὼς κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον διὰ τῆς ἐν Οἴτῃ πυρᾶς κεκηδευμένος. ORELL. — Ab illo enim uterque citatur Protrept., pag. 19. Nihil tamen in Arnobii textu temere mutandum arbitramur. NOURRIUS. — Et omnino nihil mutandum. Nam Arnobius hoc loco, relicto Clemente suo, videtur secutus fuisse Plutarchum, qui librum scripsit de Vita Herculis, teste Lampria et A. Gellio, Noct. Att., i, 1, cujus fragmenta quaedam collegit Cl. Wyttenbach., in editione sua Operum Moral. Plutarchi, nostrum etiam locum haud praetermittens. Caeterum de Herculis obitu in monte Oeta conf. Minuc. Fel., Lactant., lib. i, cap. 9; Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. xviii, cap. 4; Servius, in Virgil., Eclog. viii; Firmic., de Error. profan. rel.; Hygin., fab. 36. ORELL.

"Plutarch of Chaeronea," etc. So the printed editions. But the royal manuscript shows "Hieronymus, Plutarchus." Yet if Arnobius here, as elsewhere too, follows Clement of Alexandria, one should write "Hieronymus and Dicaearchus" or "Hieronymus the philosopher." (Clement's words are, p. 19 Sylburg: "Homer himself, then, knows Heracles as a mortal man. And Hieronymus the philosopher even describes the build of his body: small, with bristling hair, strong but lean, sinewy, dark, hook-nosed, with light-grey eyes, with straight hair. This Heracles, then, having lived fifty-two years, ended his life, given his funeral on the pyre on Oeta." ORELLI. — For both are cited by him, Protrepticus, p. 19. Yet we think nothing in Arnobius's text should be changed rashly. LE NOURRY. — And nothing at all should be changed. For in this passage Arnobius seems to have left his Clement and followed Plutarch, who wrote a book on the Life of Hercules, as Lamprias and Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights i, 1, attest; the distinguished Wyttenbach collected some fragments of it in his edition of Plutarch's Moral Works, not omitting our passage either. On Hercules's death on Mount Oeta compare, moreover, Minucius Felix; Lactantius, book i, ch. 9; Augustine, City of God book xviii, ch. 4; Servius on Virgil, Eclogue viii; Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions; Hyginus, fable 36. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹anchor: XXVI. — Numquid enim a nobis arguitur rex maris … virginitate privasse?› · note in col 1054

XXVI. — Numquid enim a nobis arguitur rex maris Amphitritas, Hippothoas, Amymonas, Menalippas, Alopas per furiosae cupiditatis ardorem castimoniae virginitate privasse? Alopas pro Alcyonas edidit Salmas. Hic etiam Arnobius ad verbum pene expressit Clementem suum, cujus verba in Protrept., pag. 20, (27. ed. Potteri) haec sunt: Κάλει μοι τὸν Ποσειδῶ, καὶ τὸν χορὸν τὸν διεφθαρμένον ὑπ' αὐτοῦ, τὴν Ἀμφιτρίτην, τὴν Ἀμυμώνην, τὴν Ἀλόπην, τὴν Μελανίππην, τὴν Ἀλκυόνην, τὴν Ἱπποθόην, τὴν Χιόνην, τὰς ἄλλας τὰς μυρίας· ἐν αἷς δὴ καὶ τοσαύταις οὔσαις ἔτι τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ὑμῶν ἐστενοχωρεῖτο τὰ πάθη. Ex eodem fonte hausisse videtur Julius Firmicus, de Errore profan. rel., pag. 427. ed. Gronov.: Adulteria omnia eorum enumerare difficile est. Quis Amymonen? quis Alopen? quis Menalippen? quis Chionen Hippothoenque corrupit? Nempe Deus vester haec fecisse memoratur. Ubi Jo. Wowerius in Arnobio rescribendum putat Chionas pro Alcyonas. Sed utram omiserit, non constat, cum ambae memorentur a Clemente. De Chione vide Apollodor., Bibl. iii, cap. 15, Segm. 4, pag. 368, ed. Heyn. novae: de Amymone eumdem lib. ii, cap. 1, segm. 4, pag. 121; Hygin., fab. 169, ibique Munker. et Schol. ad Euripid. Phoeniss., vers. 195. Pro Menalippas idem Wowerius ad Firmic. l. l. rescribendum censet Melanippas ex Clemente. Sed Menalippe etiam Juvenali dicitur sat. viii, 229; Varroni, de Re (continues)

XXVI. "Is the king of the sea accused by us of having robbed the Amphitrites, Hippothoes, Amymones, Menalippes and Alopes of their chaste virginity through the heat of raging desire?" Salmasius printed "Alopes" for "Alcyones." Here too Arnobius rendered his Clement almost word for word; Clement's words in the Protrepticus, p. 20 (27, Potter's edition), are these: "Call me Poseidon, and the band of women he corrupted: Amphitrite, Amymone, Alope, Melanippe, Alcyone, Hippothoe, Chione, and the countless others; among whom, though they were so many, the passions of your Poseidon still felt cramped for room." Julius Firmicus seems to have drawn from the same source, On the Error of Profane Religions, p. 427, Gronovius's edition: "It is hard to list all their adulteries. Who corrupted Amymone? Who Alope? Who Menalippe? Who Chione and Hippothoe? Your god, of course, is recorded to have done this." There Jo. Wowerius thinks that in Arnobius one should write "Chiones" for "Alcyones." But which of the two he omitted is not certain, since both are mentioned by Clement. On Chione see Apollodorus, Library iii, ch. 15, section 4, p. 368, Heyne's new edition; on Amymone the same, book ii, ch. 1, section 4, p. 121; Hyginus, fable 169, and Muncker there; and the scholiast on Euripides, Phoenissae, line 195. For "Menalippes" the same Wowerius, on Firmicus at the place cited, thinks one should write "Melanippes," from Clement. But she is also called Menalippe by Juvenal, Satire viii, 229, and by Varro, On (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: XXVI. — Numquid enim a nobis arguitur rex maris … (from p. 529)› · note in col 1055

(continued) [… not visible in foot image …] [Phy]sicum (?) et Munker. ad Hygin. fab. 186, ubi ejus historia fuse exponitur. De Hippothoe videndus Apollodorus, Bibl. ii, cap. 4, segm. 5, pag. 147; de Alope, matre Hippothoontis ex Neptuno, Pausanias, lib. i, cap. 39, ed. Facii, et Hyginus, fab. 187; de Alcyone, quam noster omisit, addit Clemens; idem, fab. 157, et quos laudat ibi Munkerus. Pro castimoniae virginitate Meursius mavult: Castimonia ac virginitate, vel: castimonia virginitatis. ORELL.

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(2) ‹anchor: Arsinoas, Aethusas, Hypsipylas, Marpissas, Zeuxippas, et Prothoas, Daphnas et Steropas› · note in col 1055

Arsinoas, Aethusas, Hypsipylas, Marpissas, Zeuxippas, et Prothoas, Daphnas et Steropas. Clemens p. l. sic pergit: Κάλει μοι καὶ τὸν Ἀπόλλω· Φοῖβός ἐστιν οὗτος, καὶ μάντις ἁγνὸς, καὶ σύμβουλος ἀγαθός· ἀλλ' οὐ ταυτὰ ἡ Στερόπη λέγει, οὐδὲ ἡ Αἴθουσα, οὐδὲ ἡ Ἀρσινόη, οὐδὲ ἡ Ζευξίππη, οὐδὲ ἡ Προθόη, οὐδὲ ἡ Μάρπισσα, οὐδὲ ἡ Ὑψιπύλη· Δάφνη γὰρ ἐξέφυγε μόνη καὶ τὸν μάντιν καὶ τὴν φθοράν. Jul. Firmicus, l. l., pag. 428: Ille, quem volunt severis oraculis errantium hominum peccata corrigere, Steropen amat, Aethusam rapit, Zeuxippen stuprat, quaerit Prothoen et Arsinoe adultera cupiditate blanditur. Sed ex isto corruptarum mulierum grege una puella amatorem deum et vitavit et vicit. Daphnen enim divinans deus et futura praedicens nec invenire potuit, nec stuprare. De Arsinoe, Aesculapii matre, vide prae caeteris Scholiastem Pindari ad Pyth., iii, 14; Apollodor. Bibl. ii, cap. 10, segm. 3, ibique Heyn. V. S. Obss., pag. 176, ed. nov. Aethusas restituerunt e Clemente Meursius et Stewechius. Antea legebatur Chrysas. Vide eumdem Apollodor., lib. iii, cap. 10, init. Hypsipylae, tamquam amicae Apollinis, nullus, quod scio, meminit praeter nostrum et Clementem. Marpissae autem historiam servavit nobis Apollodorus Bibl. i, cap. 70, segm. 8, p. 49, Zeuxippae et Prothoae mentionem alibi frustra quaesivi. Daphnes fabulam elegantissimis versibus exornavit Ovidius, Met., i, 452, seqq. Conf. Hygin., fab. 203. ORELL.

"The Arsinoes, Aethusas, Hypsipyles, Marpessas, Zeuxippes and Prothoes, the Daphnes and Steropes." Clement, at the place cited, goes on thus: "Call me Apollo too. This is Phoebus, a holy seer and good counsellor; but Sterope does not say so, nor Aethusa, nor Arsinoe, nor Zeuxippe, nor Prothoe, nor Marpessa, nor Hypsipyle; for Daphne alone escaped both the seer and the ruin." Julius Firmicus, at the place cited, p. 428: "He whom they would have correct the sins of erring men by stern oracles loves Sterope, carries off Aethusa, debauches Zeuxippe, seeks Prothoe, and fawns on Arsinoe with adulterous desire. But out of that herd of corrupted women one girl both shunned and overcame her divine lover. For the god who divines and foretells the future could neither find Daphne nor debauch her." On Arsinoe, mother of Aesculapius, see above all the scholiast on Pindar, Pythian iii, 14; Apollodorus, Library ii, ch. 10, section 3, and Heyne there, Observations, p. 176, new edition. Meursius and Stewech restored "Aethusas" from Clement; before, it read "Chrysas." See the same Apollodorus, book iii, beginning of ch. 10. No one, as far as I know, mentions Hypsipyle as a beloved of Apollo except our author and Clement. Apollodorus has preserved for us the story of Marpessa, Library i, ch. 70, section 8, p. 49; for any mention of Zeuxippe and Prothoe elsewhere I have searched in vain. Ovid adorned the fable of Daphne in most elegant verse, Metamorphoses i, 452 ff. Compare Hyginus, fable 203. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: Numquid senex Saturnus….. nostris carminibus indicatur ab uxore in adulterio comprehensus› · note in col 1055

Numquid senex Saturnus..... nostris carminibus indicatur ab uxore in adulterio comprehensus, etc. Jun. Philargyrius ad Virgil., Georg. iii, 93: Saturnus, cum Philyram Oceani filiam in Thessalia adamasset, et cum ea coiret, adventante uxore se in equum, illam in equam convertit, atque ita uterque opprobrium effugerunt. ELMENH. — Conf. Hygin. fab. 138, et quos laudat ibi Munkerus. ORELL.

"Is old Saturn ..... shown in our poems caught in adultery by his wife?" etc. Junius Philargyrius on Virgil, Georgics iii, 93: "Saturn, having fallen in love with Philyra, daughter of Ocean, in Thessaly, and lying with her, when his wife came near turned himself into a horse and her into a mare, and so both escaped disgrace." ELMENHORST. — Compare Hyginus, fable 138, and those whom Muncker cites there. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: Induisse formam feri› · note in col 1055

Induisse formam feri, id est equi. Virgil., Aen. ii, 51: Inque feri curvam compagibus alvum / Contorsit. Accius Medea: Perite in stabulis frenos immittens feris. HERALD. Haec ex Nonio. Conf. Livinaeus in Nazarii Paneg., cap. 29, pag. 79. Vol. ii ed. Jaeger. Cassiodor. Psalm. 31. Frenum enim a fero retinendo dictum est, ferum quippe antiqui caballum dixerunt. Hinc Centauri dicti semiferi, id est Semiequi. Conf., qui plura exempla attulit, Savaro ad Sidon., carm. xi, pag. 135. ORELL.

"Took on the form of a wild beast (ferus)," that is, of a horse. Virgil, Aeneid ii, 51: "And he hurled it into the beast's curved belly with its joints." Accius, Medea: "Skilfully putting bridles on the beasts in the stables." HÉRAULT. This comes from Nonius. Compare Livinaeus on Nazarius's Panegyric, ch. 29, p. 79, vol. ii, Jaeger's edition. Cassiodorus on Psalm 31: "For the bridle (frenum) is named from holding back the beast (ferus), since the ancients called a horse 'ferus.'" Hence the Centaurs were called "half-beasts," that is, half-horses. Compare Savaron on Sidonius, poem xi, p. 135, who adduced more examples. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Jupiter ipse rex mundi nonne a vobis infamatus est isse per innumeras species?› · note in col 1055, running into col 1056

Jupiter ipse rex mundi nonne a vobis infamatus est isse per innumeras species? Sic edidi ex emendatione J. G. Graevii in Epistola ad N. Heinsium 258, Syl- [… not visible in foot image …] infamis est. At infinitivus iste non adjectivum, sed participium flagitat. ORELL.

"Has not Jupiter himself, king of the world, been defamed by you as having gone through countless shapes?" So I have printed from the emendation of J. G. Graevius in his letter 258 to N. Heinsius, Syl[loge …] [… not visible …] is infamous. But that infinitive calls not for an adjective but for a participle. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Servilibus obumbravisse fallaciis› · note in col 1056

Servilibus obumbravisse fallaciis. N. Heinsius in Epist. ad Graev. 257, legendum censet aut pervilibus, aut versipellibus fallaciis; at idem in Epist. 259, mavult vernilibus fallaciis. Vernile enim omne vocabant, quicquid homine ingenuo minus habebatur dignum. Sed eodem sensu dicitur etiam servilis, quod recte defendit Graevius in Epist. 258. Cui non notae Davorum, Getarum fallaciae et doli in comoediis? ORELL.

"Veiled (his desires) with slavish tricks." N. Heinsius, in letter 257 to Graevius, thinks one should read either "very base" or "shape-shifting" tricks; but the same man in letter 259 prefers "slave-born tricks." For they called "vernile" everything that was held unworthy of a freeborn man. But "servilis" is said in the same sense, as Graevius rightly defends in letter 258. Who does not know the tricks and wiles of the Davuses and Getas in the comedies? ORELLI.

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(7) ‹anchor: Conscriptus est› · note in col 1056

Conscriptus est. Vide supra ad lib. i, cap. 56. ID.

"He is written down." See above on book i, ch. 56. THE SAME (Orelli).

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(8) ‹anchor: Modo esse in aurum versus› · note in col 1056

Modo esse in aurum versus, etc. Clemens in Protrep., p. 24 (32. ed. Potteri): Τέθνηκε γὰρ ὁ Ζεὺς, μὴ δυσφόρει, ὡς Λήδα, ὡς κύκνος, ὡς ἀετὸς, ὡς ἄνθρωπος ἐρωτικὸς, ὡς δράκων. Firmicus, de Errore profan. rel., pag. 427: Adulterio delectatur aliquis, Jovem respicit, et inde cupiditatis suae fomenta requirit, probat, imitatur et laudat, quod deus suus in cygno fallit, in tauro rapit, ludit in satyro, et ut liberalis in flagitiis esse consuescat, quod inclusam regiam virginem auro largiter fluente corruperit. ELMENH. et ORELL.

"Now that he was turned into gold," etc. Clement in the Protrepticus, p. 24 (32, Potter's edition): "For Zeus is dead (do not be distressed), like Leda, like the swan, like the eagle, like the amorous man, like the serpent." Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions, p. 427: "Someone delights in adultery: he looks to Jupiter, and seeks from him the kindling of his desire; he approves, imitates and praises the fact that his god deceives as a swan, carries off as a bull, sports as a satyr, and, that he may grow used to being generous in his crimes, that he corrupted a royal maiden shut up in prison with a lavish flow of gold." ELMENHORST and ORELLI.

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(9) ‹anchor: Modo in satyrum ludicrum, in draconem› · note in col 1056

Modo in satyrum ludicrum, in draconem. N. Heinsius in Epistola 257, ad J. G. Graev. Sylloges Burmann. vol. iv, pag. 329, legendum censet: Modo in Satyram (accusat. Graec.). lubricum in draconem, probante Oudendorpio in Apulei., Met., lib. i, pag. 22. Mihi antiqua lectio bona videtur et minime mutanda. Ludicrus enim convenientissimum Satyrorum epitheton, qui saltantes, ludentes, salaces, protervi saepissime dicuntur a poetis. Neque ullibi invenire potui Satyr, is, declinatione tertia. ORELL.

"Now into a playful satyr, into a serpent." N. Heinsius, in letter 257 to J. G. Graevius, Burman's Sylloge vol. iv, p. 329, thinks one should read "now into a Satyr (Greek accusative), slippery into a serpent," with the approval of Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses book i, p. 22. To me the old reading seems good and not at all to be changed. For "playful" is a most fitting epithet of the Satyrs, who are very often called by the poets dancing, sporting, lustful, wanton. Nor have I been able to find anywhere "Satyr, Satyris" of the third declension. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹anchor: In formiculam parvulam, ut Clitoris videlicet filiam Myrmidonis redderet apud Thessalos matrem› · note in col 1056

In formiculam parvulam, ut Clitoris videlicet filiam Myrmidonis redderet apud Thessalos matrem. Ita verissime locum restituit Gelenius ex Clemente, qui in Protrept. p. 25 (34 ed. Potter.) sic inquit: Τί δέ, οὐ πάλιν Θετταλοὶ μύρμηκας ἱστοροῦνται σέβειν, ἐπεὶ τὸν Δία μεμαθήκασιν ὁμοιωθέντα μύρμηκι, τῇ Κλήτορος θυγατρὶ Εὐρυμεδούσῃ μιγῆναι καὶ Μυρμιδόνα γεννῆσαι. Ed. princeps corruptissime: Ut Clitoris videlicet filiam Mirdonis edere apud Thessalos matrem. ORELL.

"Into a tiny little ant, that is, to make the daughter of Clitor the mother of Myrmidon among the Thessalians." So Gelenius restored the passage, most truly, from Clement, who says thus in the Protrepticus, p. 25 (34, Potter's edition): "What then? Are not the Thessalians in turn reported to worship ants, since they have learned that Zeus, made like an ant, lay with Eurymedusa, daughter of Cleitor, and begot Myrmidon?" The first edition, most corruptly: "that is, to bring forth the daughter of Clitor as mother of Mirdon among the Thessalians." ORELLI.

