PL 5 · cols. 809–936

Arnobii Afri Disputationum adversus gentes liber secundus

Editors' preface

missio audientium turbarent mentes, et credulitatem facerent haesitare: virtutum omnium dominus, atque ipsius mortis extinctor hominem suum permiserit interfici, ut ex rebus consequentibus scirent in tuto

disturbed the minds of the hearers, and made their belief hesitate: that the Lord of all powers and the Destroyer of death itself permitted His own man to be slain, so that from the things which followed they might know that their hopes

LIBER SECUNDUS.

BOOK THE SECOND.

INDEX CAPITUM.

INDEX OF CHAPTERS.

Ab ethnicis inquirit Arnobius cur demum Christum nullius in eos peccati reum ita oderint, ut vel ejus nomine audito ira protinus excandescant: qui tamen, etiam si cui credatur dignus non esset, eo saltem non aspernandus erat, quod cunctis viam ad coelum monstravit. Cap. 1.

Arnobius inquires of the pagans why after all they so hate Christ, who is guilty of no sin against them, that even on hearing His name they straightway blaze out in anger: who nevertheless, even if He were not worthy to be believed, ought at least not to have been spurned on this account, that He showed to all the way to heaven. Chap. 1.

Occurrit auctor gentilibus respondentibus, summo illum odio se propterea prosequi, quia omnem deorum cultum evertit. Cap. 2, 3.

The author meets the Gentiles replying that they pursue Him with the utmost hatred because He overthrew all worship of the gods. Chap. 2, 3.

Ostendit ethnicos prorsus immerito Christi dictis propterea non credere, quod ea, quae pollicetur, se umquam reipsa daturum nos non convincit. Si quidem plurima suppetunt eorum quae Christus promisit, haud omnino incerta rerum argumenta: quae quidem quum in promptu sint, de aliorum quoque ab eo promissorum eventu dubitandi nulla ratio est. Cap. 4, 5.

He shows that the pagans altogether undeservedly refuse to believe the sayings of Christ on the ground that He does not convince us that He will ever in fact give the things which He promises: since very many arguments of things—by no means uncertain—are at hand for the things which Christ promised; and since these are in readiness, there is no reason for doubting the issue of the other things also promised by Him. Chap. 4, 5.

Ethnicorum jactantiam retundit, quippe qui se solos sapientia et scientia ornatos gloriarentur, caeteros vero, qui per totum terrarum orbem Christo nomen dederunt, magno etiam ingenio praeditos, obtusos, hebetes ac fatuos existimarent. Cap. 6, 7.

He beats back the boasting of the pagans, inasmuch as they gloried that they alone were adorned with wisdom and knowledge, while they accounted the rest, who throughout the whole world have given their names to Christ—even those endowed with great intellect—dull, blunt, and foolish. Chap. 6, 7.

Nulla igitur ratione aliis non doctiores ethnici christianos divino magistro suo credentes vituperabant. Sine praevia namque fide nullum profecto negotium suscipitur. Ipsimet gentiles opinionibus credebant philosophorum, qui de primis tamen rerum principiis aliisque de rebus nihil certi exploratique proferunt ac semper inter se digladiantur. Cap. 8, 9, 10.

With no reason, therefore, did the pagans, no more learned than others, blame Christians for believing their divine Master: for without previous faith no business assuredly is undertaken. The Gentiles themselves believed the opinions of the philosophers, who nevertheless concerning the first principles of things and concerning other matters bring forward nothing sure and ascertained, and are always crossing swords with one another. Chap. 8, 9, 10.

Inde colligit Arnobius aequius esse credere Christo, qui tantis miraculis doctrinam suam stabilivit, quam philosophis quantumlibet ob morum integritatem atque sapientiam laudandis, qui nihil vel minimum qnid his simile umquam potuerunt. Cap. 11.

Thence Arnobius gathers that it is fairer to believe Christ, who established His doctrine by so great miracles, than philosophers, however much to be praised for integrity of morals and wisdom, who were never able to do anything even in the least degree like these. Chap. 11.

Et certe si Christus humanis tantum argumentis usus fuisset, nemo ei fidem adhibuisset, quam tamen plerique dare coacti sunt ob edita ab ipso ejusque discipulis miracula; edita, inquam, ubique in Oriente et Occidente et potissimum Romae, ubi Simon magus a Petro ex sublimi aere in terram dejectus perhibetur. Cap. 12.

And certainly if Christ had used human arguments alone, no one would have given Him credit, which nevertheless very many were compelled to give on account of the miracles wrought by Himself and His disciples—wrought, I say, everywhere in the East and West, and chiefly at Rome, where Simon Magus is related to have been cast down by Peter from the lofty air to the earth. Chap. 12.

Quid plura? Non vexanda certe, sed ideo laudanda erat ab ethnicis christianoram fides, quia illis communes

What more? Assuredly the faith of Christians ought not to have been harassed, but on this account praised by the pagans, because they held in common

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esse spes suas, quas jamdudum acceperant de animarum salute, nec periculum mortis alia se posse ratione vitare.

they had long since received concerning the salvation of souls were in safety, and that they could in no other way avoid the danger of death?

erant cum philosophorum coryphaeis de Deo, de corporum resurrectione de salute animarum, et futuris impiorum poenis sententiae, quamvis ab his aliter atque a Christianis explicentur. Cap. 13, 14.

opinions with the leaders of the philosophers concerning God, concerning the resurrection of bodies, concerning the salvation of souls, and the future punishments of the impious, although they are explained by them otherwise than by Christians. Chap. 13, 14.

Hinc occasionem captat Arnobius edisserendi, cujus naturae sit anima nostra, quo ex fonte prodeat et cur variis affectibus et vitiis fiat obnoxia. Illos deinde refutat, qui nostram animam ejusdem cum Deo immortalitatis et naturae participem esse pronuntiabant. Cap. 14, 15, 16.

Hence Arnobius seizes the occasion of setting forth of what nature our soul is, from what fountain it proceeds, and why it becomes subject to various affections and vices. Next he refutes those who pronounced that our soul is a partaker of the same immortality and nature with God. Chap. 14, 15, 16.

At divina est, inquiebant, anima hominis, qui ratione caeteris praestat animalibus. Optime quidem, reponit Arnobius, si homo hac sua ratione bene semper uteretur. Deinde nonnullis occurrens instantiis vulgi opinationes de animae humanae praestantia exponit ac diluit. Cap. 17, 18,

"Yet the soul of man is divine," they said, "seeing that by reason he excels the rest of animals." Excellently indeed, replies Arnobius, if man always used this reason of his well! Next, meeting several objections, he sets forth and refutes the opinions of the common people concerning the excellence of the human soul. Chap. 17, 18.

Pergit porro demonstrare, humanas animas neque divinas esse neque omnium scientia eruditas in hunc mundum e coelo advolasse, atque inde ruit placitum illud quorumdam philosophorum, quo ea quae discimus reminiscentias esse somniabant. Cap. 19.

Moreover he proceeds to demonstrate that human souls neither are divine nor flew into this world from heaven instructed in the knowledge of all things; and thence falls to the ground that tenet of certain philosophers whereby they dreamed that the things which we learn are recollections. Chap. 19.

Et hanc quidem conjectationem falsam esse aliis adhuc rationum momentis evincit: imprimis vero proposita hypothesi pueri, in desertissima et inaccessa solitudine nati atque ibidem summo in silentio a muta nutrice educati. Cap. 20, 21.

And that this conjecture is false he proves by still other weights of reasons: but especially by proposing the hypothesis of a boy born in a most deserted and inaccessible solitude and brought up in the same place in the utmost silence by a dumb nurse. Chap. 20, 21.

Hinc evidenter concludit, humanam animam in mundum non venisse omnium scientia instructam. Cap. 22, 23.

Hence he evidently concludes that the human soul did not come into the world furnished with the knowledge of all things. Chap. 22, 23.

Exinde Arnobius contrarium Platonis argumentum ex puero de numeris interrogato petitum luculenter diluit. Cap. 24, 25.

Thereafter Arnobius clearly refutes the contrary argument of Plato drawn from the boy questioned concerning numbers. Chap. 24, 25.

Eorum objectionem dissolvit, qui dicunt animam, ubi corpori conjungitur, priorum oblivisci atque, ut aiunt, ex docta elementariam fieri. Cap. 26, 27.

He dissolves the objection of those who say that the soul, when it is joined to the body, forgets its former things and, as they say, from being learned becomes a beginner in the elements. Chap. 26, 27.

Idem argumentum pertractat. Cap. 28.

He treats the same argument thoroughly. Chap. 28.

Ex disputatis colligit auctor hominem proletarium ac prorsus inopem ordini primo h. e. divino non ascribendum nec ei eamdem atque Deo immortalitatem tribuendam. Cap. 29, 30.

From the things disputed the author gathers that man, a creature of the lowest class and utterly destitute, is not to be ascribed to the first—that is, the divine—order, nor is the same immortality as God's to be attributed to him. Chap. 29, 30.

Eadem ratione impugnat Arnobius contrariam Epicuri opinionem, qui animam humanam mortalem esse

By the same reasoning Arnobius assails the contrary opinion of Epicurus, who chattered that the human soul is mortal.

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garriebat. Deinde statuit auctor noster, animam mediae cujusdam mortalem inter et divinam naturam esse substantiae. Cap. 30—34.

Next our author establishes that the soul is of a certain middle substance between the mortal and the divine nature. Chap. 30–34.

Instantibus vero ethnicis, quo pacto immortalis fieri possit anima, si mediae illius qualitatis sit, facit satis Arnobius. Cap. 35, 36.

Moreover, when the pagans urge how the soul can become immortal if it is of that middle quality, Arnobius satisfies them. Chap. 35, 36.

Deinde animam nostram a postrema quadam potestate fuisse quidem creatam, sed neque divinae prolis neque summi Dei filiam esse demonstrat. Nec patitur auctor sibi objici, mundum sine homine esse imperfectum; adeoque Deum uniuscujusque animam ex se ipso genitam in humanum corpus misisse. Cap. 36, 37, 38.

Next he demonstrates that our soul was indeed created by a certain lowest power, yet is neither of divine offspring nor the daughter of the supreme God. Nor does the author suffer it to be objected to him that the world without man is imperfect, and that therefore God sent the soul of each one, begotten from Himself, into a human body. Chap. 36, 37, 38.

Longa autem inductione conatur ostendere, hominem non ad perfectionem mundi, qui quidem sine illo esse poterat, sed ad privatam ipsiusmet hominis utilitatem esse creatum. Atque ex his concludit, divinam non esse animam, quae postmodum in corpus aliquod a Deo missa fuerit. Cap. 39—43.

By a long induction, moreover, he endeavours to show that man was created not for the perfection of the world—which indeed could exist without him—but for the private advantage of man himself. And from these things he concludes that the soul is not divine, such as was afterwards sent by God into some body. Chap. 39–43.

At sua, inquiunt, voluntate, non Dei jussu venit in mundum. Cui quidem instantiae occurrit Arnobius. Cap. 44—46.

"Yet of its own will," they say, "and not by the command of God, did it come into the world." Which objection indeed Arnobius meets. Chap. 44–46.

Urgebant ethnici, unde igitur anima progenita sit aut prolata inquirentes. Quibus respondet Arnobius, illud primum nobis esse compertum, illam nec divinam nec Dei esse progeniem: nihil enim a Deo summo fieri umquam potuisse, nisi omnibus numeris absolutum. Deinde subdit, illud nos certo cognoscere, homines nihil esse aliud nisi animas corpori alligatas, quae omni vitiorum genere corrumpuntur. Cap. 47, 48.

The pagans urged on, inquiring whence then the soul was begotten or brought forth. To whom Arnobius replies that this first is ascertained by us, that it is neither divine nor the offspring of God: for nothing could ever have been made by the supreme God unless complete in every respect. Next he adds that we know this for certain, that men are nothing else than souls bound to a body, which are corrupted by every kind of vices. Chap. 47, 48.

Sunt quidem nonnulli optimis moribus: at hi sane paucissimi sunt. Ecquinam vero perfecti sunt homines? Non igitur divina est anima humana. Cap. 49, 50.

There are indeed some of the best morals: yet these assuredly are very few. Who, however, are perfect men? The human soul, therefore, is not divine. Chap. 49, 50.

Neque vero est quod rideant ethnici, si negemus nobis esse compertum, quo modo illa sit creata. Si enim recte a Platone assertum putant, illas non a Deo summo, sed a minoribus quibusdam potestatibus esse creatas: cur nobis non licebit ipsas esse mediae qualitatis longe certius asserere, quae tamen a Deo immortalitate donentur? Cap. 51, 52, 53.

Nor indeed is there any reason why the pagans should laugh if we deny that it is ascertained by us in what way it was created. For if they think it rightly asserted by Plato that souls were created not by the supreme God, but by certain lesser powers: why shall it not be allowable for us to assert with far greater certainty that they are of a middle quality, which nevertheless are endowed with immortality by God? Chap. 51, 52, 53.

Neque dixeris, nihil penitus sine Dei voluntate fieri, neque etiam curiosius inquiras, unde mala oriantur et cur ea Deus permittat. Hoc unum pro certo habendum, nihil a vero Deo fieri malum, vitiosum et noxium quodque omnibus non sit salutare atque amoris plenissimum. Cap. 54, 55.

Neither should you say that nothing at all happens without the will of God, nor also inquire too curiously whence evils arise and why God permits them. This one thing must be held for certain, that nothing evil, vicious, and noxious, and nothing which is not salutary to all and most full of love, is done by the true God. Chap. 54, 55.

Nemini vero mira videri debet nostra de tot aliis rebus ignoratio. Quis enim nescit tantas esse hominum de re qualibet contentiones, ut nihil a quoquam asseratur,

Now to no one ought our ignorance concerning so many other matters to seem wonderful. For who does not know that the contentions of men concerning any matter whatever are so great that nothing is asserted by anyone

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quod ab alio statim destrui non possit? Cap. 56, 57.

which cannot straightway be destroyed by another? Chap. 56, 57.

Quamvis ergo ignorarent Christiani, a quo et unde creata sit anima humana: nihil inde adversus illos efficere poterant ethnici, quibus multo plura sunt incomperta. Cap. 58, 59.

Although, therefore, Christians were ignorant by whom and whence the human soul was created, the pagans could accomplish nothing thence against them, seeing that to them much more numerous matters are unascertained. Chap. 58, 59.

Recte itaque Christus, verus Deus, sub hominis forma locutus jubet nos, relictis omnibus quaestionibus, ad rerum universarum Dominum tota mente attolli; qui tametsi comprehendi nequeat, nullus tamen nisi amens illum solum esse Deum ambigit. Ethnicos igitur, qui eum non agnoscunt, manent saevi post mortem cruciatus. Cap. 60, 61, 62.

Rightly, therefore, does Christ, the true God, speaking under the form of man, command us, leaving all questions behind, to be lifted up with our whole mind to the Lord of all things; who, although He cannot be comprehended, yet no one unless mad doubts that He alone is God. Fierce torments after death, therefore, await the pagans who do not acknowledge Him. Chap. 60, 61, 62.

Urgentibus ethnicis, quid ergo actum sit de eorum animabus, qui ante Christi adventum mortui sunt, et cur omnes animae non sint aequali munificentia donatae: respondet primum Arnobius, aequaliter in omnes divina beneficia fuisse diffusa; deinde, omnes Deum aequaliter vocare omnibusque ad se veniendi potestatem fecisse, sed nulli necessitatem afferre. Cap. 63, 64.

When the pagans urge what then became of the souls of those who died before the coming of Christ, and why all souls have not been endowed with equal munificence: Arnobius replies, first, that the divine benefits have been diffused equally upon all; next, that God calls all equally and has given to all the power of coming to Him, but brings necessity upon no one. Chap. 63, 64.

Docet, cur Deus non faciat, ut inviti homines ipsius credant promissis; deinde, quod soli Christiani salutem consequantur ope Christi atque auxilio, cui a Deo patre facultas ista concessa. Cap. 65.

He teaches why God does not cause men against their will to believe His promises; next, that Christians alone obtain salvation by the help and aid of Christ, to whom that power has been granted by God the Father. Chap. 65.

Transit ad veterem ethnicorum querimoniam, qua novellam esse christianam religionem atque antiquos et patrios ritus in barbaros ac peregrinos non esse mutandos expostulabant. Cap. 66, 67, 68.

He passes over to the old complaint of the pagans, whereby they protested that the Christian religion is novel and that ancient and ancestral rites ought not to be changed for barbarous and foreign ones. Chap. 66, 67, 68.

Tametsi christiana religio recens esset instituta, nonne res omnes humanae, nonne in primis, vel ipsis fatentibus ethnicis, eorum Dii esse coeperunt? Cap. 69, 70.

Even though the Christian religion had been recently instituted, did not all human things, did not above all, even by the confession of the pagans themselves, their own gods begin to be? Chap. 69, 70.

Si ergo ante quadringentos annos Christiana religio non erat, neque etiam ante duo annorum millia nullos deos suos fuisse negare non poterant. At demum religionis auctoritas non est tempore aestimando, sed numine. Cap. 71.

If therefore four hundred years ago the Christian religion did not exist, neither also could they deny that two thousand years ago their gods were none. Yet after all the authority of a religion is to be estimated not by time, but by deity. Chap. 71.

Objectionem illam deinceps infringit Arnobius, qua ethnici obtendebant, eorum religionem multo vetustiorem christiana esse adeoque veriorem. Cap. 72, 73.

Thereafter Arnobius breaks down that objection whereby the pagans alleged that their religion is much older than the Christian and therefore truer. Chap. 72, 73.

Respondet postulantibus ipsis ethnicis, cur tam sero Christus a Deo missus fuerit. Cap. 74, 75.

He replies to the pagans themselves when demanding why Christ was sent by God so late. Chap. 74, 75.

Satis iisdem facit inquirentibus, cur Deus, cui Christiani serviebant, patiatur illos omni persecutionum ac poenarum genere vexari et opprimi. Cap. 76, 77, 78.

He satisfies the same men when inquiring why God, whom Christians served, suffers them to be harassed and oppressed by every kind of persecutions and punishments. Chap. 76, 77, 78.

I. Hoc in loco tribui si ulla facultas posset, vellem cum his omnibus, quibus nomen invisum est Christi, ab instituta principaliter defensione diverticulo paulisper facto, talia verba miscere. Si nullam esse ducitis

I. If any opportunity could be granted in this place, I should wish, making a slight digression from the defence chiefly undertaken, to exchange such words as these with all those to whom the name of Christ is hateful. If you count it no

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Footnotes

(I) ‹anchor: Si nullam esse› · call in col 812 I. — Si nullam esse ducitis contumeliam respondere aliquid interrogatos. Neque enim satis honestum videtur superiores et dominos interrogare. Salvianus, epist. III: Parentes charissimi; Parentes reverendissimi, interrogari vos quaesumus, liceat. Contra superbi et fastu tumidi cunctanter aut nihil omnino solebant respondere. Cicero ad Trebat., lib. VII, epist. 16: Qui isthinc veniunt, superbiam tuam accusant, quod negent, te percunctantibus respondere. Idem, Tusc., I, c. 8: M. Quid? si te rogavero aliquid, nonne respondebis? — A. Superbum id quidem esset: sed nisi quid necesse erit, malo ne roges. HERALD. et ELMENH.

I. — "If you think it no insult to answer something when asked." For it does not seem quite seemly to question one's superiors and masters. Salvian, Letter 3: "Dearest parents, most reverend parents, we beg that we may be allowed to question you." The proud, on the other hand, and those swollen with arrogance used to answer hesitantly or not at all. Cicero to Trebatius, Book 7, Letter 16: "Those who come from there accuse you of pride, because they say you do not answer people who question you." The same, Tusculan Disputations I, ch. 8: "M. What? If I ask you something, will you not answer? — A. That would indeed be proud; but unless it is necessary, I would rather you did not ask." Heraldus and Elmenhorst.

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contumeliam respondere aliquid interrogatos, edissertate nobis, et dicite quid rei, quid causae est, quod tam gravibus insectamini Christum bellis? vel quas ejus continetis offensas, ut ad ejus nominis mentionem rabidorum pectorum effervescatis ardoribus? Numquid regiam sibi vindicans potestatem terrarum orbem cunctum legionibus infestissimis occupavit, et pacatas ab exordio nationes alias delevit ac sustulit, alias sibi parere cervicibus compulit subjugatis? Numquid ardoribus avaritiae flagrans universas opes illas, quibus se genus humanum studiose contendit impleri, possessionis suae mancipio vindicavit? Numquid libidinum cupiditatibus gestiens pudicitiae repagula vi fregit, aut alienis furtim insidiatus est matrimoniis? Numquid arrogantiae supercilio tumidus, injurias et contumelias passim sine ullius personae discriminibus irrogavit? Qui si dignus non esset, cui auscultare deberetis, et credere: vel hoc ipso fuerat non aspernandus a vobis, quod salutaria vobis ostenderet, quod vias vobis ad coelum, et

insult to answer something when questioned, set forth to us and tell us what is the matter, what is the reason, that you pursue Christ with so grievous wars? or what offences of His do you retain in memory, that at the mention of His name you boil up with the heats of rabid breasts? Did He, claiming royal power for Himself, seize the whole world with most hostile legions, and of nations peaceful from the beginning blot out and destroy some, and compel others with subjugated necks to obey Him? Did He, blazing with the heats of avarice, claim for the ownership of His own possession all those riches wherewith the human race eagerly strives to fill itself? Did He, exulting in the desires of lusts, break down by force the barriers of chastity, or secretly lie in wait for the marriages of others? Did He, swollen with the arrogance of pride, inflict injuries and insults everywhere without any distinctions of person? And even if He were not worthy that you should listen to Him and believe Him, even on this very account He ought not to have been spurned by you, that He showed you salutary things, that He prepared for you ways to heaven, and

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Footnotes

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right.] (—) ‹anchor: Edissertate nobis et dicite› · lemma, no call printed Edissertate nobis et dicite. Vide supra, ad lib. I, cap. 57. Pro dicite Stewech. leg. censet edicite, id est, clare, aperte, totum dicite, nihil conticeatis, saget's heraus. Vide ad lib. I, cap. ult. ORELL.

"Set it out for us and say." See above, on Book 1, ch. 57. For dicite Stewech thinks one should read edicite, that is, say it all clearly and openly, keep nothing back, "out with it." See on Book 1, last chapter. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Vel quas ejus continentis offensas› · lemma, no call printed Vel quas ejus continentis offensas. Id est, meministis, memoria tenetis. Infra hoc libro: Quia fornicem Lucilianum et Marsyam Pomponii obsignatum memoria continetis; et libro VII: Honorantur, inquit, his dii, et si quas ab hominibus continent offensionum memorias oblatas, abjiciunt. Sic κατέχειν apud Graecos, Lycophron: δεῖπνον οὐδὲν τοιοῦτο κατέχω δεδειπνηκώς. HERALD.

"Or what offences of his you hold." That is, you remember, you keep in memory. Below in this book: "Because you hold in memory the Lucilian arch and the Marsyas of Pomponius, sealed up"; and in Book 7: "By these, he says, the gods are honoured, and they cast away any memories of offences offered by men that they hold." So κατέχειν among the Greeks; Lycophron: "I hold no memory of having dined on any such dinner." Heraldus.

(—) ‹anchor: Arrogantiae supercilio tumidus› · lemma, no call printed Arrogantiae supercilio tumidus. Vide supra, ad lib. I, cap. 38. ORELL.

"Swollen with the brow of arrogance." See above, on Book 1, ch. 38. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Injurias et contumelias› · lemma, no call printed Injurias et contumelias. Nonius: Injuria a contumelia hoc distat. Injuria enim levior res est. Pacuvius. Patior facile injuriam, si est vacua contumelia. Vide Theophili Institut. Juris lib. IV, cap. 3, περὶ ὕβρεως. ELMENH. — Contrarium statuunt Stoici, verbi causa, Seneca, epist. 72, et in libro in sapientem non cadere injuriam, cap. 4. HERALD.

"Injuries and insults." Nonius: "Injury differs from insult in this, that injury is the lighter thing." Pacuvius: "I bear an injury easily if it is free of insult." See Theophilus, Institutes of Law, Book 4, ch. 3, "On outrage." Elmenhorst. — The Stoics hold the contrary; for example Seneca, Letter 72, and in the book That injury does not befall the wise man, ch. 4. Heraldus.

(—) ‹anchor: Passim sine ullius personae discriminibus› · lemma, no call printed Passim sine ullius personae discriminibus. His postremis verbis exponit, quod dixerat passim. Sic passim sine delectu conjunctim in corpore juris aliquoties. HERALD. — Quae sequuntur. Fulv. Ursinus corrigit: sine ullis personarum discriminibus. ORELL.

"Everywhere, without any distinction of person." With these last words he explains what he had said by passim. So passim sine delectu ("everywhere, without selection") occurs together several times in the Corpus iuris. Heraldus. — As for what follows, Fulvius Ursinus corrects: "without any distinctions of persons." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Qui si dignus non esset, cui auscultare deberetis› · lemma, no call printed Qui si dignus non esset, cui auscultare deberetis. Μακρολογίαν in his verbis observat Wopkensius ad Dictyn Cret., IV, 15, in Miscell. Obss. nov., tom. II, pag. 79, citans simillimum locum, infra, lib. V, cap. 27, fin: Et res digna omnino est, propter quam dii funditus genus omne debeant abolere mortalium. ORELL.

"Who, if he were not worthy that you should listen to him." Wopkens, on Dictys of Crete IV, 15, in the Miscellaneae Observationes novae, vol. 2, p. 79, notes a wordiness in these words, citing a very similar passage below, Book 5, ch. 27, end: "And the thing is fully worthy that for its sake the gods should utterly abolish the whole race of mortals." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Vota immortalitatis optaret› · lemma, no call printed Vota immortalitatis optaret. Obscura haec sunt, et opinor corrupta. Legendum existimo: et portas immortalitatis apertaret. Sic paulo post: Qui hominibus caecis et revera in impietate degentibus pietatis aperuit januas. Sic autem apertare, ut opertare ap. Festum. HERALD. — Meursius mavult aptaret. Sed nil mutandum. Vota immortalitatis optaret, i. e. immortalitatem optaret vobis, precibus expeteret a Deo patre. Similiter Plin. Epist. X, 20, cum patronum me provinciales optassent contra Marium Priscum, hoc est, a Senatu petiissent. Respicit autem Arnobius, ni fallor, ad verba illa Christi, Joh. XVII, 24. ORELL.

"Wished the wishes of immortality." These words are obscure and, I think, corrupt. I believe one should read: "and opened the gates of immortality." So a little later: "Who opened the doors of piety to men who were blind and truly living in impiety." Apertare is formed as opertare is in Festus. Heraldus. — Meursius prefers aptaret. But nothing should be changed. "Wished the wishes of immortality," that is, wished immortality for you, sought it in prayer from God the Father. Similarly Pliny, Letters X, 20: "when the provincials had chosen me as advocate against Marius Priscus," that is, had asked the Senate for me. Arnobius is looking, unless I am mistaken, to those words of Christ, John 17:24. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ut non in cunctos lumen et praetenderit vitae› · lemma, no call printed Ut non in cunctos lumen et praetenderit vitae et periculum ignorationis amoverit. Haec verba antea loco posita alienissimo, nimirum supra post verba: sine ullius personae discriminibus irrogavit, recte ad finem capitis translocavit Heraldus. Sensus est: etiamsi non in omnes lumen vitae praetendisset, etc., tamen ob hoc erat a vobis non aspernandus, quod salutaria consilia vobis monstravit, etc. Non igitur audiendus Fulvius Ursinus conjiciens: praetenderet.......... amoveret. Pro ignorationis Meursius in Critico pag. 49, legendum suspicatur: interitionis, Sic noster lib. VII: Feris et belluis proximus turbat tempestatibus patientes et ad periculum interitionis adducit. ORELL.

"Although he did not hold out the light of life to all and remove the danger of ignorance." These words, formerly placed in a most unsuitable spot, namely above after the words "inflicted without any distinction of person," Heraldus rightly moved to the end of the chapter. The sense is: even if he had not held out the light of life to all, etc., yet for this he was not to be spurned by you, that he showed you saving counsels, etc. So Fulvius Ursinus is not to be heeded when he conjectures praetenderet ... amoveret. For ignorationis Meursius, in the Criticus, p. 49, suspects one should read interitionis ("of destruction"). So our author in Book 7: "Nearest to wild beasts and brutes, he troubles the patient with storms and brings them into danger of destruction." Orelli.

(printed under page 409) (II) ‹anchor: Qui veram in orbe religionem inducit› · lemma, no call printed II. — Qui veram in orbe religionem inducit. Edit. Lugd. Bat., in orbem. Sed nil mutandum. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 42. ORELL.

II. — "Who brings true religion into the world." The Leiden edition has in orbem. But nothing should be changed. See above on Book 1, ch. 42. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Religio officiosior› · lemma, no call printed Religio officiosior. Id est commodis humani generis magis inserviens. Sic infra cap. 8: Non futura credentes casta (matrimonia) et officiosi foederis in maritos. ORELL.

"A more serviceable religion." That is, one more at the service of the good of mankind. So below, ch. 8: "Not believing that (marriages) would be chaste and of a dutiful bond towards husbands." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Et fons est, perpetuarum pariter fundator› · lemma, no call printed Et fons est, perpetuarum pariter fundator et conditor rerum. Perpetuae res, id est, aeternae, numquam interiturae. Sed fateor, mihi locum hunc esse de mendo suspectum. Non enim omnia, quae Deus condidit, sunt aeterna et perpetua. Lego itaque: et fons est perpetuus, cunctarum pariter fundator et conditor rerum. Nisi forte his verbis expressit Arnobius verba Pauli in Epist. ad Hebr., I, 2, δι' οὗ καὶ τοὺς αἰῶνας (hoc universum) ἐποίησε, male intellecta. ORELL.

"And he is the source, and likewise the founder and maker of perpetual things." Perpetual things, that is, eternal, never to perish. But I confess this passage is suspect to me of a fault. For not all things that God made are eternal and perpetual. I therefore read: "and he is the perpetual source, and likewise the founder and maker of all things." Unless perhaps Arnobius expressed in these words, misunderstood, Paul's words in Hebrews 1:2, "through whom also he made the ages" (this universe). Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Motu irriganturque vitali› · lemma, no call printed Motu irriganturque vitali. Vide supra, ad lib. I, chap. 55. ORELL.

"And are watered with vital motion." See above, on Book 1, ch. 55. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Da puerum judicem› · lemma, no call printed Da puerum judicem. Non dubitavi in textum recipere felicissimam hanc emendationem, quam in Curis secundis protulit Heraldus quaeque cum sequenti dubitabit optime conspirat. Editiones omnes habent da verum judicium, quod in mendo cubare unus vidit Heraldus in editione sua legendum conjiciens vel: da naturae judicium, vel: da verum animae judicium, quasi hoc loco sermo sit de testimonio animae, de quo singularem librum scripsit Tertullianus. Meursius conj. Ad verum judicium. Sed longe praefero da (id est pone, cogita tibi) puerum judicem. ORELL.