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(11) ‹anchor: Quis illum in Alcmena novem noctibus fecit pervigilasse continuis› · note in col 1056

Quis illum in Alcmena novem noctibus fecit pervigilasse continuis. Arnobius hic Clementem sequitur, cujus verba in Protrept. p. 9: Εἰς ὅσον διελήλακεν ἀσελγείας ὁ Ζεὺς ἐκεῖνος, ὁ μετ' Ἀλκμήνης τοσαύτας ἡδυπαθήσας νύκτας; οὐδὲ γὰρ αἱ νύκτες αἱ ἐννέα τῷ ἀκολάστῳ μακραί· ἅπας δὲ ἔμπαλιν ὁ βίος ἀκρασίᾳ βραχὺς ἦν, ἵνα δὴ ἡμῖν τὸν ἀλεξίκακον σπείρῃ θεόν. Ubi Potterus, p. 28, haec annotat: « Plerique Jovem tres noctes cum Alcmena concubuisse referunt; unde Lycophron Herculem ex illo concubitu genitum vocat τριέσπερον Cassandr., vers. 33, et Justinus in Paraenesi. Ternoctem Herculeam dixit Statius Theb. XII, Seneca in Agamemnone duas noctes refert; quem numerum habet etiam Propertius, lib. ii, eleg. xxii, 25. Martianus Capella, lib. ii, et Hygin., fab. 29; Hieronymus, adv. Vigilantium, cap. 4, et Ovidus, lib. i, Amor., eleg. xiii; Plautus, in Prologo Amphitr., unam noctem dicit, sed longiorem. Cum Clemente et Arnobio consentit Cyrillus adv. Julian., lib. vi, p. 196: Γεγράφθω δὲ καὶ Ἀλκμήνη, μεθ' ἧς τὰς ἐννέα διετέλεσε νύκτας ὁ καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἄγαν αἰσχροῖς [last word illegible in foot image] (continues)

"Who made him stay awake with Alcmena for nine nights on end?" Arnobius here follows Clement, whose words in the Protrepticus, p. 9, are: "To what a pitch of licence has that Zeus gone, who took his pleasure with Alcmena through so many nights? For not even the nine nights were long to the unbridled one; on the contrary, a whole lifetime was short for his incontinence, so that he might sow for us the god who averts evil." Where Potter, p. 28, notes this: "Most report that Jupiter lay with Alcmena three nights; whence Lycophron calls Hercules, begotten of that union, 'of the three evenings,' Cassandra, line 33, and so does Justin in the Exhortation. Statius, Thebaid XII, speaks of 'the Herculean triple night'; Seneca in the Agamemnon gives two nights, a number also found in Propertius, book ii, elegy xxii, 25. Martianus Capella, book ii, and Hyginus, fable 29; Jerome, Against Vigilantius, ch. 4, and Ovid, Amores book i, elegy xiii; Plautus, in the Prologue of the Amphitruo, speaks of one night, but a longer one. Cyril, Against Julian book vi, p. 196, agrees with Clement and Arnobius: 'Let Alcmena too be recorded, with whom he spent the nine nights, he who even in the most shameful things [illegible] (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Quis illum in Alcmena novem noctibus fecit pervigilasse continuis (from p. 530)› · note in col 1057

(continued) [… not visible in foot image …] [Tra]goediae latinae, P. ii, p. 286. ORELL.

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(2) ‹anchor: Hercules sanctus deus› · note in col 1057

Hercules sanctus deus. Sanctus, id est castus, integer vitae. Vide supra ad cap. 16 ejusdem libri. Ita scil. Arnobius Herculem vocat εἰρωνικῶς, ut bene observat C. G. Schwarz., ad Plinii Paneg., cap. i, p. 3. Quare non audiendus Stewechius reponens Hercules sancus deus. Sancus quidem nomen Herculis apud Sabinos. Vide Varronem, de Lingua latina, lib. iv; et Cellar., ad Lactant. Inst., lib. i, cap. 15, p. 95, ed. Bunemann. Sed hoc plene alienum a nostro loco. ORELL.

"Hercules, the holy god." "Holy," that is, chaste, of blameless life. See above on ch. 16 of the same book. Arnobius, that is, calls Hercules so ironically, as C. G. Schwarz rightly observes on Pliny's Panegyric, ch. i, p. 3. So Stewech is not to be heeded when he substitutes "Hercules, the god Sancus." Sancus was indeed a name of Hercules among the Sabines. See Varro, On the Latin Language, book iv; and Cellarius on Lactantius, Institutes book i, ch. 15, p. 95, Bünemann's edition. But this is wholly foreign to our passage. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: Natas quinquaginta de Thestio› · note in col 1057

Natas quinquaginta de Thestio. Alii: de Thespio. Sed in nomine Thestii consentiunt Pausanias in Boeoticis, p. 302. Athenaeus, lib. xiii, p. 556, ed. Casauboni; Nazianzenus, Orat. i, in Julian.; Suidas, in Θεστιάδες et prae caeteris, quem noster secutus est; Clemens Alex., in Protrept., p. 28, ed. Potteri, cujus verba haec sunt: Διὸς υἱὸς Ἡρακλῆς, Διὸς ὡς ἀληθῶς, ὁ ἐκ μακρᾶς γεννώμενος νυκτός· τοὺς μὲν ἄθλους τοὺς δώδεκα πολλῷ ταλαιπωρησάμενος χρόνῳ· τὰς δὲ πεντήκοντα Θεστίου θυγατέρας νυκτὶ διαφθείρας μιᾷ. Conf. Fronto Ducaeus. ad Tatian., orat. in graec., p. 78, ed. Worth. ORELL.

"The fifty daughters of Thestius." Others read "of Thespius." But in the name Thestius agree Pausanias in the Boeotica, p. 302; Athenaeus, book xiii, p. 556, Casaubon's edition; Nazianzen, Oration i against Julian; the Suda under "Thestiades"; and above all Clement of Alexandria, whom our author followed, in the Protrepticus, p. 28, Potter's edition, whose words are these: "Heracles, son of Zeus, truly of Zeus, begotten of a long night: he toiled through the twelve labours over a long time, but the fifty daughters of Thestius he ruined in a single night." Compare Fronton du Duc on Tatian, Oration to the Greeks, p. 78, Worth's edition. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: Et nomen virginitatis exponere› · note in col 1057

Et nomen virginitatis exponere. J. G. Graevius in Epistola ad N. Heinsium, 258, Syllog. Burmann, vol. iv, p. 331, legendum censet: Nomen virginitatis deponere. Gelenius ed. ponere. Sed vide quae supra annotavimus ad ejusdem libri cap. 21. Nomen virginitatis exponere est itaque virginitatem prostituere; ut nomen agelli agellus, nomen patriae ap. Justinum patria. Vide supra, ad lib. i, cap. 5. ORELL.

"And to expose the name of virginity." J. G. Graevius, in letter 258 to N. Heinsius, Burman's Sylloge vol. iv, p. 331, thinks one should read "to lay down the name of virginity." Gelenius printed "to lay." But see what we noted above on ch. 21 of the same book. To "expose the name of virginity" is therefore to prostitute virginity; as "the name of a little field" is the little field, and "the name of fatherland" in Justin is the fatherland. See above on book i, ch. 5. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Quid quod non contenti foeminei generis attribuisse diis curas› · note in col 1057

Quid quod non contenti foeminei generis attribuisse diis curas. Stewechius mavult interpungere: Quid? quod. Sed parum aut nihil interest, utro modo distinguamus. Curas recte interpretatur idem Stewechius de amoribus citans locum notissimum Virgilii Aen. iv, init.: At regina, gravi jamdudum saucia cura, / Vulnus alit venis et caeco carpitur igni. Festus, Cura, inquit, dicta est, quasi cor edat, vel quia cor urat, ubi vid. Dacer. ORELL.

"What of the fact that, not content to have ascribed to the gods cares for the female sex?" Stewech prefers to punctuate "Quid? quod." But it matters little or nothing which way we divide it. The same Stewech rightly explains "cares" of love affairs, citing the very well-known passage of Virgil, beginning of Aeneid iv: "But the queen, long since wounded by a heavy care, feeds the wound in her veins and is consumed by a hidden fire." Festus says: "Cura is so called as if it eats the heart (cor edat), or because it burns the heart (cor urat)"; see Dacier there. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Etiam sexus adjungitis adamatos ab his mares› · note in col 1057

Etiam sexus adjungitis adamatos ab his mares. In cod. ms. deest sexus. ORELL.

"You even add males of the (other) sex loved by them." In the manuscript "sexus" is missing. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹anchor: Hylam nescio quis diligit› · note in col 1057, running into col 1058

Hylam nescio quis diligit. Id est Hercules. Sic aliquis quandoque. Tertullian., Apologet., cap. 11: Quot tamen potiores viros apud inferos reliquistis? aliquem de sapientia Socratem, de justitia Aristidem; et cap. 12: O impiae voces, o sacrilega convicia! Infrendite, inspumate. Iidem estis, qui Senecam aliquem pluribus et majoribus de vestra superstitione perorantem reprehendistis. Sic Graeci quandoque τινὰ dicunt eleganter, cum aliquem perstringunt. Aristophanes in Ranis: κακὸν ἥκει τινί, et ἥκει τῷ κακόν, etc. ἀγορεύω τινὶ / Ἐμὲ μὴ βασανίζειν ἀθάνατον ὄντα. Alicui dico ἀγορεύω τινὶ, id est tibi ipsi. Sic eadem fabula: ἤλγησέ τις, et alibi compluries. Sic Plautus in Amphitryone: Olet homo quidam malo suo. Sic enim recte; non quidem. HERALD. — Haec et sequentia mutuatus est Arnobius iterum a Clemente suo, p. 28, ed. [… not visible in foot image …] θεοί· ὁ μέν τις Ὕλλου· ὁ δὲ Ὑακίνθου, ὁ δὲ Πέλοπος· ὁ δὲ Χρυσίππου· ὁ δὲ Γανυμήδους ἐρῶντες. Similiter et Jul. Firmicus, de Errore prof. rel., p. 427, ed. Gronov.: Puerorum aliquis delectatur amplexibus, Ganymedem in sinu Jovis quaerat, Herculem videat Hylam impatienti amore quaerentem, Hyacinthi desiderio captum Apollinem discat, Chrysippum alius, alius Pelopem videat, ut per deos suos sibi licere dicat quicquid hodie severissime Romanis legibus vindicatur. ORELL.

"Someone or other loves Hylas." That is, Hercules. So "someone" is sometimes used. Tertullian, Apology, ch. 11: "Yet how many better men have you left among the dead? Some Socrates for wisdom, some Aristides for justice"; and ch. 12: "O impious words, O sacrilegious insults! Gnash your teeth, foam at the mouth. You are the same who found fault with some Seneca when he spoke at greater length and more weightily about your superstition." So the Greeks sometimes elegantly say "someone" when they glance at a person. Aristophanes in the Frogs: "trouble is coming to someone," and "trouble is coming to somebody," etc.; "I tell someone not to torture me, being immortal." "I tell someone," that is, you yourself. So in the same play: "Someone felt pain," and many times elsewhere. So Plautus in the Amphitruo: "A certain man smells, to his own harm." For so it should read, correctly, not "quidem." HÉRAULT. — This and what follows Arnobius again borrowed from his Clement, p. 28, edition [… not visible …] gods: one in love with Hyllus, another with Hyacinthus, another with Pelops, another with Chrysippus, another with Ganymede." Similarly Julius Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions, p. 427, Gronovius's edition: "Is someone delighted by the embraces of boys? Let him seek Ganymede in Jupiter's bosom, let him see Hercules seeking Hylas with impatient love, let him learn of Apollo captured by desire for Hyacinthus, let one man look at Chrysippus, another at Pelops, so that he may say that through his gods whatever is today most severely punished by Roman law is allowed to him." ORELLI.

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(8) ‹anchor: Hyacintho est alter occupatus› · note in col 1058

Hyacintho est alter occupatus. Hyacinthi ab Apolline amati fabulam versibus elegantissimis tradidit Ovidius, Met. x, 162 seqq. Conf. Hygin., fab. 271. ORELL.

"Another is taken up with Hyacinthus." Ovid told the fable of Hyacinthus, beloved of Apollo, in most elegant verse, Metamorphoses x, 162 ff. Compare Hyginus, fable 271. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹anchor: Ille Pelopis desideriis flagrat› · note in col 1058

Ille Pelopis desideriis flagrat. Neptunus scil., a quo Pelopem amatum scribit Tatianus Or. contra Graecos et Pindarus Olymp., i, 38: Πέλοπος· τοῦ μεγασθενὴς Ἐράσσατο γαιάοχος Ποσειδᾶν. ORELL.

"That one burns with desire for Pelops." Neptune, that is, by whom Tatian, Oration against the Greeks, writes that Pelops was loved, and Pindar, Olympian i, 38: "Pelops, whom the mighty earth-holder Poseidon loved." ORELLI.

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(10) ‹anchor: Hic in Chrysippum suspirat ardentius› · note in col 1058

Hic in Chrysippum suspirat ardentius. Chrysippi Pelopis filii ab Laio rapti fabulam tradit Aelianus, Var. Hist., xiii, 5. Apollodor. Bibl. iii, c. 5, segm. 5, ibique Heyn. V. S. iii Obss., p. 237, ed. nov., et Boettiger., in Wielandi l. t. Attisches Museum vol. i, p. 346, seq. A Theseo inter ludos raptum, refert Hyginus fab. 271, si sana est lectio. Vide Munker. Ab ipso Jove, Praxilla Sicyonio ap. Athenaeum, lib. xiii, p. 603, ed. Casaubon. ORELL.

"This one sighs more ardently for Chrysippus." Aelian, Varia Historia xiii, 5, tells the fable of Chrysippus, son of Pelops, carried off by Laius; Apollodorus, Library iii, ch. 5, section 5, and Heyne there, Observations iii, p. 237, new edition; and Böttiger in Wieland's book entitled Attisches Museum, vol. i, p. 346 f. Hyginus, fable 271, reports that he was carried off by Theseus during the games, if the reading is sound; see Muncker. By Jupiter himself, according to Praxilla of Sicyon in Athenaeus, book xiii, p. 603, Casaubon's edition. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹anchor: Catamitus› · note in col 1058

Catamitus. Festus: Catamitum pro Ganymede dixerunt, qui fuit Jovis concubinus. Papias: Catamitus.... Ganymedes. Ganymedes mollis fuit; ex quo Catamiti dicuntur molles. Sic noster infra: Catamitus puer pudoris spoliatus est honestate. Plura hujus nominis exempla collegerunt C. Barthius, in Adversar., lib. xxiii, c. 7, p. 1128; L. Bunemann., ad Lactant., Inst. i, c. 11, p. 67, et P. Burmann., ii, in Anthol. lat., lib. iii, Epigr. 92, vol. i, p. 547. ORELL.

"Catamitus." Festus: "They said Catamitus for Ganymede, who was Jupiter's concubine." Papias: "Catamitus .... Ganymede. Ganymede was effeminate; from which effeminate men are called catamites." So our author below: "The boy Catamitus was robbed of the honour of his chastity." C. Barth collected more examples of this name in the Adversaria, book xxiii, ch. 7, p. 1128; L. Bünemann on Lactantius, Institutes i, ch. 11, p. 67; and P. Burman the younger in the Latin Anthology, book iii, epigram 92, vol. i, p. 547. ORELLI.

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(12) ‹anchor: Delicium futurus et poculorum custos› · note in col 1058

Delicium futurus et poculorum custos. Sic edidi ex emendatione editoris Lugd. Bat verissima. Alii: deliciarum futurus et poculorum custos. Sed deliciarum custos, minime ad Ganymedem spectat. Neque enim propudiosa fabula. C. Barthius, in Adversar., l. i, legendum suspicatur deliciarium futurus, hoc est in quo maximae Jovis deliciae sint reconditae. Sed vocabulum deliciarum, ii, frustra quaesivi in Lexicis. ORELL.

"To be a darling and the keeper of the cups." So I have printed from the Leiden editor's most true emendation. Others read "to be keeper of the delights and of the cups." But "keeper of the delights" does not at all apply to Ganymede; nor (does) the shameless fable. C. Barth, Adversaria book i, suspects one should read "to be a deliciarium," that is, one in whom Jupiter's greatest delights are stored. But I have looked in vain in the lexicons for the word "deliciarium, -ii." ORELLI.

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(13) ‹anchor: Et ut Jovis dicatur pullus, in partibus Fabius aduritur mollibus, obsignaturque posticis› · note in col 1058

Et ut Jovis dicatur pullus, in partibus Fabius aduritur mollibus, obsignaturque posticis. Festus.... Pullus Jovis dicebatur Q. Fabius, cui Eburno cognomen erat propter candorem, quod ejus natis fulmine icta erat. Antiqui autem puerum, quem quis amabat, pullum ejus dixere. HERALD. — Ad quem Festi locum Dacerius haec annotat: « Fabium illum intellige, qui cognominatus est Ambustus, toti porro familiae illud cognomen dedit. Ambusti enim proprie, quos Jupiter fulminis afflavit ventis et contigit igni. A puer puerus, puerulus, pullus. Nisi malis pullus esse a πῶλος, quod mihi etiam magis placet. Nam πῶλος Graecis catamitus et meretrix. Hesychius: Πῶλος..... ἑταίρα. πώλους γὰρ αὐτὰς ἔλεγον οἷον Ἀφροδίτης πώλους, ἢ τοὺς νέους καὶ τὰς νέας καὶ παρθένους. » ORELL.

"And that Fabius, to be called Jupiter's chick, is burned on his soft parts and sealed on his hinder parts." Festus: "..... Q. Fabius, surnamed Eburnus ('of ivory') for his whiteness, was called Jupiter's chick because his buttock had been struck by lightning. The ancients called a boy whom someone loved his 'chick.'" HÉRAULT. — On this passage of Festus Dacier notes: "Understand that Fabius who was surnamed Ambustus ('scorched'), and who then gave that surname to his whole family. For those are properly 'ambusti' whom Jupiter has breathed on with the winds of his thunderbolt and touched with its fire. From 'puer' comes 'puerus,' 'puerulus,' 'pullus.' Unless you prefer 'pullus' to come from pōlos (foal), which I like even better. For pōlos among the Greeks means a catamite and a harlot. Hesychius: 'Pōlos ..... a courtesan. For they called them foals, as it were Aphrodite's foals; or the young men, the young women and maidens.'" ORELLI.

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(14) ‹anchor: XXVII.— Nonne vestris cautum est litteris› · note in col 1058

XXVII.— Nonne vestris cautum est litteris. Locus (continues)

XXVII. "Is it not laid down in your writings?" The passage (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: XXVII.— Nonne vestris cautum est litteris (from p. 531)› · note in col 1059

(continued) [… not visible in foot image …] vel unius litterae mutatione facile sanari et in integrum restitui possit. Vult enim auctor noster dicere: Nonne vestris litteris continetur et celebratum est? eamque significationem hoc vocabulum non admittere, satis constat. Quare minima, ut dixi, mutatione hanc veram et sinceram lectionem auguror, si pro cautum legamus cantum, id est cantatum. TH. CANTER.— Equidem vulgatam lectionem verissimam habeo. Nimirum verba haec respiciunt ad praecedentia: foemineo sexui sua conservata est sanctitas. Atqui pergit Arnobius: Nonne (hoc) vestris cautum est litteris, scil. ne conservaretur foemineo sexui sua sanctitas. Est itaque h. l. zeugma vel syllepsis, figura notissima, qua verbum unum ad duas diversas sententias refertur, quarum uni tantum convenit. Vide Jul. Rufinian. de Schemat. Lex. annex. Rutilio Rufo, p. 228, ed. Ruhnken. Hoc loco igitur oratio ita supplenda: Nonne vestris (hoc scil. ne conservaretur foeminarum sanctitas) cautum est litteris (et traditum), adamatum esse ab Aurora Tithonum, etc. ORELL.

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(2) ‹anchor: Adamatum esse ab aurora Thitonum› · note in col 1059

Adamatum esse ab aurora Thitonum, etc., Et haec a Clemente suo mutuatus est Arnobius, qui in Protrept. p.28, seq., ed. Potter. sic inquit: Ἀλλ' οἱ μὲν ἄρρενες αὐτοῖς τῶν θεῶν ἴσως μόνοι ἅπτονται περὶ τὰ ἀφροδίσια· Θηλύτεραι δὲ θεαὶ μένον οἴκοι ἑκάστη, φησὶν Ὅμηρος· αἰδούμεναι αἱ θεαὶ διὰ σεμνότητα Ἀφροδίτην ἰδεῖν μεμοιχευμένην· αἱ δὲ ἀκολασταίνουσιν ἐμπαθέστερον ἐν τῇ μοιχείᾳ δεδεμέναι· Ἠὼς ἐπὶ Τιθωνῷ, Σελήνη ἐπὶ Ἐνδυμίωνι, Νηρηῒς ἐπὶ Αἰακῷ, καὶ ἐπὶ Πηλεῖ Θέτις· ἐπὶ δὲ Ἰάσωνι Δημήτηρ, καὶ ἐπὶ Ἀδώνιδι Φερέφαττα· Ἀφροδίτη δὲ ἐπ' Ἄρει καταισχυμμένη, μετῆλθεν ἐπὶ Κινύραν, καὶ Ἀγχίσην ἔγημεν, καὶ Φαέθοντα ἔλοχεν, καὶ ἤρα Ἀδώνιδος. Conf. Apollodor., bibl. iii, c. 12, segm. 4, ibique Heyn. Obss., p. 300 seq. ed. nov., et, qui locus classicus, Hom. Hymn. in Ven., 219, seq. ORELL.

"That Tithonus was loved by Aurora," etc. Arnobius borrowed this too from his Clement, who says thus in the Protrepticus, p. 28 f., Potter's edition: "But perhaps only the male gods among them engage in love affairs: 'the goddesses, being female, stayed each at home,' says Homer, the goddesses being ashamed, out of modesty, to look at Aphrodite caught in adultery. Yet they are more passionately wanton, bound fast in adultery: Eos with Tithonus, Selene with Endymion, the Nereid with Aeacus, and Thetis with Peleus; Demeter with Iasion, and Pherephatta with Adonis; and Aphrodite, disgraced with Ares, went over to Cinyras, married Anchises, lay in wait for Phaethon, and loved Adonis." Compare Apollodorus, Library iii, ch. 12, section 4, and Heyne there, Observations, p. 300 f., new edition; and, the classic passage, the Homeric Hymn to Venus, 219 ff. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: In Endymionem Lunam› · note in col 1059

In Endymionem Lunam. Notissima fabula. Vid. Apollodor., lib. i, c. 7, segm. 5, et quos laudat ibi Heynius V S.; p. 43 seqq.: Hygin., fab. 261; Fulgent., myth. ii, 19. ORELL.

"The Moon for Endymion." A very well-known fable. See Apollodorus, book i, ch. 7, section 5, and those whom Heyne, the eminent man, cites there, p. 43 ff.; Hyginus, fable 261; Fulgentius, Mythologies ii, 19. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: Nereidem in Aeacum› · note in col 1059

Nereidem in Aeacum. Apollodor., lib. iii, c. 12, vers. 9: Μίγνυται δὲ αὖθις Αἰακὸς Ψαμάθῃ τῇ Νηρέως εἰς φώκην ἠλλαγμένῃ διὰ τὸ μὴ βούλεσθαι συνελθεῖν, καὶ τεκνοῖ παῖδα Φῶκον. De amoribus Pelei et Thetidis notissima fabula. ORELL.

"The Nereid for Aeacus." Apollodorus, book iii, ch. 12, line 9: "Aeacus again lay with Psamathe, daughter of Nereus, who had changed herself into a seal because she did not wish to couple with him, and he begot a son, Phocus." The fable of the loves of Peleus and Thetis is very well known. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Proserpinam in Adonem› · note in col 1059

Proserpinam in Adonem. De amoribus Veneris et Proserpinae in Adonidem locus classicus est apud Apollodor., Bibl. iii, cap. 19, S. 4, ubi vide Heyn. V. S. Obss., pag. 326, ed. nov., et Meziriac., in Ovid. Epist., pag. 357, sqq. Hinc Adonis a Theocrito Id. xv, 86, dicitur τριφίλατος, ubi Scholiastes, τριφίλατος, inquit, ὁ πολυφίλατος, ὡς καὶ παρ' Ὁμήρῳ ἀσπασίη τριφίλητος· ἢ ὅτι ὑπὸ τριῶν ἐφιλήθη, Διός, Ἀφροδίτης καὶ Περσεφόνης ἐν ᾅδῃ. Caeterum de duplici forma Adon, is, et Adonis, idis, vid. Oudendorp., ad Apulei. Met., lib. ii, pag. 155, seq. ORELL.

"Proserpina for Adon." The classic passage on the loves of Venus and Proserpina for Adonis is in Apollodorus, Library iii, ch. 19, section 4, where see Heyne, the eminent man, Observations, p. 326, new edition, and Méziriac on Ovid's Epistles, p. 357 ff. Hence Adonis is called "thrice-loved" by Theocritus, Idyll xv, 86, where the scholiast says: "Thrice-loved: much-loved, as in Homer 'welcome, thrice-loved'; or because he was loved by three: Zeus, Aphrodite, and Persephone in Hades." On the double form "Adon, -is" and "Adonis, -idis," see Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses book ii, p. 155 f. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Matrem ejus Cererem in Jasionem› · note in col 1059, running into col 1060

Matrem ejus Cererem in Jasionem. Ita verissime locum restituerunt L. Carrio, in Emendd., lib. ii, [… not visible in foot image …] et M. A. Delrio, in Syntagm. Trag. lat., tom. iii, pag. 260, probante Salmasio in ed. Lugd. Bat., et ad Script. Hist. Aug., vol. i, pag. 440. Antea legebatur: Adonem marem ejus, Cererem in Jasionem. Vitiosissime: neque enim, quomodo Adonis Veneris mas aut latine aut vere dici possit, facile dixeris. Contra Cererem matrem esse Proserpinae tironibus notum. De Jasione locus classicus ap. Homerum, Od. v, 125 sqq.: Ὣς δ' ὁπότ' Ἰασίωνι ἐϋπλόκαμος Δημήτηρ / Ὧ θυμῷ εἴξασα μίγη φιλότητι καὶ εὐνῇ, / Νειῷ ἔνι τριπόλῳ· οὐδὲ δὴν ἦεν ἄπυστος / Ζεύς, ὅς μιν κατέπεφνε βαλὼν ἀργῆτι κεραυνῷ. Conf. Apollodor., Bibl. iii, cap. 12, init. ibique Heyn. V. S. Obss., pag. 292; Hygin., fab. 270, ibique Munker. Heraclid. Allegor. Hom. pag. 203 seq. ed. Schow., et prae caeteris Sainte-Croix uber die alten Mysterien a Lenzio versus, cap. iii, p. 66. seq. ORELL.

"Her mother Ceres for Jasion." So L. Carrion, in his Emendationes book ii, [… not visible …] and M. A. Delrio, in his Syntagma of Latin Tragedy, vol. iii, p. 260, restored the passage most truly, with the approval of Salmasius in the Leiden edition and on the Writers of the Augustan History, vol. i, p. 440. Before, it read: "Adon her male, Ceres for Jasion." Most faultily: for you could not easily say how Adonis could be called Venus's male, either in good Latin or truly. On the other hand, that Ceres is the mother of Proserpina is known to beginners. The classic passage on Jasion is in Homer, Odyssey v, 125 ff.: "So when fair-haired Demeter, yielding to her heart, lay with Iasion in love and bed in a thrice-ploughed fallow field; nor was Zeus long without hearing of it, and he slew him, striking him with the bright thunderbolt." Compare Apollodorus, Library iii, beginning of ch. 12, and Heyne there, Observations, p. 292; Hyginus, fable 270, and Muncker there; Heraclides, Homeric Allegories, p. 203 f., Schow's edition; and above all Sainte-Croix, On the Ancient Mysteries, translated by Lenz, ch. iii, p. 66 f. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹anchor: In Jasionem nescio quem rusticanum› · note in col 1060

In Jasionem nescio quem rusticanum. Jasion ab auctore nostro rusticanus ignotae originis, sed a Nonno (Dionys. xlviii, vers. 969.) vir agricola et Cereris conjux, ab aliis Jovis et Electrae, et a quibusdam Menois et Phroniae filius dicitur. Ab Hesiodo autem (Theog., vers. 969) perhibetur ex Cerere Plutum genuisse: Δημήτηρ μὲν Πλοῦτον ἐγείνατο δῖα θεάων / Ἰασίῳ ἥρωι μιγεῖσ' ἐρατῇ φιλότητι. Adi adhuc, si velis et vacet, Theocritum (Id. iii, vers. 50.) et Ovidium Metam. ix, NOURR., pag. 402.

"For some rustic or other, Jasion." Jasion is called by our author a rustic of unknown origin, but by Nonnus (Dionysiaca xlviii, line 969) a farmer and the consort of Ceres; by others the son of Jupiter and Electra, and by some the son of Menos and Phronia. Hesiod, moreover (Theogony, line 969), says he begot Plutus by Ceres: "Demeter, bright among goddesses, bore Plutus, having lain in lovely love with the hero Iasion." Consult further, if you wish and have leisure, Theocritus (Idyll iii, line 50) and Ovid, Metamorphoses ix. LE NOURRY, p. 402.

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(8) ‹anchor: Phaethontem› · note in col 1060

Phaethontem. Sic ex editione principe et Clementis, l. i, reduxit Th. Canterus, in Var. Lectt., lib. i, cap. 19, in Lampade Gruteri, vol. iii, part. i, p. 730, Antea legebatur Phaonem. Sed valde placet conjectura J. Potteri apud nostrum et Clementem legendum censetis Phaonem, cum quo Venerem rem habuisse testantur Athenaeus, lib. ii. sub finem, pag. 69, ed. Casauboni: Κρατῖνος δέ φησι, Φάωνος ἐρασθεῖσαν τὴν Ἀφροδίτην ἐν καλαῖς θριδακίναις αὐτὸν ἀποκρύψαι, Μαρσύας δ' ὁ νεώτερος ἐν χλόῃ κριθῶν. Et Aelian. Var. Hist., lib. xii, cap. 18, ubi vid. Perizon., pag. 744 seq., ed. A. Gronov. Contra nec Phaeonem nec Phaethontem amatum a Venere ullus veterum commemorat. ORELL. — Ego tamen etiam arbitror Arnobium Phaethontem scripsisse, atque eadem apud Clementem, quae nos nunc legimus, sua aetate legisse. Erravitne vir optimus rerumque antiquarum scientissimus in his dearum amoribus enarrandis? Sic equidem existimo; neque adeo emendandum, sed ob errores, nostra saltem aetate nullius momenti, excusandum potius. Phaethontem itaque dixisse videtur, quem Phaona dicere debuerat. VALCKENAER, ad Callimachi Eleg. Fragm. pag. 119.

"Phaethon." So Th. Canter brought it back from the first edition and from Clement, book i, in his Variae Lectiones, book i, ch. 19, in Gruter's Lampas, vol. iii, part i, p. 730. Before, it read "Phaon." But I much like the conjecture of J. Potter, who thinks one should read "Phaon" in our author and in Clement, with whom Venus had an affair, as Athenaeus attests, end of book ii, p. 69, Casaubon's edition: "Cratinus says that Aphrodite, having fallen in love with Phaon, hid him among fine lettuces; Marsyas the younger says, in a green field of barley." And Aelian, Varia Historia book xii, ch. 18, where see Perizonius, p. 744 f., A. Gronovius's edition. On the other hand, none of the ancients records that either Phaeon or Phaethon was loved by Venus. ORELLI. — Yet I too think that Arnobius wrote "Phaethon," and read in his day the same text in Clement that we now read. Did that excellent man, most learned in antiquity, err in recounting these loves of the goddesses? So I think; and the passage should not be emended, but rather excused for errors which, in our day at least, are of no moment. So he seems to have said "Phaethon" where he ought to have said "Phaon." VALCKENAER, on the Fragments of Callimachus's Elegies, p. 119.

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(9) ‹anchor: In Anchisae nuptias› · note in col 1060

In Anchisae nuptias. Vid. Hygyn. fab. 94. ELMENHORST.

"For marriage with Anchises." See Hyginus, fable 94. ELMENHORST.

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(10) ‹anchor: Quae in eorum maledicta conducitis› · note in col 1060

Quae in eorum maledicta conducitis. Proba lectio. Id est, quae ad eos maledictis vexandos corraditis. Nihil igitur mutandum. Sic autem conducere saepe apud Lucretium et alios. HERALD. — Male itaque Fulv. Ursinus: Quae in illos vestra maledicentia corraditis. ORELL.

"Which you gather together into slanders against them." A sound reading. That is, which you scrape together to harass them with slanders. So nothing should be changed. "Conducere" is often used in this way in Lucretius and others. HÉRAULT. — So Fulvio Orsini is wrong: "which your evil-speaking scrapes together against them." ORELLI.

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1061

Genitabiles ms.

The manuscript has "genitabiles."

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(b) ‹anchor: jure abstinuisse regali› · call in col 1061

Reguli Sab.

Sabaeus has "reguli."

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(1) ‹anchor: XXVIII. — Artificia› · note in col 1061

XXVIII. — Artificia. Aut intelligendae artes obstetriciae, aut respicit Arnobius ad ea, quae supra dixerat, lib. ii, cap. 18: Non sunt ista (artificia) scientiae munera, sed pauperrimae necessitatis inventa. ORELL.

XXVIII. "Skills." Either the midwife's arts are meant, or Arnobius looks back to what he had said above, book ii, ch. 18: "These (skills) are not the gifts of knowledge, but the inventions of the direst need." ORELLI.

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(2) ‹anchor: Status capitis› · note in col 1061

Status capitis. Hoc est libertas, nam soli liberi caput habere, servi sine capite esse in civitate censentur. TURNEB., Adversar., lib. xi, cap. 20, pag. 341.

"Civil status (status capitis)." That is, freedom; for only the free are reckoned to have a "head" (legal personality) in the state, while slaves are held to be without one. TURNEBUS, Adversaria book xi, ch. 20, p. 341.

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(3) ‹anchor: Et eum jure abstinuisse regali› · note in col 1061

Et eum jure abstinuisse regali. De loquendi modo abstinere aliquem aliqua re bonae et probatae latinitatis vid. J. Lips. Epistol. Quaest., lib. ii, Epist. v, Oper., tom. i, pag. 488, ed. Vesal. ORELL.

"And that he kept him from royal right." On the expression "to keep someone from something" as good and approved Latin, see J. Lipsius, Epistolicae Quaestiones book ii, letter v, Works vol. i, p. 488, Wesel edition. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: Secretis› · note in col 1061

Secretis. Idem quod secessibus, sensu proprio et primario. ORELL.

"In secret places." The same as "in retreats," in the proper and primary sense. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Praecellere in furtorum dolis› · note in col 1061

Praecellere in furtorum dolis. Ita ms. Editio princeps Romana, ut videtur, operarum vitio: Praecellere in furtorum donis, quam lectionem tamen tuetur Heraldus intelligens de Mercurio furibus propitio, donaque per furtum ablata hominibus offerente. Gelenius et hic mutandi libidini indulgens edidit: Praecellere in furum ordine. Stewechius mavult: Praecellere in amorum furtis. Equidem nullam causam video cur deserenda sit codicis ms. lectio rectissime revocata a Meursio et editore Lugd., quaeque convenientissima est iis, quae supra, cap. 21, dixerat de Mercurio: Fraudibus praesidere furtivis. ORELL.

"To excel in the wiles of thefts." So the manuscript. The Roman first edition, apparently by the printers' fault: "to excel in the gifts of thefts," a reading which Hérault nevertheless defends, understanding it of Mercury as favourable to thieves and offering men gifts carried off by theft. Gelenius, here too indulging his itch to change, printed "to excel in the ranks of thieves." Stewech prefers "to excel in the thefts of love." For my part I see no reason why the manuscript's reading should be abandoned; it was most rightly recalled by Meursius and the Leiden editor, and it fits perfectly with what he had said of Mercury above, ch. 21: "to preside over stealthy frauds." ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Pellaciam› · note in col 1061

Pellaciam. Sic infra, cap. 35: Ora immutare pellacia (ubi vide notas), et lib. v, cap. 21: Jovialis monumenta pellaciae. Lucretius, lib. v, vers. 1002: Nec poterat quemquam placidi pellacia Ponti / Subdola pellicere in fraudem ridentibus undis. ELMENH.

"Allurement." So below, ch. 35: "to change their faces by allurement" (see the notes there), and book v, ch. 21: "the memorials of Jupiter's allurement." Lucretius, book v, line 1002: "Nor could the treacherous allurement of the calm sea entice anyone to ruin with its laughing waves." ELMENHORST.

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(7) ‹anchor: XXIX.— Agragantino Evhemero› · note in col 1061, running into col 1062

XXIX.— Agragantino Evhemero. Lactantius, Inst., l. i, c. 11: Antiquus auctor Evhemerus, qui fuit ex civitate Messene, res gestas Jovis et caeterorum, qui dii putantur, collegit, historiamque contexuit ex titulis et inscriptionibus sacris, quae in antiquissimis templis habebantur..... Hanc historiam et interpretatus est Ennius et secutus. Conf. Minuc. Fel. Octav., c. 21; Cicero, de Nat. deor., i, c. 42; Sext. Empiric., adv. Mathem., ix, 17, ibique Fabric., p. 552; Augustin., de Civ. Dei, l. vi, c. 7, et l. vii, c. 26; Euseb., de Praeparat. evangel., l. ii, c. 4, et e recentioribus G. J. Voss., de Hist. Graec., l. i, c. 11; Column., ad Ennii Fragm., p. 311; Brucker., Hist. Crit. Philos., et prae caeteris J. J. Zimmermannus nostras in Defensione Evhemeri ab Atheismo insert. Opuscul. Theolog., t. ii, p. 1052, seqq. Caeterum et hoc loco Arnobius ante oculos habuit Clementem Alexandr. qui in Protrept., p. 20, edit. Potteri sic inquit: Ὧν δὴ χάριν θαυμάζειν ἔπεστί μοι, ὅτῳ τρόπῳ Εὐήμερον τὸν Ἀκραγαντῖνον, καὶ Νικάνορα τὸν Κύπριον, καὶ Διαγόραν, καὶ Ἵππωνα τὸν Μήλιον, τόν τε Κυρηναῖον ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐκεῖνον, ὁ Θεόδωρος ὄνομα αὐτῷ, καί τινας ἄλλους συχνούς, σωφρόνως βεβιωκότας καὶ καθεωρακότας ὀξύτερόν που τῶν λοιπῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν ἀμφὶ τοὺς θεοὺς τούτους πλάνην, ἀθέους ἐπικεκλήκασιν. ORELL.

XXIX. "Euhemerus of Acragas." Lactantius, Institutes book i, ch. 11: "Euhemerus, an ancient author, who was from the city of Messene, collected the deeds of Jupiter and of the others who are thought gods, and wove a history from the titles and sacred inscriptions which were kept in the most ancient temples ..... Ennius both translated and followed this history." Compare Minucius Felix, Octavius, ch. 21; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods i, ch. 42; Sextus Empiricus, Against the Mathematicians ix, 17, and Fabricius there, p. 552; Augustine, City of God book vi, ch. 7, and book vii, ch. 26; Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica book ii, ch. 4; and among more recent writers G. J. Vossius, On the Greek Historians, book i, ch. 11; Columna on the Fragments of Ennius, p. 311; Brucker, Critical History of Philosophy; and above all our countryman J. J. Zimmermann in his Defence of Euhemerus against Atheism, inserted in his Theological Opuscula, vol. ii, p. 1052 ff. Here too, moreover, Arnobius had before his eyes Clement of Alexandria, who says thus in the Protrepticus, p. 20, Potter's edition: "For which reason I cannot but wonder how they have called atheists Euhemerus of Acragas, Nicanor of Cyprus, Diagoras, Hippo of Melos, and besides these that Cyrenaic whose name was Theodorus, and a good many others, men who lived soberly and saw more sharply, I suppose, than the rest of mankind the error concerning these gods." ORELLI.

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(8) ‹anchor: Nicanora Cyprio› · note in col 1062

Nicanora Cyprio. Scribo Nicanore Cyprio. Ita eum nominant Clemens, Lactantius, alii non pauci. MEURS.—Ita emendandus Arnobius ex Clemente. Alii, Nicagora Cyprio. Nicanorem forte intelligit Epicuri discipulum, cujus meminit Diogenes Laertius, l. x, segm. 20. POTTER., ad Clement., l. i.

"Nicanora of Cyprus." I write "Nicanore of Cyprus." So Clement, Lactantius and not a few others name him. MEURSIUS.—So Arnobius should be emended from Clement. Others read "Nicagoras of Cyprus." He perhaps means Nicanor, the disciple of Epicurus, whom Diogenes Laertius mentions, book x, section 20. POTTER, on Clement, at the place cited.