"Grant a boy as judge." I have not hesitated to take into the text this most happy emendation, which Heraldus put forward in his Second Thoughts and which fits excellently with the following "will doubt." All editions have da verum judicium ("give a true judgement"), which Heraldus alone saw to lie in error, conjecturing in his edition that one should read either "give the judgement of nature" or "give the true judgement of the soul," as though the passage spoke of the testimony of the soul, on which Tertullian wrote a separate book. Meursius conjectures Ad verum judicium. But I far prefer da (that is, suppose, imagine for yourself) puerum judicem. Orelli.

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vota immortalitatis optaret. Ut non in omnes lumen et praetenderit vitae, et periculum ignorationis amoverit?

wished for you the prayers of immortality—even though He had not both held forth the light of life towards all, and removed the peril of ignorance!

II. At enim odio dignus est, quod ex orbe religiones expulit, quod ad deorum cultum prohibuit accedi? Ergone ille religionis extinctor, et impietatis auctor arguitur, qui veram in orbe religionem induxit? qui hominibus caecis, et revera in impietate degentibus, pietatis aperuit januas, et cui se submitterent, indicavit? An ulla est religio verior, officiosior, potentior, justior, quam Deum principem nosse, scire Deo principi supplicare, qui bonorum omnium solus caput, et fons est, perpetuarum pariter fundator et conditor rerum, a quo omnia terrena cunctaque coelestia animantur, motu irriganturque vitali: et qui si non esset, nulla profecto res esset, quae aliquod nomen, substantiamque portaret? Nisi forte dubitatis an sit iste, de quo loquimur, imperator: et magis esse Apollinem creditis, Dianam, Mercurium, Martem. Da puerum judicem: et haec omnia circumspiciens, quae videmus, magis an sint dii caeteri, dubitabit, quam

II. "Yet indeed He is worthy of hatred, because He drove the religions out of the world, because He forbade approach to the worship of the gods." Is He then accused of being the destroyer of religion and the author of impiety, who brought true religion into the world? who to blind men, and those truly living in impiety, opened the doors of piety, and pointed out to whom they should submit themselves? Or is there any religion truer, more serviceable, more powerful, more just, than to know God the Sovereign, to know how to supplicate God the Sovereign, who alone is the head and fountain of all good things, the Founder and Creator alike of perpetual things, by whom all earthly and all heavenly things are quickened and watered with vital motion; and who, if He did not exist, assuredly nothing would exist that could bear any name and substance? Unless perchance you doubt whether that Ruler of whom we speak exists, and believe rather that Apollo, Diana, Mercury, and Mars exist! Appoint a boy as judge: and looking around upon all these things which we see, he will doubt rather whether the rest of the gods exist, than

Editors' notes and page, col. 814

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in Deo cunctabitur, quem esse omnes naturaliter scimus: sive cum exclamamus, o Deus, sive cum illum testem constituimus improborum, et quasi nos cernat, faciem sublevamus ad coelum.

hesitate regarding God, whom we all naturally know to exist: whether when we cry out, "O God!", or when we set Him up as witness of the wicked, and as though He beheld us, lift up our face to heaven.

III. Sed minoribus supplicare diis homines vetuit. dii enim minores, qui sint aut ubi sint, scitis? Perstrinxit vos aliquando suspicio eorum aut mentio, ut merito feratis indigne abrogatos his cultus, et honoris impartitione viduatos. Quod si non mentis elatio, et typhus qui appellatur a Graecis, obstaret, atque officeret vobis, jamdudum scire potuissetis, quid aut quare prohibuerit fieri, intra fines quos stare voluerit religionem veram, quantum vobis periculum nasceretur ex eo, quod putaretis obsequio, vel ex quibus malis emergeretis, si insidioso renuntiaretis errori.

III. "Yet He forbade men to supplicate the lesser gods." Why, do you know who or where the lesser gods are? Has any surmise or mention of them ever grazed your minds, that you should deservedly be indignant that worship has been taken away from them, and that they have been bereft of the bestowal of honour? Now if pride of mind, and what is called by the Greeks typhos (vanity), did not stand in the way and obstruct you, you might long ago have known what He forbade to be done, and wherefore, within what bounds He willed true religion to stand, how great a peril arose to you from that which you thought to be obedience, or out of what evils you would emerge if you renounced insidious error.

IV. Verum haec omnia illustrius commemorabuntur et planius, cum ulterius prorsus fuerimus evecti. Monstrabimus enim Christum non impietatem docuisse nationes, sed ab latronibus pessimis miserorum hominum imprudentiam vindicasse. Non credimus, inquitis, vera esse quae dicit. Quid enim, quae vos negatis vera esse, apud vos liquent, cum imminentia, et nondum cassa, nullis possint rationibus refutari? Sed et ipse quae pollicetur, non probat. Ita est. Nulla enim, ut dixi, futurorum potest existere comprobatio. Cum ergo haec sit conditio

IV. Yet all these things shall be recounted more clearly and plainly when we shall have been carried further forward. For we shall show that Christ did not teach impiety to the nations, but delivered the heedlessness of wretched men from the worst robbers. "We do not believe," you say, "that the things which He says are true." What then! are the things which you deny to be true clear among you, when things impending and not yet void cannot be refuted by any reasons? "Yet He Himself also does not prove the things which He promises." It is so; for, as I have said, no proof of future things can exist. Since therefore this is the condition

Editors' notes and page, col. 815

Footnotes

[Lectiones variantes] (printed under page 410) (III) ‹anchor: Quod si non mentis elatio, et typhus› · lemma, no call printed III. — Quod si non mentis elatio, et typhus, qui appellatur a Graecis, obstaret, etc. Typhus. τύφος — ἀλαζονεία, ἔπαρσις, κενοδοξία, arrogantia, superbia, saepissime ap. Arnobium. Vid. infra cap. 12, 19, 29, 63, hujus libri. Nec minus frequens ap. alios inferioris aetatis scriptores, verbi causa; Augustin. de Civit. Dei, XI, cap. penult., unam fruentem Deo, alteram tumentem typho. ORELL.

III. — "But if the elation of mind and the typhus, as it is called by the Greeks, did not stand in the way," etc. Typhus: τύφος — swagger, conceit, vainglory; arrogance, pride; very often in Arnobius. See below, chs. 12, 19, 29, 63 of this book. No less frequent in other writers of the later age, for example Augustine, City of God XI, second-to-last chapter: "the one enjoying God, the other swollen with typhus." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Quid, aut quare prohibuerit fieri› · lemma, no call printed Quid, aut quare prohibuerit fieri. Observavimus jam antea, apud hos scriptores reperiri saepissime particulas disjunctivas pro copulativis. HERALD.

"What, or why, he forbade to be done." We have already observed that in these writers disjunctive particles are very often found for copulative ones. Heraldus.

(printed under page 410) (IV) ‹anchor: Cum ulterius prorsus fuerimus evecti› · lemma, no call printed IV. — Cum ulterius prorsus fuerimus evecti. Setewechius legend. conjicit ulterius prorsius a prorsus, a, um: hinc limites prorsi ap. Festum. Prorsum, id est, porro versum, antrorsum: opp. rursum. Utrumque conjunxit Terentius, Hecyra (III, 1, 35): Trepidari sentio, cursari rursum prorsum. At licet exempla τοῦ prorsus adjective positi reperiantur apud vetustiores, comparativus prorsior, us plane inusitatus neque recipiendae tales formationes nullo exemplo fundatae. Praeterea prorsus, adverbium loci, pro porro versus (vid. Fest.) jam involvit comparativum. ORELL.

IV. — "When we have been carried further onward." Stewech conjectures one should read ulterius prorsius, from prorsus, -a, -um; hence limites prorsi ("straight boundaries") in Festus. Prorsum means forward, frontward, as opposed to rursum (backward). Terence joined both, Hecyra (III, 1, 35): "I sense alarm, running to and fro." But although examples of prorsus used as an adjective are found among the older writers, the comparative prorsior, -us is wholly unused, and such formations, resting on no example, should not be admitted. Besides, prorsus, an adverb of place for "forward" (see Festus), already involves the comparative. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Sed ab latronibus pessimis› · lemma, no call printed Sed ab latronibus pessimis. Intelligit Arnobius falsos doctores, de quibus Christus Matth., VII, 15: Προσέχετε δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ψευδοπροφητῶν, οἵτινες ἔρχονται πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐν ἐνδύμασι προβάτων, ἔσωθεν δέ εἰσι λύκοι ἅρπαγες. ORELL.

"But by the worst of robbers." Arnobius means the false teachers of whom Christ speaks, Matthew 7:15: "Beware of false prophets, who come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly are ravening wolves." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Imminentia et nondum cassa› · lemma, no call printed Imminentia et nondum cassa. Hoc est, nondum vana, irrita, κενά. Ita saepissime ap. Tertullianum et alios scriptores ecclesiasticos, verbi causa Minuc. Fel., c. 12: Quam vos irritae pollicitationis cassa vota decipiant (ubi vid. Ouzel., pag. 117, ed. Gronov.). Paulo post: Si quod dicitur imminere cassum fiat et vacuum. Infra, cap. 12: Aut quis audiret cassa et nuda jactantem. Cujac. leg. passa, interpretans praeterita; at sine exemplo. HERALD.

"Impending and not yet empty." That is, not yet vain, void, empty. So very often in Tertullian and other church writers, for example Minucius Felix, ch. 12: "How the empty wishes of a void promise deceive you" (see Ouzel there, p. 117, Gronovius's edition). A little after: "If what is said to impend should prove empty and void." Below, ch. 12: "Or who would listen to one boasting empty and bare things?" Cujas reads passa, interpreting it as "past things"; but without an example. Heraldus.

(—) ‹anchor: Id est, salutis amissio› · lemma, no call printed Id est, salutis amissio. Haec verba lunulis inclusa, tamquam glossema, ejicienda censet Meursius, pag. 50. ORELL.

"That is, the loss of salvation." Meursius, p. 50, thinks these words, enclosed in parentheses, should be thrown out as a gloss. Orelli.

(printed under page 410) (V) ‹anchor: Nonne vel haec saltem fidem vobis faciunt› · lemma, no call printed V. — Nonne vel haec saltem fidem vobis faciunt argumenta credendi. Etsi solet Arnobius plura quandoque copulare rem unam et eamdem significantia, mihi tamen persuadere nequeo, haec esse sincera: Argumenta credendi. Et profecto ita est: scripserat aliquis ad oram libri sui: Argumenta credendi. Hic enim proponuntur argumenta, quibus fides Christiana affirmari potest. HERALD.

V. — "Do not at least these arguments for believing win your faith?" Although Arnobius is wont at times to join several words meaning one and the same thing, I cannot persuade myself that these words are genuine: "arguments for believing." And so it surely is: someone had written in the margin of his book "Arguments for believing." For here are set out the arguments by which the Christian faith can be affirmed. Heraldus.

(—) ‹anchor: Immensi nominis hujus sacramenta diffusa sunt› · lemma, no call printed Immensi nominis hujus sacramenta diffusa sunt. Paulo inferius eodem capite: Et salutaris militiae sacramenta depromere. Ii scilicet qui Christo se consecrabant, a scriptoribus ecclesiasticis saepissime comparantur cum militibus patrem, matrem et omnem proximum ejerantibus. Tertullian., de Corona militis, cap. 11: Credimusne humanum sacramentum divino superduci licere, et in alium dominum respondere post Christum, et ejerare patrem ac matrem, et omnem proximum, quos et lex honorari et post Deum diligi praecipit? Idem ad Martyres, cap. 3: Vocati sumus ad militiam Dei vivi jam tunc, cum in sacramenti verba spopondimus. Lactant., lib. V, cap. 11: Sacramenti, quod acceperat, proditor factus est. Cf. Lips., ad Tacit. Annal. XV et Stewech., ad Veget., de Re Milit., II, 5 p. 115 sq. ed. Vesal. HERALD., ELMENH. et ORELL.

"The sacraments (oaths) of this immense name have spread abroad." A little lower in the same chapter: "And to bring forth the sacraments of the saving warfare." Those, namely, who consecrated themselves to Christ are very often compared by church writers to soldiers renouncing father, mother and every kinsman. Tertullian, On the Soldier's Crown, ch. 11: "Do we believe it lawful for a human oath to be laid over a divine one, and to answer to another master after Christ, and to renounce father and mother and every kinsman, whom the law too commands to be honoured and loved next after God?" The same, To the Martyrs, ch. 3: "We were called to the warfare of the living God already then, when we pledged ourselves in the words of the oath." Lactantius, Book 5, ch. 11: "He became a traitor to the oath he had taken." Compare Lipsius on Tacitus, Annals 15, and Stewech on Vegetius, On Military Matters II, 5, p. 115 ff., Wesel edition. Heraldus, Elmenhorst and Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Quae non ejus amore versa› · lemma, no call printed Quae non ejus amore versa. Fulv. Ursin. conj.: Quae non ejus ad morem versa. Non male quidem; sed nil mutandum. ORELL.

"Which, not turned by love of him." Fulvius Ursinus conjectures: "which, not turned to his custom." Not badly indeed; but nothing should be changed. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Magisteria haec expetunt› · lemma, no call printed Magisteria haec expetunt. Id est, expetunt religione christiana tamquam magistra uti. De vi verbi magi- (continues)

"Seek these teachings." That is, they seek to use the Christian religion as their teacher. On the force of the word magi- (continues)

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futurorum, ut teneri et comprehendi nullius possint anticipationis attactu: nonne purior ratio est, ex duabus incertis et in ambigua expectatione pendentibus, id potius credere, quod aliquas spes ferat, quam omnino quod nullas? In illo enim periculi nihil est, si quod dicitur imminere, cassum fiat et vacuum: in hoc damnum est maximum, id est salutis amissio, si cum tempus advenerit, aperiatur non fuisse mendacium.

of future things, that they cannot be held and grasped by the touch of any anticipation: is it not a clearer reason, of two uncertain things hanging in doubtful expectation, to believe that rather which brings some hopes, than that which brings none at all? For in the former there is no danger, if that which is said to be impending should prove void and empty; in the latter there is the greatest loss—that is, the loss of salvation—if, when the time shall have come, it be disclosed that it was no lie.

V. Quid dicitis, o nescii, etiam fletu et miseratione dignissimi? Ita non extimescitis, ne forte haec vera sint, quae sunt despectui vobis, et praebent materiam risus? nec saltem vobiscum sub obscuris cogitationibus volvitis, ne quod hoc die credere obstinata renuitis perversitate, redarguat serum tempus, et irrevocabilis poenitentia castiget? Nonne vel haec saltem fidem vobis faciunt argumenta credendi, quod jam per omnes terras in tam brevi tempore et parvo, immensi hujus sacramenta diffusa sunt? quod nulla jam natio est tam barbari moris, et mansuetudinem nesciens quae non ejus amore versa molliverit asperitatem suam, et in placidos sensus assumpta tranquillitate migraverit? quod tam magnis ingeniis praediti oratores, grammatici, rhetores, consulti juris ac medici, philosophiae etiam secreta rimantes, magisteria haec expetunt, spretis quibus paulo ante fidebant? quod ab dominis se servi cruciatibus affici,

V. What say you, O ignorant men, most worthy even of weeping and pity? Are you so unafraid lest perchance these things be true which are a scorn to you and afford matter of laughter? Nor do you at least revolve with yourselves under dark thoughts, lest that which today with obstinate perversity you refuse to believe, late time may convict, and irrevocable repentance chastise? Do not even these arguments for believing at least produce faith in you: that already through all lands, in so short and small a time, the sacred oaths of this immense name have been diffused? that there is now no nation of so barbarous manners, and ignorant of gentleness, which, turned by His love, has not softened its harshness, and adopting tranquillity passed over into peaceful feelings? that men endowed with so great intellects—orators, grammarians, rhetoricians, lawyers, and physicians, those also who search into the secrets of philosophy—seek after these teachings, having spurned the things in which a little while before they trusted? that slaves prefer to be subjected by their masters to whatever tortures

Editors' notes and page, col. 816

Footnotes

(a) ‹anchor: quod ab dominis› · call in col 816

Quod ex dominis. Fulv.

"Quod ex dominis" (that from their masters). Fulvius Ursinus.

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right.] (—) ‹anchor: Et quasi nos cernat, faciem sublevamus ad caelum› · lemma, no call printed Et quasi nos cernat, faciem sublevamus ad coelum. Tertullian., Apologet., c. XVII: Denique pronuntians haec, non ad Capitolium, sed ad coelum respicit. Novit enim sedem Dei vivi: ab illo, et inde descendit. HERALD.

"And as though he saw us, we lift our face to heaven." Tertullian, Apology, ch. 17: "In short, when it utters these things, it looks not to the Capitol but to heaven. For it knows the seat of the living God: from him, and from there, it came down." Heraldus.

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quibus statuerint, malunt, solvi conjuges matrimoniis, exhaeredari a parentibus liberi, quam fidem rumpere christianam, et salutaris militiae sacramenta deponere? quod cum genera poenarum tanta sint a vobis proposita religionis hujus sequentibus leges, augeatur res magis, et contra omnes minas atque interdicta formidinum animosius populus obnitatur, et ad credendi studium prohibitionis ipsius stimulis excitetur? Numquid haec fieri passim et inaniter creditis, fortuitis incursibus assumi has mentes? Itane istud non divinum et sacrum est, aut sine Deo eorum tantas animorum fieri conversiones, ut cum carnifices unci, aliique innumeri cruciatus, quemadmodum diximus, impendeant credituris, veluti quadam dulcedine atque omnium virtutum amore correpti cognitas accipiant rationes, atque mundi omnibus rebus praeponant amicitias Christi? Nisi

they may have determined, wives to be loosed from their marriages, children to be disinherited by their parents, rather than break the Christian faith and lay down the oaths of the saving warfare? that although so great kinds of punishments have been set forth by you for those who follow the laws of this religion, the matter increases the more, and against all threats and prohibitions of terrors the people struggles more courageously, and is roused to the zeal of believing by the goads of the prohibition itself? Do you believe that these things happen at random and idly, that these minds are taken up by chance encounters? Is this indeed not divine and sacred, or do so great conversions of their minds take place without God, that when executioners' hooks and other innumerable tortures, as we have said, overhang those who shall believe, seized as though by a certain sweetness and love of all virtues they receive the known reasons, and prefer the friendship of Christ to all things in the world? Unless

Editors' notes and page, col. 817

Footnotes

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right.] (—) (continued) · lemma begun on page 410 (Magisteria haec expetunt)

(continued) sterium vid. Casaubon., ad Sueton. August., cap. 2, pag. 179. edit. Burmann. ORELL.

(—) ‹anchor: Quibus statuerint› · lemma, no call printed Quibus statuerint. Th. Canter. quibusvis statuerint. Sed nil mutandum, quibus, hoc loco pro quantis, qualibus, ut saepe. Vid. Heins., ad Phaedr., fab. I, 13. Fulv. Ursinus totum locum ita legit et interpunxit: Servi cruciatibus affici omnibus statuerint: malunt solvi conjuges matrimoniis. ORELL.

"With which they have decided." Theodore Canter: "with whatever they have decided." But nothing should be changed: quibus here stands for "how great, of what kind," as often. See Heinsius on Phaedrus, Fable I, 13. Fulvius Ursinus reads and punctuates the whole passage thus: "slaves, though they have decided to be subjected to every torture; wives prefer to be released from their marriages." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ad credendi studium prohibitionis ipsius stimulis excitetur› · lemma, no call printed Ad credendi studium prohibitionis ipsius stimulis excitetur. Similiter Tertullian., in Apologet., cap. ult.: Nec quidquam tamen proficit exquisitior quaeque crudelitas vestra, illecebra est magis sectae: plures efficimur, quoties metimur a vobis: semen est sanguis Christianorum. Cf. eumd. ad Scapulam, cap. 4; Lactant., lib. V, cap. 13; Minuc. Fel. Octav.; Leo, serm. 1 de SS. Petro et Paulo. ELMENH.

"Is roused to the zeal of believing by the very goads of prohibition." Similarly Tertullian, Apology, last chapter: "Yet none of your more refined cruelties profits anything; rather it is an enticement to the sect. We become more numerous each time we are mown down by you: the blood of Christians is seed." Compare the same author, To Scapula, ch. 4; Lactantius, Book 5, ch. 13; Minucius Felix, Octavius; Leo, Sermon 1 on Saints Peter and Paul. Elmenhorst.

(—) ‹anchor: An numquid haec fieri passim et inaniter creditis› · lemma, no call printed An numquid haec fieri passim et inaniter creditis. Id est, temere et fortuito, sine delectu, εἰκῆ. Lactant., lib. III, cap. 9: Anaxagoras, quum ab eo quaereretur, cujus rei causa natus esset; respondit: Solis ac coeli videndi. Hanc vocem admirantur omnes, ac philosopho dignam judicant. At ego hunc puto non invenientem, quid responderet, effudisse hoc passim, ne taceret. HERALD. — Cf. Bünemann, ad Lactantii, lib. I, et Burmann., ad Phaedr., Fab. lib. V, 1, vers. 3, pag. 238. Ita Quintilian., Declam. IV, 13: Ista credis passim fortuitoque disposita. ORELL.

"Or do you believe that these things happen at random and to no purpose?" That is, rashly and by chance, without selection, at random. Lactantius, Book 3, ch. 9: "Anaxagoras, when asked for what purpose he had been born, answered: To see the sun and the sky. Everyone admires this saying and judges it worthy of a philosopher. But I think that, not finding what to answer, he poured this out at random so as not to be silent." Heraldus. — Compare Bünemann on Lactantius, Book 1, and Burmann on Phaedrus, Fables V, 1, line 3, p. 238. So Quintilian, Declamations IV, 13: "You believe those things were arranged at random and by chance." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Carnifices unci› · lemma, no call printed Carnifices unci. Alii: Carnificis unci. Sed verbum carnifex adjective usurpat Arnobius, supra, lib. I, cap. ult.: Quae libido tam carnifex? et sic optimi scriptores. Horat., Od. I, 15: Adulteri crines. Tibull. I, 11, 46: Aratores boves. Silius, XIII, 375: Bellator ensis. Vid. Oudendorp. ad Apulei. Met., lib. II, p. 110. Intelligendi autem unci, seu potius ungulae illae bisulcae et ferreae, quibus igne candentibus reos eculeo impositos torquebant et laniabant veteres. Prudent., περὶ Στεφάνων, hymno in Vincentium martyrem, vers. 173 et seq.: Haec fatur, et stridentibus / Laniatur uncis denuo. Vide, qui de tortura Romanorum vet. multus est, Matern., de Cilano Romische Alterthümer, et Jo. Durant. Caselii Variar., lib. I, cap. 15, in Gruter. Lamp. Crit., vol. III, part. II, p. 214. ORELL.

"Executioner hooks." Others: "the executioner's hooks." But Arnobius uses the word carnifex as an adjective, above, Book 1, last chapter: "What lust so murderous?" — and so do the best writers. Horace, Odes I, 15: "adulterous locks." Tibullus I, 11, 46: "ploughing oxen." Silius XIII, 375: "warrior sword." See Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, Book 2, p. 110. By unci are meant those two-pronged iron claws with which, heated red in the fire, the ancients tortured and lacerated the accused when placed on the rack. Prudentius, On the Crowns (Peristephanon), hymn to the martyr Vincent, lines 173 ff.: "So he speaks, and with screeching / hooks he is torn again." See, on the torture of the ancient Romans, Maternus de Cilano, who has much on it, Römische Alterthümer, and Jo. Durantius Casellius, Variae, Book 1, ch. 15, in Gruter's Lampas Critica, vol. 3, part 2, p. 214. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Veluti quadam dulcedine atque omnium virtutum amore› · lemma, no call printed Veluti quadam dulcedine atque omnium virtutum amore, etc. Gelenius ita: Veluti quadam dulcedine atque nectare ebrii cuncta contemnant, etc., quae postrema verba cum neque in cod. ms., neque in editione principe romana legantur, illum de suo addidisse putat Canterus. Et omnino ingratissima esset triplex repetitio τοῦ atque. ORELL.

"As though by a certain sweetness and love of all virtues," etc. Gelenius reads thus: "as though drunk with a certain sweetness and nectar they despise all things," etc. Since these last words are read neither in the manuscript nor in the Roman first edition, Canter thinks he added them himself. And the threefold repetition of atque would be altogether most unpleasing. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Cognitas rationes› · lemma, no call printed Cognitas rationes. Idem quod supra dixerat argumenta credendi. Fulvius mavult incognitas. ORELL.

"Known reasons." The same as what he had called above "arguments for believing." Fulvius prefers incognitas ("unknown"). Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Credulitatis assensum› · lemma, no call printed Credulitatis assensum. Credulitas, hoc loco et infra, cap. 12, in bonam partem pro fide, ut saepius apud hos scriptores. ORELL.

"The assent of credulity." Credulitas, here and below in ch. 12, is used in a good sense for faith, as quite often in these writers. Orelli.

(printed under page 411) (VI) ‹anchor: Quid ergo? vos soli sapientiae conditi› · lemma, no call printed VI. — Quid ergo? vos soli sapientiae conditi atque intelligentiae vi mera, nescio quid aliud videtis et profundum. Probo conjecturam Stewechii: Quid? Ergo vos soli sapientiae conditi atque intelligentiae vi mera, nescio quid altius videtis et profundius? Vide intpp. ad Fest. verbo altum et profundum. Pro conditi lego cum Oudendorp. ad Apulei., lib. I, pag. 8: Conditae, id est, reconditae, litteris scil. Vix enim latine dici potest vino conditus de ebrio. Pro mera Meursius in Append., mavult: In ea re. ORELL.

VI. — "What then? Do you alone, steeped in wisdom and in the sheer force of understanding, see something else, and deep?" I approve Stewech's conjecture: "What? Do you alone, then, steeped in wisdom and the sheer force of understanding, see something higher and deeper?" See the commentators on Festus at the words altum and profundum. For conditi I read with Oudendorp on Apuleius, Book 1, p. 8: conditae, that is, recondite, namely in letters. For one can hardly say in Latin vino conditus of a drunk man. For mera Meursius, in his Appendix, prefers "in ea re." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Unde acuminis et vivacitatis tantum› · lemma, no call printed Unde acuminis et vivacitatis tantum. Vivacitas hoc loco ingenii vigor et celeritas, nostrum Witz. ORELL.

"Whence so much sharpness and liveliness." Vivacitas here is vigour and quickness of mind, our German Witz. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Aut incomptus, cum fuerit, scire› · lemma, no call printed Aut incomptus, cum fuerit, scire. Legi malim: Aut inconditus, cum fuerit. Nam incondita proprie opponuntur numerosis. Cicero, lib. III, de Oratore: Idque princeps Isocrates instituisse fertur, ut inconditam antiquorum dicendi consuetudinem, delectationis atque aurium causa, numeris adstringeret. HERALD. — Nil mutandum. Nam incomptum sermonem opponit Arnobius non numeroso, sed composito, id est artificiosae concinnaeque structurae collocationique verborum. Opp. incomptus, horridus. Vid. Cic., de Orator. I, 11: Quintil., Instit. X, c. 1, § 44, et, qui de hoc verbo multus est, I Ch. Th. Ernesti in Lexico Technologiae lat. rhetor., verbis Compositio, Compositus. ORELL.

"Or to know when it was unadorned." I would rather read: "or unordered, when it was." For things incondita are properly opposed to things rhythmical. Cicero, De Oratore Book 3: "And Isocrates is said to have been the first to bind the unordered speaking habit of the ancients in rhythms, for the sake of delight and of the ears." Heraldus. — Nothing should be changed. For Arnobius opposes unadorned speech not to rhythmical but to composed speech, that is, to an artful and elegant structure and arrangement of words. Opposites: incomptus, horridus. See Cicero, De Oratore I, 11; Quintilian, Institutes X, ch. 1, § 44; and J. Ch. Th. Ernesti, who has much on this word, in the Lexicon technologiae Latinorum rhetoricae, at Compositio, Compositus. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Fornicem Lucilianum› · lemma, no call printed Fornicem Lucilianum. Fornix videtur fuisse titulus incerti satirarum Lucilianarum libri, obscoeni, ut videtur, argumenti. Nam fornix, id quod lupanar. Isidorus Origg., lib. X, pag. 1075, Auct. ling. lat., ed. Godofredi: Fornicarius et Fornicatrix est, cujus corpus publicum et vulgare est. Haec sub arcuatis prosternebantur, quae loca fornices dicuntur. Inde nata recentioris latinitatis vocabula fornicare et fornicatio. Vide Voss. Etymol. Rom., verbo fornix et Oudendorp., in Apul., pag. 465. Ita Horat. I, serm. II, 30: Olente in fornice stantem. Pro Lucilianum Meursius leg. censet Caecilianum. Sed nulla, quod scio, hujus nominis Caecilii comoedia citatur ab antiquis, Scriverius, apud eumdem Meurs., pag. 51, conj. Licinianum. ORELL.

"The Lucilian arch (Fornix)." Fornix seems to have been the title of some book of Lucilius's satires, of obscene subject, it seems. For fornix is the same as a brothel. Isidore, Origins, Book 10, p. 1075, Auctores linguae Latinae, Godefroy's edition: "A fornicator and fornicatress is one whose body is public and common. These used to lie down under arched places, which are called fornices." Hence arose the words of later Latin fornicare and fornicatio. See Vossius, Etymologicum, at fornix, and Oudendorp on Apuleius, p. 465. So Horace, Satires I, 2, 30: "standing in the reeking arch." For Lucilianum Meursius thinks one should read Caecilianum. But no comedy of Caecilius of this name, so far as I know, is cited by the ancients. Scriverius, in Meursius, p. 51, conjectures Licinianum. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Marsyam Pomponii› · lemma, no call printed Marsyam Pomponii. Pomponii poetae duo celebran- (continues)

"The Marsyas of Pomponius." Two poets named Pomponius are celebra- (continues)

(printed under page 411)

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PL 5:818

forte obtusi et fatui videntur hi vobis, qui per orbem jam totum conspirant et coeunt in istius credulitatis assensum.

perchance these men seem to you dull and foolish, who already throughout the whole world conspire and unite in the assent of this belief!

VI. Quid ergo? vos soli sapientiae conditi atque intelligentiae vi mera, nescio quid aliud videtis, et profundum? soli esse nugas intelligitis haec omnia, soli verba et pueriles ineptias, ea quae nobis promittimus principali ab rege ventura? Unde, quaeso, est vobis tantum sapientiae traditum? unde acuminis, et vivacitatis tantum? vel ex quibus scientiae disciplinis tantum cordis assumere, divinationis tantum potuistis haurire? Quia per casus et tempora declinare verba scitis et nomina, quia voces barbaras, soloecismosqne vitare, quia numerosum, et instructum, compositumque sermonem, aut ipsi vos nostis efferre, aut incomptus cum fuerit, scire; quia Fornicem Lucilianum, et Marsyam Pomponii obsignatum

VI. What then? Do you alone, seasoned with the pure force of wisdom and understanding, see something else and profound? Do you alone understand that all these things are trifles, you alone that those things are mere words and childish follies which we promise ourselves will come from the Sovereign King? Whence, I pray, has so much wisdom been handed down to you? whence so much acuteness and quickness of wit? or from what disciplines of knowledge have you been able to assume so much sense, to drink in so much divination? Because you know how to inflect verbs and nouns through cases and tenses, because you know how to avoid barbarous words and solecisms, because you yourselves either know how to utter a rhythmical, orderly, and well-arranged speech, or to know when it is unpolished; because you hold fast in memory the Fornix of Lucilius and the Marsyas of Pomponius as though

Editors' notes and page, col. 818

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other: the word obsignatum was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 819
other: footnote calls d (after soli) and e (after Lucilianum) point to the LECTIONES VARIANTES at the page foot (foot apparatus, pass 2)
misprints kept as printed: soloecismosqne (for soloecismosque)

PL 5:819

memoria continetis; quia quae sint in litibus constitutiones, quot causarum genera, quot dictionum, quid sit genus, quid species, oppositum a contrario quibus rationibus distinguatur: idcirco vos arbitramini scire quid sit falsum, quid verum, quid fieri possit aut non possit: quae imorum, summorumque natura sit? Numquamne illud vulgatum perstrinxit aures vestras, sapientiam hominis stultitiam esse apud Deum? Primum et ipsi, penitus perspicitis vos ipsos, si quando de rebus disceptatis obscuris, et naturalia pergitis reserare secreta, et ipsa quae dicitis, quae asseveratis, quae capitali plerumque contentione defenditis, nescire vos, et unumquemque suspiciones suas pro probatis et comprehensis pertinaci obluctatione tutari?

you hold in memory; because you know what the issues in lawsuits are, how many the kinds of cases, how many the kinds of speeches, what a genus is, what a species, by what reasonings an opposite is distinguished from a contrary: for that reason you suppose that you know what is false, what is true, what can or cannot come to be, what the nature of the lowest and of the highest things is? Has that common saying never grazed your ears, that the wisdom of man is foolishness with God (1 Cor. 3:19)? First, you yourselves also perceive thoroughly of yourselves, whenever you dispute about obscure matters and go on to unlock the secrets of nature, that you do not know the very things which you say, which you assert, which you mostly defend with deadly contention, and that each one guards his own suspicions as things proved and grasped, with stubborn struggling?

VII. Quid enim, si verum perspiciamus, etiam si

VII. For what of this: whether we may discern the truth, even if

Editors' notes and page, col. 819

Footnotes

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right. The page-foot image begins below the top of the commentary in both columns: the opening lines of the left column (continuation of "Marsyam Pomponii" from page 411) and the first line of the right column are not in the image; marked […].] (—) (continued) · lemma begun on page 411 (Marsyam Pomponii)

(continued) […] dii Imperatorum, de quo crebra mentio Senecae, Plinio et Tacito. Ab utroque diversum puto illum Epigrammatarium, quem Varro nominat (de Ling. lat., lib. VI, pag. 86, ed. Bipont.), ad quem forte referendum poema Marsyas, quod ut impudicum notat Arnobius. Videtur autem tractasse de nocturnis stupris et variis generibus libidinum, quibus infamis fuit statua Marsyae dei in celeberrima fori parte, ubi causae agebantur. Seneca, de Beneficiis, lib. VI, cap. 32, de Julia Augusti filia: Pererratam nocturnis comessationibus urbem, forum ipsum ac rostra, ex quibus pater legem de adulteriis tulerat, filiae in stupra placuisse; quotidianum ad Marsyam concursum, cum ex adultera in quaestuariam versa, jus omnis licentiae sub ignoto adultero peteret. (Popma, ad Varronis l. laud., p. 190, ed. Bipont.). Equidem non video, cur Marsyas ille abjudicandus sit Pomponio Atellanarum scriptori. Nam Varro Papinii epigramma citat, non Pomponii, quod est e conjectura Scaligeri, et fabulas illas Atellanas obscoeni maxime argumenti fuisse et dramati Graecorum satyrico respondisse, conjicio e Cicero., epist. IX, 16. Quid quod ipse titulus Marsyas majus aliquod poema indicare videtur. Floruit autem Pomponius ille, quem cum contemporaneo ejus Lucilio conjungere videtur Arnobius, temporibus Sullae anno urbis conditae 666. Vid. Vell. Paterc., II, 9, et Euseb. Chron., ad Olymp. 173, 1. ORELL.

(—) ‹anchor: Quae sint in litibus constitutiones› · lemma, no call printed Quae sint in litibus constitutiones. Variant rhetores in constitutionum definitione. Cicero, de Invent., I, 8, constitutionem vocat in genere quaestionem, ex qua causa nascitur, in Topicis autem, c. 25, refutatio accusationis, ait, in qua est depulsio criminis, quae graece στάσις dicitur, latine appellatur status; in quo primum insistit quasi ad repugnandum congressa defensio. Quem locum allegans Quintilian., inst. III, c. 6, § 13. addit: Quod nos statum, id quidam constitutionem vocant, alii quaestionem, alii quod ex quaestione appareat. Vide imprimis J. Th. Ernesti Lexicon Technologiae lat. rhetoricae, hoc verbo. ORELL.

"What the issues (constitutiones) in lawsuits are." The rhetoricians differ in defining constitutiones. Cicero, On Invention I, 8, calls a constitutio in general the question from which the case arises; in the Topics, ch. 25, he says: "the refutation of the accusation, in which lies the repelling of the charge, which in Greek is called στάσις and in Latin status; on which the defence first takes its stand, as though engaged for resistance." Quintilian, citing this passage, Institutes III, ch. 6, § 13, adds: "What we call status, some call constitutio, others the question, others what appears from the question." See above all J. Th. Ernesti, Lexicon technologiae Latinorum rhetoricae, at this word. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Quid sit genus, quid species› · lemma, no call printed Quid sit genus, quid species. Posterius quid, quod in codice manuscripto et antiquis editionibus deest, addidit Heraldus. ORELL.

"What a genus is, what a species." The second quid, which is missing in the manuscript and the old editions, Heraldus added. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Sapientiam hominis stultitiam esse apud Deum› · lemma, no call printed Sapientiam hominis stultitiam esse apud Deum. Verba sunt D. Pauli I Cor., III, v. 19. Ἡ γὰρ σοφία τοῦ κόσμου τούτου μωρία παρὰ τῷ Θεῷ ἐστι. Quae autem vix videntur perstrinxisse gentilium aures, christianorum libros sacros nec legentium, nec auscultantium. ORELL.

"That the wisdom of man is foolishness with God." These are the words of St Paul, 1 Corinthians 3:19: "For the wisdom of this world is foolishness with God." But they hardly seem to have grazed the ears of the gentiles, who neither read nor listened to the sacred books of the Christians. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Suspiciones› · lemma, no call printed […] agnoscunt cod. ms. et editiones veteres, est correctione Stewechii. Suspiciones autem hoc loco opiniones, conjecturae, Hypothesen, Vermuthungen, nihil amplius. ORELL.

[…] the manuscript and the old editions recognize, is by Stewech's correction. Suspiciones here means opinions, conjectures, hypotheses, surmises, nothing more. Orelli.

(printed under page 412) (VII) ‹anchor: Quid enim si verum perspiciamus› · lemma, no call printed VII. — Quid enim si verum perspiciamus..... scire per nos possumus. Si perspiciamus, id est an, utrumne perspiciamus, ut bene expl. Stewech.: Konnen wir aus uns selbst wissen, ob wir die Wahrheit erkennen. Edit. princeps habet si verum perspiciam, uncis inclusum, ut auctor de se ipso loquatur. Male. ORELL.

VII. — "For whether we discern the truth ... can we know of ourselves?" Si perspiciamus means "whether," "whether or not we discern," as Stewech explains well: "Can we know of ourselves whether we recognize the truth?" The first edition has si verum perspiciam, enclosed in brackets, as if the author spoke of himself. Wrongly. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Nescio quae res protulit, et concinnavit invidia› · lemma, no call printed Nescio quae res protulit, et concinnavit invidia. Intelligit Arnobius naturas illas malas Deoque adversarias, quibus animarum creationem tribuebant gnostici, quos sequebatur in hac doctrina. Pro invidia, ms. habet invida, scil. res, non male. ORELL.

"Some thing or other produced it, and envy put it together." Arnobius means those evil natures hostile to God to which the Gnostics, whom he followed in this teaching, attributed the creation of souls. For invidia the manuscript has invida, namely res ("an envious thing"), not badly. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Subinflati pectoris› · lemma, no call printed Subinflati pectoris. Ita lego cum Meursio. Caeteri disjungunt sub inflati pectoris. Quod Herald. defendit more Arnobii praepositionibus in, sub, ex, etc., abundanter utentis. Sed subinflatus, id est aliquantum inflatus, habet etiam Coelius Aurelian., de Morbis acutis, I, 2; videatur Gesner., in Thesauro. ORELL.

"Of a somewhat puffed-up heart." So I read with Meursius. The others separate it as sub inflati pectoris, which Heraldus defends from Arnobius's habit of using the prepositions in, sub, ex, etc., abundantly. But subinflatus, that is, somewhat puffed up, is found also in Caelius Aurelianus, On Acute Diseases I, 2; see Gesner, in the Thesaurus. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Quod Socrates ille comprehendere nequit in Phaedone› · lemma, no call printed Quod Socrates ille comprehendere nequit in Phaedone, etc. Arnobii lapsus memoriae est; non enim in Phaedone, sed Alcibiade, p. 129 (58, vol. V, ed. Bip.) locus hic legitur: ΣΩ. Τί ποτ' οὖν ὁ ἄνθρωπος; ΑΛ. Οὐκ ἔχω λέγειν. ELMENH. — Ms. habet in Fedro, unde Nourrius suspicatur, Arnobium παραφραστικῶς exposuisse locum in Phaedro Platonis ed. H. Stephen., t. III, p. 230 (Bipont. vol. X, p. 28?), ubi ipse Socrates: Ὅθεν δὴ χαίρειν ἐάσας ταῦτα, πειθόμενος δὲ τῷ νομιζομένῳ περὶ αὐτῶν, ὃ νῦν δὴ ἔλεγον, σκοπῶ οὐ ταῦτα, ἀλλ' ἐμαυτὸν, εἴτε τι θηρίον ὢν τυγχάνω Τυφῶνος πολυπλοκώτερον, καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπιτεθυμμένον, εἴτε ἡμερώτερον καὶ ἁπλούστερον ζῶον, θείας τινὸς καὶ ἀτύφου μοίρας φύσει μετέχον. Quod multo est verosimilius. ORELL.

"What that Socrates could not grasp in the Phaedo," etc. It is a slip of Arnobius's memory: this passage is read not in the Phaedo but in the Alcibiades, p. 129 (58, vol. 5, Bipontine edition): "SOC. What then is man? ALC. I cannot say." Elmenhorst. — The manuscript has in Fedro, whence Le Nourry suspects that Arnobius set out by paraphrase the passage in Plato's Phaedrus, H. Estienne's edition, vol. 3, p. 230 (Bipontine vol. 10, p. 28?), where Socrates himself says: "So I let these things go, and accepting what is commonly believed about them, as I was just saying, I examine not these things but myself, whether I happen to be some beast more tangled and more puffed up than Typhon, or a tamer and simpler creature, sharing by nature in some divine and unpuffed lot." Which is much more probable. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Pellax› · lemma, no call printed Pellax. Papias: Pellax.... deceptor, dolosus, fallax. Arnobius, infra, l. V: Quid subjiciemus pro aureis imbribus, in quos idem se pellax fraude induit perfida. ELMENH. — Cf. Serv. ad Virgil., Aen., II, 90. ORELL.

"Pellax" (seducer). Papias: "Pellax ... deceiver, crafty, false." Arnobius, below, Book 5: "What shall we put in place of the golden showers into which the same seducer put himself by treacherous deceit?" Elmenhorst. — Compare Servius on Virgil, Aeneid II, 90. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Utrumne illum tellus uliginis alicujus conversa putore› · lemma, no call printed Utrumne illum tellus uliginis alicujus conversa putore. Plato (in Timaeo): Ἆρ' ἐπειδὰν τὸ θερμὸν καὶ τὸ ψυχρὸν σηπεδόνα τινὰ λάβῃ, ὥς τινες ἔλεγον, τότε δὴ τὰ ζῶα συντρέφεται. HERALD. — Dogma haustum ab Aegyptiis. Vide Diodor. Sic., I, c. 7 et 10; ibique intpp. ORELL.

"Whether the earth, turned by the rot of some marsh, [produced] him." Plato (in the Timaeus): "Is it when the hot and the cold take on a kind of putrefaction, as some said, that living creatures are then bred?" Heraldus. — A doctrine drawn from the Egyptians. See Diodorus Siculus I, chs. 7 and 10, and the commentators there. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Atque oris acceperint formam› · lemma, no call printed Atque oris acceperint formam. Proba lectio. Est (continues)

"And received the form of a mouth." A sound reading. It is (continues)

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omnia saecula in rerum investigatione ponantur, scire per nos possumus, quos ita caecos, et superbos nescio quae res protulit, et concinnavit invidia, ut, cum nihil sciamus omnino, fallamus nos tamen, et in opinionem scientiae subinflati pectoris tumore tollamur? Ut enim divina praeteream, et naturali obscuritate res mersas, potest quisquam explicare mortalium id, quod Socrates ille comprehendere nequit in Phaedone? homo quid sit, aut unde sit, anceps, varius, mobilis, pellax, multiplex, multiformis? in quos usus prolatus sit? cujus sit excogitatus ingenio, quid in mundo faciat, cur malorum tanta experiatur examina? utrumne illum tellus uliginis alicujus conversa putrore, tamquam vermes animaverit, tamquam mures? an fictoris alicujus, et fabricatoris manu lineamenta haec corporis, atque oris acceperint formam? Potest, inquam,

all ages be spent in the investigation of things, we are able to know by ourselves, whom some thing, I know not what, has brought forth so blind and proud, and envy has so shaped, that, though we know nothing at all, we nevertheless deceive ourselves and are lifted into an opinion of knowledge by the swelling of a puffed-up breast? For, to pass over divine things and things sunk in natural obscurity, can anyone among mortals explain that which the famous Socrates could not grasp in the Phaedo: what man is, or whence he is, wavering, changeable, fickle, deceitful, manifold, multiform? for what uses he was brought forth? by whose ingenuity he was devised, what he does in the world, why he undergoes such swarms of evils? whether the earth, changed by the rotting of some marsh, gave him life like worms, like mice? or whether these lineaments of body and face received their form from the hand of some moulder and craftsman? Can he, I say,

Editors' notes and page, col. 820

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scire in medio haec posita, atque in sensibus constituta communibus, quibus causis mergamur in somnos, quibus evigilemus, quibus modis fiant insomnia, quibus visa? immo, quod ambigit in Theaeteto Plato, vigilemus aliquando, an ipsum vigilare, quod dicitur, somni sit perpetui portio? et quid agere videamur, insomnium cum videre nos dicimus? radiorum et luminis intentione videamus, an rerum imagines advolent, et nostris in pupulis sidant? utrum sapor in rebus sit, an palati contagionibus fiat? quibus ex causis pili nigrorem ingenitum ponant, neque omnes pariter, sed paulatim adjiciendo canescant? quid sit quod humores

know these things that lie in the open and are set within the common senses: from what causes we are sunk into sleep, from what we awake, in what ways dreams come about, in what ways visions? nay rather, what Plato doubts in the Theaetetus: whether we are ever awake, or whether the very being awake, as it is called, is a portion of perpetual sleep? and what we seem to be doing when we say that we see a dream? whether we see by the straining of rays and of light, or whether the images of things fly to us and settle in our pupils? whether flavour is in things, or comes about by the contacts of the palate? from what causes hairs lay aside their inborn blackness, and do not all grow white together, but gradually, by additions? what it is that, while the liquids

Editors' notes and page, col. 821

Footnotes

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right. The page-foot image begins below the top of the commentary in both columns: the first lines of each column are not in the image (the top line of each is cut through); marked […].] (—) (continued) · lemma begun on page 412 (Atque oris acceperint formam)

(continued) […] Firmicus, l. III, c. 15: Faciet enim, qui sic lunam habuerit, in templis sordide manere; et qui aliquid velint, quasi a diis dictum hominibus nuntiare; et saepius. HERALD. — Salmas., in ed. Lugd. Bat., leg. acceperit. ORELL.

(—) ‹anchor: Quod ambigit in Theaeteto Plato› · lemma, no call printed Quod ambigit in Theaeteto Plato. Locus Platonis, ad quem respicit Arnobius, legitur in Theaetet., p. 158, t. I, ed. Henr. Steph. (p. 82, vol. II, ed. Bip.). ORELL.

"What Plato doubts in the Theaetetus." The passage of Plato that Arnobius has in view is read in the Theaetetus, p. 158, vol. 1, Henri Estienne's edition (p. 82, vol. 2, Bipontine edition). Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Radiorum et luminis intentione videamus› · lemma, no call printed Radiorum et luminis intentione videamus, etc. Variabant enimvero ea de re philosophorum sententiae, quas A. Gellius (Noct. Att., l. V, c. 16) perspicue his verbis explicat: Stoici causas videndi has esse dicunt, radiorum ex oculis in ea, quae videri queunt, emissionem, aerisque simul intentionem. Epicurus autem affluere semper ex omnibus corporibus simulacra quaedam corporum ipsorum, eaque se in oculos inferre, atque ita fieri sensum putat. Plato existimat, genus quoddam ignis lucisque de oculis exire; idque conjunctum continuatumque cum luce solis, vel cum alterius ignis lumine sua vi et externa nixum efficere, ut quaecumque offenderit illustraveritque cernamus. Conf. Plutarch., de Placit. philos., l. IV, c. 13; Laert., l. I, § 157 et VIII, 28; Lucret., l. IV, v. 46 seqq.; Macrob., Sat., l. VII, c. 14. NOURR., p. 527, seq.

"Whether we see by the stretching out of rays and light," etc. The opinions of the philosophers on this matter did indeed vary; Aulus Gellius (Attic Nights, Book 5, ch. 16) sets them out clearly in these words: "The Stoics say that the causes of seeing are the emission of rays from the eyes onto the things that can be seen, together with a tension of the air. Epicurus thinks that certain images of the bodies themselves flow continually from all bodies and enter the eyes, and that so sensation arises. Plato holds that a kind of fire and light goes out from the eyes, and that this, joined and made continuous with the light of the sun or with the light of some other fire, and resting on its own and the external force, makes us see whatever it has met and lit up." Compare Plutarch, On the Opinions of the Philosophers, Book 4, ch. 13; Diogenes Laertius, Book 1, § 157 and 8, 28; Lucretius, Book 4, lines 46 ff.; Macrobius, Saturnalia, Book 7, ch. 14. Le Nourry, p. 527 f.

(—) ‹anchor: Utrum sapor in rebus sit› · lemma, no call printed Utrum sapor in rebus sit, etc. Conf. Plutarch., de Placit. philos., IV, cap. 18; Lucret., lib. IV, vers. 626, et II, 398. NOURR.

"Whether flavour is in things," etc. Compare Plutarch, On the Opinions of the Philosophers IV, ch. 18; Lucretius, Book 4, line 626, and 2, 398. Le Nourry.

(—) ‹anchor: Et nostris in pupulis sidant› · lemma, no call printed Et nostris in pupulis sidant. Lucretius, III, vers. 409, seq.: Ut lacerato oculo circum, si pupula mansit / Incolumis, stat cernendi vivata potestas. HERALD. Lexicon Graecolat. vetus: Pupula, ὀφθαλμοῦ κόρη. Papias: Pupula....pupilla, principale. Cic., de Nat. deor. II, c. 57: Acies ipsa, qua cernimus, quae pupula vocatur, ita parva est, ut ea, quae nocere possent, facile vitet. Ubi vide intpp.. ELMENH. — Conf. Oudend., ad Apulei., Met. III, p. 215. ORELL.

"And settle in our pupils." Lucretius III, lines 409 f.: "As, when the eye is torn all round, if the pupil has stayed / unharmed, the living power of seeing remains." Heraldus. An old Greek-Latin lexicon: "Pupula: the pupil of the eye." Papias: "Pupula ... pupilla, the chief part." Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods II, ch. 57: "The very point of sight by which we see, which is called the pupil, is so small that it easily avoids things that could harm it." See the commentators there. Elmenhorst. — Compare Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses 3, p. 215. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Quibus ex causis pili nigrorem ingenitum ponant› · lemma, no call printed Quibus ex causis pili nigrorem ingenitum ponant, etc. Hanc quaestionem solvere conatur Alexander Aphrodisiensis, Problem. 1, 2 et 3. ORELL.

"For what causes hairs lose their inborn blackness," etc. Alexander of Aphrodisias tries to solve this question, Problems 1, 2 and 3. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Solum oleum respuat› · lemma, no call printed Solum oleum respuat, etc. Vide Plutarch., lib. VII, Sympos., quaest. 10, et lib. VII, quaest. 3. NOURR. p. 528.

"Rejects oil alone," etc. See Plutarch, Table Talk, Book 7, question 10, and Book 7, question 3. Le Nourry, p. 528.

(—) ‹anchor: Sed in suam naturam impenetrabilem semper perspicue colligatur› · lemma, no call printed Sed in suam naturam impenetrabilem semper perspicue colligatur. Legendum puto: Sed in sua natura impenetrabile semper perspicuum colligatur; id est: (continues in the right column)

"But is always visibly gathered into its own impenetrable nature." I think one should read: "But in its own nature, impenetrable, it is always visibly gathered"; that is: (continues in the right column)

(—) (continued from left column; top lines of the right column not in the image) […] esse narratur. Cic. Tusc. I, c. 26: Ergo animus, qui, ut ego dico, divinus est, ut Euripides audet dicere, Deus. (ubi vid. Davis.) Idem ap. Macrob. in Somn. Scip., lib. II, c. 12: Mens cujusque is est quisque..... Deum te igitur scito esse, siquidem est Deus, qui viget, qui sentit, qui meminit; et Dionysius Cato in notissimo illo disticho: Si Deus est animus, nobis ut carmina dicunt, / Hic tibi praecipue sit pura mente colendus. Quod male intellexerunt interpretes animus tamquam praedicatum ad verbum Deus referentes. Quin contra est subjectum, et construendum: Si animus est Deus. Vide Gisb. Cuper., qui de hoc dogmate multus est in Obss, lib. II, cap. 17, pag 249, ed. Lips. ORELL.

[…] is said to be. Cicero, Tusculans I, ch. 26: "Therefore the soul, which, as I say, is divine, is, as Euripides dares to say, God" (see Davies there). The same in Macrobius on the Dream of Scipio, Book 2, ch. 12: "Each man's mind is that man ... Know then that you are a god, since he is a god who has vigour, who feels, who remembers"; and Dionysius Cato in that very well-known couplet: "If God is mind, as the poems tell us, / let him be worshipped by you above all with a pure mind." The interpreters have misunderstood this, taking animus as a predicate referred to the word Deus. On the contrary, it is the subject, and the construction is: "If mind is God." See Gisbert Cuper, who has much on this doctrine in his Observationes, Book 2, ch. 17, p. 249, Leipzig edition. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Cur in aegris aeger sit, in infantibus stolidus› · lemma, no call printed Cur in aegris aeger sit, in infantibus stolidus, in senectute defessus. Vide Lucret., III, vers. 446—470. HERALD.

"Why in the sick it is sick, in infants dull, in old age worn out." See Lucretius III, lines 446–470. Heraldus.

(—) ‹anchor: In senectute defessus delira et fatua et insana› · lemma, no call printed In senectute defessus delira et fatua et insana. Existimant aliquid hic deesse. Et sane perturbata atque interrupta videtur oratio. Pendet tamen a superioribus, quos ita caecos et superbos nescio quae res protulit et concinnavit invidia, ut, cum nihil sciamus omnino, fallamus nos tamen et in opinionem scientiae subinflati pectoris tumore tollamur. Recte deinde sequitur: Delira et fatua et insana quorum infirmitas, etc. Sed paulo longius hyperbaton intercessit ad praecedentium probationem. HERALD. — Atqui minime mutanda interpunctio, neque, ut Meursius putat, deest aliquid: delira, fatua, insana sunt ablativi et pendent a senectute. Si quid tamen mutandum, malim equidem sequi emendationem N. Heinsii in Adversariis, lib III, cap. 16, pag. 530: Deliret et fatue et insane. ORELL.

"In old age worn out, doting and foolish and mad." They think something is missing here. And indeed the sentence seems disordered and broken off. Yet it depends on what precedes: "whom, so blind and proud, some thing or other produced and envy put together, so that, though we know nothing at all, we still deceive ourselves and are lifted into a notion of knowledge by the swelling of a somewhat puffed-up heart." Then there rightly follows: "doting and foolish and mad, whose weakness," etc. But a rather long hyperbaton has come in to prove the preceding points. Heraldus. — Yet the punctuation should by no means be changed, nor, as Meursius thinks, is anything missing: delira, fatua, insana are ablatives and depend on senectute. If anything is to be changed, I would rather follow the emendation of N. Heinsius in his Adversaria, Book 3, ch. 16, p. 530: "it dotes, foolishly and madly." Orelli.

(VIII) ‹anchor: Et quoniam ridere nostram fidem consuestis› · lemma, no call printed VIII. — Et quoniam ridere nostram fidem consuestis. Ethnici ridebant christianos ut nimium credulos in Deum, accusabantque illos, quasi rationem fidei vel reddere vel accipere nollent, sed simpliciter saltem credere. Julianus Imperat. apud Gregor. Nazianz.: Στηλιτευτικῷ, et pag. 296: Ἡμέτεροι, φησὶν, οἱ λόγοι καὶ τὸ ἑλληνίζειν, ὧν καὶ τὸ σέβειν θεούς. ὑμῶν δὲ ἡ ἀλογία, καὶ ἡ ἀγροικία, καὶ οὐδὲν ὑπὲρ τὸ, Πίστευσον, τῆς ὑμετέρας ἐστὶ σοφίας. Demoliuntur hanc invidiam calumniosam, et procul eam a christianis esse ostendunt rationibus firmissimis Origenes contra Celsum, lib. I, pag. 9 et 10; Theodoret., serm. 1, de fide, contra Graecos, pag. 12 et 13; Augustin., tom. VI, ad Honoratum, de utilitate credendi; Euseb., Praeparat. evangel., lib. I. ELMENH.

VIII. — "And since you are accustomed to laugh at our faith." The pagans laughed at the Christians as too credulous towards God, and accused them of being unwilling either to give or to receive a reason for their faith, but only simply to believe. The Emperor Julian, in Gregory Nazianzen's Invective, p. 296: "Ours, he says, are reason and Greek learning, to which belongs also the worship of the gods; yours are unreason and boorishness, and nothing beyond 'Believe!' belongs to your wisdom." Origen against Celsus, Book 1, pp. 9 and 10; Theodoret, Discourse 1, On Faith, against the Greeks, pp. 12 and 13; Augustine, vol. 6, to Honoratus, On the Usefulness of Believing; and Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, Book 1, demolish this slanderous odium and show by the firmest reasons that it is far from the Christians. Elmenhorst.

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PL 5:822

universi unum corpus efficiant mixtione, solum oleum respuat immersionem in se pati, sed in suam naturam impenetrabilem semper perspicue colligatur? Ipse denique animus, qui immortalis a vobis et Deus esse narratur, cur in aegris aeger sit, in infantibus stolidus, in senectute defessus, delira et fatua et insana? Quorum infirmitas et inscientia miserabilis hoc magis est, quod cum fieri possit ut veri aliquid aliquando dicamus, et hoc ipsum nobis incertum sit, an veri aliquid dixerimus.

all make one body by mixture, oil alone refuses to suffer immersion in itself, but is always gathered, clearly seen, into its own impenetrable nature? Lastly, the soul itself, which you declare to be immortal and God, why is it sick in the sick, dull in infants, worn out in old age, doting, silly and insane? Whose weakness and ignorance is the more pitiable in this, that though it may happen that we sometimes say something true, even this is uncertain to us, whether we have said something true.

VIII. Et quoniam ridere nostram fidem consuestis, atque ipsam credulitatem facetiis jocularibus lancinatis,

VIII. And since you are accustomed to laugh at our faith, and to tear our very credulity to pieces with jesting witticisms,

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PL 5:823

dicite, o festivi, et meraco sapientiae tincti et saturi potu, estne operis in vita negotiosum aliquod atque actuosum genus, quod non fide praeeunte suscipiant, sumant, atque aggrediantur actores? Peregrinamini, navigatis: non domum vos credentes peractis negotiationibus remeaturos? terram ferro scinditis, atque oppletis seminum varietate: non credentes vos frugem percepturos esse vicibus temporariis? conjugalia copulatis consortia: non futura esse credentes casta, et officiosi foederis in maritos? liberorum suscipitis prolem: non incolumen credentes fore, et per gradus aetatis venturam senectutis ad metas? aegritudines corporum medicorum committitis manibus: non credentes morbos posse mitigata asperitate leniri? bella cum hostibus geritis: non victoriam vos credentes praeliorum successionibus relaturos? veneramini deos, et colitis: non credentes illos esse, et propitias aures vestris supplicationibus accommodare?

tell me, O witty men, dipped and sated with the unmixed draught of wisdom, is there in life any busy and active kind of work which the doers do not undertake, take up, and enter upon with faith going before? You travel abroad, you sail: is it not because you believe that when your business is finished you will return home? You cleave the earth with iron, and fill it with a variety of seeds: is it not because you believe that you will gather fruit in the seasonal changes? You join together alliances of marriage: is it not because you believe that they will be chaste, and of a dutiful bond towards husbands? You undertake the offspring of children: is it not because you believe that they will be safe, and will come through the steps of age to the goals of old age? You entrust the sicknesses of bodies to the hands of physicians: is it not because you believe that diseases can be relieved with their harshness mitigated? You wage wars with enemies: is it not because you believe that you will carry off victory by the successes of battles? You venerate and worship the gods: is it not because you believe that they exist, and lend propitious ears to your supplications?

IX. Quid illa de rebus ab humana cognitione sepositis, quae conscribitis ipsi, quae lectitatis, oculata

IX. What of those things concerning matters set apart from human knowledge, which you yourselves write, which you read and re-read: have you seen them with ocular

Editors' notes and page, col. 823

Footnotes

[Lectiones variantes. The calls are not in the image; the column given is that under which the note is printed. The top line of the image cuts through notes (a) and (c); marked […] where not legible.] (printed under page 414)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 823 (by position)

Autoribus Ms.