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(9) ‹anchor: Pellaeo Leonte› · note in col 1062

Pellaeo Leonte. Hunc a Clemente omissum de suo addidit Arnobius. Neque quod sciam, alius ejus meminit. Vid. Voss., de Hist. Graec., l. iii, Op., t. iv, p. 179, ed. Amst. — Haec primum Orellius; postea autem subdidit: Delenda omnino prima verba annotationis nostrae. Atqui meminit Clemens Leontis illius in Stromat., l. i, p. 322 (Sylb.): Λέων δέ, ὁ τὰ περὶ τῶν κατ' Αἴγυπτον θεῶν πραγματευσάμενος, τὴν Ἶσιν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων Δήμητρα καλεῖσθαί φησιν. Nec non Tatianus Orat. in Graec., c. 44: Λέοντος κεκτημένοι τὰ ὑπομνήματα πρὸς τοὺς ἀφ' ἡμῶν ἐλέγχους δυσχεραίνεται. Is itaque Leo, quem Pellaeum fuisse ex uno Arnobio discimus, scripsit Αἰγυπτιακὰ sive librum de diis Aegyptiis, in quibus ea videtur tradidisse, quae gentilium superstitionem falsamque de diis suis religionem redarguerint. Conf., qui de hoc Leonte aliisque hujus nominis, Alabandensi et Byzantio, multus est, W. Worth. ad Tatian., l. i., p. 86. ORELL.

"Leon of Pella." Arnobius added him on his own account, Clement having omitted him. Nor, as far as I know, does anyone else mention him. See Vossius, On the Greek Historians, book iii, Works vol. iv, p. 179, Amsterdam edition. — This was Orelli's first note; but afterwards he added: The first words of our note must be struck out altogether. For Clement does mention that Leon, in the Stromata, book i, p. 322 (Sylburg): "Leon, who wrote on the gods of Egypt, says that Isis is called Demeter by the Greeks." So too Tatian, Oration to the Greeks, ch. 44: "Having the memoirs of Leon, you are vexed at the refutations from us." This Leon, then, whom we learn from Arnobius alone was of Pella, wrote Aegyptiaca, or a book on the Egyptian gods, in which he seems to have related things that refuted the superstition of the gentiles and their false religion concerning their gods. Compare W. Worth on Tatian, at the place cited, p. 86, who has much to say of this Leon and of others of this name, of Alabanda and of Byzantium. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹anchor: Cyrenensi Theodoro› · note in col 1062

Cyrenensi Theodoro. Hujus meminit Cicero, de Nat. deor., i, c. 1; et Diogenes Laertius, ii, 86, 101. Vide Ernesti in Clav. Cic. ORELL.

"Theodorus of Cyrene." Cicero mentions him, On the Nature of the Gods i, ch. 1; and Diogenes Laertius, ii, 86, 101. See Ernesti in his Clavis Ciceroniana. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹anchor: Diagora› · note in col 1062

Diagora. Vid. Cic., de Nat. deor., i c. 1 et 23; Suidas, Lactant., i, c. 2, ibique Bunemann., p. 14. ORELL.

"Diagoras." See Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods i, ch. 1 and 23; the Suda; Lactantius, i, ch. 2, and Bünemann there, p. 14. ORELLI.

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(a) ‹anchor: vos contra pios› · call in col 1063

Ita Fulv. Nos Sab. male.

So Fulvio Orsini. Sabaeus has "nos" ("we"), wrongly.

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(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1063 or 1064 (printed under col 1063)

Consentiendus Sab., sed male.

Sabaeus has "consentiendus," but wrongly.

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(1) ‹anchor: Scrupulosae diligentiae cura› · note in col 1063

Scrupulosae diligentiae cura. Scrupulosus, id est, μικρολόγος, qui in minima quaeque inquirit. Ita Frontin., de Aquaed., l. II, init., scrupulosa inquisitione praeeunte. Ubi vid. Keuchen., p. 383. ORELL.

"With the care of scrupulous diligence." "Scrupulous," that is, mikrologos, one who inquires into every smallest thing. So Frontinus, On Aqueducts, beginning of book II: "a scrupulous inquiry going before." See Keuchen there, p. 383. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹anchor: Et Minervae expromere bella, virginis et Dianae› · note in col 1063

Et Minervae expromere bella, virginis et Dianae. Meursius, p. 136. Sic interpungit, et Minervae expromere bella virginis, et Dianae, putans Arnobium exprimere voluisse epitheton Minervae Παρθένος, quo nomine ab Atheniensibus culta. ID.

"And to set forth the wars of Minerva, of the virgin and of Diana." Meursius, p. 136, punctuates thus: "and to set forth the wars of Minerva the virgin, and of Diana," thinking that Arnobius meant to render Minerva's epithet Parthenos, the name under which she was worshipped by the Athenians. THE SAME (Orelli).

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(3) ‹anchor: Cujus fuerit conditionis Venus, cujus operae, cujus quaestus› · note in col 1063

Cujus fuerit conditionis Venus, cujus operae, cujus quaestus. Haec omnia significantissime dicuntur, conditio, opera, quaestus. De conditione notavimus antea. Opera quoque proprie. Sic ἐργάζεσθαι, dicunt, et meretrices vocantur ἐργάσιμοι; atque earum ἐμπολὴ ac quaestus ἐργασία. De quaestu puerilis observatio est. Sed observent hunc Plauti locum in Asinaria tirones: Mater, is quaestus mihi est. / Lingua poscit, corpus quaerit, animus orat, res monet. HERALD. Conf. Oudendorp., ad Apulei., Met., l. VIII, p. 578. ORELL.

"Of what condition Venus was, of what trade, of what earnings." All these words, condition, trade, earnings, are said most pointedly. On "condition" we noted earlier. "Trade" too is used in its proper sense. So they say ergazesthai ("to work"), and harlots are called ergasimoi ("working women"), and their traffic and earnings ergasia. To comment on "earnings" would be childish. But let beginners note this passage of Plautus in the Asinaria: "Mother, that is my trade. The tongue demands, the body seeks, the mind pleads, need urges." HÉRAULT. Compare Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses book VIII, p. 578. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: Specioso ab Attide› · note in col 1063

Specioso ab Attide. Glossae, speciosus, εὐειδής..... Chrius Fortunatianus, l. III Rhetor., p. 109: Speciosam uxorem habeo. Servius, ad l. IX, Aen., 559: Atys puer speciosus. ELMENH.

"By handsome Attis." The Glossaries: "speciosus, eueidēs (good-looking) ....." Chirius Fortunatianus, Rhetoric book III, p. 109: "I have a handsome wife." Servius on Aeneid IX, 559: "Atys, a handsome boy." ELMENHORST.

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(5) ‹anchor: XXX. — Non enim qui sollicite relegit› · note in col 1063, running into col 1064

XXX. — Non enim qui sollicite relegit. Alludit etymon religionis: Qui enim omnia, quae ad cultum deorum pertinerent, diligenter pertractarent, et tamquam relegerent, sunt dicti religiosi, ait M. Tullius (de Nat. deor., II, 28). Atque hanc sententiam secutus est Arnobius. Melius tamen ejus discipulus Lactantius (Inst., l. IV, c. 28) religionem a religando appellatam existimavit. Ut enim a postulo fit postulio, sic a religo religio. Sed notationis rationem non videtur satis intellexisse, etsi Lucretii versum protulit ad hanc totam rem declarandam sane accommodatissimum (I, 931): Religionum animos nodis exsolvere pergo. Et sane ita est. Religio enim proprie horrorem significat, quem res divinae et vim humanam superantes nobis infligunt: quo fit, ut quasi constricti teneamur, nec animi mentem quoquam convertere audeamus. Virgilius, VIII, Aeneid.: Jam tum religio pavidos terrebat agrestes / Dira loci. Quare religio saepissime est horror, qui objectus nobis ab aliquo signo coercet nos et quasi religatos tenet. Exempla sunt hujus rei infinita. Sed notabile hoc, quod e Plauti Mercatore proferebamus supra in aliam sententiam: Respice huc ad dextram, Charine. Nonne ex adverso vides? / Nubis ater imberque instat. Aspice nunc ad sinistram. / Coelum ut splendore est plenum ex adverso vides? / Cha.: Religionem illic objecit: recipiam me illico. Vides hic hominem iter jam ingressum, religione tamen animo objecta quasi religatum, et a suscepto itinere prohibitum. Expresse quoque Arianus, lib. II Dissert. Epict., cap. 7.: Νῦν δὲ τρέμοντες τὸ ὀρνιθάριον κρατοῦμεν, καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἐπικαλούμενοι δεόμεθα αὐτοῦ, Κύριε ἐλέησον, ἐπίτρεψόν μοι ἐξελθεῖν. HERALD.— Ita et vetus quidam apud Agellium lib. IV, cap. 9. Relegentem esse oportet, religionum nefas. MEURS., p. 137.

XXX. "For not he who anxiously goes over again (relegit)." He alludes to the etymology of "religio": "For those who diligently handled, and as it were went over again (relegerent), everything that pertained to the worship of the gods were called religious," says M. Tullius (On the Nature of the Gods II, 28). And Arnobius followed this view. Yet his pupil Lactantius (Institutes book IV, ch. 28) did better in thinking that religion is named from binding (religando). For as "postulio" comes from "postulo," so "religio" from "religo." But he does not seem to have understood the reasoning of the derivation well enough, although he brought forward a line of Lucretius very well suited to explaining the whole matter (I, 931): "I go on to free minds from the knots of religion." And so indeed it is. For "religio" properly means the dread that divine things, surpassing human strength, inflict on us, so that we are held as if bound fast and dare not turn the mind's thought in any direction. Virgil, Aeneid VIII: "Already then the dread awe of the place terrified the fearful rustics." So "religio" is very often a dread which, thrown before us by some sign, restrains us and holds us as if bound. Examples of this are countless. But noteworthy is the one we cited above from Plautus's Mercator for another purpose: "Look here to the right, Charinus. Don't you see, straight ahead? A black rain-cloud is coming on. Now look to the left: don't you see the sky full of brightness straight ahead?" Charinus: "He has thrown a religious scruple in my way there: I'll go back at once." You see here a man who has already set out on his journey, yet, a scruple being thrown in his mind's way, is as it were bound, and kept from the journey he had undertaken. Arrian too says it expressly, Discourses of Epictetus book II, ch. 7: "But now, trembling, we take hold of the little bird, and calling on God we beg him, 'Lord, have mercy, allow me to come out.'" HÉRAULT.— So too a certain ancient in Gellius, book IV, ch. 9: "One should be scrupulous (relegens); being superstitious (religiosus) is wrong." MEURSIUS, p. 137.

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(6) ‹anchor: Quae non modo sint longe ab eorum dissita distantiaque natura› · note in col 1064

Quae non modo sint longe ab eorum dissita distantiaque natura. Ita Meursius in Appendice et editor Lugd. Bat. e ms. Quare perperam mutarunt: Quae non modo sint longe ab illorum divina praestantique natura. ORELL.

"Which are not only far removed and distant from their nature." So Meursius in the Appendix and the Leiden editor, from the manuscript. So they wrongly changed it to: "which are not only far from their divine and surpassing nature." ORELLI.

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(7) ‹anchor: XXXI. — In caeremoniis vestris rebusque divinis postulionibus locus est› · note in col 1064

XXXI. — In caeremoniis vestris rebusque divinis postulionibus locus est. Haec est verissima Cod. ms. lectio, quam primus Arnobio reddit Salmasius. Postulio scil. est, cum dii violati expiationem postulant, voce haruspicum. Sic Cicero, de Harusp. Resp., cap. 31: Eodem ostento Telluri postulio deberi dicitur (ubi vero cum in aliis editionibus, tum in novissima Fr. A. Wolfii legitur postulatio), et magis apposite ad nostrum locum Varro, de Ling. lat., lib. IV, (continues)

XXXI. "In your ceremonies and divine rites there is room for 'postulions.'" This is the manuscript's most true reading, which Salmasius was the first to restore to Arnobius. A "postulio," that is, is when the offended gods demand expiation, through the voice of the soothsayers. So Cicero, On the Response of the Soothsayers, ch. 31: "By the same portent a 'postulio' is said to be owed to Tellus" (where, however, both in other editions and in the newest, Fr. A. Wolf's, "postulatio" is read); and more aptly to our passage Varro, On the Latin Language, book IV, (continues)

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(c) ‹anchor: postulionibus› · call in col 1064

Postilionibus ms. Pollutionibus Fulv. postulationibus. Sab. Coet. vide Not.

The manuscript has "postilionibus." Fulvio Orsini has "pollutionibus"; Sabaeus and the others "postulationibus." See the notes.

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<!-- Running COMMENTARIUS (lemma notes, numbered here in print order; anchor = lemma; "col" = column under which the note is printed). CROP: the top line of each note column is cut in the foot images; it was read from the column images. The sheet signature "PATROL. V." and "34" at the page foot are not notes. --> (printed under page 535) (LECTIONES VARIANTES a) ‹anchor: sympuvio› · variant reading on col 1065 Ita ms. Sympivio Sab.

So the manuscript. Sabaeus has "Sympivio."

(1) ‹anchor: XXXI. — In caeremoniis vestris … postulionibus locus est (from p. 534)› · note in col 1065

(continued) iv, pag. 41, ed. Bipont.: A Procilio relatum, in eo loco dehisse terram, et ex senatusconsulto ad haruspices relatum, esse responsum, Deum Manium (Summanum) postulionem postulare, id est, civem fortissimum eodem mitti; ubi vide, qui multi sunt de hac voce. Jos. Scaliger., et Auson. Popm., vol. ii, pag. 100, seqq. Gutherius, de Jure Man., lib. iv, distinguit postulationes a postulionibus, aitque postulationes diis superis facias, postuliones autem diis inferis, quibus petebant hominem his devoveri. Gelenius et caeteri ed. postulationibus. Conf. Turneb. Adversar., l. xi, c. 20. OREL.

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(2) ‹anchor: Et piaculi dicitur contracta esse commissio› · note in col 1065

Et piaculi dicitur contracta esse commissio. (Vide supra, col. 1064.) Scholiastes Horatii vetus in lib. i, Od. 28: Piacula dicebantur victimae, quibus facinus expiabatur admissum. Virgil., lib. vi, Aen. vers. 569: Distulit in seram commissa piacula mortem. ubi Servius: Piacula commissa propter quae expiatio debetur Graece ἄγος. Opp. impie commissum. Cicero, de Legg. ii, cap. 9: Sacrum commissum, quod neque expiari poterit, impie commissum est; quod expiari poterit, publici sacerdotes expianto. ELMENHORST et HERALD.— Piaculi est e correctione Meursii. In editione principe et Gelenii legimus piaculis. Stewechius leg. suspicatur piacularis commissio. Justus Lipsius, Antiq. Lect., lib. iv, cap. 3, Op., tom. i, pag 400, ed. Vesal., deleta particula et, totum locum ita legit et distinguit: In cerimoniis vestris rebusque divinis postulionibus locus est. piaculis. Dicitur contracta esse commissio, etc. Egregia emendatio et stylo Arnobii particulas copulativas saepissime omittentis maxime consentanea. ORELL.

"And the commission of a sin requiring expiation is said to have been incurred." (See above, col. 1064.) The old scholiast on Horace, book i, Ode 28: "'Piacula' was the name for victims by which a crime committed was expiated." Virgil, Aeneid vi, line 569: "He has put off atonement for sins committed until late death," where Servius says: "Sins committed for which expiation is owed; in Greek agos. The opposite is 'impiously committed.'" Cicero, On the Laws ii, ch. 9: "A sacrilege committed which cannot be expiated has been impiously committed; what can be expiated, let the public priests expiate." ELMENHORST and HÉRAULT.— "Piaculi" is Meursius's correction. In the first edition and in Gelenius we read "piaculis." Stewech suspects one should read "a piacular commission." Justus Lipsius, Antiquae Lectiones book iv, ch. 3, Works vol. i, p. 400, Wesel edition, striking out the particle "et," reads and punctuates the whole passage thus: "In your ceremonies and divine rites there is room for postulions, for piacula. The commission is said to have been incurred," etc. An excellent emendation, and most in keeping with the style of Arnobius, who very often omits copulative particles. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: Si per imprudentiae lapsum aut in verbo quispiam› · note in col 1065

Si per imprudentiae lapsum aut in verbo quispiam. In rebus divinis vel minutissima quaeque attonita religione observabant: unde εὐφημίαι indictae et similia; de quibus alibi. Formulae autem erant certae, quibus sedulo adhaerebant; et si quando per imprudentiae lapsum in iis errabant, piaculum ingens contractum credebatur. HERALD.

"If someone, through a slip of carelessness, (erred) even in a word." In divine rites they observed even every smallest thing with awestruck scruple: hence the proclaiming of holy silence and the like, of which elsewhere. There were fixed formulas, to which they clung carefully; and if ever through a slip of carelessness they erred in them, a great sin needing expiation was believed to have been incurred. HÉRAULT.

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(4) ‹anchor: Aut simpuvio deerrarit› · note in col 1065, running into col 1066

Aut simpuvio deerrarit. Varie scribitur: Sympinium a συμπίνειν, simpuvium, simpulum. Festus: Simpulum ... vas parvum non dissimile cyatho, quo vinum in sacrificiis libatur, unde et mulieres rebus divinis deditae simpulatrices dicuntur, ubi vide intpp. Varro, de Ling. lat., lib. iv, pag. 35, ed. Bipont.: Vas, quo vinum dabant, ut minutatim funderent, a gutteis guttum appellabant: et quo sumebant minutatim, a sumendo (hoc est bibendo, vid. Meurs.) simpulum nominaverunt, ubi Jos. Scaliger, qui de hoc ver. multus est in Obss., pag. 89, vol. ii, simpulum derivans a simpo. quod est Graecorum σίφων, dicit vasculum fuisse cum tenui fistula vel angusto collo ad pitissandum vinum, hocque uno differe simpulum a graeco σίφων, quod Latini suo simpulo ad sacra tantum uterentur, Graeci τῷ σίφωνι ad gustandum in caupona vinum. Conf. Stewech., ad hunc locum; Hadr. Jun. Animadvv., lib. ii, cap. 10, in Lampade Gruteri, pag. 370; Harduin, ad Plin. Hist. Nat., xxxv, 12, f. 46; Gesner., in Thes., hoc verbo Ruperti, ad Juvenal., Sat. vi, vers. 343, et Saubert., de Sacrif. vet., cap. 17, pag. 349, ed. Cren. Talium vasculorum formas diversas, delineatas videmus in Schazii Compendio Antiquitt. Montefalconii tab. liv, fig. 5-9, eaque fictilia aeque ac lignea fuisse docet Nonius hoc verbo. In simpuvio deerrare itaque nihil aliud est quam errare in vino rite libando vel infundendo. Caeterum totus hic locus petitus e Pseudo-Ciceronis Orat. pro Harusp. Respons, cap. 23: An, si ludius constitit, aut tibicen repente conticuit, aut puer ille patrimus et matrimus si terram non tenuit, aut tensam aut lorum omisit, aut si Aedilis verbo aut simpulo aberravit, ludi sunt non rite facti; eaque errata expiantur, et mentes deorum immortalium ludorum instauratione placantur. Plura de simpuvio, vide ap. Meurs., lib. iv, cap 12. ORELL.