"Autoribus" (in the manuscript).

(printed under page 414)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 823 (by position)

Igne minatur mundum Fulv.

"Igne minatur mundum" (threatens the world with fire). Fulvius Ursinus.

(printed under page 414) (IX) ‹anchor: Qui cunctorum originem esse dicit ignem› · lemma, no call printed IX. — Qui cunctorum originem esse dicit ignem, aut aquam, non Thaleti, etc. De his diversis philosophorum opinationibus videndi Sext. Empiric. adversus Mathematicos, p. 304 et 305 (ed. H. Steph.). Chalcidius, in Platonis Timaeum; Diog. Laert., lib. I, Tertullian. adversus Marcion.; Lactant., Inst., lib. I, cap. 5; Minucius Felix Octav., cap. 19; Plutarch., de Placit. philosophorum, lib. I; Cic., lib. IV. Academ. Quaest., lib. II, cap. 37, et ibi Davis. Eusebius, de Praeparatione evangelica, lib. I, cap. 5, lib. V, cap. 13. Hermias in irrisione philosophorum gentilium; Justin. Martyr, in cohortatione ad Graecos, p. 3 et 5. Theodoret. contra Graecos, serm. IV, de materia et mundo. Nemesius περὶ φύσεως ἀνθρώπου, cap. 5. ELMENH.

IX. — "He who says fire or water is the origin of all things — not Thales?" etc. On these various opinions of the philosophers see Sextus Empiricus, Against the Mathematicians, pp. 304 and 305 (H. Estienne's edition); Chalcidius on Plato's Timaeus; Diogenes Laertius, Book 1; Tertullian, Against Marcion; Lactantius, Institutes, Book 1, ch. 5; Minucius Felix, Octavius, ch. 19; Plutarch, On the Opinions of the Philosophers, Book 1; Cicero, Academic Questions Book 4 [i.e.] Book 2, ch. 37, and Davies there; Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, Book 1, ch. 5, Book 5, ch. 13; Hermias, Mockery of the Pagan Philosophers; Justin Martyr, Exhortation to the Greeks, pp. 3 and 5; Theodoret, Against the Greeks, Discourse 4, On Matter and the World; Nemesius, On the Nature of Man, ch. 5. Elmenhorst.

(—) ‹anchor: Qui causam in numeris ponit, non Pythagorae Samio› · lemma, no call printed Qui causam in numeris ponit, non Pythagorae Samio, non Archytae. Cic. Academ., II, 37: Pythagorei ex numeris et mathematicorum initiis (id est, punctis et lineis) proficisci volunt omnia. Ubi vide quos laudat Davis. ORELL.

"He who places the cause in numbers — not Pythagoras of Samos, not Archytas?" Cicero, Academics II, 37: "The Pythagoreans hold that all things proceed from numbers and from the first principles of the mathematicians" (that is, points and lines). See there the writers Davies cites. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Qui animam dividit› · lemma, no call printed Qui animam dividit. Scilicet in rationalem et irrationalem. Theodoretus (Serm. V, de Nat. hom., tom. IV, p. 546): Πλάτων καὶ Πυθαγόρας τὸ μὲν λογικὸν αὐτῆς ἄφθαρτον εἶναι, φθαρτὸν δὲ τὸ ἄλογον. NOURR., p. 530. — Nimirum in duas partes, alteram rationis participem, alteram rationis expertem. Vide Cic. Tusc., disp. II, cap. 20, et ibi Davis. Alii Platonici diviserunt in tres partes, rationabilitatem, irascentiam et cupidinem. Vid. Apul., de Habit. doctrinae Platon., lib. II, p. 14, ed. Elmenh., et quos laudat Davis., ad Cic. Tusc., I, 10. ORELL.

"He who divides the soul." Namely into rational and irrational. Theodoret (Discourse 5, On the Nature of Man, vol. 4, p. 546): "Plato and Pythagoras [say] that its rational part is incorruptible and the irrational corruptible." Le Nourry, p. 530. — That is, into two parts, one sharing in reason, the other without reason. See Cicero, Tusculan Disputations II, ch. 20, and Davies there. Other Platonists divided it into three parts: reason, temper and desire. See Apuleius, On the Doctrine of Plato, Book 2, p. 14, Elmenhorst's edition, and the writers Davies cites on Cicero, Tusculans I, 10. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Qui quintum elementum principalibus applicat causis, non Aristoteli› · lemma, no call printed Qui quintum elementum principalibus applicat causis, non Aristoteli, etc. Ἐντελέχειαν, scilicet quasi quamdam continuatam motionem et perennem, ut expl. Cic., Tusc. I, 10, ubi vid. Camerar. et Davis. Cf. Ernest. Clav., Cic. et Tertullian. de Anima, cap. 30. ORELL.

"He who adds a fifth element to the first causes — not Aristotle?" etc. Entelechy, that is, "a kind of continuous and perpetual motion," as Cicero explains, Tusculans I, 10; see Camerarius and Davies there. Compare Ernesti, Clavis Ciceroniana, and Tertullian, On the Soul, ch. 30. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Qui ignem minatur mundo..... non Panaetio› · lemma, no call printed Qui ignem minatur mundo..... non Panaetio, Chrysippo Zenoni. Vide Cic., de Nat. deor., II, 49; Theodoret., contra Graecos, sermo V, de Natura hominis; Justin. Martyr., Apolog. II, pro Christianis. ORELL.

"He who threatens the world with fire ... — not Panaetius, Chrysippus, Zeno?" See Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods II, 49; Theodoret, Against the Greeks, Discourse 5, On the Nature of Man; Justin Martyr, Second Apology for the Christians. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Archesilao› · lemma, no call printed Archesilao. Ed. Lugd. Bat., Archesilae. Conf. Grot. ad Marcian. Capell., lib. II, p. 46. Hic est ille quem ignorantiae magistrum vocat Lactantius et quem Cicero omnem funditus philosophiam ait sustulisse ἀκαταληψίᾳ sua. ORELL.

"Arcesilaus." The Leiden edition has Archesilae. Compare Grotius on Martianus Capella, Book 2, p. 46. This is the man whom Lactantius calls the master of ignorance and whom Cicero says abolished all philosophy root and branch with his doctrine that nothing can be grasped. Orelli.

(printed under page 414) (X) ‹anchor: Ipsi denique principes› · lemma, no call printed X. — Ipsi denique principes. Cod. ms. Ipsi demus, unde Herald. in Curis secundis contra Salmas. leg. conj. Ipsi demum ORELL.

X. — "Finally the leaders themselves." The manuscript has Ipsi demus, whence Heraldus, in his Second Thoughts against Salmasius, conjectures one should read Ipsi demum ("the leaders themselves at last"). Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Nonne ipsa ea› · lemma, no call printed Nonne ipsa ea. Ita Gelenius. Editio Rom. Nonne apud ea, etc.; unde Meursius fecit Nonne aut ea, etc. ORELL.

"Are not those very things." So Gelenius. The Roman edition has Nonne apud ea, etc.; from which Meursius made Nonne aut ea, etc. Orelli.

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vidistis inspectione, et manibus tractata tenuistis? Nonne vestrum quicumque est, huic, vel illi credit auctori? non quod sibi persuaserit quis verum dici ab altero, velut quadam fidei astipulatione tutatur? Qui cunctorum originem esse dicit ignem aut aquam, non Thaleti aut Heraclito credit? qui causam in numeris ponit, non Pythagorae Samio, non Archytae? qui animam dividit, et incorporales constituit formas, non Platoni Socratico? qui quintum elementum principalibus applicat causis, non Aristoteli Peripateticorum patri? qui ignem minatur mundo, et venerit cum tempus, arsurum, non Panaetio, Chrysippo, Zenoni? qui individuis corporibus mundos semper fabricatur et destruit, non Epicuro, Democrito, Metrodoro? qui nihil ab homine comprehendi, atque omnia caecis obscuritatibus involuta, non Archesilao, Carneadi? non alicui denique Academiae veteris, recentiorisque cultori?

inspection, and held them handled with your hands? Does not whosoever there is of you believe this or that authority? Does not each one defend as though by a kind of stipulation of faith that which he has persuaded himself is truly said by another? He who says that the origin of all things is fire or water—does he not believe Thales or Heraclitus? He who places the cause in numbers—does he not believe Pythagoras the Samian, does he not believe Archytas? He who divides the soul, and establishes incorporeal forms—does he not believe Socratic Plato? He who applies a fifth element to the principal causes—does he not believe Aristotle, the father of the Peripatetics? He who threatens the world with fire, and says that when the time shall have come it will burn—does he not believe Panaetius, Chrysippus, and Zeno? He who out of indivisible bodies is always fashioning and destroying worlds—does he not believe Epicurus, Democritus, and Metrodorus? He who says that nothing is comprehended by man, and that all things are wrapped in blind obscurities—does he not believe Arcesilaus and Carneades? in fine, some votary of the Old and of the Newer Academy?

X. Ipsi denique principes, et praedictarum patres sectarum, nonne ipsa ea quae dicunt, suis credita suspicionibus dicunt? Vidit enim Heraclitus res

X. Finally, do not the very leaders and fathers of the aforesaid sects speak those very things which they say as believed upon their own conjectures? For did Heraclitus see things

Editors' notes and page, col. 824

Footnotes

[…] Recentiorisve: Stewech.

[…] "Recentiorisve" (or of a more recent one): Stewech.

(printed under page 414)

(d) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 824 (by position)

Sententiarum Sab.

"Sententiarum" (of opinions). Sabaeus.

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right.] (—) ‹anchor: Lancinare› · lemma, no call printed Lancinare. Supra, lib. I, c. 36: Isis furva maerens perditum filium, et membratim conjugem lancinatum. Vide de hoc verbo (quo usi etiam Catullus et Sallustius) Stewech., in Apulei. Metam. IV, pag. 298, ed. Oudendorp. ORELL.

"To tear to pieces." Above, Book 1, ch. 36: "Isis, dark-clad, mourning her lost son and her husband torn limb from limb." On this word (used also by Catullus and Sallust) see Stewech on Apuleius, Metamorphoses 4, p. 298, Oudendorp's edition. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Meraco sapientiae tincti› · lemma, no call printed Meraco sapientiae tincti. Meracum scilicet vinum. Sic Horat. II, epist. II, vers. 137: Expulit elleboro morbum, bilemque meraco. NOURR., p. 558. — Meracus, a, um, antique pro merus, purus. Vide Lauremberg., Antiquar., hoc verbo. ORELL.

"Dyed in the neat wine of wisdom." Meracum, that is, unmixed wine. So Horace, Epistles II, 2, line 137: "He drove out the disease and the bile with neat hellebore." Le Nourry, p. 558. — Meracus, -a, -um, an old form for merus, pure. See Lauremberg, Antiquarius, at this word. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Suscipiant, sumant atque aggrediantur actores? Peregrinamini› · lemma, no call printed Suscipiant, sumant atque aggrediantur actores? Peregrinamini. Ita Meursius et editor Lugd. Bat. cod. ms. aggrediantur: An terris peregrinamini. Scriverius, ap. Meurs., in Append. a choris peregrinamini. Herald. suspicatur legendum: An temere peregrinamini ex simillimo loco Eusebii Praeparat. evangel., lib. I: Καὶ πλεῖ τις αὖθις εἰς ἄδηλον, οὐδ' ἄλλην προβεβλημένος τῆς σωτηρίας ἄγκυραν, ἢ μόνην τὴν πίστιν, καὶ τὴν ἀγαθὴν ἐλπίδα. Fulv. Ursin. legit ......suspiciamus, sumamus atque aggrediamur? An terris, etc. Sed praefero omnibus illis conjecturis emendationem Salmasii. An pro actores legendum sit auctores, dubitare se affirmat Wasse ad Sallust., Cat., III, p. 34, ed Haverc. ORELL.

"Should the agents undertake, take up and set about? You are wandering abroad." So Meursius and the Leiden editor. The manuscript: "should they set about? Or are you wandering in the lands?" Scriverius, in Meursius's Appendix: "you wander away from the choirs." Heraldus suspects one should read "Or are you wandering at random," from a very similar passage of Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, Book 1: "And a man sails again into the unknown, having cast out no other anchor of safety than faith alone and good hope." Fulvius Ursinus reads: "...should we undertake, take up and set about? Or in the lands," etc. But I prefer Salmasius's emendation to all those conjectures. Wasse, on Sallust, Catiline 3, p. 34, Havercamp's edition, says he doubts whether auctores should be read for actores. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Conjugalia consortia› · lemma, no call printed Conjugalia consortia. Eleganter. Nuptiae enim (ut Modestinus ait Leg. I Digest. de ritu nuptiarum) conjunctio maris et foeminae, et consortium omnis vitae, divini et humani juris communicatio. Dionys. Halic., lib. II, Antiq. Rom., p. 95: Γυναῖκα γαμετὴν κατὰ νόμους ἱεροὺς συνελθοῦσαν ἀνδρὶ, κοινωνὸν ἁπάντων εἶναι χρημάτων τε καὶ ἱερῶν. ELMENH.

"Conjugal partnerships." Elegantly put. For marriage (as Modestinus says, Digest, law 1, On the rite of marriage) is "the union of male and female, a partnership in all of life, a sharing of divine and human law." Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, Book 2, p. 95: "that a wedded wife, joined to her husband according to sacred laws, is partner in all his goods and sacred rites." Elmenhorst.

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ignium conversionibus fieri? concretione aquarum Thales? Pythagoras numero exire? incorporales formas Plato? individuorum Democritus concursiones? aut illi, qui autumant nihil posse omnino comprehendi, an sit verum quod dicunt, sciunt: aut ipsum, quod definiunt, veritatis esse intelligunt pronuntiatum? Cum igitur comperti nihil habeatis et cogniti, omniaque illa, quae scribitis, et librorum comprehenditis millibus, credulitate asseveratis duce: quaenam haec est judicatio tam injusta, ut nostram derideatis fidem, quam vos habere conspicitis nostra in credulitate communem? Sed sapientibus vos viris omnibus instructis disciplinarum generibus creditis? nempe illis, qui nihil sciscunt, nec pronuntiant unum; qui pro suis sententiis bella cum adversantibus conserunt, et pervicacia semper digladiantur hostili; qui cum alter alterius labefactant, destruunt, convelluntque decreta, cuncta incerta fecerunt, nec posse aliquid sciri ex ipsa dissensione monstrarunt.

come to pass by the transformations of fires? Thales, by the condensation of waters? Pythagoras, issue forth from number? Plato, incorporeal forms? Democritus, the clashings together of indivisible atoms? Or do those who affirm that nothing at all can be comprehended know whether what they say is true, or understand that the very thing which they define is an utterance of truth? Since therefore you have nothing ascertained and known, and assert under the guidance of belief all those things which you write and comprise in thousands of books: what judgement is this so unjust, that you mock at our faith, which you see that you hold in common with our belief? "Yet you believe wise men furnished with all kinds of disciplines?" Those, forsooth, who know nothing, nor pronounce one and the same thing; who join battles with their opponents for their own opinions, and are always crossing swords with hostile stubbornness; who, while they shake, destroy, and pluck up one another's decrees, have made all things uncertain, and from their very disagreement have shown that nothing can be known!

XI. Sed officiant haec nihil, nihilque impediant; plurimum quo minus eis credere atque auscultare debeatis. Et quid est, quod in hac parte, aut vos plurimum habeatis, aut nos minus? Vos Platoni, vos Cronio, vos Numenio, vel cui libuerit creditis: nos credimus, et acquiescimus Christo. Iniquitas haec quanta est, ut cum utrique auctoribus stemus, sitque

XI. Yet let these things do no harm, and let them hinder nothing at all why you ought the less to believe and listen to them: what is there whereby in this respect either you have very much, or we less? You believe Plato, you believe Cronius, you believe Numenius, or whomsoever you please: we believe and rest in Christ. How great is this unfairness, that when both of us stand upon authorities, and

Editors' notes and page, col. 825

Footnotes

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right.] (—) ‹anchor: Pythagoras numero exire› · lemma, no call printed Pythagoras numero exire. Recepi in textum emendationem palmariam J. Fr. Gronovii prolatam in Epistola ad Salmas., 289, in Sylloge Epist. Burmann., tom. II, p. 529. Antea legebatur: Pythagoras numeros scivit? quod falsissimum; omnino enim numeros sciebat Pythagoras, sed non numeris exire mundum. Herald.: numeros coire. Meursius: numeros scitne? Ed. Lugd. Bat.: numeros ire. Sed unice verum numero exire scil. res. ORELL.

"Pythagoras, that it comes out of number." I have taken into the text the prize emendation of J. Fr. Gronovius, put forward in his Letter to Salmasius, 289, in Burmann's Sylloge Epistolarum, vol. 2, p. 529. Before, the reading was "Pythagoras knew numbers?", which is quite false: Pythagoras certainly knew numbers, but not that the world comes out of numbers. Heraldus: numeros coire. Meursius: numeros scitne? The Leiden edition: numeros ire. But the only true reading is numero exire, namely things. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Nostra in credulitate communem› · lemma, no call printed Nostra in credulitate communem. Stewech. leg. censet; nostra cum credulitate. Sed valde placet conjectura Heraldi in Curis secundis legentis vestra in credulitate, id est cum omnia illa credatis, habetis fidem communem nobiscum. ORELL.

"Common in our credulity." Stewech thinks one should read "with our credulity." But Heraldus's conjecture in his Second Thoughts pleases me greatly, reading "in your credulity," that is, since you believe all those things, you have faith in common with us. Orelli.

(printed under page 415) (XI) ‹anchor: Sed officiant haec nihil nihilque impediant› · lemma, no call printed XI. — Sed officiant haec nihil nihilque impediant. Haec est emendatio verissima Jo. Meursii merito ab editore Lugd. Bat. in textum recepta. Codex ms. habet: Sed efficiant haec nihilque impediant, vitiose et sine sensu. Gelenius edidit: Sed facessant haec nihilque impediant. Heraldus conj.: Sed efficiant haec nihil, nihilque impediant: nihil efficiant explicans frustra sint, effectu careant (Vide C. Barth., Adversar., lib. XXVIII, cap. 9, et Ruhnken., ad Rutil. Lup., lib. II p. 120). Quam tamen conjecturam ipse Heraldus retractat in Curis secundis. ORELL.

XI. — "But let these things hinder nothing and obstruct nothing." This is the very true emendation of Jo. Meursius, rightly taken into the text by the Leiden editor. The manuscript has "But let these things effect and obstruct nothing," faultily and without sense. Gelenius printed "But let these things be gone and obstruct nothing." Heraldus conjectures "But let these things effect nothing and obstruct nothing," explaining "effect nothing" as "be in vain, be without effect" (see C. Barth, Adversaria, Book 28, ch. 9, and Ruhnken on Rutilius Lupus, Book 2, p. 120). Yet Heraldus himself retracts this conjecture in his Second Thoughts. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Vos Platoni, vos Cronio, vos Numenio› · lemma, no call printed Vos Platoni, vos Cronio, vos Numenio. Sic edidi cum editore Lugduno-Batavo ex emendatione Fulv. Ursini. Codex ms. habet Crotonio, cujus apud veteres nulla mentio. Defendit tamen Hug. Grotius ad Marcian. Capell., lib. VI, p. 209, putans esse Κροτώνειος gentile a Κρότων, teste Stephano, et innui ab Arnobio Pythagoram. Cronius autem Philosophus Platonicus, familiaris Numenii, memoratur ab Eusebio, Hist. eccles., lib. VI, cap. 19. Gelenius (quem secuti plerique editores) ita mutavit: vos Platoni, vos Plotino, vos Numenio, et hos tres conjungit etiam Theodoretus, serm. II, de Principiis, p. 33: Αὐτίκα τοίνυν τὴν Πλάτωνος διάνοιαν ἀναπτύσσοντες καὶ ὁ Πλωτῖνος καὶ Νουμήνιος. Plotinus princeps Neoplatonicorum, notissimus e vita a Porphyrio discipulo scripta. Th. Canterus leg. censet Protomo sive Prothomo, cujus meminit Apuleius, de Deo Socratis. Meursius, p. 53, legendum censet Stratoni citans Augustinum de Civ. Dei, lib. VI, cap. 10; Scriverius, apud eumdem Meursium Cratoni. Numenius Apameensis Syrus, philosophus platonicus et pythagoricus, variis scriptis nobilitatus, ex quibus plura fragmenta exstant apud Eusebium de Praeparatione evangelica, lib. XI et XIII. Cf. Suidas, et Hesych. Miles. in ejus vita. ORELL.

"You [believe] Plato, you Cronius, you Numenius." So I have printed with the Leiden editor, from the emendation of Fulvius Ursinus. The manuscript has Crotonio, of whom there is no mention among the ancients. Yet Hugo Grotius, on Martianus Capella, Book 6, p. 209, defends it, thinking it is Krotoneios, the ethnic adjective from Kroton, on the witness of Stephanus, and that Arnobius alludes to Pythagoras. Cronius, a Platonist philosopher and friend of Numenius, is mentioned by Eusebius, Church History, Book 6, ch. 19. Gelenius (whom most editors followed) changed it thus: "you Plato, you Plotinus, you Numenius"; and Theodoret too joins these three, Discourse 2, On First Principles, p. 33: "Thus, unfolding Plato's thought, both Plotinus and Numenius." Plotinus, chief of the Neoplatonists, is very well known from the life written by his disciple Porphyry. Theodore Canter thinks one should read Protomo or Prothomo, whom Apuleius mentions in On the God of Socrates. Meursius, p. 53, thinks one should read Stratoni, citing Augustine, City of God, Book 6, ch. 10; Scriverius, in the same Meursius, Cratoni. Numenius of Apamea, a Syrian, a Platonist and Pythagorean philosopher, renowned for various writings, of which many fragments survive in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, Books 11 and 13. Compare the Suda and Hesychius of Miletus in his life. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ut cum utrique auctoribus stemus› · lemma, no call printed Ut cum utrique auctoribus stemus. Haec est sagacissima emendatio Gelenii. Cod. ms. et ed. rom.: ut cum utrisque auctoribus tempus, inepte et nullo sensu. ORELL.

"That when both of us stand by authorities." This is Gelenius's most shrewd emendation. The manuscript and the Roman edition: ut cum utrisque auctoribus tempus, absurdly and with no sense. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Vobis velitis dari, quod ita ab illis dicitur, accipere› · lemma, no call printed Vobis velitis dari, quod ita ab illis dicitur, accipere, vos ea, quae proferuntur a Christo, audire et spectare nolitis. Stewech conj.: vobis velitis dari, quidquid ab illis dicatur, arripere nos ea; quae proferuntur a Christo audire et spectare nolitis. Equidem propius ad verba Arnobii legendum censeo: Vobis velitis dari, quod ab illis dicatur, accipere nos; ea quae proferuntur a Christo, audire et spectare nolitis, Certe v. ita importunum hoc loco et plane delendum. ORELL.

"You wish it granted to you to accept what is so said by them, but you are unwilling to hear and look at what is put forward by Christ." Stewech conjectures: "you wish it granted to you that we seize whatever is said by them; what is put forward by Christ you are unwilling to hear and look at." For my part I think one should read, closer to Arnobius's words: "You wish it granted to you that we accept what is said by them; what is put forward by Christ you are unwilling to hear and look at." Certainly the word ita is out of place here and should simply be deleted. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Et judicare fideliter› · lemma, no call printed Et judicare fideliter. Nove fideliter dixit pro eo, quod est fidenter et audacter. Prudentius quoque fidelis pro credibili et fide digno usurpavit περὶ Στεφάνων, hymno 10: Haec si quis amens fabulosa existimat, / Vel ipse tute si parum fidelia / Rebare pridem, vera cognoscas licet. MEURS., p. 54.

"And to judge faithfully." He has said fideliter in a new sense, for "confidently and boldly." Prudentius too used fidelis for "credible and worthy of belief," On the Crowns, hymn 10: "If any madman thinks these things fabulous, / or if you yourself long thought them hardly credible, / you may know them to be true." Meursius, p. 54.

(—) ‹anchor: Fervunculum› · lemma, no call printed Fervunculum. Ita editor Ludg. Bat., ut videtur, ex ms. cod. fervunculus a fervore. vid. Fl. Caper de Verbis dubiis pag. 2248, in Collectione Putschii. Alii legunt furunculum, quod idem est. Furunculus est tuberculum acutum cum inflatione et dolore. Cels., lib. V, cap. ult. (Nostrum Aisse.) ORELL.

"A boil (fervunculus)." So the Leiden editor, apparently from the manuscript: fervunculus, from fervor, heat. See Flavius Caper, On Doubtful Words, p. 2248, in Putsch's collection. Others read furunculum, which is the same. "A furuncle is a pointed swelling with inflammation and pain," Celsus, Book 5, last chapter. (Our German Aisse.) Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Compositionibus fluere levigatis› · lemma, no call printed Compositionibus fluere levigatis. Levigare..... laevem et aequum facere, glatt machen, verebnen, glatten. Vide Oudendorp., in Apuleii. Met. lib. II, pag. 236. ORELL.

"To flow in smoothed compositions." Levigare ... to make smooth and even; German glatt machen, verebnen, glätten. See Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, Book 2, p. 236. Orelli.

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nobis et vobis unum et socium credere: vobis velitis dari, quod ita ab illis dicatur, accipere; vos ea, quae proferuntur a Christo, audire et spectare nolitis? Atqui si causas causis, partes partibus voluerimus aequare: magis nos valemus ostendere quid in Christo fuerimus secuti, quam in philosophis quid vos. Ac nos quidem in illo secuti haec sumus: opera illa magnifica, potentissimasque virtutes, quas variis edidit exhibuitque miraculis, quibus quivis posset ad necessitatem credulitatis adduci, et judicare fideliter, non esse quae fierent hominis, sed divinae alicujus atque incognitae potestatis. Vos in philosophis virtutes secuti quas estis, ut magis vos illis quam nos Christo oportuerit credere? Quisnamne illorum aliquando verbo uno potuit, aut unius imperii jussione: non dicam maris insanias, aut tempestatum furores prohibere, compescere: non caecis restituere lumina aut sine luminibus natis dare: non ad vitam revocare defunctos: non annosas dissolvere passiones: sed quod levissimum multo est, fervunculum, scabiem, aut inhaerentem spinulam callo una interdictione sanare? Non quo illos negemus, aut morum integritate laudabiles, aut non omni genere studiorum et disciplinarum peritos: nam et verbis eos luculentissimis scimus loqui et compositionibus fluere levigatis; concludere acutissime syllogismos; ordinare

believing is one and common both to us and to you, you wish it to be granted to you to receive what is thus said by them, while you are unwilling to hear and look at those things which are brought forward by Christ! And yet if we are willing to match causes with causes, and sides with sides, we are better able to show what we have followed in Christ, than you what you have followed in the philosophers. And we indeed in Him have followed these things: those magnificent works and most mighty powers which He wrought and displayed in various miracles, whereby anyone might be led to the necessity of belief, and judge confidently that the things which were done were not of man, but of some divine and unknown power. What powers have you followed in the philosophers, that it behoved you to believe them rather than us to believe Christ? Could any one of them ever by a single word, or by the command of a single bidding—I will not say check and restrain the ragings of the sea or the furies of tempests, not restore sight to the blind or give it to those born without sight, not recall the dead to life, not loose afflictions of many years' standing—but, what is much the slightest thing, heal a boil, the itch, or a little thorn sticking in the hard skin by a single prohibition? Not that we deny that they are either praiseworthy for integrity of morals, or skilled in every kind of studies and disciplines: for we know both that they speak in most brilliant words and flow in smooth-polished compositions; that they conclude syllogisms most acutely; that they arrange

Editors' notes and page, col. 826

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sequaciter inductiones suas; reddere definitionibus formulas, partiri, dividere: multa dicere de numerorum generibus: multa de musicis: geometricas res etiam suis scitis et praeceptionibus explicare. Sed quid istud ad causam? Numquid enthymemata, syllogismi, resque aliae similes scire illos veritatem spondent; aut ea re digni sunt, quibus necessario debeat rebus de obscurissimis credi? Personarum contentio non est eloquentiae viribus, sed gestorum operum virtute pendenda. Ille non est dicendus auctor bonus, qui sermonem candidule prompsit: sed qui, quod pollicetur, divinorum operum prosequitur sponsione.

his inferences in sequence; to render formulas for definitions, to partition, to divide; to say much about the kinds of numbers, much about music; to explain geometrical matters too with their own tenets and precepts. But what has this to do with the case? Do enthymemes, syllogisms and other like things guarantee that those men know the truth; or are they on that account worthy to be believed of necessity on the most obscure matters? A contest of persons is to be weighed not by the strength of eloquence but by the power of works done. He is not to be called a good authority who has brought out a speech with a little elegance, but he who carries through what he promises with the pledge of divine works.

XII. Argumenta vos nobis, et suspicionum argutias profertis: quibus ipse si Christus, cum pace hoc ejus, et cum venia dixerim, populorum in conventu uteretur: quis acquiesceret, quis audiret, quis eum promitteret aperte aliquid judicare? aut quis cassa et nuda jactantem, quamvis esset imprudens, et facilitatis

XII. You bring forward against us arguments and the subtleties of suspicions: if Christ Himself (be it said with His peace and with His pardon) had used these in the assembly of the peoples, who would have acquiesced, who would have listened, who would have vouched that He was openly judging anything? or who, though he were imprudent and of a facility

Editors' notes and page, col. 827

Footnotes

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right. The page-foot image begins below the top of the commentary: the opening of the left column (start of a note carried over from page 415) is not in the image, and its first visible line and the first line of the right column are cut through; marked […].] (—) (continued) · note begun above the image (on page 415's last lemma or at the head of this page's commentary)

(continued) […] restituerat lumina, is efficere, si deberet, non poterat caecos? ubi male rescribi volebant liberet. HERALD. — Ita Petron., Satir., cap. 33, extr., Hic nescio quid boni debet esse, id est, necesse est ut sit, oportet. Ubi vid. Sciopp. et Burmann. ORELL.

(—) ‹anchor: Ordinare sequaciter inductiones suas› · lemma, no call printed Ordinare sequaciter inductiones suas. Id est, ita ordinare, ut alia inductio ex alia sequatur, ut nos dicimus consequent. Vid. Savaro ad Sidon., lib. VII, epist. 17 pag. 477. ORELL.

"To arrange their inductions in sequence." That is, to arrange them so that one induction follows from another, as we say "consequent." See Savaron on Sidonius, Book 7, Letter 17, p. 477. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Qui sermonem candidule prompsit› · lemma, no call printed Qui sermonem candidule prompsit. Annon legendum callidule cum Heraldo in Curis secundis? Nam in proxime antecedentibus de syllogismis, enthymematibus, etc., sermo est, quibus callide utebantur veteres philosophi ad fucum faciendum auditoribus eorumque assensum extorquendum contra veritatem. Ita noster infra cap. 68, ejusdem libri dicit fraus callidula. ORELL.