"Or has erred with the libation-ladle (simpuvium)." It is written variously: "sympinium," from sympinein (to drink together), "simpuvium," "simpulum." Festus: "Simpulum ... a small vessel not unlike a cyathus, with which wine is poured in sacrifices; whence women devoted to divine rites are also called simpulatrices," where see the commentators. Varro, On the Latin Language, book iv, p. 35, Bipontine edition: "The vessel with which they served wine, so as to pour it drop by drop, they called 'guttus' from drops (guttae); and the one with which they took it a little at a time they named 'simpulum' from taking (sumendo)" (that is, drinking; see Meursius), where Joseph Scaliger, who has much to say on this word in his Observations, p. 89, vol. ii, deriving "simpulum" from "simpo," which is the Greek siphōn, says it was a little vessel with a thin pipe or narrow neck for sipping wine, and that the simpulum differs from the Greek siphōn in this alone, that the Latins used their simpulum only for sacred rites, the Greeks the siphōn for tasting wine in a tavern. Compare Stewech on this passage; Hadrianus Junius, Animadversiones book ii, ch. 10, in Gruter's Lampas, p. 370; Harduin on Pliny, Natural History xxxv, 12, f. 46; Gesner in his Thesaurus under this word; Ruperti on Juvenal, Satire vi, line 343; and Saubert, On Ancient Sacrifices, ch. 17, p. 349, Crenius's edition. We see the various shapes of such little vessels drawn in Schatz's Compendium of Montfaucon's Antiquities, plate liv, figs. 5–9, and Nonius, under this word, teaches that they were of earthenware as well as of wood. So "to err with the simpuvium" is nothing other than to err in duly pouring or pouring in the wine. This whole passage, moreover, is taken from the pseudo-Ciceronian Oration on the Response of the Soothsayers, ch. 23: "Or, if a dancer has stopped, or a piper has suddenly fallen silent, or if the boy with father and mother living has not kept his hold on the ground, or has let go the sacred car or the rein, or if the aedile has gone wrong in a word or with the ladle, the games have not been duly performed; and those errors are expiated, and the minds of the immortal gods are appeased by the renewal of the games." For more on the simpuvium, see Meursius, book iv, ch. 12. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Aut si cursu in solemnibus ludis, curriculisque divinis: commissum omnes statim› · note in col 1066

Aut si cursu in solemnibus ludis, curriculisque divinis: commissum omnes statim. Ita rectissime locum interpunxit Salmasius. Verba enim aut si in cursu, etc. referenda ad praecedentia: postulionibus locus est, et piaculi dicitur contracta esse commissio, etc. Contra verbis commissum omnes statim, etc. novum inchoatur orationis membrum. Male itaque Heraldus legit et distinxit: Aut si rursus in solennibus ludis curriculisque divinis commissum omnes statim, etc. Cursu pro rursus, quod erat in ms. est ex emendatione Gelenii felicissima. Curricula divina sunt ludi curules in honorem deorum habiti. At optime restituit locum luxatum et male habitum Theod. Marcilius ad Horat. lib i, od. 21, legens: Deerrarit, aut si rursus in solennibus ludis curriculisque divinis ludius constitit, aut tibicen repente conticuit: aut si patrimus ille qui vocitatur puer omisit per ignoratiam locum, aut tensam tenere non potuit, commissum omnes statim in religiones clamatis sacras, etc. ORELL.

"Or if in the course at the solemn games and the sacred races: at once you all (cry) that a sin has been committed." So Salmasius punctuated the passage, most rightly. For the words "or if in the course," etc., are to be referred to what precedes: "there is room for postulions, and the commission of a sin needing expiation is said to have been incurred," etc. With the words "at once you all (cry) a sin committed," on the other hand, a new member of the sentence begins. So Hérault read and punctuated wrongly: "Or if again at the solemn games and sacred races, at once all ... committed," etc. "Cursu" for "rursus," which was in the manuscript, is a most happy emendation of Gelenius. The "sacred races" are the chariot games held in honour of the gods. But Theod. Marcile restored the dislocated and ill-used passage excellently, on Horace, book i, ode 21, reading: "has erred, or if again at the solemn games and sacred races a dancer has stopped, or a piper has suddenly fallen silent; or if that boy who is called 'patrimus' has by ignorance missed his place, or could not keep hold of the sacred car, at once you all cry out that a sin has been committed against the sacred rites," etc. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Si ludius constitit› · note in col 1066

Si ludius constitit. Res nota vel e proverbio: Res salva est, dum saltat senex. Ludius autem ὀρχηστής. Plautus in Aulularia: . . . . . . Tu istum gallum, si sapis, / Glabriorem reddes mihi, quam volsus ludius est. De his ludiis loquitur Plautus: quia vulsi illi et vultu glabri ac depilati. Julianus in Misopogone: μίμους, ὀρχηστὰς, [one word illegible in foot image] αἰσχυνομένας γυναῖκας, παιδάρια περὶ κάλλους ἁμιλλώμενα ταῖς γυναιξὶν, ἄνδρας ἀποψιλουμένους οὔτι τὰς γνάθους μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἅπαν τὸ σῶμα, λειότεροι τῶν γυναικῶν ὅπως φαίνοιντο τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν. De iisdem Tertullianus, de Spectaculis, cap. 23. Placebit et ille, qui vultus suos novacula mutat, infidelis ergo faciem suam, quam non contentus Saturno et Isidi et Libero proximam facere, insuper contumeliis alaparum sic objicit, quasi de praecepto Domini ludat. HERALD.— Servius in vii, Aeneid.: Cum ludi Circenses Apollini celebrarentur, ut Hannibal nuntiatus est circa portam Collinam urbi ingruere, omnes, raptis armis, concurrerunt. Reversi postea, cum piaculum formidarent, invenerunt in Circo saltantem senem quemdam: qui cum interrogatus dixisset se non interrupisse saltationem, dictum est hoc proverbium: Salva res est, saltat senex. Conf. Festus v. Salva res. ELMENH. Vid. Salmas. ad Trebell. Claud. 5, tom ii, p. 632, ad Vopisc. Carin., p. 843; Burmann., ad Ovid., de Arte Am., i, 112, et Ernesti in Clav. Cic., verbo Ludius. ORELL.

"If a dancer has stopped." The matter is known even from the proverb: "All is safe while the old man dances." "Ludius" is an orchēstēs (dancer). Plautus in the Aulularia: "...... If you are wise, you will make that cock of yours balder for me than a plucked dancer." Plautus speaks of these dancers because they were plucked, smooth-faced and depilated. Julian in the Misopogon: "mimes, dancers, [illegible] women ashamed, boys vying in beauty with women, men shaving not only their cheeks but their whole body, so that they may appear smoother than women to those who meet them." Of the same, Tertullian, On the Spectacles, ch. 23: "Will he please God too, who changes his face with the razor, faithless to his own face, which, not content to make it like Saturn and Isis and Liber, he further exposes to the insults of slaps, as if he were making sport of the Lord's command?" HÉRAULT.— Servius on Aeneid vii: "When the Circensian games were being held for Apollo, and Hannibal was reported to be bearing down on the city near the Colline gate, all snatched up arms and ran together. Returning afterwards, since they feared a sin requiring expiation, they found an old man dancing in the Circus; and when on being questioned he said that he had not interrupted his dancing, this proverb was coined: 'All is safe, the old man is dancing.'" Compare Festus under "Salva res." ELMENHORST. See Salmasius on Trebellius, Claudius 5, vol. ii, p. 632, and on Vopiscus, Carinus, p. 843; Burman on Ovid, Art of Love i, 112; and Ernesti in his Clavis Ciceroniana under the word "Ludius." ORELLI.

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(7) ‹anchor: Aut si patrimus ille qui vocatur puer omisit per ignorantiam lorum› · note in col 1066

Aut si patrimus ille qui vocatur puer omisit per ignorantiam lorum. Hujus loci interpres est Asconius in I. Verr., cap. 59: Thensas alii a divinitate dici putant, quod ante ipsas lora tenduntur, quae gaudent manu tenere et tangere, qui eas deducunt. Quod viri docti putant Asconium a Virgilio accepisse, qui ii, Aeneid., 238, de equo Trojano, cum in urbem duceretur, canit: . . . . . Circum pueri innuptaeque puellae / Sacra canunt, funemque manu contingere gaudent. Thensam igitur lorumque, quo equus thensam trahebat, patrimi et matrimi pueri, qui singulas thensas deducebant, quod hic est comitabantur, manu videntur tenuisse, sique forte quis eorum remisisset id (continues)

"Or if that boy who is called 'patrimus' (having his father living) has let go the rein through ignorance." The interpreter of this passage is Asconius on the first Verrine, ch. 59: "Some think the 'thensae' (sacred cars) are named from divinity, because reins are stretched in front of them, which those who lead them rejoice to hold and touch with the hand." Learned men think Asconius took this from Virgil, who sings in Aeneid ii, 238, of the Trojan horse as it was led into the city: "..... Round it boys and unwed girls sing sacred hymns, and rejoice to touch the rope with their hand." So the boys with father and mother living, who led the individual thensae, that is, accompanied them, seem to have held the thensa and the rein by which the horse drew it in their hand; and if by chance one of them had let it go (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Aut si patrimus ille qui vocatur puer omisit per ignorantiam lorum (from p. 535)› · note in col 1067

(continued) lorum, piaculum committebatur. GRAEV., ad Cic. de Harusp. Resp., cap. 11. Fulv. Ursinus ex laudato Ciceronis loco refingit: Aut si patrimus ille et matrimus, qui vocatur, etc. Sed fortasse nihil mutandum: negligentius enim Arnobius Ciceronem suum videtur exscripsisse omittens etiam sequentia verba: Aut thensam aut. De thensis, sacris vehiculis ex ebore et argento, quibus deorum vehebantur simulacra, nota res. Vide tamen Lips., de Vestalibus, cap. xi; Voss., de Idolol., lib. ii, cap. 10, et Saubert., de Sacrif., cap. 19, p. 402 seq. ORELL.

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(2) ‹anchor: Aut terram tenere non potuit› · note in col 1067, running into col 1068

Aut terram tenere non potuit. Terram tenere quid sibi velit, ignorare se fatetur Heraldus expungenda censens haec verba tamquam glossema e Cicerone et Arnobio. Salmasus et Fabrettus citati a Fr. A Wolfio V. Cl. ad Cic., l. l., p. 339, conjiciunt: Si acerram tenere non potuit. Lipsius autem Antiq. Lectt., lib. iv, cap. 3: Aut siserram tenere non potuit. Glossae: Siserra, πρόβατον μεῖζον ἐνιαυτοῦ. Sed terram tenere, esse terram manibus tangere docent Varro, de Re rust., lib. i, cap. 2, et Macrobius, Saturn. iii, cap. 9, a Turnebo citati in Adversar., lib. xvi, cap. 10, quam explicationem probant Graevius et Wolfius V. Cl., verba aut thensam cum Ernestio et Garatonio pro spuriis e Cicerone ejicientes. Meursius contra auget legens: Aut thensam aut terram tenere non potuit. Dissentit Jo. Saubertus, de Sacrif., cap. 19, p. 398 seq., ed. Crenii, putans alludi his verbis ad peculiarem ritum victimariorum, puerorumve patrimorum et matrimorum, qui victimas deducebant, quo nunquam alterum pedem sublatum nisi ad ingrediendum haberent, hocque esse terram tenere. Utram explicationem sequamur, hic erit census loci; si puer ille ἀμφιθαλὴς lapsus fuerit manibus vel pedibus terram tangens. Nam generaliter omnes lapsus mali fuisse ominis constat. Hinc et novae nuptae tralata vetabantur contingere limina planta, sed superattollebantur, ne scil. in principio offenderent, et hoc signo nuptiarum auspicia vitiarent. Peccant, qui terram hic quoque aggerunt et legunt: Aut tensam aut terram tenere non potuit. Bene Tullius ex eoque Arnobius tensam et lorum junxere. Lorum enim omittere, scilicet tensae, idem plane est quam tensam tenere non posse. Qui tensam deducebat, eam loro tenebat, sive tensae lorum tenebat (quod liquet ex Asconii loco supra allato). Variae erant tensae. Prima omnium Jovis erat: hanc imperator ipse deducere solens, ut apud Sueton., August., cap. 43; Vespasian., cap. 5. In republica vetere consulis haec partes, ut Juvenal., sat. 10; Tertullian., cap. 13, de Corona militis. Caeteras et deorum et heroum tensas dedaxere pueri patrimi et matrimi. Horum aliquis si lorum tensae non tenuisset sive lorum tensae omisisset, ludi circenses illi rite facti non erant, idque erratum expiari, ludosque instaurari opus erat. Theod. MARCIL., ad Horat., i, od. 21, p. 26. ORELL.

"Or could not keep hold of the ground." What "to hold the ground" means, Hérault confesses he does not know, judging that these words should be struck out of Cicero and Arnobius as a gloss. Salmasius and Fabretti, cited by Fr. A. Wolf, the eminent man, on Cicero at the place cited, p. 339, conjecture: "if he could not hold the incense-box (acerra)." Lipsius, Antiquae Lectiones book iv, ch. 3: "or could not hold the siserra." The Glossaries: "Siserra: a sheep older than a year." But that "to hold the ground" means to touch the ground with the hands is taught by Varro, On Agriculture book i, ch. 2, and Macrobius, Saturnalia iii, ch. 9, cited by Turnebus in the Adversaria, book xvi, ch. 10; Graevius and Wolf, the eminent man, approve this explanation, throwing out the words "or the thensa" from Cicero as spurious, with Ernesti and Garatoni. Meursius, on the contrary, enlarges the text, reading: "or could not keep hold of either the thensa or the ground." Jo. Saubert dissents, On Sacrifices, ch. 19, p. 398 f., Crenius's edition, thinking that these words allude to a peculiar rite of the sacrificial attendants, or of the boys with father and mother living who led the victims, by which they never had one foot raised except to walk, and that this is "to hold the ground." Whichever explanation we follow, this will be the sense of the passage: if that amphithalēs boy (with both parents living) slipped and touched the ground with hands or feet. For it is well established that all slips in general were of ill omen. Hence new brides, when carried over, were forbidden to touch the threshold with their foot, but were lifted over it, lest, that is, they should stumble at the outset and by this sign spoil the auspices of the marriage. They go wrong who heap "ground" in here as well and read: "or could not keep hold of the thensa or the ground." Tully, and Arnobius after him, rightly joined thensa and rein. For to let go of the rein, namely of the thensa, is plainly the same as not to be able to keep hold of the thensa. He who led the thensa held it by the rein, or held the rein of the thensa (as is clear from the passage of Asconius cited above). The thensae were various. The first of all was Jupiter's; the emperor himself used to lead it, as in Suetonius, Augustus, ch. 43; Vespasian, ch. 5. In the old republic this was the consul's part, as in Juvenal, Satire 10; Tertullian, On the Soldier's Crown, ch. 13. The other thensae, of gods and of heroes, were led by boys with father and mother living. If any of them had not kept hold of the thensa's rein, or had let go of it, those Circensian games had not been duly performed, and it was necessary to expiate the error and repeat the games. THEOD. MARCILE, on Horace, i, ode 21, p. 26. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: XXXII. — Ad voluptatem› · note in col 1068

XXXII. — Ad voluptatem. Editio princeps Sabaei: Ad voluntatem. ORELL.

XXXII. "For pleasure." Sabaeus's first edition: "at will." ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: Minus brutos› · note in col 1068

Minus brutos. Fulv. Ursinus mavult: minime brutos. ORELL.

"Less brutish." Fulvio Orsini prefers "not at all brutish." ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Licentiosi juris› · note in col 1068

Licentiosi juris. Glossae: licentiosus, παρρησιαστής. Bonum et probatae latinitatis vocabulum, quo utitur etiam Quintilianus Inst., lib. i, cap. 6. ELMENH. et ORELL.

"Of licentious right." The Glossaries: "licentiosus, parrhēsiastēs (one who speaks freely)." A good word of approved Latinity, which Quintilian too uses, Institutes book i, ch. 6. ELMENHORST and ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Tantae istis obviam temeritati› · note in col 1068

Tantae istis obviam temeritati. Ita refinxerunt Canterus et editor Lugd. Bat. e Cod. ms. et editione principe. Gelenius edidit itis. ORELL.

"(Did you go) to meet such great rashness with these (laws)?" So Canter and the Leiden editor reconstructed it from the manuscript and the first edition. Gelenius printed "itis." ORELLI.

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(7) ‹anchor: XXXIII. — Chalcidicis› · note in col 1068

XXXIII. — Chalcidicis. Vide supra, ad lib. iii, cap. 10. ORELL.

XXXIII. "In the Chalcidian (meters)." See above on book iii, ch. 10. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹anchor: Aures patientissimas› · note in col 1068

Aures patientissimas. Stewechius mavult: patientissimas. Sed nil mutandum. Aurium patientia legitur etiam apud Lactant., lib. i, cap. 1, et hoc convenientius videtur verbis proxime sequentibus: Nec judicatis indignum, etc. ORELL.

"Most patient ears." Stewech prefers "patientissimas" (sic). But nothing should be changed. "Patience of the ears" is read also in Lactantius, book i, ch. 1, and this seems to fit better with the words immediately following: "Nor do you judge it unworthy," etc. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹anchor: Quibus corpora terrena fulciantur› · note in col 1068

Quibus corpora terrena fulciantur. Quid tam contra communem sensum, quam hoc? Corpora voluptatibus dissolvuntur et franguntur; tantum abest, ut corroborentur. Emendo: quibus corpora terrena mulceantur, et quas aures expetant, pro expetunt, MEURS. At vero Arnobius voluptates intelligit hoc loco non venereas, sed illas, de quibus antea locutus est, convivia, compotationes, quae nisi modum excedant, recte dicuntur fulcire corpora humana. ORELL.

"By which earthly bodies are propped up." What is so contrary to common sense as this? Bodies are dissolved and broken by pleasures; so far are they from being strengthened. I emend: "by which earthly bodies are soothed, and which the ears seek," "expetant" for "expetunt." MEURSIUS. But in this passage Arnobius means not sexual pleasures but those of which he spoke before, banquets and drinking parties, which, unless they exceed measure, are rightly said to prop up human bodies. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹anchor: Incentivo extollitis laudis› · note in col 1068

Incentivo extollitis laudis. Hanc lectionem e Cod. ms. revocarunt Heraldus et Salmasius. Antea legebatur: incentiva..... laude. Incentivum idem quod incitatio, stimulus, sequioris latinitatis vocabulum. Sic Anonym. Panegyr. in Constantin. viii, cap. i, p. 480. ed Jaeger.: Etenim si in rebus bellicis ipsisque praeliis non solum tubae ac litui, sed etiam Spartanae tibiae incentivum aliquod feruntur habuisse. Et Ammianus Marcellin. lib. xiv. init. de Gallo: Cujus acerbitati uxor (continues)

"You exalt with the incentive of praise." Hérault and Salmasius recalled this reading from the manuscript. Before, it read "incentiva ..... laude." "Incentivum" is the same as incitement, stimulus, a word of later Latinity. So the anonymous Panegyric on Constantine, viii, ch. i, p. 480, Jaeger's edition: "For if in matters of war and in battles themselves not only trumpets and clarions but even Spartan pipes are said to have had some incentive (power)." And Ammianus Marcellinus at the beginning of book xiv, of Gallus: "To whose harshness his wife (continues)

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(a) ‹anchor: fata› · call in col 1069 (printed under col 1069)

Facta Sab. male.

Sabaeus has "facta," wrongly.

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(b) ‹anchor: not found in col 1069's text (call presumably in col 1070)› · call not seen in col 1069 (printed under col 1069)

Certissimae ms.

The manuscript has "certissimae."

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(1) ‹anchor: Incentivo extollitis laudis (from p. 536)› · note in col 1069

(continued) grave accesserat incentivum, germanitate Augusti turgida supra modum. Quod Zosimus de eodem loquens ita exprimit: ἔχοντος καὶ τὴν ὁμόζυγον πρὸς τοῦτο αὐτὸν ἐρεθίζουσαν. Graeci vocabant ἐνδόσιμον. Conf., qui de hoc verbo multus est, Rittherdus, ad Salvian., de Gubern. Dei, pag. 8, ed. Bremens. ORELL.

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(2) ‹anchor: Illi vulnera› · note in col 1069

Illi vulnera, etc. Ita Meursius et Salmasius rectissime pro Illa vulnera. ORELL.

"Those (men) ... wounds," etc. So Meursius and Salmasius, most rightly, for "those wounds." ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: Quod penitus oportebat ex humani generis coalitu tolli› · note in col 1069

Quod penitus oportebat ex humani generis coalitu tolli. Gesnerus, in Thesauro, vocem coalitus explicat: Quod penitus oportebat tolli, ne coalescat, id est increbrescat, confirmetur inter homines. Sed potius interpretandum videtur: Quod penitus oportebat tolli ex humani generis societate, consortio. Quo sensu verbum coalescere usurpat Livius, lib. i, cap. 8: Vocataque ad concilium multitudine, quae coalescere in populi unius corpus nulla re praeterquam legibus posset. Et cap. 11: Ita rem coalescere concordia posse. Lambinus autem ad Lucret., ii, 1129, pag. 282, et vi, 1060, pag. 852. Coalescere et coalitus parum esse Latina probare studet, et pro iis omnibus locis reponendum Coolescere, coolitus. Substantivi coalitus, us, unum nostrum exemplum citatur in Lexicis. Hinc Elmenhorstius et alii reponebant coetu. ORELL.

"Which ought to have been removed entirely from the fellowship (coalitus) of the human race." Gesner, in his Thesaurus, explains the word "coalitus": "which ought to have been entirely removed, lest it grow together, that is, become common and be established among men." But it seems rather to be interpreted: "which ought to have been entirely removed from the society, the partnership, of the human race." In this sense Livy uses the verb "coalescere," book i, ch. 8: "and having called to an assembly the multitude, which could grow together into the body of one people by nothing except laws." And ch. 11: "that so the state could grow together in concord." Lambinus, however, on Lucretius ii, 1129, p. 282, and vi, 1060, p. 852, tries to prove that "coalescere" and "coalitus" are hardly Latin, and that in all those places "coolescere," "coolitus" should be put back. Of the noun "coalitus, -us," our passage is the only example cited in the lexicons. Hence Elmenhorst and others substituted "coetu" (gathering). ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: Percensetis, ediscitis› · note in col 1069

Percensetis, ediscitis. Ediscitis primus e Cod. msto restituit Stewechius. Sic paulo post cap. 36: Maledictionis elogia et quotidie referatis et ediscatis quotidie. ORELL.

"You review them, you learn them by heart." Stewech was the first to restore "ediscitis" from the manuscript. So a little later, ch. 36: "that you both recite and learn by heart daily the records of cursing." ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: XXXIV.— Cujus vos nomen effari› · note in col 1069

XXXIV.— Cujus vos nomen effari. Ita Meursius pro cujus vos numen effari. ORELL.

XXXIV. "Whose name you (should not) utter." So Meursius, for "whose divinity you (should not) utter." ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Amasio captus ab uxore describitur confiteri culpas suas› · note in col 1069

Amasio captus ab uxore describitur confiteri culpas suas. Ita ms. Gelenius ed. amasius. Sed forma amasio, onis, insolentiore utuntur etiam Apuleius Met., iii, pag. 216, et vii, pag. 488. ed. Oudendorpii, ubi vide notas, nec non Prudentius, carm. x, περὶ στεφάνων, vers. 182: Nubunt puellae, saepe laeduntur dolis / Amasionum, comprimuntur fraudibus. Caeterum, ut monet Canterus, respicit hic Arnobius ad locum illum Homericum Iliad. xiv, vers. 312-328. ORELL.—Ita pusus, pusio, pumilus, pumilio, et alia. MEURS. in Append.

"As a lover caught by his wife he is described confessing his faults." So the manuscript. Gelenius printed "amasius." But the rarer form "amasio, -onis" is used also by Apuleius, Metamorphoses iii, p. 216, and vii, p. 488, Oudendorp's edition (see the notes there), and by Prudentius, poem x of the Peristephanon, line 182: "Girls marry, are often wronged by the tricks of lovers, are violated by deceits." As Canter points out, Arnobius here has in view that Homeric passage, Iliad xiv, lines 312–328. ORELLI.—So "pusus, pusio," "pumilus, pumilio," and others. MEURSIUS, in the Appendix.

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(7) ‹anchor: Obduratus inverecundia publicare› · note in col 1069, running into col 1070

Obduratus inverecundia publicare. Obduratum inverecundia appellat eum, qui ad impudentiam totus obduruit, et qui os, frontem, id est ea omnia, quibus prodere se pudor consuevit, ita duravit, ut in iis, nullum restet verecundiae signum. Hinc χάλκεον, σιδήρεον, λίθινον μέτωπον de impudentibus dicit Artemidorus lib. i, Oneirocrit., cap. 24, et σιδηροῦς homo, qui nulla pudoris vi moveri novit, v. c. in versu illo Sophocleo ap. Aristot., ii, Rhet., cap. 23: Σαφῶς σιδηρῷ καὶ φέροντι τοὔνομα. HERALD.

"Hardened in shamelessness, to publish." He calls "hardened in shamelessness" one who has grown wholly hard into impudence, and who has so hardened his face and brow, that is, all those parts by which shame usually betrays itself, that no sign of modesty remains in them. Hence Artemidorus, Oneirocritica book i, ch. 24, speaks of the impudent as having "a brow of bronze, of iron, of stone," and a man of iron is one who cannot be moved by any force of shame, e.g. in that line of Sophocles in Aristotle, Rhetoric ii, ch. 23: "Plainly (you are) of iron, and bear the name." HÉRAULT.

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(8) ‹anchor: Capita esse memoratis sanctissima› · note in col 1070

Capita esse memoratis sanctissima. E Graecorum loquendi more, quem Latini pari venustate frequentarunt. Seneca in Oedipode: Sacrate diveis, proximum Phoebo caput. HERALD.

"You say they are most holy heads." After the Greek manner of speaking, which the Latins used often with equal charm. Seneca in the Oedipus: "Head consecrated to the gods, nearest to Phoebus." HÉRAULT.

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(9) ‹anchor: Ut gravioris ponderis sint apud vos verba, quam caelitum violata sublimitas› · note in col 1070

Ut gravioris ponderis sint apud vos verba, quam coelitum violata sublimitas. Alii, verbi causa Meursius, malunt: quibus coelitum violata sublimitas. ORELL.

"So that words weigh more heavily with you than the outraged majesty of the heavenly ones." Others, for example Meursius, prefer "by which the majesty of the heavenly ones is outraged." ORELLI.

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(10) ‹anchor: Passim….. effari› · note in col 1070

Passim..... effari. Passim, id est sine delectu discrimine. Vide supra ad lib. ii, cap. 1. ORELL.

"To utter ..... everywhere." "Everywhere," that is, without choice or distinction. See above on book ii, ch. 1. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹anchor: Effari. Nec a vobis saltem istum meruerunt honorem› · note in col 1070

Effari. Nec a vobis saltem istum meruerunt honorem, etc. Sic e codice msto locum restituit Stewechius, sequente ed. Lugd. Bat. Antea edebatur: Effari, ac a vobis saltem istum mererent honorem. At vero verba haec pendent non a proxime antecedentibus, sed, ut bene monet Stewechius, referenda ad ea quae paulo superius dixerat: Ita ergo non decuit, etc. In sequentibus expellitis pro expelletis restituit Meurs. Idem conj. expelleretis, pessime. expellitis, i. q. expellere soletis. ORELL.

"To utter. Nor did they deserve from you at least this honour," etc. So Stewech restored the passage from the manuscript, followed by the Leiden edition. Before, it was printed: "to utter, and they would deserve from you at least this honour." But these words depend not on what immediately precedes; rather, as Stewech rightly points out, they are to be referred to what he had said a little above: "So then it was not fitting," etc. In what follows Meursius restored "you drive out" for "you will drive out." The same man conjectured "you would drive out," very badly. "Expellitis" is the same as "you are wont to drive out." ORELLI.

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(12) ‹anchor: Majestatis sunt apud vos rei, qui de vestris sequius obmurmuraverint aliquid regibus› · note in col 1070

Majestatis sunt apud vos rei, qui de vestris sequius obmurmuraverint aliquid regibus. Hanc quoque lectionem verissimam debemus Stewechio, qui eam e cod. ms. in textum revocavit. Antea legebatur: secus obmurmuraverint. Sed multum praestat sequius, id est deterius. Sic Apuleius, lib. viii, Met.: Placuit Thrasillo schema feralium nuptiarum, nec sequius aliquid suspicatus. Varro apud Nonium verbo Ruminare: Non modo absens quidquam de te sequius cogitabit, sed etiam ruminabitur humanitatem. Quae loca citavit Stewechius. Caeterum de majestatis crimine Paulus, lib. v. Sententiar., tit. 29, sic inquit: Lege Julia majestatis tenetur is, cujus ope, consilio adversus imperatorem vel rempublicam arma sunt mota, exercitusque ejus in insidias deductus est; quive injussu imperatoris bellum gesserit delectumve habuerit, exercitum comparaverit, sollicitaverit, deseruerit imperatorem. His antea in perpetuum aqua et igni interdicebatur, nunc vero humiliores bestiis objiciuntur, vel vivi exuruntur, honestiores capite puniuntur. Quod crimen non solum facto, sed et verbis impiis et maledictis maxime exacerbatur. Vide Fr. Lindenbrogium, ad Leg. unicam Cod.: Si quis imp. maledixerit. ORELL. et ELMENH.

"Among you those are guilty of treason who have muttered anything rather ill of your kings." This most true reading too we owe to Stewech, who recalled it into the text from the manuscript. Before, it read "who have muttered otherwise." But "sequius," that is, "worse," is much better. So Apuleius, Metamorphoses book viii: "The pretence of a funereal wedding pleased Thrasyllus, and he suspected nothing amiss." Varro in Nonius, under the word "Ruminare": "Not only will he, when absent, think nothing ill of you, but he will even ruminate on your kindness." These passages Stewech cited. On the crime of treason, moreover, Paulus, Sententiae book v, title 29, says thus: "Under the Julian law of treason is held he by whose help or counsel arms have been taken up against the emperor or the state, and its army led into ambush; or who without the emperor's order has waged war or held a levy, raised an army, tampered with it, or deserted the emperor. Such men were formerly forbidden water and fire for ever; but now the lower ranks are thrown to the beasts or burned alive, and the more honourable are punished by death. This crime is aggravated most of all not only by deed but also by impious words and curses." See Fr. Lindenbrog on the single law of the Code, "If anyone has cursed the emperor." ORELLI and ELMENHORST.

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(13) ‹anchor: Senatorem aut convicio prosequi› · note in col 1070

Senatorem aut convicio prosequi. Senatores adeo inviolatos conservari voluerunt imperatores Arcadius et Honorius, ut eosdem corporis sui partem esse protestati sint, et quisquis illos vel interfecerit, vel dicto vel facto laeserit, eum, utpote majestatis reum, gla- (continues)

"Or to pursue a senator with abuse." The emperors Arcadius and Honorius wished senators to be kept so inviolate that they declared them to be part of their own body, and that whoever killed them, or injured them by word or deed, should, as one guilty of treason, (be punished by) the swo- (continues)

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(c) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1070 (printed under col 1070)

Mererent alii.

Others read "mererent."

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(1) ‹anchor: Senatorem aut convicio prosequi (from p. 537)› · note in col 1071

(continued) dio feriendum condemnaverint, bonis ejus omnibus fisco addictis. Vid. Leg. v, cod. ad L. Jul. majest. STEWECH. et ELMENH.

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(2) ‹anchor: Carmen malum conscribere› · note in col 1071

Carmen malum conscribere, etc. Lex xii Tabularum ita concepta est: SI. QUIS. CARMEN. OCCENTASSIT. ACTITASSIT. CONDIDISSIT. QUOD. ALTERI. FLAGITIUM. FAXIT. CAPITAL. ESTO. Qua de lege Cicero, lib. iv, de Republ., ap. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. ii, cap. 9: Nostrae XII Tabulae, cum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque sanciendam putaverunt: si quis actitavisset, sive carmen condidisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri. Et. cap. 12: Romani, sicut in illa de republica disputatione gloriatur Scipio, probris et injuriis poetarum subjectam vitam habere noluerunt, capite etiam puniri sancientes, tale carmen condere si quis auderet. Similis lex x. Cod. Theodos., de famosis libellis: Uni versi qui famosis libellis inimicis suis velut venenatum quoddam telum injecerint: hi etiam, qui famosam seriem scriptionis impudenti agnita lectione non illico discerpserint, vel flammis exusserint, vel lectorem cognitum prodiderint, ultorem suis cervicibus gladium reformident. ELMENH. Carmen malum itaque famosum, criminosum, maledicum, quale ne quis scriberet cautum erat poena capitis et fustis, teste Horatio ii. ep. i. 152, sq.: . . . . . . . Quin etiam lex / Poenaque lata, malo quae nollet carmine quemquam / Describi: vertere modum formidine fustis / Ad benedicendum delectandumque redacti. Ubi vid. vet. Schol. Conf. Savaron., ad Sidon., lib. i, epist. xi, pag. 78. Forner., ad Cassiodor. Variar., lib. xi, ep. xi, pag. 707, ed. Genev. Lips., ad Tacit. Hist., iv, 45. Funec. ad Leg. xii. Tab. Vinc.; Gravina, de Orig. Jur. pag. 167, seqq. ORELL.

"To write an evil song," etc. The law of the Twelve Tables was worded thus: "IF ANYONE HAS CHANTED, PERFORMED OR COMPOSED A SONG THAT BRINGS DISGRACE ON ANOTHER, LET IT BE A CAPITAL OFFENCE." Of this law Cicero, On the Republic book iv, in Augustine, City of God book ii, ch. 9: "Our Twelve Tables, though they made very few things capital, thought this too should be made so: if anyone had performed, or composed, a song that brought infamy or disgrace on another." And ch. 12: "The Romans, as Scipio boasts in that discussion on the republic, would not have their life exposed to the reproaches and insults of the poets, decreeing even death if anyone dared to compose such a song." A similar law is the tenth of the Theodosian Code, on defamatory libels: "All who have hurled defamatory libels like a poisoned weapon at their enemies; those too who, having recognized by an impudent reading a defamatory piece of writing, have not at once torn it up or burned it in the fire, or have not betrayed the reader they know of, let them dread the sword avenging on their necks." ELMENHORST. So an "evil song" is a defamatory, accusing, slanderous one, such as was forbidden to be written under penalty of death and the cudgel, as Horace attests, Epistles ii, i, 152 f.: "....... Nay, a law too was passed and a penalty, which forbade anyone to be portrayed in an evil song: they changed their tune for fear of the cudgel, brought back to speaking well and giving pleasure." See the old scholiast there. Compare Savaron on Sidonius, book i, letter xi, p. 78; Fornier on Cassiodorus, Variae book xi, letter xi, p. 707, Geneva edition; Lipsius on Tacitus, Histories iv, 45; Funccius on the Law of the Twelve Tables, Vincentius (?); Gravina, On the Origin of Law, p. 167 ff. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: In quos jus est a vobis datum› · note in col 1071

In quos jus est a vobis datum. Ita corrig. Fulv. Ursinus et Gelenius. Editio princeps habet: In quovis est a vobis datum. ORELL.

"Against whom the right has been given by you." So Fulvio Orsini and Gelenius correct it. The first edition has "against anyone it has been given by you." ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: Confinxerit› · note in col 1071

Confinxerit. Ita Meursius. Antea confixerit. ORELL.

"Has made up." So Meursius. Before, "confixerit" (has pierced). ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Formas› · note in col 1071

Formas. Idem Meursius in Critico, lib. vii, cap. 9, legendum suspicatur forias, id est quisquilias, stercora, Nonius. Foriae.... stercora liquidiora, unde foricae latrinae. Forire, ventrem deonerare. Forioli homines quibus alvus fluxa est et nimis molis. Sed non opus habemus turpi hoc vocabulo. ORELL.

"Shapes." The same Meursius, in his Criticus, book vii, ch. 9, suspects one should read "forias," that is, refuse, dung. Nonius: "Foriae .... more liquid dung; whence 'foricae,' latrines." "Forire," to empty the belly. "Forioli," men whose bowels are loose and too soft. But we have no need of this filthy word. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: XXXV. — Quid histriones› · note in col 1071

XXXV. — Quid histriones. Simillimus locus Tertulliani in Apologet., cap. 15: Sed et histrionum litterae omnem foeditatem eorum designant. Luget Sol filium jactatum de coelo, laetantibus vobis, et Cybele pastorem suspirat fastidiosum non erubescentibus vobis. Et sustinetis Jovis elogia cantari et Junonem, Venerem, Minervam a pastore judicari. ELMENH.

XXXV. "What of the actors?" A very similar passage of Tertullian in the Apology, ch. 15: "And the actors' writings too set out all their foulness. The Sun mourns his son hurled from heaven, and you rejoice; and Cybele sighs for a disdainful shepherd, and you do not blush. And you endure the charges against Jupiter being sung, and Juno, Venus and Minerva being judged by a shepherd." ELMENHORST.

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(7) ‹anchor: Nonne ad usum quaestus sui abutuntur diis vestris, et lenocinia voluptatum ex injuriis attrahit contumeliisque divinis› · note in col 1071, running into col 1072

Nonne ad usum quaestus sui abutuntur diis vestris, et lenocinia voluptatum ex injuriis attrahit contumeliisque divinis. I a ms Gelenius ed. abutitur, referens, ut et sequens attrahit, ad praecedentia verba: exoleti generis multitudo. Heraldus attrahit putat absolute dictum pro attrahunt. attrahit; scil. aliquis, ut supra inquit, interrogabit. Mihi codicis lectio videtur verissima, et attrahit omnino referendum ad exoleti generis multitudo, quod autem non intelligo de histrionibus et actoribus scenicis, quamvis eos hoc nomine appellet capite sequente, sed potius de multitudine spectatorum molli et effeminata omniaque voluptatum lenocinia cupidissime arripiente. Tales enim homines exoletos dici ostendimus supra ad lib. ii. cap. 43. Sensus itaque nostri loci hic erit: Nonne (pantomimi illi, histriones, mimi) ad usum quaestus sui abutuntur Diis vestris, et (exoleti generis multitudo) lenocinia voluptatum ex injuriis attrahit contumeliisque divinis? Hoc quidem paulo durius esse non infitias iverim, attamen Arnobio, scriptori non satis limato, talia condonanda. ORELL.

"Do they not abuse your gods for the purposes of their gain, and does (the crowd) not draw the enticements of pleasure from the injuries and insults done to the gods?" (So) the manuscript. Gelenius printed "abutitur," referring it, like the following "attrahit," to the preceding words "the crowd of the debauched sort." Hérault thinks "attrahit" is said absolutely for "attrahunt"; "attrahit," that is, "someone," as he says above, "will ask." To me the manuscript's reading seems most true, and "attrahit" is to be referred wholly to "the crowd of the debauched sort," which, however, I do not understand of the actors and stage players, although he calls them by this name in the next chapter, but rather of the soft and effeminate crowd of spectators who most greedily snatch at every enticement of pleasure. For we showed above, on book ii, ch. 43, that such men are called "exoleti." So the sense of our passage will be: "Do not (those pantomimes, actors, mimes) abuse your gods for the purposes of their gain, and does not (the crowd of the debauched sort) draw the enticements of pleasure from the injuries and insults done to the gods?" I would not deny that this is rather harsh; yet such things must be pardoned in Arnobius, a writer not polished enough. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹anchor: Quindecimviri laureati› · note in col 1072

Quindecimviri laureati. Quindecimviri sibyllinorum librorum custodes: qui etsi tandem sexaginta fuerint, remansit tamen in his quindecim vocabulum, ut observat Servius. Laureati autem, quia, cum ludos varie coronati spectarent, sane Quindecimviros, qui Sibyllinas sortes tractabant, lauro coronari erat aequissimum. HERALD.

"The laurelled Fifteen." The Fifteen were the keepers of the Sibylline books; though they eventually numbered sixty, the name "Fifteen" remained with them, as Servius observes. "Laurelled," because, since they watched the games crowned in various ways, it was surely most fitting that the Fifteen, who handled the Sibylline oracles, should be crowned with laurel. HÉRAULT.

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(9) ‹anchor: Diis proximi atque augustissimi reges› · note in col 1072

Diis proximi atque augustissimi reges. Regum nomine appellabantur iis temporibus, imperatores romani eorumque filii. Tertullian., de Spectac., cap. 30: Tot spectant reges, qui in coelum recepti nuntiabantur consecratos (intell. imperatores divis adscriptos) et Lactantius de Mortibus persecut., cap. 19, de Diocletiano: Tum descenditur, et rheda per civitatem veteranus rex foras exportatur in patriamque dimittitur. Conf. qui ca de re multus est, Ez. Spanhem., de Praestant et usu numismat. disserta. 12, tom. ii., pag. 399. edit. Amst. ORELL.