"Who brought out his speech rather candidly." Should we not read callidule ("rather cunningly") with Heraldus in his Second Thoughts? For just before, the talk is of syllogisms, enthymemes, etc., which the old philosophers used cunningly to deceive their hearers and wring their assent against the truth. So our author below, ch. 68 of the same book, says "a cunning little fraud." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Sponsione› · lemma, no call printed Sponsione. Meursius conj. responsione. Male. ORELL.

"By a pledge." Meursius conjectures responsione ("by an answer"). Wrongly. Orelli.

(printed under page 416) (XII) ‹anchor: Quis eum promitteret› · lemma, no call printed XII. — Quis eum promitteret, etc. Alii permitteret, male. Promittere idem quod spondere. Paulo ante: Syllogismi resque aliae similes scire illos veritatem spondent. Juvenalis: Promittunt atrocem animum. / Durae per pectora setae. HERALD.

XII. — "Who would promise that he," etc. Others read permitteret, wrongly. Promittere is the same as spondere. A little before: "Syllogisms and other like things pledge that they know the truth." Juvenal: "The stiff bristles on their chests / promise a fierce spirit." Heraldus.

(—) ‹anchor: Quis eum promitteret aperte aliquid judicare› · lemma, no call printed Quis eum promitteret aperte aliquid judicare. Legend. indicare, ut conjecit Meursius astipulante J. Davisio ad Caesar. de B. G. VI, 42, p. 339, ed. Oudend. ORELL.

"Who would promise that he would judge anything openly?" One should read indicare ("declare"), as Meursius conjectured, with the support of J. Davies on Caesar, Gallic War VI, 42, p. 339, Oudendorp's edition. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Facilitatis stolidae› · lemma, no call printed Facilitatis stolidae. Ita Gelenius correxit, quem secuti caeteri editores omnes. Antea legebatur solidae, quod defendit Priorius neque prorsus videtur rejiciendum. Facilitas solida scil. est plena credulitas, et quae tanta est, ut ei adjici possit nihil. Nostrum stock-dumm, stock-einfaltig, facilitas stolida idem quod stulta credulitas. ORELL.

"Of stolid easiness." So Gelenius corrected, whom all the other editors followed. Before, the reading was solidae, which Priorius defends, and it seems not wholly to be rejected: facilitas solida is, namely, complete credulity, and so great that nothing can be added to it. Our German stockdumm, stockeinfältig; facilitas stolida is the same as foolish credulity. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ea subdidit› · lemma, no call printed Ea subdidit. Gelen. eas, male. Ea scil. vis rerum, etc. ORELL.

"It subjected." Gelenius has eas, wrongly. Ea, namely the force of things, etc. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Quae in India gesta sunt› · lemma, no call printed Quae in India gesta sunt. Ubi doctrina Evangelii propagata dicitur per Pantaenum, anno post Christum circiter 196. Vide Euseb., Hist. eccl., lib. V, c. 10, et Hieronymi Catalog. Scriptor. ecclesiast., cap. 36. India autem hoc loco est Aethiopia supra Aegyptum. ORELL.

"What was done in India." Where the teaching of the Gospel is said to have been spread by Pantaenus, about the year 196 after Christ. See Eusebius, Church History, Book 5, ch. 10, and Jerome, Catalogue of Church Writers, ch. 36. India here is Ethiopia above Egypt. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: In Arabia› · lemma, no call printed In Arabia. Vide Euseb., Hist. eccles., lib. VI, c. 19. ORELL.

"In Arabia." See Eusebius, Church History, Book 6, ch. 19. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: In insulis et provinciis omnibus› · lemma, no call printed In insulis et provinciis omnibus. Conferend. cum nostro Tertullian., lib. I, adv. Judaeos, c. 7: Christi regnum ubique porrigitur, ab omnibus gentibus supra […] Mauros, Getulos, Romanos) colitur, ubique regnum, ubique adoratur. Idem Apologet., c. 37: Hesterni sumus, et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa, tribus, decurias, palatium, senatum, forum. Sola vobis relinquimus templa. Ubi vid. Havercamp, pag. 311. Cf. Irenaeus, I, 3. ORELL.

"In the islands and in all the provinces." To be compared with our Tertullian, Against the Jews, Book 1, ch. 7: "The kingdom of Christ stretches everywhere; by all the nations above […] Moors, Gaetulians, Romans) he is worshipped; everywhere he reigns, everywhere he is adored." The same, Apology, ch. 37: "We are but of yesterday, and we have filled all that is yours: cities, islands, forts, towns, meeting places, the very camps, tribes, decuries, the palace, the senate, the forum. We leave you only the temples." See Havercamp there, p. 311. Compare Irenaeus I, 3. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: In qua cum homines sint› · lemma, no call printed In qua cum homines sint. Stewechius pro sint mavult essent et putat, sint ortum esse e compendio scripturae hominESsent male intellecto. Sed bene habet tempus praesens: nam eo ipso tempore, quo haec scripsit Arnobius, Roma plena erat deorum cultoribus. ORELL.

"In which, though there are men." For sint Stewech prefers essent, and thinks sint arose from a misunderstood abbreviation in the writing hominESsent. But the present tense is right: for at the very time when Arnobius wrote this, Rome was full of worshippers of the gods. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Numae regis artibus› · lemma, no call printed Numae regis artibus. Stewech. legendum conj. ritibus probante Heraldo. ORELL.

"By the arts of King Numa." Stewech conjectures one should read ritibus ("rites"), with Heraldus approving. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Res patrias› · lemma, no call printed Res patrias. Herald. legend. putat ritus patrios. Sed intelligendi non tantum ritus et sacra publica, verum et multa alia, imprimis negotia fori, quibus valedicebant religionem christianam amplectentes. ORELL.

"Ancestral things." Heraldus thinks one should read "ancestral rites." But not only the public rites and sacred ceremonies are to be understood, but many other things as well, above all the business of the forum, to which those embracing the Christian religion bade farewell. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Viderant enim currum Simonis Magi› · lemma, no call printed Viderant enim currum Simonis Magi, etc. Scimus quidem, hoc miraculum ab aliquibus aut vocari in dubium, aut penitus negari. Etenim haec historia a Pseudepigraphis, ut aiunt, libris, hoc est procul dubio, Constitutionibus apostolicis (lib. VI, c. 9), desumpta, varie a variis scriptoribus narratur. Deinde vero Romae valde incerta fuit fama illius miraculi, ac de illo Justinus martyr. Irenaeus aliique antiquissimi scriptores penitus siluerunt. Litteris autem consignaverunt hoc factum Cyrillus Hierosolym. (Catech. 6, pag. 54); Ambrosius (lib. IV Hexaem., cap. 8, § 33); Augustinus (de Haeres., cap. 6); Isidorus Pelusiota (lib. I, Epist. 13); Theodoretus (lib. I Haeret. fabul., cap. 13), et Maximus Taurinensis (homil. V in Natal. SS. Petri et Pauli). NOURR. p. 299. — Item Augustinus, de SS. Petro et Paulo, serm. III, tom. X, fol. 268; Hegesippus, lib. III, cap. 2; Epiphanius, lib. I, adv. haereses, p. 31; Abdias, de vitis Apostolorum, lib. I. ELMENH. — Add. Sulpic. Sever., Hist. sacr., lib. II, cap. 42. ORELL.

"For they had seen the chariot of Simon Magus," etc. We know indeed that this miracle is by some either called into doubt or flatly denied. For this story, taken from the pseudepigraphal books, as they say, that is beyond doubt from the Apostolic Constitutions (Book 6, ch. 9), is told in various ways by various writers. Further, at Rome the report of that miracle was very uncertain, and Justin Martyr, Irenaeus and the other most ancient writers were wholly silent about it. But the deed was set down in writing by Cyril of Jerusalem (Catechesis 6, p. 54); Ambrose (Hexaemeron Book 4, ch. 8, § 33); Augustine (On Heresies, ch. 6); Isidore of Pelusium (Book 1, Letter 13); Theodoret (Compendium of Heretical Fables, Book 1, ch. 13); and Maximus of Turin (Homily 5, on the Feast of Saints Peter and Paul). Le Nourry, p. 299. — Also Augustine, On Saints Peter and Paul, Sermon 3, vol. 10, fol. 268; Hegesippus, Book 3, ch. 2; Epiphanius, Against Heresies, Book 1, p. 31; Abdias, Lives of the Apostles, Book 1. Elmenhorst. — Add Sulpicius Severus, Sacred History, Book 2, ch. 42. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Et quadrigas igneas Petri ore difflatas, et nominato Christo evanuisse› · lemma, no call printed Et quadrigas igneas Petri ore difflatas, et nominato Christo evanuisse. Joan. Schefferus, in opere suo de Re vehiculari veterum, lib. II, cap. 34, legendum concipit: sed nominato Christo, etc.; sed accipiens pro et quidem, vel quin potius (auctoris se corrigentis). De quo eleganti hujus particulae usu adeundi P. Burmann. ad Petron., cap. 128, et Schwabe ad Phaedri, lib. IV, fab. 17, vers. 19, pag. 265. Sic noster infra, lib. VI, cap. 12: Cum pileo Vulcanus (continues)

"And that the fiery four-horse chariot, blown away by Peter's mouth, vanished when Christ was named." Johann Scheffer, in his work On the Vehicles of the Ancients, Book 2, ch. 34, proposes reading "but when Christ was named," etc., taking sed for "and indeed" or "nay rather" (of an author correcting himself). On this elegant use of the particle consult P. Burmann on Petronius, ch. 128, and Schwabe on Phaedrus, Book 4, Fable 17, line 19, p. 265. So our author below, Book 6, ch. 12: "Vulcan with his cap (continues)

(printed under page 416)

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old-edition numerals: (none)
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other: the word facilitatis was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 828
running head: 827 ARNOBII ADVERSUS GENTES 828
marginal letters: A beside ‹nare sequaciter inductiones suas› (between columns, line 1); B beside ‹et cum venia dixerim, populorum in conventu ute-›
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stolidae, sequeretur? Virtutes sub oculis positae, et inaudita illa vis rerum, vel quae ab ipso fiebat palam, vel ab ejus praeconibus celebrabatur in orbe toto: eas subdidit appetitionum flammas, et ad unius credulitatis assensum mente una concurrere gentes et populos fecit, et moribus dissimillimas nationes. Enumerari enim possunt, atque in usum computationis venire ea, quae in India gesta sunt, apud Seras, Persas, et Medos; in Arabia, Aegypto; in Asia, Syria; apud Galatas, Parthos, Phrygas; in Achaia, Macedonia, Epizo; in insulis et provinciis omnibus, quas sol oriens, atque occidens lustrat; ipsam denique apud dominam Romam, in qua cum homines sint Numae regis artibus, atque antiquis superstitionibus occupati, non distulerunt tamen res patrias relinquere, et veritati coalescere christianae. Viderant enim currum Simonis magi, et quadrigas igneas Petri ore difflatas, et nominato Christo evanuisse. Viderant, inquam, fidentem diis falsis, et

stupid, would follow one boasting empty and bare things? Mighty works set before the eyes, and that unheard-of power of things, whether that which was done openly by Him or that which was celebrated by His heralds in the whole world: these subdued the flames of the appetites, and made peoples and nations, and races most unlike in their customs, run together with one mind to the assent of one belief. For the things can be enumerated and brought into the reckoning which were done in India, among the Seres, Persians and Medes; in Arabia, Egypt; in Asia, Syria; among the Galatians, Parthians, Phrygians; in Achaia, Macedonia, Epirus; in all the islands and provinces which the rising and the setting sun surveys; finally in sovereign Rome herself, in which, though the men are taken up with the arts of King Numa and with ancient superstitions, they nevertheless did not delay to leave their ancestral ways and to grow into one with the Christian truth. For they had seen the chariot of Simon Magus, and the fiery four-horse car, blown away by Peter's mouth, vanish when Christ was named. They had seen, I say, him trusting in false gods, and

Editors' notes and page, col. 828

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ab eisdem metuentibus proditum, pondere praecipitatum suo, cruribus jacuisse perfractis; post deinde perlatum Brundam, cruciatibus, et pudore defessum, ex altissimis culminis se rursum praecipitasse fastigio. Quae omnia vos gesta neque scitis, neque scire voluistis, neque umquam vobis necessaria judicastis; ac dum vestris fiditis cordibus, et quod typhus est sapientiam vocatis, dedistis circumscriptoribus locum, illis inquam noxiis, quorum nomen interest obsolefieri Christianum, superfundendi caligines, atque obscurandi res tantas, eripiendae vobis fidei, subjiciendique contemptus: ut quia sibi praesentiunt finem pro meritis imminere, vobis quoque immitterent causam, per quam periculum adire possetis, et viduari benignitate divina.

betrayed by those same gods in their fear, cast down headlong by his own weight, lie with his legs broken in pieces; and afterwards, carried to Brunda, worn out with torments and shame, cast himself down headlong again from the lofty summit of a roof. All which deeds you neither know, nor have wished to know, nor have ever judged necessary for yourselves; and while you trust in your own hearts, and call that wisdom which is vanity (typhos), you have given place to deceivers—to those noxious beings, I say, whose interest it is that the Christian name should grow obsolete—to pour darkness over you, and to obscure matters so great, to snatch away faith from you, and to suggest contempt: so that, because they forebode that an end according to their deserts is impending for themselves, they might send upon you also a cause whereby you might run into danger and be bereft of the divine benignity.

XIII. Interea tamen, o isti, qui admiramini, qui stupetis doctorum et philosophiae scita: ita non injustissimum ducitis inequitare, illudere tamquam stulta nobis et bruta dicentibus: cum vel ea, vel talia reperiamini et vos dicere, quae nobis dici pronuntiarique ridetis? Nec mihi cum his sermo est, qui per varia sectarum diverticula dissipati, has atque

XIII. Meanwhile, however, O you who admire, who stand aghast at the ordinances of the learned and of philosophy: do you not count it most unjust thus to ride roughshod over us, and to mock at us as though speaking foolish and brutish things, when you also are found to say either those very things, or things of such a sort, as you laugh at when said and pronounced by us? Nor is my discourse with those who, scattered through the various byways of sects, have made these

Editors' notes and page, col. 829

Footnotes

[Lectiones variantes. The call is not in the image; the column given is that under which the note is printed.] (printed under page 417)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 829 (by position)

Acceperit Ms. male.

"Acceperit" in the manuscript, wrongly.

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right.] (—) (continued) · lemma begun on page 416 (Et quadrigas igneas Petri ore difflatas)

(continued) et malleo, manu liber, sed dextera, si lectio sana est; et ibid., cap. 14: Dionysius ille sed junior. ORELL.

(—) ‹anchor: Post deinde perlatum Brundam› · lemma, no call printed Post deinde perlatum Brundam. Brunda vel potius Brenda nomen poeticum Brundisii. Vide Fest. verbo Brundisium ibique intpp. Egesippus loco laudato Simonem Magum Ariciae decessisse scribit. At vero et hic diversam traditionem sequitur Arnobius. Meursius corrigit: Brendam. ORELL.

"Then afterwards carried to Brunda." Brunda, or rather Brenda, is a poetic name of Brundisium. See Festus at the word Brundisium and the commentators there. Hegesippus, in the passage cited, writes that Simon Magus died at Aricia. But here too Arnobius follows a different tradition. Meursius corrects: Brendam. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Superfundendi caligines› · lemma, no call printed Superfundendi caligines. Constructio est: Dedistis locum superfundendi caligines. ORELL.

"Of pouring darkness over." The construction is: "You gave room for pouring darkness over." Orelli.

(XIII) ‹anchor: Inequitare› · lemma, no call printed XIII. — Inequitare. Hoc verbo haud semel utitur Arnobius pro insectari et persequi. NOURRIUS. Sequens illudere delent alii male. ORELL.

XIII. — "To ride over." Arnobius uses this word more than once for "to assail and pursue." Le Nourry. Others delete the following illudere, wrongly. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Fecerunt› · lemma, no call printed Fecerunt. Ms. secerunt, quod defendit Stewech. tamquam praeteritum verbi antiqui seco, ere, idem quod secare, unde secus, pro sexu, seculum, secius, etc., derivanda videntur. Vid. Jo. Melleri Palmerii Spicilegia in Plaut., Milit. Glor. in Lamp. Crit. Gruteri, vol. IV, p. 676. Sed nihil mutandum. Partes facere, idem quod partes sectas constituere. ORELL.

"They made." The manuscript has secerunt, which Stewech defends as the perfect of an old verb seco, -ere, the same as secare (to cut), from which secus (for sex), seculum, secius, etc., seem to derive. See Jo. Mellerus Palmerius, Spicilegia on Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, in Gruter's Lampas Critica, vol. 4, p. 676. But nothing should be changed. Partes facere is the same as to form parties or sects. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Qui Mercurium ..... sectamini› · lemma, no call printed Qui Mercurium ..... sectamini. Mercurius est Hermes ille Trismegistus, sub cujus nomine varia scripta, verbi causa, Poemander et Asclepius (ab Apuleio versus), jam Arnobii aetate legebantur. ORELL.

"You who follow Mercury ..." Mercury is that Hermes Trismegistus under whose name various writings, for example the Poimandres and the Asclepius (translated by Apuleius), were already read in Arnobius's day. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Quid Plato vester in Theaeteto... nonne animo fugere suadet e terris› · lemma, no call printed Quid Plato vester in Theaeteto... nonne animo fugere suadet e terris. Locus Platonis legitur in Theaeteto, pag. 173, ed. H. Steph. (pag. 116, vol. II, ed. Bipontin.): Ἀλλὰ τῷ ὄντι τὸ σῶμα μόνον ἐν τῇ πόλει κεῖται αὐτοῦ (σοφοῦ) καὶ ἐπιδημεῖ. ἡ δὲ διάνοια ταῦτα πάντα ἡγησαμένη σμικρὰ καὶ οὐδὲν ἀτιμάσασα, πανταχῇ φέρεται, κατὰ Πίνδαρον, τά τε γᾶς ὑπένερθε καὶ τὰ ἐφύπερθεν γεωμετροῦσα, οὐρανοῦ τε ὕπερ ἀστρονομοῦσα, καὶ πᾶσαν πάντη φύσιν ἐρευνωμένη τῶν ὄντων ἑκάστου ὅλου, εἰς τε τῶν ἐγγὺς οὐδὲν αὑτὴν συγκαθιεῖσα. Similiter Macrobius, in somn. Scip., lib. I, c. 8: Secundae (virtutes), quas purgatorias vocant, hominis sunt, qui divini capax est; solumque animum ejus expediunt, qui decrevit se a corporis contagione purgare, et quadam humanorum fuga solis se inserere divinis. Ubi vid. Is. Pontan. ORELL.

"What of your Plato in the Theaetetus ... does he not urge us to flee from the earth in mind?" The passage of Plato is read in the Theaetetus, p. 173, H. Estienne's edition (p. 116, vol. 2, Bipontine edition): "But in truth only his (the wise man's) body lies and dwells in the city; his mind, thinking all these things small and of no account and despising them, is borne everywhere, as Pindar says, measuring the things beneath the earth and above it, studying the stars beyond the sky, and searching out every nature of the things that are, each as a whole, lowering itself to none of the things near at hand." Similarly Macrobius, on the Dream of Scipio, Book 1, ch. 8: "The second (virtues), which they call purgative, belong to the man who is capable of the divine; and they free the mind only of him who has resolved to purge himself of the contagion of the body and, by a kind of flight from human things, to place himself among divine things alone." See Is. Pontanus there. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Audetis ridere nos, quod mortuorum dicamus resurrectionem futuram› · lemma, no call printed Audetis ridere nos, quod mortuorum dicamus resurrectionem futuram. Solemne philosophis et gentilibus facetiis jocularibus christianos lancinare, quod carnis resurrectionem assererent. Caecilius apud Minucium: Ne hac furiosa opinione contenti, aniles fabulas adstruunt et annectunt, renasci se ferunt post mortem, et cineres et favillas, et nescio qua fiducia mendaciis suis invicem credunt: putes jam eos revixisse. Origen., contra Celsum, lib. I, p. 7: Καὶ μὲν νόηθεν τὸ περὶ τῆς ἀναστάσεως μυστήριον, θρυλλεῖται γελώμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἀπίστων. HERALD.

"You dare to laugh at us because we say there will be a resurrection of the dead." It was customary for philosophers and pagans to tear at the Christians with joking witticisms because they asserted the resurrection of the flesh. Caecilius in Minucius: "Not content with this mad opinion, they build up and attach old wives' tales: they say they are reborn after death, from ashes and embers, and with some confidence or other they believe one another's lies; you would think they had already come back to life." Origen, Against Celsus, Book 1, p. 7: "And the mystery of the resurrection, not being understood, is bandied about and laughed at by unbelievers." Heraldus.

(—) ‹anchor: Quam quidem nos dicere confitemur, sed a vobis aliter quam sentiamus, audiri› · lemma, no call printed Quam quidem nos dicere confitemur, sed a vobis aliter quam sentiamus, audiri. Hoc idcirco dicere videtur, quod existimavit, non eadem corpora resurgere, quae fuit aliorum nonnullorum sententia, ut Origenis, quam ipse explicat libro contra Celsum, V. Et hic Arnobius ita agit de resurrectione, ut de animorum immortalitate tantum disputare videatur, atque ad Marcionis sententiam resurrectionem corporum negantis aliquo modo accedere videtur, vel certe nihil certi nec constituti de doctrina ista adhuc habere; quod non eo dicimus, quasi Arnobium Marcionis sectatorem fuisse existimemus, sed ut observet lector, Arnobii errores esse errores hominis in fide christiana nondum satis instituti, et naturali ratione potius, quam πνευματικῇ doctrina subnixi. Varias autem veterum de resurrectione opiniones vide apud Athenagoram, Tertullianum, et alios. HERALD. — Audiri, hoc loco idem quod intelligi, ut saepius. ORELL.

"Which we do confess that we say, but it is heard by you otherwise than we mean." He seems to say this because he thought that the same bodies do not rise again, which was the opinion of some others, such as Origen, who sets it out himself in the fifth book Against Celsus. And here Arnobius treats the resurrection in such a way that he seems to argue only about the immortality of souls, and seems in some way to come near the opinion of Marcion, who denied the resurrection of bodies, or at least to hold as yet nothing certain or settled on that doctrine. We do not say this as though we thought Arnobius a follower of Marcion, but so that the reader may note that Arnobius's errors are the errors of a man not yet well instructed in the Christian faith, and relying on natural reason rather than on spiritual teaching. On the various opinions of the ancients about the resurrection see Athenagoras, Tertullian and others. Heraldus. — Audiri here is the same as intelligi ("to be understood"), as quite often. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Quid in Politico idem Plato?› · lemma, no call printed Quid in Politico idem Plato? etc. Locus Platonis legitur in Politico, p. 270, ed. H. Stephani (pag. 31 seq. vol. VI, ed. Bip.). ORELL.

"What does the same Plato say in the Statesman?" etc. The passage of Plato is read in the Statesman, p. 270, H. Estienne's edition (p. 31 f., vol. 6, Bipontine edition). Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Rursus erupturos homines› · lemma, no call printed Rursus erupturos homines. Stewech. legendum conjicit: rursus se erupturos, more antiquorum, Plauti, Terentii, etc., et eorum qui imitabantur antiquos, Apuleii, et Arnobii etiam. ORELL.

"That men will burst forth again." Stewech conjectures one should read "that they will burst forth again," after the manner of the ancients, Plautus, Terence, etc., and of those who imitated the ancients, Apuleius, and Arnobius too. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ad incunabula infantiae desituros› · lemma, no call printed Ad incunabula infantiae desituros. Proba lectio et non tentanda, desinere eleganter et δεικτικῶς de iis, quae sensim sensimque decrescunt, quae e magnis minora minimaque facta tandem prorsus evanescunt. Stewech. defituros; ed. Lugd. Bat., exituros. Male. ORELL.

"That they will end in the cradle of infancy." A sound reading and not to be tampered with: desinere is used elegantly and vividly of things that diminish little by little, which, from great becoming smaller and smallest, at last vanish altogether. Stewech has defituros; the Leiden edition exituros. Wrongly. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Quid enim sunt homines, nisi animae› · lemma, no call printed Quid enim sunt homines, nisi animae, etc. Marcion, Basilides, Origenes, quos hic sequitur Arnobius, distinguebant hominem in exteriorem et interiorem, atque interiorem, id est, animam, verum hominem (continues)

"For what are men but souls," etc. Marcion, Basilides and Origen, whom Arnobius follows here, distinguished man into outer and inner, and [called] the inner, that is, the soul, the true man (continues)

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illas partes opinionum diversitate fecerunt. Vos, vos appello, qui Mercurium, qui Platonem, Pythagoramque sectamini: vosque caeteros, qui estis unius mentis, et per easdem vias placitorum inceditis unitate. Audetis ridere nos, qui patrem rerum ac Deum veneramur et colimus; quodque illi dedamus et permittamus spes nostras? Quid Plato vester in Theaeteto, ut eum potissimum nominem, nonne animo fugere suadet e terris: et circa illum semper, quantum fieri potis est, cogitatione ac mente versari? Audetis ridere nos, quod mortuorum dicamus resurrectionem futuram? quam quidem nos dicere confitemur: sed a vobis aliter, quam sentiamus, audiri. Quid in Politico idem Plato? nonne cum mundus occoeperit ab occiduis partibus exoriri, et in cardinem vergere qui orientis est solis, rursus erupturos homines telluris e gremio scribit, senes, canos, decrepitos, et cum anni coeperint accedere longiores, per eosdem gradus, quibus hodie crescitur, ad incunabula infantiae desituros? Audetis ridere nos, quod animarum nostrarum provideamus saluti, id est ipsi nobis? Quid enim sumus homines, nisi animae corporibus

and those parties by diversity of opinions. You, you I call upon, who follow Mercury (Hermes Trismegistus), Plato, and Pythagoras, and you the rest who are of one mind, and walk through the same ways in unity of tenets! Do you dare to laugh at us, who venerate and worship the Father of things and God, and because we give up and entrust our hopes to Him? What says your Plato in the Theaetetus (176a-b), to name him above all—does he not persuade the soul to flee from the earth, and as far as is possible always to be occupied in thought and mind about Him? Do you dare to laugh at us, because we say that there will be a resurrection of the dead? which indeed we confess that we say, yet that it is understood by you otherwise than we think. What says the same Plato in the Statesman (Politicus 270c-271b)? Does he not write that when the world shall have begun to rise from the western parts, and to incline towards the quarter which is that of the rising sun, men will burst forth again out of the bosom of the earth—old men, grey-haired, decrepit—and when longer years shall have begun to come on, will descend by the same steps by which today growth takes place, down to the cradle of infancy? Do you dare to laugh at us, because we provide for the salvation of our souls—that is, for ourselves? For what are we men, save souls shut up

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clausae? Vos enim non omnes pro illarum geritis incolumitatibus curas, non quod vitiis omnibus, et cupiditatibus abstineatis: metus ille vos habet, ne velut trabalibus clavis affixi, corporibus haereatis. Quid illi sibi volunt secretarum artium ritus, quibus affamini nescio quas potestates, ut sint vobis placidae, neque ad sedes remeantibus patrias obstacula impeditionis opponant?

shut in? For not all of you take care for their safety by abstaining from all vices and desires: that fear holds you, lest, fixed as with beam-nails, you cling to your bodies. What do those rites of secret arts mean, by which you address I know not what powers, that they may be gentle to you and may not set obstacles of hindrance against you as you return to your ancestral seats?

XIV. Audetis ridere nos, cum gehennas dicimus, et inextinguibiles quosdam ignes, in quos animas dejici ab earum hostibus, inimicisque cognovimus? Quid? Plato idem vester in eo volumine, quod de animae immortalitate composuit, non Acherontem, non Stygem, non Cocytum fluvios, et Pyriphlegethontem nominat, in quibus animas asseverat volvi, mergi, exuri? Et homo prudentiae non pravae, et examinis judiciique perpensi rem inenodabilem suscipit: ut cum animas dicat immortales, perpetuas, et corporali soliditate privatas, puniri eas dicat tamen, et doloribus afficiat sensuum. Quis autem hominum non videt quod sit immortale, quod simplex, nullum

XIV. Do you dare to laugh at us when we speak of Gehennas, and of certain unquenchable fires into which we have learned that souls are cast by their foes and enemies? What? Does not that same Plato of yours, in the volume which he composed on the immortality of the soul, name the rivers Acheron, Styx, Cocytus and Pyriphlegethon, in which he asserts that souls are rolled, plunged and burned? And a man of no mean prudence, and of weighed examination and judgement, takes up a matter that cannot be untied: that while he calls souls immortal, everlasting and deprived of bodily solidity, he nevertheless says that they are punished, and afflicts them with pains of the senses. But who among men does not see that what is immortal, what is simple, can admit no

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[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right.] (—) (continued) · lemma begun on page 417 (Quid enim sunt homines, nisi animae)

(continued) proprie esse dicebant, contra quos disputat Tertullianus, libro de Resurrectione carnis, c. 40. HERALD.

(—) ‹anchor: Trabalibus clavis affixi› · lemma, no call printed Trabalibus clavis affixi. Clavi trabales, scil. quibus trabes aedium compingebantur, graves adeo et portentosae magnitudinis: hinc per Metaphoram de iis, quae immutabilia sunt, quae adeo evitare non licet. Horat., in notissimo illo loco, I, Od. 35, vers. 15, seqq.: Te semper anteit saeva Necessitas / Clavos trabales et cuneos manu / Gestans ahena. Ubi vid. Cruq. et Mitscherlich. Petron., c. 75: Nosti, quod semel destinavi, clavo trabali fixum est, ubi vid. intpp. ORELL.

"Fastened with beam-nails." Beam-nails, namely those with which the beams of buildings were fixed together, heavy and of portentous size; hence by metaphor of things that are unchangeable and so cannot be escaped. Horace, in that very well-known passage, Odes I, 35, lines 15 ff.: "Before you always goes cruel Necessity, / bearing beam-nails and wedges in her / brazen hand." See Cruquius and Mitscherlich there. Petronius, ch. 75: "You know: what I have once decided is fixed with a beam-nail"; see the commentators there. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Neque ad sedes remeantibus patrias obstacula impeditionis opponant› · lemma, no call printed Neque ad sedes remeantibus patrias obstacula impeditionis opponant. Existimabant enim, daemonas sive genios singulis hominibus in hanc lucem prodeuntibus quasi custodes et totius vitae moderatores dari; eosdemque custodias suas, quando hinc abeant, in judicium rapere; atque eorum testimonio ferri a judice sententiam. Haec erat Platonis sententia, quam in Phaedone proponit, et quam explicat Apuleius, libro de Deo Socratis. Cf. Augustin., lib. X, de Civit. Dei, cap. 9; Servius ad verba Virgilii, Quisque suos patimur manes (Aen. VI, 743): Quum nascimur, inquit, duos genios sortimur. Unus est, qui hortatur ad bona; alter, qui depravat ad mala. Quibus assistentibus post mortem aut asserimur in meliorem vitam; aut condemnamur in deteriorem: per quos aut vacationem meremur, aut reditum in corpora. Ergo manes genios dicit, quos cum vita sortimur. HERALD.