"Kings nearest to the gods and most august." In those times the Roman emperors and their sons were called by the name of kings. Tertullian, On the Spectacles, ch. 30: "So many kings who were announced as received into heaven" (watching) "the consecrated ones" (meaning the emperors enrolled among the gods); and Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 19, of Diocletian: "Then they came down, and the veteran king was carried out through the city in a carriage and sent off to his homeland." Compare Ez. Spanheim, who has much to say on this matter, On the Excellence and Use of Coins, dissertation 12, vol. ii, p. 399, Amsterdam edition. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹anchor: Regnatoris et populi› · note in col 1072

Regnatoris et populi. Virgilius, Aen., vi. 852: Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento. ORELL.

"Of the ruler and of the people." Virgil, Aeneid vi, 852: "You, Roman, remember to rule the peoples with your sway." ORELLI.

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(11) ‹anchor: Saltatur Venus….. saltatur et magna Mater› · note in col 1072

Saltatur Venus..... saltatur et magna Mater. Saltare, ἐπιδεικτικῶς ὑπορχήσασθαι, dicitur de mimis, pantomimis, qui gesticulatione motuque manuum et pedum per multiplices figuras et schemata sub canticis historiam aut fabulam imitabantur. Sic Horat. i, sat. v. dicit saltare Cyclopa, et Juvenal., sat. vi, 63. Cheironomon Ledam molli saltante Bathyllo. / Tuccia vesicae non imperat. Ubi vid. Ruperti. De tali saltatore vetus Epigramma in Anthol. lat., P. Burmanni ii, lib. iii, 178, vol. i, pag. 622.: Tot linguae, quot membra viro: mirabilis ars est, / Quae facit articulos ore silente loqui. Vide, qui hac de re multus est, Rigalt., ad Artemidor. Oneirocrit., lib. i, cap. 76, vol. ii, pag. 57, seq. ed. Reiff. ORELL.

"Venus is danced ..... and the great Mother is danced." "To dance," to perform in dumb show (epideiktikōs hyporchēsasthai), is said of mimes and pantomimes, who by gesture and by movement of hands and feet, through manifold figures and postures, imitated a story or fable to the accompaniment of songs. So Horace, Satires i, v, speaks of "dancing the Cyclops," and Juvenal, Satire vi, 63: "When soft Bathyllus dances the gesturing Leda, Tuccia cannot control her bladder." See Ruperti there. On such a dancer there is an old epigram in the Latin Anthology, P. Burman the younger, book iii, 178, vol. i, p. 622: "The man has as many tongues as limbs: a wonderful art, that makes the joints speak while the mouth is silent." See Rigault on Artemidorus, Oneirocritica book i, ch. 76, vol. ii, p. 57 f., Reiff's edition, who has much to say on this matter. ORELLI.

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<!-- Two series: LECTIONES VARIANTES (lettered calls; the call letters themselves are not visible in the foot images), then the running COMMENTARIUS (lemma notes, numbered here in print order; anchor = lemma; "col" = column under which the note is printed). -->

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1073 (printed under col 1073)

Inducitur Fulv.

Fulvio Orsini has "inducitur."

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(1) ‹anchor: Sacris compta cum infulis› · note in col 1073

Sacris compta cum infulis. Glossae: Infulae, στέμματα. Virgilius, Aen., x. 538: Infula cui sacra redimibat tempora vitta. ubi Servius: Infula, fascia in modum diadematis, a qua vittae ab utraque parte dependent. Conf. Festus, v. Infula. ELMENH.

"Adorned with sacred fillets." The Glossaries: "Infulae, stemmata (garlands)." Virgil, Aeneid x, 538: "whose temples the fillet bound with its sacred band." Where Servius: "Infula: a band in the manner of a diadem, from which ribbons hang down on either side." Compare Festus under "Infula." ELMENHORST.

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(2) ‹anchor: In bubulci unius amplexu….. gestire› · note in col 1073

In bubulci unius amplexu..... gestire. In amplexum mavult Oudendorp., ad Sueton. August., Cap. 70, in Addend., pag. 1022. Vide supra, ad cap. 14, verba: Qui in Proserpinam genitalibus dicitur adhinnivisse arrectis. ORELL.

"To exult in the embrace of one herdsman ....." Oudendorp prefers "into the embrace," on Suetonius, Augustus, ch. 70, in the Addenda, p. 1022. See above, on ch. 14, the words: "who is said to have whinnied after Proserpina with genitals erect." ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: Sophoclis in Trachiniis› · note in col 1073

Sophoclis in Trachiniis. Cicero, Tusc. ii, cap. 8. Sed videamus Herculem ipsum, qui tum dolore frangebatur, cum immortalitatem ipsam morte quaerebat Quas hic voces apud Sophoclem in Trachiniis edit? Cui cum Deianira sanguine Centauri tinctam tunicam induisset, inhaesissetque ea visceribus, ait ille: O multa dictu gravia, perpessu aspera, / Quae corpore exanclata atque animo pertuli, etc. ELMENH. Cod. ms.: Sophocles in Trachiniis. vitiose; unde Gelenius refinxit: a Sophocle in Trachiniis. Salmasius: Sophoclis in Trachiniis. N. Heinsius, Epist. 257, ad Graev., in Sylloge Burmann. tom. iv, pag. 329.: Sophocleis in Trachiniis, quod praefero Respicit autem Arnobius ad Trachin. vers. 1063, seqq ORELL.

"Of Sophocles in the Trachiniae." Cicero, Tusculans ii, ch. 8: "But let us look at Hercules himself, who was being broken by pain at the very time when he sought immortality itself through death. What cries does he utter here in Sophocles's Trachiniae? When Deianira had put on him the tunic dipped in the Centaur's blood, and it had clung to his vitals, he says: 'O things many and grievous to tell, harsh to suffer, which I have endured and drained to the dregs in body and in mind,' etc." ELMENHORST. The manuscript has "Sophocles in the Trachiniae," faultily; from which Gelenius recast it as "by Sophocles in the Trachiniae." Salmasius: "of Sophocles in the Trachiniae." N. Heinsius, letter 257 to Graevius, in Burman's Sylloge, vol. iv, p. 329: "in the Sophoclean Trachiniae," which I prefer. Arnobius has in view Trachiniae, line 1063 ff. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: Circumretitus indagine› · note in col 1073

Circumretitus indagine. Sic restituit Jan Guilielm. Quaestion. Plaut. in Curcul., cap. 5. in Lampade Gruteri. vol. iii, part. ii, p. 766, quam correctionem confirmat etiam codex mstus, teste Stewechio et N. Heinsio in Epistola ad Graevium modo citata. Et omnino circumretitus optime respondet indagini, cujus propria sedes in venatu et ad retia. Sic Virgilius. Aen., iv, 121: . . . . . . Saltusque indagine cingunt. Et eodem modo Arnobius infra lib. v. c. 41: Quod in adulterio dicimus Martem et Venerem Vulcani esse circumretitos arte. Antea legebatur circumpetitus ORELL.

"Netted round by a ring of hunters." So Jan Wilhelm restored it, Plautine Questions on the Curculio, ch. 5, in Gruter's Lampas, vol. iii, part ii, p. 766, a correction confirmed also by the manuscript, as Stewech and N. Heinsius attest in the letter to Graevius just cited. And "netted round" answers excellently to "ring of hunters" (indago), whose proper place is in hunting and with nets. So Virgil, Aeneid iv, 121: "...... and they ring the glades with the hunters' circle." And in the same way Arnobius below, book v, ch. 41: "As we say that Mars and Venus were netted round in adultery by Vulcan's art." Before, it read "circumpetitus" (attacked on all sides). ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Maceratione› · note in col 1073

Maceratione. Meurs. mavult viscerum laceratione. At bene habet maceratione: innuit scil. Arnobius viscera (id est carnem, quidquid sub cute latet) veneno exesa et liquescentia ORELL.

"By the wasting." Meursius prefers "by the tearing of the vitals." But "maceratione" is sound: Arnobius means, that is, the vitals (the flesh, whatever lies under the skin) eaten away by the poison and dissolving. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Quin et ille in fabulis maximus ille regnator poli› · note in col 1073

Quin et ille in fabulis maximus ille regnator poli. Prudentius in Martyrio Romani: Cygnus stuprator peccat inter pulpita: / Saltat tonantem tauricornem ludius. / Spectator horum, Pontifex summus, sedes, / Ridesque et ipse; nec negando diluis, / Cum fama tanti polluatur numinis. HERALD.

"Nay, even that greatest ruler of the sky (appears) in the plays." Prudentius in the Martyrdom of Romanus: "The swan the seducer sins on the stage; the dancer dances the bull-horned Thunderer. You sit as spectator of these things, chief Pontiff, and laugh yourself; nor do you wash it away by denial, when the good name of so great a deity is defiled." HÉRAULT.

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(7) ‹anchor: Sine ulla nominis….. formidine› · note in col 1073

Sine ulla nominis. . . . . . formidine, Meursius legit numinis, bene. ORELL.

"Without any fear of the name ......" Meursius reads "of the deity," rightly. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹anchor: Fallere castitatem› · note in col 1073, running into col 1074

Fallere castitatem. Fulv. Ursinus legend. conj. tollere castitatem. Male. Fallere castitatem scil. est tollere, subvertere castitatem dolis, fallaciis. ORELL.

"To deceive chastity." Fulvio Orsini conjectures one should read "to destroy chastity." Wrongly. "To deceive chastity," that is, is to destroy, to overthrow chastity by wiles and tricks. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹anchor: Familias matrum› · note in col 1074

Familias matrum. Observanda insolentior haec transpositio pro matrumfamilias. Materfamilias autem dicitur Latinis uxor legitima, opposita pellici. ORELL.

"Mothers of families." This rather unusual transposition for "matrumfamilias" should be noted. "Materfamilias" among the Latins means the lawful wife, as opposed to the concubine. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹anchor: Ora immutare pellacia› · note in col 1074

Ora immutare pellacia. Sic e cod. msto, qui habet ellacia, legendum docuit Stewechius. Cf Nic. Heins., Epist. ad Graev,, 257. Antea legebatur ora immutare fallacia. Sed vide quae supra observavimus ad cap. 28. ORELL.

"To change their faces by allurement." So Stewech showed it should be read, from the manuscript, which has "ellacia." Compare Nic. Heinsius, letter 257 to Graevius. Before, it read "to change their faces by deceit." But see what we observed above on ch. 28. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹anchor: Et in species conjugum subditivi corporis simulatione succedere› · note in col 1074

Et in species conjugum subditivi corporis simulatione succedere. Alludit ad Plauti Amphitryonem Pro subditivi alii legunt subdititii. Sed eodem modo Plautus Amphitr., act. i, scen. ii, vers. 25: Amphitryo subditivus eccum exit foras. ORELL.

"And to slip into the likeness of husbands by the pretence of a substituted body." He alludes to Plautus's Amphitruo. For "subditivi" others read "subdititii." But Plautus says it the same way, Amphitruo act i, scene ii, line 25: "Look, the substitute Amphitryon is coming out." ORELLI.

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(12) ‹anchor: XXXVI. — Jocularibus feriuntur cavillationibus numina› · note in col 1074

XXXVI. — Jocularibus feriuntur cavillationibus numina. Tertullianus, Apologet., cap. 15, init.: Caetera lasciviae ingenia etiam voluptatibus vestris per deorum dedecus operantur. Dispicite Lentulorum et Hostiliorum venustates, utrum mimos an deos vestros in jocis et strophis rideatis: moechum Anubim, et masculum Lunam, et Dianam flagellatam, et Jovis mortui testamentum recitatum, et tres Hercules famelicos irrisos. HERALD. — Cavillatio et cavillare verba propria de mimis. Solinus, cap. 2 de Sicilia: Hic primum inventa comoedia est, hic et cavillatio mimica in scena stetit. Cavillatio autem dicta est a calvendo, quod frustrari significat et fallere, ut scribit Priscianus lib. viii. Ipsum vero calvendi verbum Nonius Marcellus ait tractum esse a calvis mimicis, quod sint omnibus frustratui. Vid. Henr. Vales., ad Ammian. Marcellin., lib. xxx, pag. 406. ORELL.

XXXVI. "The deities are struck with jesting gibes." Tertullian, Apology, beginning of ch. 15: "The other talents of wantonness also work for your pleasures through the disgrace of the gods. Look at the charms of the Lentuli and Hostilii, (and see) whether it is the mimes or your gods you laugh at in the jokes and tricks: Anubis the adulterer, and the Moon as a male, and Diana flogged, and the reading of the will of the dead Jupiter, and the three starving Hercules mocked." HÉRAULT. — "Cavillatio" and "cavillare" are the proper words for mimes. Solinus, ch. 2, on Sicily: "Here comedy was first invented, here too mimic jesting first stood on the stage." "Cavillatio" is named from "calvere," which means to baffle and deceive, as Priscian writes, book viii. The verb "calvere" itself, Nonius Marcellus says, is drawn from the bald-headed mimes, because they are a laughing-stock to all. See Henri de Valois on Ammianus Marcellinus, book xxx, p. 406. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹anchor: Conclamant et assurgunt theatra› · note in col 1074

Conclamant et assurgunt theatra. Nam quando mimi et caeteri histriones placebant, acclamationibus, plausu, exsultatione voluptatem, quam inde percipiebant, testabantur spectatores. Hanc ἐπισημασίαν observat Cicero ad Atticum lib. xiv, epist. iii.: Tu, si quid πραγματικὸν habes. Sin minus, populi ἐπισημασίαν et mimorum dicta perscribito. Assurgebant igitur et exultabant, quod proprium verbum in hac re Graeci per ἀναπηδᾶν exprimunt, v. c. Arrianus in Dissert. Epicteti lib. iii, cap. 4, et Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast., lib. vii, cap. 30, loquens de Pauli Samosateni fastu et insolentia, qua captaverat, imo redemerat plausum in Ecclesia, tamquam in theatro. HERALD.

"The theatres shout and rise to their feet." For when the mimes and the other actors pleased, the spectators showed by acclamations, applause and leaping up the pleasure they took from them. Cicero notes this demonstration (episēmasia) to Atticus, book xiv, letter iii: "You, if you have anything of political import (write it); if not, write out in full the people's demonstrations and the mimes' sayings." So they rose and leapt up, which the Greeks express in this matter by the proper word anapēdan (to spring up), e.g. Arrian in the Discourses of Epictetus book iii, ch. 4, and Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History book vii, ch. 30, speaking of the pride and insolence of Paul of Samosata, with which he had courted, nay bought, applause in the Church as in a theatre. HÉRAULT.

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(14) ‹anchor: Exoletis atque irrisoribus numinum dona instituuntur et munera› · note in col 1074

Exoletis atque irrisoribus numinum dona instituuntur et munera. Praeter praemia, quae ante ludos erant, etiam dona quaedam accipiebant histriones ac munera, eaque aliquando pretiosa; quam luxuriam Cato uticiensis exemplo suo corrigere conatus est, quum Favonii ludos Romae curaret. Vid. Plutarch. in Vita ejus (cap. 46). HERALD.

"Gifts and presents are established for the debauched and for the mockers of the deities." Besides the prizes, which were set before the games, the actors also received certain gifts and presents, sometimes costly ones; a luxury which Cato of Utica tried to correct by his own example when he managed Favonius's games at Rome. See Plutarch in his Life (ch. 46). HÉRAULT.

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(15) ‹anchor: Ab officiis otium publicis, immunitas et vacatio› · note in col 1074

Ab officiis otium publicis, immunitas et vacatio cum (continues)

"Leisure from public duties, immunity and exemption, together with (continues)

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(b) ‹anchor: plausibus› · call in col 1074 (printed under col 1074)

Plausu ms., plausis Sab.

The manuscript has "plausu"; Sabaeus "plausis."

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(1) ‹anchor: Ab officiis otium publicis, immunitas et vacatio (from p. 539)› · note in col 1075

(continued) [… not visible in foot image …] ἐλπίδι τῶν πόνων ἀνέχονται· Philo de Legatione, ad Caium: ὅταν παρατυγχάνῃς σκηνικοῖς ἀγῶσιν, ἢ γυμνικοῖς, ἢ τοῖς κατὰ τὰς ἱπποδρομίας, λάμβανε τὸν τοιοῦτον λογισμόν· Εἰ τὰ μηδὲν ὠφελοῦντα τὸν ἀνθρώπινον βίον, τέρψιν δὲ μόνην καὶ ἡδονὴν παρέχοντα θεαταῖς, ἐκπονοῦσιν οὕτω τινὲς, ὡς ἐπαινεῖσθαί τε καὶ θαυμάζεσθαι, καὶ γέρα καὶ τιμὰς καὶ στεφάνους μετὰ κηρυγμάτων λαμβάνειν, τί χρὴ πράττειν τὸν τῆς ἀνωτάτω καὶ μεγίστης τέχνης ἐπιστήμονα; Jul. Firmic., lib. viii, Mathes., cap. 20: Tertia pars Tauri si in horoscopo fuerit inventa, celebres faciet scenicos, qui in sacris certaminibus constituti pulcherrima consequuntur insignia coronarum. Fuerunt coronae istae e bracteolis aureis et argenteis, cui luxuriae principium dedit Crassus, ut docet Plinius, Hist. nat., lib. xxi. Sed eam temperare conatus est Cato Uticensis in ludis Favonii; et postea Alexander Severus, ut in ejus Vita scribit Lampridius. ELMENH. et HERALD.

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(2) ‹anchor: Maledictionis elogia› · note in col 1075

Maledictionis elogia. Papias: elogium... titulus cujuslibet rei. Arnobius infra, lib. v, cap. 26: Eleusiniorum vestrorum notas et origines producunt turpes, antiquarum elogia litterarum. Calpurnius Flaccus, Declam., 17: Inseram te majorum sepulcris, et elogio, quod optasti, nomen inscribam. Tertullianus, Apologet., cap. ii: Ut de vestris elogiis loquar; et cap. xvii: Et sustinetis Jovis elogia cantari, etc. ELMENH.— Conf. Havercam. ad Tertullian., l. l., pag. 22 et 150, et Vales., ad Ammian., lib. xiv, pag. 15. ORELL.

"Records of cursing." Papias: "elogium ... the inscription of any thing." Arnobius below, book v, ch. 26: "The records of ancient writings bring out the shameful marks and origins of your Eleusinian rites." Calpurnius Flaccus, Declamation 17: "I will place you in the tomb of your ancestors and inscribe your name with the epitaph you wished for." Tertullian, Apology, ch. ii: "To speak of your records (of charges)"; and ch. xvii: "And you endure the charges against Jupiter being sung," etc. ELMENHORST.— Compare Havercamp on Tertullian at the place cited, p. 22 and 150, and Valois on Ammianus, book xiv, p. 15. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: Et quando animum desidem otiosis vultis hallucinationibus occupari› · note in col 1075

Et quando animum desidem otiosis vultis hallucinationibus occupari. Ita Salmasius. Gelenius et alii: Et si quando, etc. ORELL. — Hallucinatio proprium verbum. Ita animi quasi dissolutionem quamdam et oscitantiam significant. A. Gellius, lib. iv, cap. 20: Tamquam illud indicium vagi animi foret et hallucinantis. Et alibi: At ille oscitans et hallucinanti similis. HERALD.—J. Fr. Gronov. ad l. l. Gellii, pag. 375, ed. Lips., docet, scribendum esse allucinantis derivans a Graeco ἀλύκη, quod languorem cum oscitantia denotat. ORELL.