"Nor set obstacles of hindrance before those returning to their ancestral seats." For they thought that daemons or genii were given to each man as he comes forth into this light, as guardians and governors of his whole life; and that these same beings drag their charges to judgement when they depart hence, and that on their testimony sentence is passed by the judge. This was Plato's opinion, which he puts forward in the Phaedo and which Apuleius sets out in the book On the God of Socrates. Compare Augustine, City of God, Book 10, ch. 9; Servius on Virgil's words "Each of us suffers his own shades" (Aeneid 6, 743): "When we are born," he says, "we are allotted two genii. One urges us to good, the other perverts us to evil. With them standing by, after death we are either claimed for a better life or condemned to a worse; through them we earn either release or a return into bodies. So he calls manes the genii we are allotted with life." Heraldus.

(printed under page 418) (XIV) ‹anchor: Quid Plato idem vester in eo volumine, quod de animae immortalitate composuit› · lemma, no call printed XIV. — Quid Plato idem vester in eo volumine, quod de animae immortalitate composuit, non Acherontem etc. Vide Platon. Phaedon., p. 112—114, ed. H. Stephan. (p. 251—258, vol. I, ed. Bip.), et Euseb., in Praeparat. evangel., l. XIII, c. 7. ELMENH. — Conf. Grot., ad Mart. Capell., p. 57. ORELL.

XIV. — "What of your same Plato in the volume he composed on the immortality of the soul — [does he] not [name] Acheron," etc. See Plato, Phaedo, pp. 112–114, H. Estienne's edition (pp. 251–258, vol. 1, Bipontine edition), and Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, Book 13, ch. 7. Elmenhorst. — Compare Grotius on Martianus Capella, p. 57. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Rem inenodabilem suscipit› · lemma, no call printed Rem inenodabilem suscipit, etc. Animas igitur existimat, si sint materiae expertes, passione et doloribus corporalibus affici non posse, quae est ipsius quoque Tertulliani (Apologet., c. 48) et aliorum sententiae. Quare corporales animas (sed corporis tenuioris et spiritualis, πνευματικοῦ) existimavit cum Tertulliano Arnobius, qui eas arbitratus est pati. HERALD.

"He takes up an inextricable matter," etc. He thinks, then, that souls, if they are without matter, cannot be affected by suffering and bodily pains, which is the opinion of Tertullian himself (Apology, ch. 48) and of others. Therefore Arnobius, who judged that souls suffer, thought them corporeal with Tertullian (but of a finer and spiritual body). Heraldus.

(—) ‹anchor: Et doloribus afficiat sensuum› · lemma, no call printed Et doloribus afficiat sensuum. Ita Sabaeus. cod. ms. doloris affici sensu, scil. dicat, quod nescio qua causa mutavit editor Lugd. Bat. doloris afficiat sensu Elmenh. sensus acc. plur. ORELL.

"And afflicts with pains of the senses." So Sabaeus. The manuscript: "to be affected with a sense of pain," namely "he says," which for some reason the Leiden editor changed. Elmenhorst: doloris afficiat sensu. Sensus is accusative plural. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Condemnare› · lemma, no call printed Condemnare. Ms. Alii condemnari. ORELL.

"To condemn." The manuscript. Others: "to be condemned." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Jaciuntur enim› · lemma, no call printed Jaciuntur enim, etc. In eamdem sententiam Aeneas Gazaeus in Theophrasto, p. 52 (edit. Barth.): Οἱ δὲ κακοὶ εἰς Τάρταρον ἐμπεσόντες, ὅθεν οὔποτε ἐκβήσονται, αὐτοὶ μὲν οὐκέτι ὀνίνανται, παράδειγμα δὲ τῆς δίκης γενόμενοι, εἰς ἀεὶ κείσονται. ταῦτα γὰρ ἐν Φαίδωνι καὶ Γοργίᾳ Σωκράτης διϊσχυρίζετο. ORELL.

"For they are cast," etc. To the same effect Aeneas of Gaza in the Theophrastus, p. 52 (Barth's edition): "But the wicked, falling into Tartarus, from which they will never come out, are themselves no longer helped, but having become an example of justice they will lie there for ever. For this is what Socrates maintained in the Phaedo and the Gorgias." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Vanescunt› · lemma, no call printed Vanescunt. Stewech. leg. evanescunt. ORELL.

"They fade away." Stewech reads evanescunt. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Sunt enim mediae qualitatis, sicut Christo auctore compertum est› · lemma, no call printed Sunt enim mediae qualitatis, sicut Christo auctore compertum est, et interire quae possint. Haec valentinianismum olent, ut etiam alii adverterunt. Tertul., adv. Valent., c. 32: Et anima mortalis apud illos, nisi quae salutem fide invenerit. Quos itaque secutus Arnobius existimavit, impiorum animas mori, nec autem statim extingui, sed longissimi temporis cruciatibus et doloribus consumi. ELMENH. et HERALD.

"For they are of a middle quality, as has been learned on Christ's authority, and such as can perish." This smells of Valentinianism, as others too have noticed. Tertullian, Against the Valentinians, ch. 32: "And among them the soul is mortal, unless it has found salvation by faith." Following them, then, Arnobius thought that the souls of the impious die, yet are not extinguished at once but consumed by torments and pains over a very long time. Elmenhorst and Heraldus.

(—) ‹anchor: Si ad ejus se minas atque indulgentias applicarint› · lemma, no call printed Si ad ejus se minas atque indulgentias applicarint. Cod. ms. si ad ejus semina, nullo sensu: pro quo Gelenius se minas, alii se misericordiam, Herald. se munia. Sed optime habet minas, applicare se ad minas Dei, id est minas Dei, exitium, quod Deus minatur improbis, vereri. Bene itaque minae opponuntur indulgentiis. ORELL.

"If they apply themselves to his threats and indulgences." The manuscript has si ad ejus semina, with no sense; for which Gelenius has se minas, others se misericordiam, Heraldus se munia. But minas is best: to apply oneself to the threats of God, that is, to fear the threats of God, the destruction that God threatens to the wicked. So threats are fitly opposed to indulgences. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Animae nescientes Deum› · lemma, no call printed Animae nescientes Deum. Id est Deum ejusque clementiam scire vel experiri nolentes. Vide supra, ad lib. I, c. 17, verba: Hoc ergo dii magni norunt. ORELL.

"Souls not knowing God." That is, unwilling to know or experience God and his clemency. See above, on Book 1, ch. 17, the words: "This then the great gods know." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Igni fero› · lemma, no call printed Igni fero. Ignem ferum dicit Arnobius, quemadmodum vetus Latinus Bibliorum interpres feros fluctus, graece ἄγρια κύματα. Arnobius supra: Inextinguibiles ignes. Lib. IV, inextinguibiles gehennae flammas. Cypr. ad Demetrian., fol. 258: ardentem gehennam et vivaces flammas. Tertullian. Apologet., c. 48: jugem ignem Lactant., lib. VIII, c. 21: ignem sempiternum, etc. ELMENH.

"By wild fire." Arnobius says "wild fire," as the old Latin translator of the Bible says "wild waves," in Greek ἄγρια κύματα. Arnobius above: "unquenchable fires." Book 4: "the unquenchable flames of Gehenna." Cyprian, To Demetrian, fol. 258: "burning Gehenna and living flames." Tertullian, Apology, ch. 48: "perpetual fire." Lactantius, Book 8 [sic], ch. 21: "everlasting fire," etc. Elmenhorst.

(—) ‹anchor: In quem jacient illos quidam crudeliter saevi et ante Christum incogniti› · lemma, no call printed In quem jacient illos quidam crudeliter saevi et ante Christum incogniti, etc. Atqui jamdudum ante Christi tempora viguit in Judaeorum gente opinio de daemonibus corpora humana infestantibus malorumque in inferno tortoribus. Conf. imprimis Westen. ad Nov. Test., tom I, p. 279 et seqq. Similem Judaicorum (continues)

"Into which certain cruelly savage beings, unknown before Christ, will cast them," etc. Yet long before the times of Christ there flourished among the Jewish people the belief in demons that infest human bodies and torment the wicked in hell. Compare above all Wetstein on the New Testament, vol. 1, p. 279 ff. A similar [notion] of the Jewish (continues)

(printed under page 418)

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posse dolorem admittere? quod autem sentiat dolorem, immortalitatem habere non posse? Nec tamen ejus auctoritas plurimum a veritate declinat. Quamvis enim vir lenis, et benevolae voluntatis inhumanum esse crediderit, capitali animas sententia condemnari: non est tamen absone suspicatus jaci eas in flumina torrentia flammarum globis, et coenosis voraginibus tetra. Jaciuntur enim, et ad nihilum redactae, interitionis perpetuae frustratione vanescunt. Sunt enim mediae qualitatis, sicut Christo auctore compertum est, et interire quae possint, Deum si ignoraverint, vitae et ab exitio liberari, si ad ejus se minas, atque indulgentias applicarint. Et ut quod ignotum est pateat, haec est hominis mors vera, haec nihil residuum faciens. Nam illa, quae sub oculis cernitur, animarum est a corporibus dijugatio, non finis abolitionis extremus. Haec, inquam, est hominis mors vera, cum animae nescientes Deum per longissimi temporis cruciatum consumuntur igni ferro, in quem illas jacient quidam crudeliter saevi, et ante Christum incogniti, et ab solo sciente detecti.

pain? and that what feels pain cannot have immortality? And yet his authority does not swerve very far from the truth. For although, a gentle man and of kindly will, he believed it inhuman that souls should be condemned by capital sentence, yet he did not suspect unreasonably that they are cast into rivers rushing with balls of flame and foul with miry whirlpools. For they are cast in, and, reduced to nothing, they vanish in the frustration of perpetual destruction. For they are of a middle quality, as has been learned on Christ's authority, such as can perish if they have not known God, and can be set free for life and from destruction if they apply themselves to His threats and His indulgences. And that what is unknown may be made plain: this is the true death of man, this which leaves nothing remaining. For that which is seen before the eyes is the unyoking of souls from bodies, not the last end of annihilation. This, I say, is the true death of man, when souls not knowing God are consumed through a torment of the longest time by a savage fire, into which certain cruelly fierce beings will cast them, beings unknown before Christ and detected by Him alone who knew.

Editors' notes and page, col. 832

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running head: II ADVERSUS GENTES 832
marginal letters: A posse dolorem admittere?; B nitur, animarum est
old-edition numerals: (none)
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running head: 831 ARNOBII ADVERSUS GENTES 832
marginal letters: A ‹posse dolorem admittere›; B ‹nitur, animarum est a corporibus›
old-edition numerals: (none)
misprints kept as printed: ferro (for fero; the Commentarius lemma and the variant b read "Igni fero" / "Ignifero"; English follows fero)

PL 5:833

XV. Quare nihil est quod nos fallat, quod nobis polliceatur spes cassas, quod a novis quibusdam dicitur viris, et immoderata sui opinione sublatis, animas immortales esse, Deo rerum, ac principi gradu proximas dignitatis, genitore illo ac patre prolatas, divinas, sapientes, doctas, neque ulla corporis attrectatione contiguas: quod quia verum et certum est, et a perfecto sumus inemendabili perfectione prolati, inculpabiles, et ideo irreprehensibiles vivimus, boni, justi, et recti, vitiositatis nullius rei, nulla cupiditas nos vincit nulla libido dehonestat, virtutum omnium servamus atque integramus tenorem. Et quia uno ex fonte omnium nostrum defluunt animae, idcirco unum conveniensque sentimus: non moribus, non opinionibus discrepamus: Deum omnes novimus, nec quot in orbe sunt homines, sunt sententiae totidem, neque infinita varietate discretae.

XV. Wherefore there is nothing to deceive us, nothing to promise us empty hopes, in what is said by certain new men, lifted up by an immoderate opinion of themselves: that souls are immortal, next in degree of dignity to God, the Lord and Prince of things, brought forth by that Begetter and Father, divine, wise, learned, and not to be touched by any handling of body: and because this is true and certain, and we were brought forth by the Perfect One with a perfection that admits no amendment, we live blameless and therefore beyond reproach, good, just and upright, guilty of no viciousness; no desire conquers us, no lust disgraces us; we keep and maintain unbroken the course of all the virtues. And because the souls of all of us flow down from one source, therefore we think one and the same thing: we do not differ in morals, nor in opinions; we all know God, and there are not as many opinions as there are men in the world, nor are they divided by infinite variety.

XVI. At dum ad corpora labimur et properamus humana, ex mundanis circulis sequuntur nos causae, quibus mali simus, et pessimi, cupiditatibus atque iracundia ferveamus, exerceamus in flagitiis vitam,

XVI. But while we glide down and hasten towards human bodies, causes follow us from the circles of the world, by which we become bad and very bad, burn with desires and anger, spend our life in shameful deeds,

Editors' notes and page, col. 833

Footnotes

[Lectiones variantes. The image begins at the last variant line of each column; notes (a) and (c), if printed above, are not in the image. Calls not visible; the column given is that under which the note is printed.] (printed under page 419) (a) [not in the image] (printed under page 419)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 833 (by position)

Non sunt sententiae ms.

"Non sunt sententiae" (they are not opinions), in the manuscript.

(printed under page 419) (c) [not in the image] (printed under page 419) (XV) ‹anchor: Quod a novis quibusdam dicitur viris› · lemma, no call printed XV. — Quod a novis quibusdam dicitur viris. Haec est emendatio Gelenii, quam secuti caeteri editores omnes, excepto Salmasio legente: Quod nobis a quibusdam, etc., quod Gallandus etiam in textum recepit. At multo magis placet Fulv. Ursini conjectura legentis: A bonis quibusdam, etc., bonis scil. ironice, ut ap. Cic., de Off., II, 25: Optimi viri ad medium Janum sedentes, et Orat. pro Rosc. Amer., c. 8, optimus vir de T. Roscio, homine pessimo. ORELL.

XV. — "What is said by certain new men." This is Gelenius's emendation, which all the other editors followed except Salmasius, who reads "What [is said] to us by certain people," etc., which Galland too took into the text. But the conjecture of Fulvius Ursinus pleases much more, reading "by certain good men," etc., "good" being ironic, as in Cicero, On Duties II, 25: "the best of men sitting by the middle Janus," and the speech for Roscius of Ameria, ch. 8, "the best of men" of T. Roscius, a very bad man. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Neque ulla corporis attrectatione contiguas› · lemma, no call printed Neque ulla corporis attrectatione contiguas. Contiguas, id est, quae attrectari possunt, tangibiles, significatione prorsus insolita. Vid. Barth., ad Gratii Falisc. Cyneget., vers. 8. Lexica non agnoscunt hanc significationem. Eodem sensu incontiguus infra, lib. VII, c. 3: Omnique est incontiguus tactu. ORELL.

"Nor touchable by any handling of body." Contiguas, that is, which can be handled, tangible, in a wholly unusual sense. See Barth on Grattius Faliscus, Cynegetica, line 8. The lexicons do not recognize this sense. In the same sense incontiguus below, Book 7, ch. 3: "And it is untouchable by any touch." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Inculpabiles, et ideo irreprehensibiles vivimus› · lemma, no call printed Inculpabiles, et ideo irreprehensibiles vivimus, boni, justi, etc. Ironice haec intelligenda. ORELL.

"We live blameless, and therefore irreproachable, good, just," etc. To be understood ironically. Orelli.

(printed under page 419) (XVI) ‹anchor: At dum ad corpora labimur› · lemma, no call printed XVI. — At dum ad corpora labimur. Vide supra, ad lib. I, c. 29. ORELL.

XVI. — "But while we slip down into bodies." See above, on Book 1, ch. 29. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Quibus mali simus et pessimi, cupiditatibus atque iracundia ferveamus› · lemma, no call printed Quibus mali simus et pessimi, cupiditatibus atque iracundia ferveamus. Ita e Cod. ms. ed. Th. Canterus. Antea legebatur: et pessimis cupiditatibus, etc. Editor Lugd. Bat. quibus mali simus, non male, si esset fiamus, nam sequens ferveamus conjunctivum flagitat. ORELL.

"By which we are bad and very bad, and burn with desires and anger." So Theodore Canter edited from the manuscript. Before, the reading was "and with very bad desires," etc. The Leiden editor: quibus mali simus, not badly, if it were fiamus, for the following ferveamus demands the subjunctive. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: In libidinem... damnemur› · lemma, no call printed In libidinem... damnemur. Id est obligemur, destinemur fatalibus causis, damnari saepissime i. q. ad malum, infortunium aliquod destinari: Virgil., Aen. IV, vers. 699: ....... Stygioque caput damnaverat Orco; et Petron. satir., c. III: Quid proderit hoc tibi..... si antequam fata poscant, indemnatum spiritum (id est nondum morti destinatum) effuderis. Ubi vid. Burmann. ORELL.

"We are condemned ... to lust." That is, we are bound, destined by fatal causes; damnari very often means to be destined to evil, to some misfortune. Virgil, Aeneid 4, line 699: "... and had condemned her head to Stygian Orcus"; and Petronius, Satyricon, ch. 3 [i.e. 111]: "What good will this do you ... if before the fates demand it you pour out an uncondemned spirit" (that is, one not yet destined to death)? See Burmann there. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ab infirmioribus causis› · lemma, no call printed Ab infirmioribus causis. Fulv. Ursinus leg. conj. infimioribus, cujus comparativi e superlat. Infimus facti unum exemplum e latino barbaro interprete Irenaei, lib. II, cap. 14. Adducit Gesner., in Thesauro. ORELL.

"From weaker causes." Fulvius Ursinus conjectures one should read infimioribus, of which comparative, formed from the superlative infimus, Gesner in the Thesaurus adduces one example from the barbarous Latin translator of Irenaeus, Book 2, ch. 14. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Dehonestamenta› · lemma, no call printed Dehonestamenta. Glossae: dehonestamentum, αἰσχύνη. Gellius, lib. II, c. 27: Quo ille dehonestamento corporis maxime laetabatur. ELMENH.

"Disfigurements." The Glossaries: "dehonestamentum, shame." Gellius, Book 2, ch. 27: "In which disfigurement of his body he greatly rejoiced." Elmenhorst.

(—) ‹anchor: Vultis homines institutum superciliumque deponere› · lemma, no call printed Vultis homines institutum superciliumque deponere. Locus hic variis rationibus interpolatur. Mutandum tamen nihil. Institutum enim appellat Arnobius αὐθάδειαν, sive obstinationem σεμνοπρεπῆ. Sic Jul. Firmic., Mathes., lib. VIII, c. 6: Hoc sidere quicumque nati fuerint, aliud ex fronte pollicentur: aliud latenter in moribus celant. Sunt autem austera facie, prolixa barba, obstinata fronte, ita ut Catonis prorsus institutum imitari videantur. HERALD. — Fulv. Ursinus legendum conjicit fasti typhum superciliumque. Ed. Lugd. Bat. habet: istum typhum. Meursius: vultus homines isti (id est ὦ οὗτοι) typhum superciliumque deponere. Equidem nihil definio, cum nesciam quomodo habeat codex ms. ORELL.

"Men, will you lay aside your practice and haughty brow?" This passage is altered in various ways. Yet nothing should be changed. For by institutum Arnobius means self-will, or a solemn-faced obstinacy. So Julius Firmicus, Mathesis, Book 8, ch. 6: "Whoever are born under this star promise one thing with their face and hide another secretly in their character. They are stern of face, long-bearded, set of brow, so that they seem wholly to imitate the practice of Cato." Heraldus. — Fulvius Ursinus conjectures one should read "the conceit and brow of arrogance." The Leiden edition has "that conceit." Meursius: "will you, you men there (that is, O you), lay aside conceit and haughtiness?" For my part I settle nothing, since I do not know what the manuscript has. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Qui Deum vobis adsciscitis patrem› · lemma, no call printed Qui Deum vobis adsciscitis patrem. Legendum conjeceram parem. Sed retracto sententiam. Sensus est: qui a Deo creatos vos gloriamini, quam opinionem in sequentibus destruere conatur Arnobius, animas hominum non a Deo, sed ab inferioribus quibusdam potestatibus creatas asserens. ORELL.

"You who claim God as your father." I had conjectured one should read parem ("equal"). But I retract the opinion. The sense is: you who boast that you were created by God — an opinion Arnobius tries to destroy in what follows, asserting that men's souls were created not by God but by certain lower powers. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Vultis favore deposito› · lemma, no call printed Vultis favore deposito. Ita editio princeps: alii fastu deposito. Ed. Lugd. Bat. tumore. Sed nil mutandum. favore scil. illo, quo vestram opinionem amplectimini, quod barbare dicunt partialitatem. ORELL.

"Will you, laying aside partiality." So the first edition; others "laying aside arrogance." The Leiden edition: tumore ("swelling"). But nothing should be changed: favore, namely that favour with which you embrace your own opinion, what they barbarously call "partiality." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Consimilia caeteris› · lemma, no call printed Consimilia caeteris. Ita editores plerique. Ed. princeps consimilia caetera. quod frustra defendit Heraldus explicans consimilia nobis caetera animantia. ORELL.

"Very like the rest." So most editors. The first edition has consimilia caetera, which Heraldus defends in vain, explaining "the other living creatures very like us." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Aut non plurima differitate distantia› · lemma, no call printed Aut non plurima differitate distantia. Differitas vox Lucretiana; de Rer. Nat., IV, vers. 640: Tantaque in his rebus distantia differitasque est. Noster infra lib IV, c. 36: Nec inest in re signum, quo differitas judicari ambiguorum possit simpliciterque dictorum. Vide Nonium hoc verbo, et, qui de hoc vocabulo multus est, Lud. Carrio, Emendd., lib. II, cap. 17, pag. 177; vol. III, part. II. Lampad. Crit Gruteri. ORELL.

"Or not separated by very great difference." Differitas is a Lucretian word; On the Nature of Things IV, line 640: "And so great is the distance and difference in these things." Our author below, Book 4, ch. 36: "Nor is there any sign in the thing by which the difference between ambiguous and plainly spoken words can be judged." See Nonius at this word, and Louis Carrion, who has much on it, Emendationes, Book 2, ch. 17, p. 177; vol. 3, part 2 of Gruter's Lampas Critica. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ossibus illis fundata sunt corpora› · lemma, no call printed Ossibus illis fundata sunt corpora. Phrasis Lucretiana. Lib. V, 925: Et majoribus, et solidis magis ossibus intus / Fundatum, scilicet genus humanum. HERALD.

"Bodies are founded on those bones." A Lucretian phrase. Book 5, 925: "Founded within on larger and more solid bones" — namely the human race. Heraldus.

(—) ‹anchor: Per anhelitum reciprocatas› · lemma, no call printed Per anhelitum reciprocatas. Fulv. Ursin. reciprocas (continues)

"Drawn back and forth by breathing." Fulvius Ursinus: reciprocas (continues)

(printed under page 419)

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running head: 833 LIBER SECUNDUS. 834 (the left numeral looks like 835 at this resolution; UNSURE)
marginal letters: A beside ‹XV. Quare nihil est› (between columns, line 1); B beside ‹non opinionibus discrepamus: Deum omnes novi-›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 5:834

et in libidinem publicam venalium corporum prostitutione damnemur. Et quemadmodum se possunt incorporalibus corpora conjungere: aut a Deo principe res factae, ab infirmioribus causis ad vitiorum dehonestamenta traduci? Vultis homines institutum, superciliumque deponere? qui Deum vobis adsciscitis patrem, et cum eo contenditis immortalitatem habere vos unam? vultis quaerere, pervestigare, rimari, quid sitis vos ipsi, cujus sitis, censeamini quo patre, quid in mundo faciatis, quanam ratione nascamini, quo pacto prosiliatis ad vitam? vultis favore deposito cogitationibus tacitis pervidere animantia nos esse, aut consimilia caeteris, aut non plurima differitate distantia? Quid est enim, quod nos ab eorum indicet similitudine discrepare? vel quae in nobis eminentia tanta est, ut animantium numero dedignemur adscribi? Ex ossibus illis fundata sunt corpora, et nervorum colligatione devincta: et nobis comparili ratione ex ossibus fundata sunt corpora, et nervorum colligatione devincta. Auras accipiunt naribus, et per anhelitum reciprocatas reddunt: et

and are condemned to public lust in the prostitution of venal bodies. And how can bodies join themselves to incorporeal things? or things made by God the Prince be drawn down by weaker causes to the disgraces of vices? Will you, men, lay aside your set stubbornness and your haughty brow? you who claim God as your Father and contend that you have one immortality with Him? Will you seek, investigate, search out what you yourselves are, whose you are, from what father you are reckoned, what you do in the world, by what means you are born, in what manner you spring forth into life? Will you, laying partiality aside, see clearly in silent thought that we are living creatures, either very like the rest or not separated from them by any very great difference? For what is there that shows us to differ from their likeness? or what eminence is there in us so great that we disdain to be enrolled in the number of living creatures? Their bodies are founded on bones and bound fast by the binding of sinews; and our bodies, in an equal manner, are founded on bones and bound fast by the binding of sinews. They take in air through the nostrils and, drawn to and fro by breathing, give it back: and

Editors' notes and page, col. 834

Footnotes

Ita Sab. Alii, sed in libidinem.

So Sabaeus. Others: "but into lust."

(d) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 834 (by position)

Jungere Fulv.

"Jungere" (to join). Fulvius Ursinus.

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right.] (—) (continued) · lemma begun on page 418 (In quem jacient illos quidam crudeliter saevi)

(continued) placitorum inscitiam apud nostrum deprehendimus. infra, l. III, c. 12, init., ubi vide notas. ORELL.

(printed under page 419)

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running head: 833 LIBER SECUNDUS. 834
marginal letters: A ‹et in libidinem publicam›; B ‹rum indicet similitudine discrepare›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: variant note (c) is printed under col 834 (call c before ‹publicam›); n833 carries a placeholder "(c) [not in the image]" that this entry supersedes (QA Q7a)

PL 5:835

nos spiritum consimiliter ducimus, et respiramus commeatibus crebris. Femininis generibus, masculinisque distincta sunt: in totidem et nos sexus nostro sumus ab auctore formati. Edunt per uteros foetus, et corporalibus conciliis procreant: et nos corporum conjugationibus nascimur, et ex alvis fundimur, atque emittimur matrum. Cibo sustentantur et potu, et superfluas foeditates inferioribus egerunt abjiciuntque posticis: et nos cibo sustentamur et potu, et quod natura jam respuit, per eosdem effundimus tramites. Cura illis est omnibus famem prohibere mortiferam, et necessario invigilare pro victu: quid aliud nos tantis agimus in occupationibus vitae, nisi ut ea quaeramus, quibus famis periculum devitetur, et infelix sollicitudo ponatur? Morbos illa et inedias sentiunt, et ad ultimum senectute solvuntur: quid enim nos immunes malis ab his sumus, et non eadem ratione morborum incommoditatibus frangimur, senectutis destruimur tabe? Quod si et illud verum est, quod in mysteriis secretioribus dicitur, in pecudes atque alias belluas ire animas improborum, postquam sunt humanis corporibus exutae: manifestius comprobatur, vicinos nos esse, neque intervallis longioribus disparatos. Siquidem res eadem nobis et illis est una, per quam esse animantia dicimur, et motum agitare vitalem.

we in like manner draw breath, and breathe out with frequent passages to and fro. They are distinguished into feminine and masculine genders: into just as many sexes have we also been formed by our Maker. They bring forth offspring through the womb, and beget by bodily unions: and we are born from the joinings together of bodies, and are poured forth and sent out from the wombs of mothers. They are sustained by food and drink, and carry off and cast away superfluous filth by the lower hinder parts: and we are sustained by food and drink, and pour forth through the same channels what nature now rejects. All of them have the care to keep off deadly hunger, and of necessity to watch for sustenance: what else do we do in so great occupations of life, save seek those things whereby the danger of hunger may be avoided, and unhappy anxiety laid aside? They feel diseases and fastings, and at the last are loosed by old age: why, are we exempt from these evils, and not in the same way broken by the troubles of diseases, and destroyed by the wasting of old age? Now if that also is true which is said in the more secret mysteries, that the souls of the wicked go into cattle and other beasts after they have been stripped of human bodies: it is proved more manifestly that we are near neighbours, and not separated by longer intervals; inasmuch as one and the same thing belongs both to us and to them, whereby we are said to be living creatures and to ply vital motion.

XVII. Sed rationales nos sumus, et intelligentia vincimus genus omne mutorum. Crederem istud verissime

XVII. "Yet we are rational, and by intelligence we surpass the whole race of dumb creatures." I should believe that this was

Editors' notes and page, col. 835

Footnotes

[Lectiones variantes. Calls not visible in the image; the column given is that under which the note is printed.] (printed under page 420)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 835 (by position)

Similiter Fulv.

"Similiter" (likewise). Fulvius Ursinus.

(printed under page 420)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 835 (by position)

Fossibilibus alii.

"Fossibilibus" (diggable), others.

(printed under page 420)

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other: the word verissime was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 836

PL 5:836

dici, si cum ratione et consilio cuncti homines viverent, servarent officiorum tenorem, abstinerent ab illicitis, et si negotia turpia non adirent; neque quisquam pravitate consilii, atque ignorantiae caecitate contraria sibimet atque inimica deposceret. Vellem tamen scire, quaenam sit haec ratio, per quam sumus potiores animalium generibus cunctis: quia nobis domicilia fecimus, quibus possimus hyemalia frigora, et aestatis flagrantias evitare? Quid? Animantia caetera hujus rei providentiam non habent? Nonne alia cernimus opportunissimis sedibus nidulorum sibi construere mansiones? alia saxis et rupibus tegere et communire suspensis? excavare alia telluris sola, et in fossilibus foveis tutamina sibimet et cubilia praeparare? Quod si ministras manus illis etiam donare parens natura voluisset, dubitabile non foret, quin et ipsa construerent moenium alta fastigia, et artificiosa excuderent novitate. Tamen in his ipsis, quae rostris atque unguibus faciunt, multa inesse conspicimus rationis et sapientiae simulacra quae homines imitari nulla meditatione possumus: quamvis sint nobis opifices manus, atque omni genere perfectionis artifices.

most truly said, if all men lived with reason and counsel, kept the tenor of their duties, abstained from unlawful things, and did not enter upon base businesses; and if no one through perversity of counsel and blindness of ignorance demanded things contrary and hostile to himself. Yet I should wish to know what this reason is, whereby we are better than all kinds of animals. Is it because we have made for ourselves dwellings, whereby we can avoid the colds of winter and the scorching heats of summer? What! have not the rest of living creatures foresight of this matter? Do we not see some in the most convenient seats build for themselves the abodes of little nests? others cover and fortify them with rocks and overhanging crags? others hollow out the soil of the earth, and in dug-out pits prepare protections and couches for themselves? Now if parent Nature had been willing to bestow upon them also ministering hands, it would not be doubtful that they too would build lofty summits of walls, and strike out works with skilful novelty. Yet in these very things which they make with beaks and claws, we behold many images of reason and wisdom to be present, which we men by no study are able to imitate, although we have workmanlike hands, skilled in every kind of perfection.

XVIII. Vestem illa non norunt, sellas, naves atque aratra compingere, nec denique suppellectilem caeteram quam familiaris usus exposcit. Non sunt ista scientiae munera, sed pauperrimae necessitatis inventa. Neque cum animis artes coeli ex penetralibus

XVIII. "They do not know how to fashion clothing, chairs, ships, and ploughs, nor in fine the rest of the furniture which household use demands." Those are not the gifts of knowledge, but the inventions of the poorest necessity; nor did the arts fall down with souls out of the inner chambers of heaven,

Editors' notes and page, col. 836

Footnotes

Possimus Fulv.

"Possimus" (we can). Fulvius Ursinus.

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right.] (—) (continued) · lemma begun on page 419 (Per anhelitum reciprocatas)

(continued) Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 8, notam Heraldi. ORELL.

(—) ‹anchor: In totidem et nos sexus› · lemma, no call printed In totidem et nos sexus. Stewech. et hic restituit antiquum secus. Vide supra ad lib. I, c. 59, verba: secus virile. ORELL.

"We too [are divided] into as many sexes." Here too Stewech restored the old form secus. See above on Book 1, ch. 59, the words "the male sex." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Corporalibus conciliis procreant› · lemma, no call printed Corporalibus conciliis procreant. Concilium de congressu, concubitu frequens apud Lucret., V. c. lib. II, vers. 934: Non fieri partum, nisi concilio ante coacto. et lib. I, vers 184, concilio genitali. Ubi vid. Creech. ORELL.

"They beget by bodily unions." Concilium for intercourse, coupling, is frequent in Lucretius; see Book 2, line 934: "that birth does not happen unless a union has first been brought about," and Book 1, line 184, "by a generative union." See Creech there. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ex alvis fundimur atque emittimur matrum› · lemma, no call printed Ex alvis fundimur atque emittimur matrum. Cibo sustentantur et potu. Ita lego et interpungo cum Meursio. Alii pessime ita legunt: ex alvis fundimur atque emittimur, matrum cibo sustentamur et potu. Nam paulo post sequitur: et nos cibo sustentamur et potu. ORELL.

"We are poured out and sent forth from our mothers' wombs. They are sustained by food and drink." So I read and punctuate with Meursius. Others read very badly: "we are poured out and sent forth from the wombs; we are sustained by our mothers' food and drink." For a little after there follows: "and we are sustained by food and drink." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Cura illis est omnibus famem prohibere mortiferam› · lemma, no call printed Cura illis est omnibus famem prohibere mortiferam. Conferendus cum nostro Ciceronis locus de Offic., I, c. 4, init. ORELL.

"All of them take care to ward off deadly hunger." With our author compare the passage of Cicero, On Duties I, ch. 4, beginning. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: In pecudes atque alias belluas ire animas improborum› · lemma, no call printed In pecudes atque alias belluas ire animas improborum. Hanc sententiam proponit Plato cum alibi, tum in Phaedone; ibique eam pluribus explicat. De eadem Tertullian. libro de anima 31, 32, et sequentibus capitibus. HERALD.

"That the souls of the wicked pass into cattle and other beasts." Plato puts forward this opinion both elsewhere and in the Phaedo, and there explains it at length. On the same, Tertullian, On the Soul, 31, 32 and the following chapters. Heraldus.

(—) ‹anchor: Exutae› · lemma, no call printed Exutae. Ita Gelenius. Cod. ms. sumptae, quod defendunt Th. Canterus et Stewech. loco Arnobii e lib. V: Qui potestis res certas rebus a dubiis sumere, ubi sumere idem quod secernere: neque hoc plane rejiciendum videtur. Salmas., in ed. Lugd. Bat., exemptae. Meursius, summotae. ORELL.

"Stripped off." So Gelenius. The manuscript has sumptae, which Theodore Canter and Stewech defend from a passage of Arnobius in Book 5: "You who can take certain things from doubtful ones," where sumere is the same as secernere ("to separate"); and this does not seem wholly to be rejected. Salmasius, in the Leiden edition: exemptae. Meursius: summotae. Orelli.

(XVII) ‹anchor: Rationales› · lemma, no call printed XVII. — Rationales. Cf. Cic., de Off., cap. 4. ELMENH.

XVII. — "Rational." Compare Cicero, On Duties, ch. 4. Elmenhorst.

(—) ‹anchor: Mutorum› · lemma, no call printed Mutorum. Cic., de Nat. Deor. I, § 133: Bestiae mutae et nihil intelligentes. Itaque non legendum brutorum, quod prius mihi in mentem venerat. ORELL.

"Of dumb creatures." Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods I, § 133: "dumb beasts, understanding nothing." So one should not read brutorum, which had first come into my mind. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Negotia turpia non adirent› · lemma, no call printed Negotia turpia non adirent. Ita editio princeps ex ms. Alii obirent. ORELL.

"They would not take up shameful business." So the first edition, from the manuscript. Others: obirent. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Pravitate consilii› · lemma, no call printed Pravitate consilii. Ed. rom., parvitate. ORELL.

"By the depravity of their counsel." The Roman edition: parvitate ("smallness"). Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Vellem tamen scire› · lemma, no call printed Vellem tamen scire. Meursius conj. vellem tam scire ἐλλειπτικῶς. ORELL.

"Yet I should like to know." Meursius conjectures vellem tam scire, elliptically. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Communire› · lemma, no call printed Communire. Vide supra, ad lib. I, cap. III. ORELL.

"To fortify." See above, on Book 1, ch. 3. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Saxis et rupibus› · lemma, no call printed Saxis et rupibus, Alii: saxis se et rupibus male. ORELL.

"With rocks and cliffs." Others: saxis se et rupibus, wrongly. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ministras manus› · lemma, no call printed Ministras manus. Ita Seneca ad Martiam, cap. 25. Conf. Bunemann. ad Lactant., de Opif. Dei, cap. 16, pag. 1201. ORELL.

"Serving hands." So Seneca, To Marcia, ch. 25. Compare Bünemann on Lactantius, On the Workmanship of God, ch. 16, p. 1201. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Artificiosa excuderent novitate› · lemma, no call printed Artificiosa excuderent novitate. Fulv. Ursin. legendum conjecit navitate. Sed non opus hac correctione. Artificiosa novitas exquisite et eleganter dicitur ars nova semper et invisitata excogitans. Pro excuderent Stewech. mavult excluderent, allegans locum Apuleii Florid. I: Edixit (Alexander) universo orbi suo, ne quis effigiem regis temere assimilaret aere, colore, caelamine, quin solus eam Polycletus aere duceret, solus Apelles coloribus delinearet, solus Pyrgoteles caelamine excluderet: Ubi autem Elmenhorstii editio p. 344, habet excluderet. Idem Stewech. mavult: artificiosas novitates, id est res novas, antea nulli visas. ORELL.

"They would hammer out with artful novelty." Fulvius Ursinus conjectured one should read navitate ("diligence"). But this correction is not needed. Artificiosa novitas is said exquisitely and elegantly of an art always devising new and unseen things. For excuderent Stewech prefers excluderent, citing a passage of Apuleius, Florida 1: "(Alexander) decreed to his whole world that no one should rashly represent the king's likeness in bronze, paint or engraving, but that Polycletus alone should cast it in bronze, Apelles alone draw it in colours, Pyrgoteles alone work it out with the graver": where Elmenhorst's edition, p. 344, has excluderet. The same Stewech prefers "artful novelties," that is, new things, seen by no one before. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Tamen› · lemma, no call printed Tamen. Fulv. Ursinus: et tamen, quod magis placet, et facillime absorberi poterat a praecedenti novitate. ORELL.

"Yet." Fulvius Ursinus: "and yet," which pleases more, and et could very easily have been swallowed by the preceding novitate. Orelli.

(XVIII) ‹anchor: Non sunt ista scientiae munera, sed pauperrimae necessitatis inventa› · lemma, no call printed XVIII. — Non sunt ista scientiae munera, sed pauperrimae necessitatis inventa. Theocrit., Idyll. XXI, 1: Ἁ πενία, Διόφαντε, μόνα τὰς τέχνας ἐγείρει. / Αὐτὰ τοῦ μόχθοιο διδάσκαλος. Virgil., Georg. I, vers 145: Tunc variae venere artes: labor omnia vicit / Improbus, et duris urgens in rebus egestas. ORELL.

XVIII. — "These are not gifts of knowledge but inventions of the poorest need." Theocritus, Idyll 21, 1: "Poverty alone, Diophantus, awakens the arts; she is the teacher of toil." Virgil, Georgics I, line 145: "Then came the various arts: relentless toil conquered all things, and need pressing in hard circumstances." Orelli.

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ceciderunt: sed exquisitae et natae sunt in terris hic omnes, et cum processu temporum paulatim meditatione conflatae. Quod si haberent scientias animae, quas genus et habere divinum atque immortale condignum est: ab initio homines cuncti omnia scirent, nec saeculum esset ullum, quod artis esset ignarum alicujus, aut rerum experientia non paratum. Nunc vero inops vita, et multarum indigens rerum, fortuita conspiciens quaedam commodule provenire, dum imitatur, experitur, et tentat, dum labitur, reformat, immutat, ex assidua reprehensione paravit sibi et

fell: but all of them were sought out and born here on earth, and fused together little by little by reflection with the passing of time. But if souls had the sciences which it befits a divine and immortal race to have, all men would know all things from the beginning, nor would there be any age ignorant of any art, or not furnished with experience of things. But now life, needy and wanting many things, seeing certain things turn out handily by chance, while it imitates, tries and attempts, while it slips, reshapes and alters, has out of constant correction prepared for itself and

Editors' notes and page, col. 837

Footnotes

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right. The page-foot image begins below the top of the commentary in both columns: the opening of the left column (the lemma of the first note) and the top of the right column (the end of "Craterasque" and the start of a note on garments, apparently subucula/interula) are not in the image; the first visible line of each is cut through. Marked […].] (—) ‹anchor: lemma not in the image› · lemma, no call printed […] tas. Stewech., commodatas. Fulv. Ursinus commentatas, quod defendit Meursius et explicat significatione passiva, ut plura verba deponentia apud nostrum, verbi causa supra imminentia et nondum passa, ubi autem, ut vidimus, dubia est lectio. Postea eodem libro ingredi: Quod enim rebus ingressis priorum repententiam detrahit. Metiri simili modo: Orbe sit sol amplior et pedis unius latitudine metiatur. Sed ipse Meursius conjecturam hanc retractat in Appendice et praefert caemendata, quod habet codex ms. Caeterum Arnobius talia composita valde amat. Ita conscriptores lib. I; condignum cap. praecedenti; condiscere lib. VI, c. 4; confieri lib. V, c. 39; cohonestare aliquoties; quod semel monuisse sufficiat. ORELL.

[…] Stewech: commodatas. Fulvius Ursinus: commentatas, which Meursius defends and explains in a passive sense, like several deponent verbs in our author, for example above, "impending and not yet suffered," where, however, as we have seen, the reading is doubtful. Later in the same book ingredi: "For what takes away from things entered upon the suddenness of the former." Metiri in a like way: "that the sun be larger than the earth and be measured by the breadth of one foot." But Meursius himself retracts this conjecture in his Appendix and prefers caemendata, which the manuscript has. For the rest, Arnobius is very fond of such compounds: so conscriptores in Book 1; condignum in the preceding chapter; condiscere in Book 6, ch. 4; confieri in Book 5, ch. 39; cohonestare several times — which it is enough to have noted once. Orelli.

(printed under page 421) (XIX) ‹anchor: Quod si homines penitus aut ipsos se nossent› · lemma, no call printed XIX. — Quod si homines penitus aut ipsos se nossent. Placet Stewechii conjectura legentis penitius a penite, quod legimus apud Catullum Epithal. Juliae et Manlii, vers. 176: Illi non minus, ac tibi / Pectore uritur intimo / Flamma, sed penite magis. Superlativum certe penitissime habet Plautus aliquoties et Sidonius, lib. IV, epist. 9: Et actiones ejus cotidianas penitissime inspexi. Conf. Laurenberg., Antiquar, hoc verbo, ORELL.

XIX. — "But if men knew themselves thoroughly." Stewech's conjecture pleases, reading penitius, from penite, which we read in Catullus, the Epithalamium of Julia and Manlius, line 176: "In his inmost heart no less than in yours / the flame burns, but more deeply." The superlative penitissime certainly occurs several times in Plautus, and in Sidonius, Book 4, Letter 9: "And I have looked most deeply into his daily actions." Compare Lauremberg, Antiquarius, at this word. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Quiddam magnificum se esse› · lemma, no call printed Quiddam magnificum se esse. Ita Cod. ms. Gelen. nosse, sequentibus caeteris editoribus, excepto. Lugd. Bat.. non male. ORELL.

"That they are something magnificent." So the manuscript. Gelenius has nosse ("to know"), followed by the other editors except the Leiden one; not badly. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Craticulas› · lemma, no call printed Craticulas. Deminutivo, hoc loco, ut in seq., lacernulas, securiculas, utitur Arnobius per contemptum. ORELL.

"Little gridirons." Here, as in what follows ("little cloaks," "little axes"), Arnobius uses the diminutive in contempt. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Trulleos› · lemma, no call printed Trulleos. Ita cod. ms. Alii trullas. Sed distinguit Varro de Ling. lat., lib. IV, pag. 34, ed. Bipont.: Trulleum simile figura trullae, nisi quod latius concipit aquam, et quod manubrium cavum non est, nisi vinaria trulla accessit. Ubi vid. Turneb. not., pag. 86, et Gesner., in Thesauro. Nonius de Gen. vasorum vel poculorum pag. 547, ed Mercer.: Trulleum, quo manus perluuntur (bassin). Ejus urceolum aquaemanalem vocamus, quod eo aqua in trulleum effundatur (aiguière). Masculinum trulleus habet Plin., Hist. nat. XXXIV, 2. ORELL.

"Basins." So the manuscript. Others: trullas ("ladles"). But Varro distinguishes them, On the Latin Language, Book 4, p. 34, Bipontine edition: "A trulleum is like a trulla in shape, except that it holds the water more broadly and its handle is not hollow, unless a wine-ladle has been added." See Turnebus's note there, p. 86, and Gesner, in the Thesaurus. Nonius, On the kinds of vessels or cups, p. 547, Mercier's edition: "Trulleum, in which the hands are washed (a basin). Its jug we call aquaemanalis, because by it water is poured into the trulleum (a ewer)." The masculine trulleus is in Pliny, Natural History XXXIV, 2. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Craterasque› · lemma, no call printed Craterasque. Craterae, si Nonio Marcello (cap. 19) credideris, vasa sunt vini; crateres vero vasa olearia, ac utrumque Virgilii auctoritate probare nititur NOURR., p. 554. — Atqui crateras hoc loco est graecus accusativus verbi crater, κρατήρ. Caeterum ita emen- […]

"And mixing-bowls." Craterae, if you believe Nonius Marcellus (ch. 19), are wine vessels, but crateres oil vessels, and he tries to prove both by Virgil's authority. Le Nourry, p. 554. — But crateras here is the Greek accusative of the word crater, κρατήρ. For the rest, so emen- […]

(—) ‹anchor: lemma not in the image (on undergarments)› · lemma, no call printed […] tiger v. Gr., III. […] Sabina oder Morgenstunden im Putzzimmer einer reichen Römerin, pag. 375; interulae sive interioris tunicae duas species distinguit: subuculam virorum, interulam foeminarum. Cf. Ferrar., de Re vestiaria, III, 1, pag. 175; Rosin., Antiq. rom., lib. V, c. 35, et G. J. Voss., Etymolog. rom., hoc verbo. ORELL.

[…] Böttiger, [Sabina,] vol. 3 […] Sabina, or Morning Hours in the Dressing Room of a Rich Roman Lady, p. 375, distinguishes two kinds of interula or inner tunic: the subucula of men and the interula of women. Compare Ferrarius, On Clothing III, 1, p. 175; Rosinus, Roman Antiquities, Book 5, ch. 35; and G. J. Vossius, Etymologicum, at this word. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Suppara› · lemma, no call printed Suppara. Festus: Supparus dicebatur puellare vestimentum lineum, quod et subucula appellatur. Ubi vide intpp. Varro tamen aperte distinguit de Ling. lat., lib. IV, pag. 37. ed. Bipont.: Alterum quod subtus, a quo subucula; alterum quod supra, a quo suppara, nisi quod id dicunt Osce. Vide in primis Gisb. Cuper. Observatt., lib. IV, cap. 17, omnia veterum loca de supparis diligentissime conferentem et demonstrantem, suppara fuisse genus tunicae et quidem exterioris parvis admodum manicis instructae, quae nonnisi humeros tegebant, vel in primis humeris haerebant, atque fibula constringebantur. Cf. Salmas., ad Tertullian., de Pallio, p. 209, et Voss., Etymol. rom. ORELL.

"Linen outer shifts (suppara)." Festus: "A supparus was the name of a girl's linen garment, which is also called subucula." See the commentators there. Varro, however, plainly distinguishes them, On the Latin Language, Book 4, p. 37, Bipontine edition: "One that is below, from which subucula; the other that is above, from which suppara, except that they say this in Oscan." See above all Gisbert Cuper, Observationes, Book 4, ch. 17, who most carefully compares all the ancient passages on suppara and shows that the supparum was a kind of tunic, and indeed an outer one, fitted with quite small sleeves which covered only the shoulders, or clung to the tops of the shoulders, and were fastened with a brooch. Compare Salmasius on Tertullian, On the Cloak, p. 209, and Vossius, Etymologicum. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Laenas› · lemma, no call printed Laenas. Festus: Laena vestimenti genus habitus duplicis. Quidam appellatam existimant Tusce, quidam Graece, quam χλαῖναν dicunt. ELMENH. — Laena itaque toga erat crassior supra caetera vestimenta, unde Varro a lana multa dictam putat, duarum enim togarum instar, de Ling. lat., lib. IV, pag. 37; sed male. Nam est a Graeco χλαῖνα. Videns Popm., ad Varron., not., pag. 94. ORELL.

"Cloaks (laenae)." Festus: "The laena is a kind of garment of double thickness. Some think it named in Etruscan, some in Greek, which they call chlaina." Elmenhorst. — The laena, then, was a thicker toga worn over the other garments; whence Varro thinks it named from much wool, "for it is like two togas," On the Latin Language, Book 4, p. 37; but wrongly. For it comes from the Greek chlaina. See Popma on Varro, notes, p. 94. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Lacernulas› · lemma, no call printed Lacernulas. Lacerna vestis militaris paenulae similis stricta, corpus ambiens et velut pressim includens, pulli coloris. Vide Fest., hoc verbo et in primis Just. Lips., de Pronuntiat. ling. lat. cap. 3, pag. 15, et Elect., lib. I, c. 13, pag. 683, vol. I ed. Vesal. Erat vestimentum vilis popelli, immo servorum etiam. ORELL.

"Little cloaks (lacernae)." The lacerna was a military garment like the paenula, close-fitting, going round the body and as it were tightly enclosing it, of a dark colour. See Festus at this word, and above all Justus Lipsius, On the Pronunciation of the Latin Language, ch. 3, p. 15, and Electa, Book 1, ch. 13, p. 683, vol. 1, Wesel edition. It was the garment of the cheap common people, indeed even of slaves. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Trabeas› · lemma, no call printed Trabeas. Trabea vestis senatorum Papias. ELMENH. Immo equitum potius. (Immo ipsorum consulum, tempore Arnobii. Vide quos citat Ph. Pareus in Elect. Symmach., pag. 64). Vide Lips., ad Tacit. Annal., III, 2. Rubenium, de Lato clavo, I, 5. Ferrar., de Re vestiaria, part. I, lib. II, 6. Trabea erat vestis trabibus purpureis intextis ad discriminandum in coloniis equitem a plebe. ORELL.

"Robes of state (trabeae)." "The trabea, the garment of senators," Papias. Elmenhorst. Rather, of the knights. (Indeed of the consuls themselves, in Arnobius's time; see the writers Ph. Pareus cites in Electa Symmachiana, p. 64.) See Lipsius on Tacitus, Annals III, 2; Rubenius, On the Broad Stripe I, 5; Ferrarius, On Clothing, part 1, Book 2, 6. The trabea was a garment with purple stripes woven in, to distinguish a knight from the common people in the colonies. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Typho et arrogantia sublevati› · lemma, no call printed Typho et arrogantia sublevati. Jul. Firmicus, lib. III, Mathes., cap. 3: faciet quoque inflatos, ac superbiae spiritu sublevatos, et lib. VI, cap. 17: Ipsi quoque erecto superbiae spiritu sublevantur. HERALD.

"Lifted up by conceit and arrogance." Julius Firmicus, Mathesis, Book 3, ch. 3: "It will also make them puffed up and lifted up by the spirit of pride"; and Book 6, ch. 17: "They themselves too are lifted up with a lofty spirit of pride." Heraldus.

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concinnavit scientiolas artium, et ad unum exitum temporibus plurimis coemendata perduxit.

put together little sciences of the arts, and, having amended them over very many ages, brought them to a single outcome.

XIX. Quod si homines penitus aut ipsos se nossent, aut intellectum Dei suspicionis alicujus acciperent aura, numquam sibi adsciscerent divinam immortalemque naturam: nec existimarent quiddam magnificum se esse, quia sibi craticulas, trulleos craterasque fecerunt, quia subuculas, suppara, laenas, lacernulas, trabeas, cultros, loricas et gladios, quia rastra, securiculas, vomerem. Numquam, inquam, crederent typho et arrogantia sublevati, prima esse

XIX. But if men knew themselves thoroughly, or received an understanding of God by the breath of any surmise, they would never claim for themselves a divine and immortal nature; nor would they think themselves something magnificent because they have made for themselves little gridirons, basins and mixing-bowls; because undershirts, linen over-garments, mantles, little cloaks, robes of state, knives, breastplates and swords; because rakes, little axes, a ploughshare. Never, I say, would they, lifted up by vanity and arrogance, believe that they are the first

Editors' notes and page, col. 838

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se numina, et aequalia principis summitati: quia grammaticam, musicam, oratoriam pepererunt, et geometricas formulas. In quibus artificiis quidnam insit admirabile, non videmus: ut ex eorum inventione credatur esse animas potiores et sole et sideribus cunctis, hunc totum, cujus membra sunt haec, mundum et dignitate et substantia praeterire. Quid enim aliud se spondent vel insinuare posse, vel tradere, quam ut regulas nominum, differentiasque noscamus? ut intervalla in vocum sonis? ut loquamur suadenter in litibus, ut terrarum continentias metiamur? Quae si secum animae divinis ex regionibus attulissent, et esset necessarium scire, omnes ea jamdudum in omni orbe tractarent: neque ullum hominum reperiretur genus, quod non esset his omnibus aequaliter atque uniformiter eruditum. Nunc vero in mundo quotus quisque est musicus, dialecticus, et geometres? quotus orator, poeta, grammaticus? ex quo apparet, ut saepius dictum est, inventa haec esse locorum necessitate, ac temporum: neque divinas eruditas advolavisse huc animas: quod neque

rank, and equal to the loftiness of the Sovereign, because they have brought forth grammar, music, oratory, and geometrical formulas! In which crafts we do not see what wonderful thing there is, that from their invention souls should be believed to be better than both the sun and all the stars, and to surpass both in dignity and in substance this whole world of which these are members. For what else do they promise that they can either impart or hand down, than that we should know the rules and differences of nouns? that we should know the intervals in the sounds of voices? that we should speak persuasively in lawsuits? that we should measure the contents of lands? Which things if souls had brought with them from the divine regions, and if it were necessary to know them, all men throughout the whole world would long ago have been handling them, nor would any race of men be found which was not equally and uniformly instructed in all these. But as it is, how few in the world are musicians, dialecticians, and geometers! how few orators, poets, grammarians! Whence it appears, as has quite often been said, that these things were invented by the necessity of places and times, and that souls did not fly hither divine and learned: since neither

Editors' notes and page, col. 839

Footnotes

[Lectiones variantes. Calls not visible in the image; the column given is that under which the note is printed. The image's top edge runs along note (c).] (printed under page 422)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 839 (by position)

Repererant Fulv.

"Repererant" (they had found). Fulvius Ursinus.

(printed under page 422)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 839 (by position)

Ediscendit Fulv. Vide Not.

"Ediscendit." Fulvius Ursinus. See the Notes.

(printed under page 422) (XX) ‹anchor: Non fervoris nimius in calore› · lemma, no call printed XX. — Non fervoris nimius in calore. Ita correxit Th. Cantherus. Cod. ms: Non ferveris nimium in calore. Meursius legendum conjicit aut incalore una voce, ut injuventus lib. I, pro juventus, sed ibi, suspecta lectio; aut non fervens nimium in calore, ut τὸ in παρέλκον sit, quemadmodum apud Apuleium non semel, verbi causa gravis in annis, vini cadrum in aetate pretiosi. Fulv. Ursin. non fervens nimio calore. ORELL.

XX. — "Not excessive in the heat of its glow." So Theodore Canter corrected. The manuscript: Non ferveris nimium in calore. Meursius conjectures one should read either incalore as one word, like injuventus in Book 1 for juventus — but the reading there is suspect — or non fervens nimium in calore ("not glowing too much in heat"), so that in is redundant, as more than once in Apuleius, for example "heavy in years," "a jar of wine precious in age." Fulvius Ursinus: "not glowing with too much heat." Orelli.

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omnes doctae sint, neque discere omnes possint, et sint in his plurimae acuminis obtusioris, et bardi, et ad discendi studium plagarum coercitione cogantur. Quod si ea, quae discimus, reminiscentias esse constaret, ut antiquis opinionibus scitum est, conveniebat nos omnes ab una veritate venientes unum nosse, unumque reminisci, non habere diversas, non plurimas, dissidentesque sententias. Nunc vero cum singuli aliud atque aliud asseramus, manifestum et promptum est, nihil nos attulisse de coelo, sed hic nata addiscere, et suspicionibus coalita vindicare.

are all learned, nor can all learn, and among them very many are of duller acuteness and stupid, and are compelled to the zeal of learning by the coercion of blows. Now if it were established that the things which we learn are recollections, as has been ordained by ancient opinions (cf. Plato, Meno 81c-d; Phaedo 72e), it was fitting that all of us, coming from one truth, should know one thing and recollect one thing, and not hold diverse, very many, and disagreeing opinions. But as it is, since we each assert one thing and another, it is manifest and obvious that we have brought nothing from heaven, but learn things born here, and claim as our own things grown firm by conjectures.

XX. Et ut vobis clarius manifestiusque monstremus, cujus sit pretii homo, quem simillimum creditis potentiae superioris existere, concipite animis hanc imaginem vestris, et quod fieri si aggrediamur potest, tamquam si simus aggressi, similitudinis assumptione teneamus. Sit igitur nobis tellure in effossa locus habitabilis formam cubilis efficiens, tecto et parietibus clausus; non algidus frigore, non fervoris nimius in calore, sed ita temperatus, et medius,

XX. And that we may show you more clearly and manifestly of what value man is, whom you believe to exist most like the higher Power, conceive this image in your minds, and what can be done if we should attempt it, let us hold by the assumption of a likeness as though we had attempted it. Let there be for us, then, in the dug-out earth a habitable place forming the shape of a chamber, enclosed by roof and walls; not chilly with cold, not excessive of heat in warmth, but so tempered and moderate

Editors' notes and page, col. 840

Footnotes

Quod et si ea Ms.

"Quod et si ea" (that even if those), in the manuscript.

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right.] (—) ‹anchor: Quia grammaticam, musicam, oratoriam pepererunt› · lemma, no call printed Quia grammaticam, musicam, oratoriam pepererunt. Meursius, pag. 57, legendum conjicit: Quia grammaticam, musicam, oratoriam repererunt, quia statim subjungit Arnobius: ut ex earum inventione credatur animas esse potiores. ORELL.

"Because they gave birth to grammar, music, oratory." Meursius, p. 57, conjectures one should read "because they discovered grammar, music, oratory," since Arnobius at once adds: "so that from their invention souls may be believed to be superior." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Dignitate et substantia praeterire› · lemma, no call printed Dignitate et substantia praeterire. Substantia idem quod natura sua spirituali, vel etiam constantia, perpetuitate: quo sensu, quamquam significationis hujus exempla desidero, verbo substantia ab inferioris latinitatis scriptoribus usurpatam fuisse nullus dubito, cum verbum subsistere pro constare saepius occurrat. Praeterire idem quod vincere, ut saep. Martial, lib. XII, 36: Nulla gloria est praeterire asellos.

"To surpass in dignity and substance." Substantia is the same as "by its spiritual nature," or else "by constancy, perpetuity": I have no doubt that the word substantia was used in that sense by writers of later Latin, though I lack examples of the meaning, since the verb subsistere quite often occurs for constare. Praeterire is the same as "to surpass," as often. Martial, Book 12, 36: "There is no glory in outrunning donkeys."

(—) ‹anchor: Quid enim aliud se spondent vel insinuare posse vel tradere› · lemma, no call printed Quid enim aliud se spondent vel insinuare posse vel tradere. Vide supra ad lib. I, c. 63. ORELL.

"For what else do they pledge that they can either instil or hand on?" See above on Book 1, ch. 63. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ut terrarum continentias metiamur› · lemma, no call printed Ut terrarum continentias metiamur. Continentiam dicit hic Arnobius περιοχὴν ut interpretantur Glossae Philoxeni: quomodo retinentiam dicit Lucretius κατοχήν. Lib. III, vers. 675: Omnis ut actarum exciderit retinentia rerum. HERALD. — Continentia apud illius aevi scriptores saepissime id quod continetur. Ita Fulgentii liber inscriptus de Virgiliana continentia, ubi vid. Munker., Mythogr. lat., pag. 137, vol. II, et apposite ad nostrum Aethicus Cosmograph. procem: Ac sic omnis orbis terrae intra annos 32 a dimensoribus peragratus est, et de omni ejus continentia perlatum est ad senatum. ORELL.