"And when you wish your idle mind to be occupied with leisurely wanderings (hallucinationes)." So Salmasius. Gelenius and others: "And if ever," etc. ORELLI. — "Hallucinatio" is the proper word. So they denote a kind of slackness and yawning inattention of the mind. A. Gellius, book iv, ch. 20: "As though that were a sign of a wandering and woolgathering mind." And elsewhere: "But he, yawning and like one woolgathering." HÉRAULT.—J. Fr. Gronovius, on the cited passage of Gellius, p. 375, Leipzig edition, teaches that one should write "allucinantis," deriving it from the Greek alykē, which denotes languor with yawning. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: Dies vobis poscatis dari› · note in col 1075

Dies vobis poscatis dari. Fallitur Elmenhorstius dies hoc loco de dierum voluminibus accipiens, qua de significatione observabimus infra. Nam verba sequentia, et sine ullis intermissionibus exhiberi, aperte ostendunt, dies poscere nihil aliud esse quam dies integros, continuos poscere ad spectandos ludos illos scenicos. ORELL.

"You demand that days be given you." Elmenhorst is mistaken in taking "days" here of the volumes of "days" (calendars), a meaning which we shall note below. For the following words, "and to be shown without any intermission," plainly show that "to demand days" is nothing other than to demand whole, continuous days for watching those stage plays. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Hos exurere debuistis olim libros, demoliri, dissolvere theatra haec potius› · note in col 1075

Hos exurere debuistis olim libros, demoliri, dissolvere theatra haec potius. Sic emendarunt locum Heraldus et editor Lugd. Bat. Antea legebatur hos exurere debuistis olim libros, istos demoliri, etc. vitiose, nam demoliri de libris dici non potest, sed referendum ad sequens theatra. Et malim equidem pronomen istos tamquam glossema expungere, quam cum eodem Heraldo in Curis secundis legere: Libros, tum demoliri, etc. ORELL.

"You ought long ago to have burned these books, rather to have demolished and dissolved these theatres." So Hérault and the Leiden editor emended the passage. Before, it read: "you ought long ago to have burned these books, to have demolished those," etc., faultily; for "to demolish" cannot be said of books, but must be referred to the following "theatres." And I would rather strike out the pronoun "those" as a gloss than read, with the same Hérault in his second thoughts: "the books, then to demolish," etc. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Nam nostra quidem scripta cur ignibus meruerunt dari› · note in col 1075, running into col 1076

Nam nostra quidem scripta cur ignibus meruerunt dari. De hac persecutione ita Eusebius, lib. vii, Histor. eccles., cap. 2: Τῶν μὲν προσευκτηρίων τοὺς οἴκους ἐξ ὕψους εἰς ἔδαφος αὐτοῖς θεμελίοις καταρριπτομένους, τὰς δ' ἐνθέους καὶ ἱερὰς γραφὰς κατὰ μέσας ἀγορὰς πυρὶ παραδιδομένας αὐτοῖς ἐπείδομεν ὀφθαλμοῖς, etc. [… not visible in foot image …] loca, ubi congregabantur Christiani oraturi, et verbi divini interpretationem accepturi, ac sacras synaxes habituri. Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xxvii: Constatque, in basilica Sicinini, ubi ritus Christiani est conventiculum, uno die centum triginta septem reperta cadavera peremptorum. Lactantius, lib. v, cap. 11: Aliqui ad occidendum praecipites exstiterunt; sicut unus in Phrygia, qui universum populum cum ipso pariter conventiculo concremavit. HERALD.

"For why did our writings deserve to be given to the flames?" Of this persecution Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History book vii, ch. 2: "We saw with our own eyes the houses of prayer thrown down from top to bottom, foundations and all, and the inspired and holy Scriptures given to the fire in the middle of the market-places," etc. [… not visible …] the places where the Christians gathered to pray, to receive the interpretation of the divine word, and to hold the sacred synaxes. Ammianus Marcellinus, book xxvii: "And it is agreed that in the basilica of Sicininus, where the Christian rite has its meeting-place, the bodies of a hundred and thirty-seven slain were found in one day." Lactantius, book v, ch. 11: "Some were headlong in killing; like one in Phrygia, who burned a whole people together with their very meeting-place." HÉRAULT.

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(7) ‹anchor: In quibus summus oratur Deus› · note in col 1076

In quibus summus oratur Deus. Paulo fusius Cyrillus Hierosolymit. Catech. 5. Mystagog. παρακαλοῦμεν τὸν Θεὸν ὑπὲρ κοινῆς τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν εἰρήνης, ὑπὲρ τῆς τοῦ κόσμου εὐσταθείας, ὑπὲρ βασιλέων, ὑπὲρ στρατιωτῶν καὶ συμμάχων, ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν ἀσθενείαις, ὑπὲρ τῶν καταπονουμένων, καὶ ἁπαξαπλῶς ὑπὲρ πάντων βοηθείας δεομένων. NOURR., pag. 376. — Ὁ ἐπὶ πᾶσι θεός. Deus supremus, Deus angelorum. Hoc enim modo veteris Ecclesiae scriptores significant Deum angelorum, quos Scriptura aliquando appellat deos אלהים ob eorum potestatem, etc. HERALD.—Vide ad lib. i, cap. 25. ORELL.

"In which the supreme God is prayed to." Cyril of Jerusalem says it a little more fully, Catechesis 5, Mystagogical: "We call upon God for the common peace of the churches, for the stability of the world, for kings, for soldiers and allies, for those in sickness, for the afflicted, and, in a word, for all who need help." LE NOURRY, p. 376. — "The God over all." The supreme God, the God of the angels. For in this way the writers of the ancient Church denote the God of the angels, whom Scripture sometimes calls gods (elohim) because of their power, etc. HÉRAULT.—See on book i, ch. 25. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹anchor: Pax cunctis et venia postulatur magistratibus, exercitibus, regibus› · note in col 1076

Pax cunctis et venia postulatur magistratibus, exercitibus, regibus, etc. Tertullianus Apologetico, cap. 30: Illuc sursum suspicientes Christiani manibus expansis, quia innocuis; capite nudo. quia non erubescimus; denique sine monitore, quia de pectore oramus. Precantes sumus omnes semper pro omnibus imperatoribus, vitam illis prolixam, imperium securum, domum tutam, exercitus fortes, senatum fidelem, populum probum, orbem quietum, et quaecumque hominis et Caesaris vota sunt. Idem testatur Dionysius Alexandrinus: ἡμεῖς τοίνυν τὸν ἕνα Θεὸν καὶ δημιουργὸν τῶν ἁπάντων, τὸν καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐγχειρίσαντα τοῖς θεοφιλεστάτοις Οὐαλεριανῷ καὶ Γαλιήνῳ σεβαστοῖς, τοῦτον καὶ σέβομεν καὶ προσκυνοῦμεν· καὶ τούτῳ διηνεκῶς ὑπὲρ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτῶν ὅπως ἀσάλευτος διαμείνῃ, προσευχόμεθα. Sic igitur pro principibus suis etiam persecutoribus et Ecclesiae hostibus deprecabantur: Christo quippe jubente orare etiam pro persequentibus (Matth., v, 44), et Apostolo praecipiente preces pro quibusvis hominibus fundere, sed praecipue ὑπὲρ βασιλέων καὶ πάντων τῶν ἐν ὑπεροχῇ ὄντων (I Tim., ii, 2), quibus etiam vult πᾶσαν ψυχὴν ὑποτάσσεσθαι (Rom. XIII, 1). HERALD.

"Peace and pardon are asked for all, for magistrates, armies, kings," etc. Tertullian in the Apology, ch. 30: "Looking up there, we Christians, with hands outspread because they are innocent, with head bare because we do not blush, without a prompter because we pray from the heart, are always praying for all the emperors: for a long life for them, a secure rule, a safe house, brave armies, a faithful senate, an honest people, a quiet world, and whatever are the wishes of a man and of a Caesar." Dionysius of Alexandria testifies the same: "We, then, worship and adore the one God, maker of all things, who also entrusted the kingdom to the most God-beloved Augusti Valerian and Gallienus; and to him we pray continually for their reign, that it may remain unshaken." So, then, they prayed for their princes even when these were persecutors and enemies of the Church: for Christ commands us to pray even for those who persecute us (Matt. 5:44), and the Apostle enjoins that prayers be poured out for all men, but especially "for kings and all who are in high station" (1 Tim. 2:2), to whom he also wills that "every soul be subject" (Rom. 13:1). HÉRAULT.

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(9) ‹anchor: Adhuc vitam degentibus, et resolutis corporum vinctione› · note in col 1076

Adhuc vitam degentibus, et resolutis corporum vinctione. Certe pro defunctis deprecationes allegabant Deo, non Arnobii solum aetate, sed et anteriori saeculo. Constat ex Tertulliani locis quibusdam decantatissimis, verbi causa de Monogamia, cap. 10: Enimvero et pro anima ejus orat, et refrigerium interim adpostulat ei, et in prima resurrectione consortium, et offert annuis diebus dormitionis ejus. Zeno Veronensis, sermone de Resurrectione: Hinc uxor amissi mariti desolationem se ferre non posse testatur, frigidumque latus male dilatato queritur lecto: invidiosis vocibus Deo concinnat invidiam, solemnia ipsa divina, quibus sacerdotibus Dei quiescentes commendare consuerunt, profanis aliquotiens ululatibus rumpit: tetraque illuvie suum totum deformans cultum, cadaver amplectitur conclamatum; frigentia tepefacit crebris osculis labra. Totum hunc ritum describit in Ecclesiastica Hierarchia Dionysius (Areopagita), cap. ultimo, qui (continues)

"For those still living their lives, and for those released from the bond of their bodies." Certainly they presented prayers to God for the dead, not only in Arnobius's time but in the previous century too. This is clear from certain very well-known passages of Tertullian, for example On Monogamy, ch. 10: "Indeed she prays for his soul, and asks refreshment for him meanwhile, and fellowship in the first resurrection, and she offers (the sacrifice) on the anniversaries of his falling asleep." Zeno of Verona, in the sermon on the Resurrection: "Hence the wife declares that she cannot bear the desolation of her lost husband, and complains of her cold side in a bed grown sadly wide; with spiteful cries she stirs up ill-will against God; the very divine solemnities with which the priests of God are wont to commend those at rest she sometimes breaks with profane wailings; and, disfiguring her whole dress with foul squalor, she embraces the corpse already mourned; she warms the cold lips with frequent kisses." Dionysius (the Areopagite) describes this whole rite in the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, last chapter, who (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Adhuc vitam degentibus, et resolutis corporum vinctione (from p. 540)› · note in col 1077

(continued) haec ait observata: fratrem defunctum a propinquis ad episcopum deportatum quasi ad coronam accipiendam: hymnos deinde eucharisticos ab iisdem Deo τῷ τῆς νίκης αἰτίῳ, cujus gratia et ope frater victor abierat, decantatos: gratiarum actionem postea a sacerdote ob idem beneficium Deo redditam: capita quaedam Scripturarum de resurrectione recitata, et hymnos ad idem argumentum accommodatos decantatos: dimissos postea cathechumenos: sanctos deinde quiescentes nominatos, et quasi victores clara voce praedicatos: precationem denuo pro defuncto a sacerdote conceptam: summam praecationis fuisse, ut Deus defuncto veniam peccatorum tribueret, eumque in locum viventium reciperet. Eum postea osculo salutatum, unctum, denique conditum. Postea, cum Christianorum res potentiores factae essent, pompa exequiarum adjecta: hymni et psalmi in exequiis decantati etiam per choros: cerei etiam praelati, Gentilium ritibus in melius, ut existimabant, conversis. Hanc rem abunde explicabunt Hieronymi verba. Sic igitur ille ad Eustochium Epitaphio Paulae matris: Exin non ululatus, non planctus, ut inter saeculi homines fieri solet, sed psalmorum linguis diversis examina concrepabant. Translataque episcoporum manibus, et cervicem feretro subjicientibus, cum alii pontifices lampadas cereosque praeferrent, alii choros psallentium ducerent; in media ecclesia speluncae Servatoris est posita. Heic vides psalmos ab iis, qui funus prosequebantur, decantatos: sed clericorum choros insuper psalmorum cantamina modulatos. HERALD.

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(2) ‹anchor: In quibus auditur nihil, nisi quod humanos faciat› · note in col 1077

In quibus auditur nihil, nisi quod humanos faciat, etc. In eamdem sententiam Plinius junior lib. x. epist. 97, de Christianis: Affirmabant se sacramento non in scelus aliquod obstringere, sed ne furta, ne latrocinia, ne adulteria committerent, ne fidem fallerent, ne depositum abnegarent. Conf. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. ii, cap. 28. ORELL.

"In which nothing is heard but what makes men humane," etc. To the same effect Pliny the Younger, book X, letter 97, on the Christians: "They affirmed that they bound themselves by an oath, not to some crime, but not to commit thefts, robberies or adulteries, not to break faith, not to deny a deposit." Compare Augustine, City of God book II, ch. 28. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹anchor: Familiaris communicatores rei› · note in col 1077

Familiaris communicatores rei. Sic restituit Jan. Guilielmus in Quaest. Plautin., in Curcul., cap. v; in Lampade Gruteri, vol. iii, part. 2, pag. 366. Antea legebatur familiares communicatores rei, quod vitium, inde enatum est, quia scriptum fuit in Codice familiareis gignendi casu ἀρχαϊσμῷ. Ita Lucilius fur, fureis, furei pro furis, i. Heraldus legendum putat: familiares et communicatores rei, deleto sequente et. Sed praefero equidem correctionem Guilielmi. ORELL.

"Sharers of their household property." So Jan Wilhelm restored it in his Plautine Questions on the Curculio, ch. V, in Gruter's Lampas, vol. III, part 2, p. 366. Before, it read "household sharers of property," a fault that arose because "familiareis" was written in the manuscript for the genitive by archaism. So Lucilius has "fur, fureis, furei" for "furis, -i." Hérault thinks one should read "intimates and sharers of property," striking out the following "et." But for my part I prefer Wilhelm's correction. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹anchor: Et cum omnibus, quos solidet germanitas, necessitudine copulatos› · note in col 1077, running into col 1078

Et cum omnibus, quos solidet germanitas, necessitudine copulatos. Sic edidi e correctione Stewechii, quae partim e ms. ducta est, ubi distincte legitur copulatos. Antea edebatur: Et cum omnibus, quos solidet germanitatis] necessitudine copulatio.] Sed ita efficitur oratio abrupta et hiulca; neque enim et habet, ad quod referatur. Salmasius edidit: et cum omnibus consolidae germanitatis necessitudine copulatos, id est cum omnibus fratrum et sororum appellatione et affectu devinctos. Sed adjectivum consolidus frustra quaesivi in Lexicis. ORELL.

"And joined in close kinship with all whom brotherhood makes firm." So I have printed from Stewech's correction, which is drawn partly from the manuscript, where "copulatos" is distinctly read. Before, it was printed: "And with all whom the joining by the bond of brotherhood makes firm." But so the sentence is made abrupt and gaping; for "et" has nothing to refer to. Salmasius printed: "and with all joined by the bond of a firmly-knit brotherhood," that is, with all bound by the name and affection of brothers and sisters. But I have looked in vain in the lexicons for the adjective "consolidus." ORELLI.

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(5) ‹anchor: XXXVII. — Et esse pro diis pios› · note in col 1078

XXXVII. — Et esse pro diis pios. Pessime Meursius: Et esse pro diis ipsos. ORELL.

XXXVII. "And that you are pious on behalf of the gods." Meursius, very badly: "and that you yourselves stand on behalf of the gods." ORELLI.

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(6) ‹anchor: Et propter quaedam spatiola defanata› · note in col 1078

Et propter quaedam spatiola defanata. Id est: Profanata spatiola. Nam hic ea respicere videtur Arnobius, quae Cicero, de Nat. deor., lib. ii, § 215; Valerius Maximus, lib. i, cap. 1, § 3, et alii de Tiberio Graccho memoriae tradiderunt. Quum ille, inquiunt, tabernaculum cepisset imprudens, et pomoerium inauspicato transgressus esset, propterea vitio creatos consules ab auguribus pronunciatum. NOURR.

"And on account of certain little spaces profaned." That is, little spaces profaned. For here Arnobius seems to have in view what Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book II, § 215, Valerius Maximus, book I, ch. 1, § 3, and others recorded of Tiberius Gracchus. When he, they say, had taken his tent (for the auspices) unwittingly, and had crossed the pomerium without taking the auspices, the augurs therefore pronounced that the consuls had been elected with a flaw. LE NOURRY.

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(7) ‹anchor: Defanata spatiola› · note in col 1078

Defanata spatiola. Idem quod profanata. Nam alludere videtur Arnobius ad ea, quae de Tiberio Graccho Cicero (de Nat. deor., lib. ii, et de Divin., i.), Valerius Maxim. lib. i, cap. 1, § 3), et alii memorant. Cum ille, inquiunt, tabernaculum vitio cepisset imprudens, et pomoerium inauspicato transgressus esset, ideo vitio creatos consules ab auguribus pronunciatum. NOUR., p. 554.

"Little spaces profaned." The same as "profaned." For Arnobius seems to allude to what Cicero (On the Nature of the Gods book II, and On Divination I), Valerius Maximus (book I, ch. 1, § 3) and others record of Tiberius Gracchus. When he, they say, had unwittingly taken his tent with a flaw, and had crossed the pomerium without taking the auspices, the augurs therefore pronounced that the consuls had been elected with a flaw. LE NOURRY, p. 554.

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(8) ‹anchor: Corruptisse› · note in col 1078

Corruptisse. Sic emendavit felicissime Th. Canterus. Antea legebatur: corruisse. ORELL.

"To have spoiled." So Th. Canter emended it, most happily. Before, it read "to have collapsed." ORELLI.

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(9) ‹anchor: Iracundias non parvas ex opinionibus eos continere praedictis› · note in col 1078

Iracundias non parvas ex opinionibus eos continere praedictis. Ita cod. mstus habet testibus Cantero et Stewechio, quam lectionem in textum editionis Lugd. Bat. recepit Salmasius. Gelenius et caeteri eum secuti ediderunt: Ex opinionibus eos concipere praedictis. Quod fateor mihi magis placere. Continere iram, iracundiam, duplici quidem sensu dici potest. Est scil. vel iram alere in pectore, perseverare in iracundia, vel cohibere, frenare iram, ne erumpat. Sed concipere contextui multo accomodatius. Pro opinionibus Canterus mavult opinationibus. ORELL.

"That according to the said opinions they harbour no small angers." So the manuscript has it, as Canter and Stewech attest, and Salmasius took this reading into the text of the Leiden edition. Gelenius and the others who followed him printed: "that according to the said opinions they conceive (angers)." Which, I confess, pleases me more. "To harbour (continere) anger, wrath" can indeed be said in two senses: either to nurse anger in the breast, to persist in wrath, or to restrain, to curb anger so that it does not break out. But "to conceive" suits the context much better. For "opinions" Canter prefers "opinations." ORELLI.

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(10) ‹anchor: Ab hujusmodi furiis› · note in col 1078

Ab hujusmodi furiis. Sic optime e Cod. msto restituit Heraldus. Antea edebatur: ab hujusmodi nefariis. ORELL.

"From furies of this kind." So Hérault restored it, excellently, from the manuscript. Before, it was printed "from wicked things of this kind." ORELLI.

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(11) ‹anchor: Et ab ejus comptu et permixtione sunt absoluti› · note in col 1078

Et ab ejus comptu et permixtione sunt absoluti, etc. Haec verba et sequentia crucem fixerunt interpretibus, uncinis ea includentibus tamquam lacunam loco positam plane alieno, quod de sequentibus verbis et postremis hujus libri: Neque enim fieri per rerum naturam potest, ut, quod unum est, fiat duo, et in diversas res eat unitas ingenita simplicitate divisa, est omnino verissimum: ideoque ausus sum ea in sedem multo aptiorem translocare cap. hujus libri xiii, ubi vide notas. Sed priora hujus lemmatis verba: et ab ejus comptu et permixtione sunt absoluti, conjungenda vi- (continues)

"And they are freed from its combination and mixture," etc. These words and those following have tormented the interpreters, who enclose them in brackets as a gap set in a quite foreign place. That is entirely true of the following words, the last of this book: "For it cannot happen by the nature of things that what is one should become two, and that a unity, divided from its inborn simplicity, should pass into different things"; and so I have ventured to move them to a much more fitting position, ch. XIII of this book, where see the notes. But the first words of this lemma, "and they are freed from its combination and mixture," should, it se- (continues)

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