"That we should measure the extents of the lands." By continentia Arnobius means here περιοχή (compass), as the Glossaries of Philoxenus interpret it: just as Lucretius says retinentia for κατοχή (retention), Book 3, line 675: "that all retention of things done has fallen away." Heraldus. — Continentia in the writers of that age very often means "what is contained." So Fulgentius's book entitled On the Content of Virgil; see Muncker, Mythographi Latini, p. 137, vol. 2; and, aptly for our author, Aethicus, Cosmography, preface: "And so the whole circle of the earth was travelled over by the surveyors within 32 years, and a report on its whole extent was brought to the senate." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Neque divinas, eruditas› · lemma, no call printed Neque divinas, eruditas. Ita cod. ms. et editio princeps. Fulv. Ursin. divinitus eruditas. Non male quidem. Sed divinas stare potest, si explicemus vel a Deo profectas, vel immortales, ut infra cap. 62, divinas animas fieri, et ab legibus mortalitatis educi. Et amare Arnobium talia adjectiva sine copula et conjungere supra observavimus. Th. Canterus conj. divine eruditas. ORELL.

"Nor divine, learned." So the manuscript and the first edition. Fulvius Ursinus: "divinely taught." Not badly indeed. But divinas can stand if we explain it either as "proceeding from God" or as "immortal," as below in ch. 62: "that souls become divine and are led out from the laws of mortality." And we have observed above that Arnobius likes to join such adjectives without the copula et. Theodore Canter conjectures "divinely learned." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Neque discere omnes possint, et sint› · lemma, no call printed Neque discere omnes possint, et sint. Ita Gelenius, sequentibus caeteris, excepto Heraldo, qui defendit veterem lectionem: ..... possunt, ut sint, vel legendum conjicit cur sint, explicans cur per quia, ut Sidon., I, epist. 1: Propter quod illum caeteri quique Frontinianorum, utpote consectaneum aemulati, cur veternosum dicendi genus imitarentur, oratorum simiam nuncupaverunt. Sed bene Gelenius, nam ut et et saepissime permutantur a librariis. ORELL.

"Nor can all learn, and they are." So Gelenius, followed by the others except Heraldus, who defends the old reading "... can, so that they are," or conjectures one should read cur sint, explaining cur as quia ("because"), as in Sidonius I, Letter 1: "For which reason all the other followers of Fronto, jealous of him as of a fellow disciple, because they imitated a sluggish style of speaking, called him the ape of the orators." But Gelenius is right, for ut and et are very often interchanged by copyists. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Bardi› · lemma, no call printed Bardi. Ita e ms. optime restituit Meursius et editor Lugd. Bat. Vulgo tardi. Bardus stultus a tarditate ingenii appellatur..... trahitur autem a Graeco, quod illi βαρδεῖς dicunt. Festus. Cf. Nonium. Ita Cic de Fato, cap. 5: Zopyrus physiognomon..... stupidum esse Socratem dixit et bardum. Ubi videsis Turneb. ORELL.

"Dull." So Meursius and the Leiden editor very well restored from the manuscript. Commonly tardi ("slow"). "A fool is called bardus from slowness of mind ... it is drawn from the Greek, for they say βαρδεῖς." Festus. Compare Nonius. So Cicero, On Fate, ch. 5: "Zopyrus the physiognomist ... said that Socrates was stupid and dull." See Turnebus there. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ad discendi studium› · lemma, no call printed Ad discendi studium. Nescio, quid in mentem venerit editori Lugduno-Batavo, non solum adstruenti in Variarum Lectionum libello, sed etiam in textum intrudenti discedendi. ORELL.

"To the eagerness for learning." I do not know what came into the head of the Leiden editor, who not only proposes in his little book of Variant Readings but even thrusts into the text discedendi ("of departing"). Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Quod si ea, quae discimus, reminiscentias esse constaret› · lemma, no call printed Quod si ea, quae discimus, reminiscentias esse constaret. Hoc Platonis dogma fuit, qui vixisse animas hominum, antequam corpus induissent, asserebat: dicebatque, cum in nova corpora rursum irent, non novi aliquid addiscere, sed illa, quae jam antea didicerant, saltem recognoscere. Vide illum in Menone et Phaedone, pag. 73 (ed. H. Steph.); Cic. I Tuscul. Quaest.; Tertullian., de Anima, cap. 23. Refutant illum Augustin., de Trinitate, lib. X, c. 15; Teophilus, lib. III, ad Autolycum. ELMENH.

"But if it were established that what we learn is recollection." This was Plato's doctrine, who asserted that men's souls lived before they put on a body, and said that when they went again into new bodies they did not learn anything new but only recognized what they had already learned before. See him in the Meno and the Phaedo, p. 73 (H. Estienne's edition); Cicero, Tusculan Disputations 1; Tertullian, On the Soul, ch. 23. Augustine, On the Trinity, Book 10, ch. 15, and Theophilus, To Autolycus, Book 3, refute him. Elmenhorst.

(—) ‹anchor: Sed hic nata addiscere› · lemma, no call printed Sed hic nata addiscere. Fulv. Ursin. natos discere. Sed nil mutandum. Sequitur enim et suspicionibus coalita id est corroborata, confirmata. Ita Tacit., Annal. XIII, cap. 26: irreverentia coalita libertate; et XIV, 1: coalita vetustate imperii audacia; ubi Ernesti observat sumptam metaphoram ab arboribus et plantis, quae coalescere dicuntur, cum radicibus adhaeserunt terrae, nec convelli possunt. ORELL.

"But to learn things born here." Fulvius Ursinus: "that those born [here] learn." But nothing should be changed. For there follows "and grown together with surmises," that is, strengthened, confirmed. So Tacitus, Annals XIII, ch. 26: "their irreverence grown strong with freedom"; and XIV, 1: "his boldness grown strong with the length of his rule"; where Ernesti observes that the metaphor is taken from trees and plants, which are said coalescere when they have taken root in the earth and cannot be torn up. Orelli.

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ut nec frigoris sensum, nec ardorem validum perpetiatur aestatis. In hunc sonus omnino nullius incidat vocis, non avis, non bestiae, non tempestatis, non hominis, non denique fragoris alicujus, aut concrepantis terribiliter coeli. Excogitemus deinde quemadmodum lumen accipiat, non ex illato igni, neque ex sole conspecto, sed nothum aliquid fiat, quod imaginem luminis caligine interposita mentiatur: janua non una sit, nec sit introitus rectus, adeatur inflexibus flexuosis: nec recludatur aliquando, nisi cum necessaria ratio postularit.

that it suffers neither the feeling of cold nor the strong burning of summer. Into this place let the sound of no voice at all fall—not of bird, not of beast, not of tempest, not of man, nor in fine of any crash or of the sky thundering terribly. Next let us devise how it may receive light, not from fire brought in, nor from the sun beheld, but let something counterfeit be made which may feign the image of light with darkness interposed; let there not be a single door, nor let the entrance be straight, let it be approached by winding turnings, and let it never be thrown open save when necessary reason shall have demanded.

XXI. Nunc quoniam imagini praeparavimus sedem, accipiamus deinceps mox aliquem natum, in loci illius hospitium, quod habeat rem nullam, et sit inane ac vacuum: Platonica licet aut Pythagorea progenie, aut horum alicujus, qui acuminis perhibentur fuisse divini: aut ex Deum responsis sapientissimi nuncupati. Quod cum actum fuerit, nutriri ut debeat sequitur, et alimoniis convenientibus educari. Adhibeamus igitur et nutricem, quae semper ad eum nuda,

XXI. Now since we have prepared an abode for our image, let us next take someone newly born into the lodging of that place, which has nothing in it and is empty and void—let him be of Platonic or Pythagorean offspring, or of some one of those who are related to have been of divine acuteness, or who have been pronounced wisest by the responses of the gods. And when this shall have been done, it follows that he must be nourished and brought up with fitting nourishment. Let us therefore provide a nurse also, who shall always come to him naked,

Editors' notes and page, col. 841

Footnotes

[Lectiones variantes. The call is not visible in the image; the column given is that under which the note is printed. The image's top edge cuts through this line.] (printed under page 423)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 841 (by position)

Addit Fulv. hyemalis.

Fulvius Ursinus adds hyemalis ("wintry").

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right.] (—) ‹anchor: Sed nothum aliquid fiat› · lemma, no call printed Sed nothum aliquid fiat. Sensus est: lumen perspicue non excipiatur, sed aliunde per rimulas irrepat, adeo ut verum lumen dici non possit, sed suppositivum et νόθειον. Sic Lucretius de Luna, lib. V, vs. 575: Lunaque, sive notho fertur loca lumine lustrans, / Sive suam proprio jactat de corpore lucem, / Quidquid id est, nihilo fertur majore figura. et Catull. carm. 34, vs. 15: Tu potens Trivia, et notho es / Dicta lumine Luna. PRIOR. Alii legunt novum. Cod. ms. notum. Nothum est ex emendatione Scaligeri. ORELL.

"But that something spurious should come about." The sense is: the light is not received openly but creeps in from elsewhere through little chinks, so that it cannot be called true light but substitute and bastard. So Lucretius of the moon, Book 5, line 575: "And the moon, whether she travels lighting the regions with a bastard light, / or throws out her own light from her own body, / whatever it is, she travels with no greater shape." And Catullus, poem 34, line 15: "You are called powerful Trivia, / and the Moon of bastard light." Priorius. Others read novum. The manuscript: notum. Nothum is from Scaliger's emendation. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Inflexibus› · lemma, no call printed Inflexibus. Ita Stewech. sequente editore Lugd. Bat Est autem ab inflexus, us, pro inflexio, ut commutatus pro commutatio. Lucret. I, vers. 803, opinatus pro opinio; id., IV, 466; Conjectus pro conjectio, liv. V, vers. 417, Declinatus pro declinatio ap. Varron. de ling. lat., aliquoties. Fissus pro fissio, ap. Manil., lib. I. Vide, qui plura exempla congessit, Tennull. ad Frontin. Strategem. lib. I, praefat. pag. 3, ed. Oudendorp. Alii inflexionibus. Arntzenius ad Nazarii Paneg. in Constantin. C. V, § 6. Legend. conj. anfractibus flexuosis. ORELL.

"With windings." So Stewech, followed by the Leiden editor. It comes from inflexus, -us, for inflexio, as commutatus for commutatio: Lucretius I, line 803, opinatus for opinio; the same, IV, 466; conjectus for conjectio, Book 5, line 417; declinatus for declinatio in Varro, On the Latin Language, several times; fissus for fissio in Manilius, Book 1. See Tennulius, who has gathered more examples, on Frontinus, Stratagems, Book 1, preface, p. 3, Oudendorp's edition. Others: inflexionibus. Arntzenius, on Nazarius's Panegyric on Constantine, ch. 5, § 6, conjectures one should read anfractibus flexuosis ("with winding bends"). Orelli.

(printed under page 423) (XXI) ‹anchor: Nunc quoniam imagini praeparavimus sedem› · lemma, no call printed XXI. — Nunc quoniam imagini praeparavimus sedem, accipiamus deinceps mox aliquem natum in loci illius hospitium, quod habeat rem nullam et sit inane et vacuum, Platonica licet aut Pythagorea progenie, aut horum alicujus, qui acuminis perhibentur fuisse divini, aut ex Deum responsis sapientissimi nuncupati. Locus non solum egregie luxatus, verum et mutilus. Restituo et suppleo: Nunc quoniam imagini praeparavimus sedem, accipiamus deinceps mox aliquem natum Platonica licet aut Pythagorea progenie, aut horum alicujus, qui acuminis perhibentur fuisse divini, aut ex Deum responsis sapientissimi nuncupati, et in loci illius hospitium, quod sit inane et vacuum, concludamus. Ultimam vocem, sententia flagitante, addidi. MEURS. p. 58. — At omnia sana erant, modo pro licet legamus scilicet. ORELL.

XXI. — "Now since we have prepared a seat for the image, let us next take someone just born into the lodging of that place, which holds nothing and is empty and void — of Platonic or Pythagorean stock, say, or of one of those who are said to have been of divine sharpness, or who were named wisest by the oracles of the gods." The passage is not only badly dislocated but also mutilated. I restore and supply: "Now since we have prepared a seat for the image, let us next take someone just born, of Platonic or Pythagorean stock, say, or of one of those who are said to have been of divine sharpness, or who were named wisest by the oracles of the gods, and let us shut him into the lodging of that place, which is empty and void." I have added the last word, as the sense demands. Meursius, p. 58. — But all was sound, if only we read scilicet for licet. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Imagini› · lemma, no call printed Imagini. Id est homini imaginatione concepto, ficto. Ideal. ORELL.

"For the image." That is, for a man conceived in imagination, invented; an ideal one. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Nec in sermones aliquos ora et labra diducat› · lemma, no call printed Nec in sermones aliquos ora et labra diducat. Ita Fulv. Ursinus, sequente ed. Lugd. Bat.; quae correctio proxime accedit ad lectionem cod. ms. in sermone alicujus, quod stare non potest, quia nemini, praeter unam nutricem, ad infantem accedere licebat. Gelen. in sermonem aliquem. Herald. nec in sermocinationem ora .... diducat. ORELL.

"Nor part mouth and lips for any speech." So Fulvius Ursinus, followed by the Leiden edition; this correction comes closest to the manuscript's reading in sermone alicujus, which cannot stand, because no one but the one nurse was allowed to approach the infant. Gelenius: "into some speech." Heraldus: "nor part mouth ... for conversation." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Inferantur› · lemma, no call printed Inferantur. Ita Meursius et Salmasius. Alii: inferatur: ORELL.

"Let them be brought in." So Meursius and Salmasius. Others: inferatur. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Sed aut fitilla de milio› · lemma, no call printed Sed aut fitilla de milio. Ita restituit ed. Lugd. Bat. optime. Antea legebatur sit illa, quod male convenit cum sequentibus: aut sit panis ex farre, nam panis non materia cibi, sed far, farina. Et omnino sequentia substantiva panis, glandes, .... baculae etiam in priori membro substantivum aliquod flagitare videntur. Legendum itaque fitilla, id est, pultis genus, quo utebantur in sacris. Noster infra, lib. VII. cap. 24. Quid fitilla? quid frumen? etc. Plin., Hist. nat., lib. XVIII, cap. 8 Et hodie sacra prisca atque natalium pulte fitilla conficiuntur. Cf. Muret., Var. Lectt., lib. XII, cap I, et, qui de hac voce et ejus etymo multus est, Gesner., in Thesauro. ORELL.

"But either a millet gruel (fitilla)." So the Leiden edition restored it, very well. Before, the reading was sit illa, which fits badly with what follows: "or let there be bread from spelt," for bread is not the material of food, but spelt, flour. And altogether the following nouns, "bread, acorns, ... berries," seem to demand some noun in the first member too. So one should read fitilla, that is, a kind of porridge used in sacred rites. Our author below, Book 7, ch. 24: "What is fitilla? What is frumen?" etc. Pliny, Natural History, Book 18, ch. 8: "And even today the ancient rites and birthday rites are performed with fitilla porridge." Compare Muretus, Variae Lectiones, Book 12, ch. 1, and Gesner, who has much on this word and its etymology, in the Thesaurus. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ex cinere caldo glandes› · lemma, no call printed Ex cinere caldo glandes. Id est, cinere caldo tostae. Ad formam Graecorum. Homerus, Odyss., XIX, vers. 536: Χῆνές μοι κατὰ οἶκον ἐείκοσι πυρὸν ἔδουσιν / Ἐξ ὕδατος. HERALD.

"Acorns from the hot ash." That is, roasted in hot ash. After the Greek manner. Homer, Odyssey 19, line 536: "Twenty geese in my house eat wheat out of water." Heraldus.

(—) ‹anchor: Caldore ignis intactus› · lemma, no call printed Caldore ignis intactus. Calidam potionibus misceri solitam, confirmatur loco illo notissimo Horatii, lib. III, od. 19: Quo Chium pretio cadum / Mercemur? Quis aquam temperet ignibus? ad quae vetus interpres Acron: Nam tepefactis aquis solebant Graeci vina temperare. Sed et pauperiores, qui aquam bibebant, illam ipsam quoque soliti calefacere. MEURS., p 59.

"Untouched by the heat of fire." That hot water was usually mixed into drinks is confirmed by that very well-known passage of Horace, Odes III, 19: "At what price shall we buy a jar of Chian? Who will warm the water on the fire?" On which the old commentator Acro: "For the Greeks used to mix their wines with warmed water." But the poorer people too, who drank water, used to heat that very water as well. Meursius, p. 59.

(—) ‹anchor: Nec appetitio porrigetur ulterius, esse amplius nesciens, quod petatur› · lemma, no call printed Nec appetitio porrigetur ulterius, esse amplius nesciens, quod petatur Ita Fulv., Ursinus et Meursius: cod. ms. et editio princeps corrigetur. Nesciens, scil. appetitio, sed melius, puto, esset nescienti, scil. puero illi. ORELL.

"Nor will appetite reach out further, not knowing that there is anything more to seek." So Fulvius Ursinus and Meursius; the manuscript and the first edition have corrigetur. Nesciens refers to appetitio; but it would be better, I think, to read nescienti, referring to that boy. Orelli.

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semper silens accedat, verbum nullum faciens, nec in sermones aliquos ora et labra diducat: sed cum mammas dederit, et consequentia supplerit officia, datum quieti linquat, et ante fores clausas dies noctesque continuet. Poscit enim plerumque res, nutricias adesse curas, et observare temporarios motus. At vero cum coeperit solidioribus cibis infans debere fulciri, nutrice inferantur ab eadem, veste, ut diximus, posita, et tenore reticentiae servato. Ipse autem, qui infertur cibus sit unus atque idem semper: nihil materia differens, nec per varios redintegratus sapores: sed aut fitilla de milio, aut sit panis ex farre, aut, ut aescula imitemur antiqua, ex cinere caldo glandes, aut ex ramis agrestibus bacculae. Potio autem vini sit prorsus incognita, nec sedandae aliud admoveatur siti, quam liquor purus e fontibus caldore ignis intactus: et, si fieri potis est, manibus subministratus cavis. Fiet enim familiaris e more consuetudo in naturam versa: nec appetitio porrigetur ulterius, esse amplius nesciens quod petatur.

always silent, uttering no word, nor parting mouth and lips into any speeches; but when she shall have given him the breast and supplied the consequent offices, let her leave him given up to rest, and continue day and night before the closed doors—for the case mostly demands that a nurse's cares be at hand and observe the movements of the time. Moreover, when the infant shall have begun to need to be supported by more solid foods, let them be brought in by the same nurse, with her clothing laid aside as we have said, and with the tenor of silence preserved. And let the food itself which is brought in be always one and the same, differing nothing in substance, nor renewed through various flavours; but let it be either gruel of millet, or bread of spelt, or—that we may imitate ancient meats—acorns from the warm ashes, or little berries from wild boughs. Let the drink of wine, moreover, be utterly unknown, nor for quenching thirst let anything else be applied than pure water from the springs, untouched by the warmth of fire, and, if it is possible, supplied in hollowed hands. For habitual custom from use will become familiar, turned into nature, nor will desire be stretched further, not knowing that there is anything more to be sought.

Editors' notes and page, col. 842

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XXII. Quorsum igitur haec spectant? Ut, quoniam creditum est animas divinas atque adeo immortales esse, et ad hominum corpora disciplinis cum omnibus advolare, experiamur ex isto, quem hoc genere voluimus educari, capiatne res fidem, an sit leviter credita, et frustrabili expectatione praesumpta. Procedat igitur nobis solitudine in operta nutritus, quot vultis annos agens, vultis vicenarius? vultis tricenarius? immo cum annos fuerit quadraginta permensus, mortalium conciliis inferatur: et si verum est illum principalis esse substantiae portionem tam laetam et ex fontibus vitae derivatum hic agere, antequam notitiam rei sumat alicujus, aut sermone imbuatur humano, det responsum rogatus, quisnam sit ipse, aut quo patre, quibus sit in regionibus editus, quo pacto, aut quanam ratione

XXII. To what end, then, do these things look? That, since it has been believed that souls are divine and indeed immortal, and that they fly to the bodies of men with all their learning, we may test by this one, whom we have chosen to be brought up in this manner, whether the thing commands belief, or whether it has been lightly believed and taken for granted in a deceiving expectation. Let him, then, come forward to us, reared in solitude in hidden places, of as many years as you please: do you wish him twenty years old? do you wish him thirty? nay, when he has measured out forty years, let him be brought into the gatherings of mortals; and if it is true that he is so happy a portion of the princely substance, and lives here derived from the fountains of life, before he takes knowledge of any thing or is instructed in human speech, let him give answer when asked who he himself is, or from what father, in what regions he was born, in what manner or by what means

Editors' notes and page, col. 843

Footnotes

(a) ‹anchor: atque adeo immortales› · call in col 843

Atque a Deo Sab. probante ed. Lugd. B.

"Atque a Deo" (and from God), Sabaeus, with the approval of the Leiden edition.

(printed under page 424)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible in col 843› · call not in col 843 (in col 844 by position); printed under col 843

Sic ms. Sab. Esse.

So the manuscript. Sabaeus: "esse."

(printed under page 424) [Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right. The page-foot image begins below the top of the commentary; the opening of the left column is read from the column image (c843_2). The first lines of the right column (above "Plin. Hist. nat.") are cut at the image edge; marked […]. The lower right column is heavily inked in the scan; words read with less certainty are marked [?].] (—) ‹anchor: Frustrabili expectatione praesumpta› · lemma, no call printed Frustrabili expectatione praesumpta. Frustrabilis, idem quod fallax, frustrandi vim habens, active. Vox Arnobiana. Sic infra, lib. VI, cap. 22: Resque alias agere libidinis vacua imaginatione frustrabiles. ORELL.

"Taken for granted in a deceiving expectation." Frustrabilis is the same as fallax ("deceitful"), having the force of deceiving, in the active sense. A word of Arnobius's own. So below, Book 6, ch. 22: "And other things, deceiving [men] with an empty image of lust, to do." Orelli.

(XXII) ‹anchor: Et si verum est illum principalis esse substantiae portionem tam laetam› · lemma, no call printed XXII. — Et si verum est illum principalis esse substantiae portionem tam laetam, ex fontibus vitae derivatum hic agere. Codicis ms. lectio erat: portione jam laeta, vitiose. Gelenius et illum sequentes plerique editores legunt: substantiae portionem et ex fontibus etc. verbis jam laeta prorsus deletis, quae primus textui restituit editor Lugd. Bat. legens tam laetam. Maxime autem mihi placet conjectura Stewechii legentis portionem tam lectam, id est, ut ait Horatius, divina particulam aurae. Principalis id est divinae, a summo principe profectae, ut aliquoties ap. Arnobium: neque offendere debet lectorem defectus particulae et ab hoc scriptore saepius omissae. Agere hoc loco idem quod degere. ORELL.

XXII. — "And if it is true that he, so glad a portion of the principal substance, drawn from the springs of life, lives here." The manuscript's reading was portione jam laeta, faultily. Gelenius and most editors following him read "a portion of the substance and from the springs," etc., deleting the words jam laeta altogether; the Leiden editor first restored them to the text, reading tam laetam. But Stewech's conjecture pleases me most, reading portionem tam lectam ("so choice a portion"), that is, as Horace says, "a particle of the divine breath." Principalis, that is, divine, proceeding from the highest Prince, as several times in Arnobius; nor should the absence of the particle et, quite often omitted by this writer, offend the reader. Agere here is the same as degere ("to live"). Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Aevitatem› · lemma, no call printed Aevitatem, Nonius verbo aevum: aevum generis neutri: aevitas foeminini. Varro Tithono περὶ γήρως: Qua volantatem aevitatis extima attigit metam aevitas. Noster infra, lib. V, c. 8: Cui dicto si constat fides, Mater quoque dicenda est magna intra hujus numeri fines aevitatem suam habere conclusam. ORELL.

"Lifetime (aevitas)." Nonius at the word aevum: "aevum of neuter gender; aevitas of feminine." Varro, Tithonus, or On Old Age: "by which its age has reached the farthest goal of the flight of age." Our author below, Book 5, ch. 8: "If this saying is to be trusted, the Great Mother too must be said to have her lifetime shut within the bounds of this number." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ligno, saxo obtusior› · lemma, no call printed Ligno, saxo obtusior. Plautus in Milite: Herus meus elephanti corio contectus est, non suo: / Neque habet plus sapientiae, quam lapis. Lapis igitur convicium est graecis et latinis commune, quo stupidos et obtusi ingenii homines feriunt. Aristophanes in Nubibus: λίθοι, ἀριθμοί, πρόβατα. HERALD.

"Duller than a log, than a stone." Plautus in the Braggart Soldier: "My master is covered with an elephant's hide, not his own, / and has no more wisdom than a stone." "Stone," then, is an insult common to Greeks and Latins, with which they strike stupid and dull-witted men. Aristophanes in the Clouds: "stones, ciphers, sheep." Heraldus.

(—) ‹anchor: Elephantus aut mulus› · lemma, no call printed Elephantus aut mulus. Ita editor Lugd. Bat. e correctione Stewechii verosimillima. Nam hic tantum quadrupeda nominantur, ut infra in simillimo loco, cap. 52: Unde sunt elephanti, tauri, cervi, muli, asini? Alii: elephantus aut milvus. ORELL.

"An elephant or a mule." So the Leiden editor, from Stewech's very probable correction. For only four-footed animals are named here, as below in a very similar passage, ch. 52: "Whence are elephants, bulls, stags, mules, asses?" Others: "an elephant or a kite." Orelli.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Mustacium› · lemma, no call printed XXIII. — Mustacium. Mustacium seu mustaceum docet Cato. de Re rust., cap. 125, fieri farina siliginea, musto conspersa, aniso, cumino, adipe, caseo et virgae lauri ramentis. Canit autem Juvenalis, sat. VII, 201: Non est quare coenam et mustacea perdas. Quem in versum Scholiastes haec annotavit: Cibaria dulcia, musto conspersa, quae sub finem convivii dari in nuptialibus coenis solita. Videsis Erasmi Chiliad. IV, cent. 9, adag. 87, NOURR., p. 559. — Mustacius sive potius mustaceus libum seu genus placentae e musto, cujus conficiendi rationem docet Cato, de Re rust., c. 121: Mustaceos sic facito. Farinae siligineae modium unum musto conspergito. Anisum, cuminum, adipis P. II. casei librum, et de virga lauri deradito, eodem […] Plin. Hist. nat., XIV, c. 30, […] mustacea […] fuisse levia cibaria, iis praeberi solita, qui stomachi imbecillioris essent. Vide et G. J. Voss. in Etymologico Rom. ORELL.

XXIII. — "Must-cake." Cato, On Agriculture, ch. 125, teaches that the mustacium or mustaceum is made of fine wheat flour sprinkled with must, with anise, cumin, lard, cheese and shavings of a bay twig. And Juvenal sings, Satire 7, 201: "There is no reason to waste your dinner and the must-cakes." On this line the scholiast noted: "Sweet foods sprinkled with must, customarily given at the end of the meal at wedding dinners." See Erasmus, Adages, Chiliad 4, century 9, adage 87. Le Nourry, p. 559. — Mustacius, or rather mustaceus, is a cake or kind of flat-cake made from must, the method of making which Cato teaches, On Agriculture, ch. 121: "Make must-cakes thus. Sprinkle one modius of fine wheat flour with must. Anise, cumin, two pounds of lard, a pound of cheese, and scrape off from a bay twig, [and put in] the same […]" Pliny, Natural History XIV, ch. 30, […] that must-cakes […] were light foods, usually given to those of weaker stomach. See also G. J. Vossius in the Etymologicum. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Carduum› · lemma, no call printed Carduum. Intelligendus carduus sativus sive cinara (Artischoke), de qua est multus Schneider. V. C. ad Columell., lib. X, de Cultu hortorum, vers. 235, pag. 529, seqq. ORELL.

"Thistle." The cultivated thistle or cinara (artichoke) is meant, on which the distinguished Schneider has much, on Columella, Book 10, On the Care of Gardens, line 235, pp. 529 ff. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Quo genere singula esse debeant esui› · lemma, no call printed Quo genere singula esse debeant esui. Ita feliciter emendavit ed. Lugd. Bat. Sensus est: quo genere esse debeant singula, ut edi possint. Caeteri: Quo genere singula esse debeant. Et sibi. ORELL.

"In what way each thing must be for eating." So the Leiden edition happily emended. The sense is: in what way each thing must be prepared so that it can be eaten. The others: "In what way each thing must be. And for himself." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Ignem si plurimum feceris... nonne ibit per medias flammas› · lemma, no call printed Ignem si plurimum feceris... nonne ibit per medias flammas. Cf. acutissimum Kantium in Anthropol., p. 317, cum Arnobio maxime consentientem. ORELL.

"If you make a great fire ... will he not walk through the midst of the flames?" Compare the most acute Kant in the Anthropology, p. 317, who agrees closely with Arnobius. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Solifugas› · lemma, no call printed Solifugas. Ita editiones omnes; sed potius legendum cum Stewechio solipugas, quorum meminit Plinius, Hist. nat., lib. XXIX, c. 4 (29 ed. Harduin.): Est et formicarum genus venenatum non fere in Italia. Solipugas Cicero appellat, salpugas Baetica; ubi nonnulli codices etiam habent solifugas? Idem, lib. XXII, cap. ult. et leguminibus innascuntur bestiolae venenatae, quae manus pungunt, et periculum vitae afferunt, solipugarum generis. Vide Harduin., ad Plin. VIII, n. 88, pag. 491; Lucan., Phars. IX, 837: Quis calcare tuas metuit salpuga latebras? Fest. Solipunga genus bestiolae maleficae, quod acrius concitatiusque sit fervore solis. Solinus autem Polyhistor., cap. 4: Sardinia est quidem absque serpentibus, sed quod aliis locis serpens, hoc solifuga sardis agris. Animal perexiguum, qua aranei forma, solifuga dicta, quod solem fugiat. Ubi Salmasius, qui hoc de animalculo multus est in Exercit. Plin., pag. 70, 71, putat Tarentulam (Tarantel) significari Apuliae pecularem, quae ex terrae cavernis obrepens per improvisum in summo aestu messoribus perniciem creat. Vossius de Idololatr., l. IV, cap. 96, putat solifugam et solipugnam idem plane significare, scil. antiqua scribendi ratione mutato in f. Ita Πύγελα [?], ἀ πυγή [?], latine Fugela, πείθω [?] fido, a πόρος forare, fungus a σπόγγος, figo a πήγω, fere a περί aliaque. Mihi videntur plura diversa animalcula venenata hoc nomine significari a scriptoribus antiquis. Solifugam Arnobii, Solini, Plinii, ut et salpugam Baeticae, intelligo de araneorum genere venenato, cujus species est Tarentula. Illas autem solipugas sive φαλάγγια, quae, teste eodem Plinio, Hist. nat., lib. VIII, c. 29; Aelian. de Nat. anim., lib. XVII, c. 40; Diodor. Sic., Bibl. lib. III, c. 29, citra Cyno- (continues)

"Sun-shunners (solifugae)." So all the editions; but one should rather read, with Stewech, solipugae, which Pliny mentions, Natural History, Book 29, ch. 4 (29 in Hardouin's edition): "There is also a venomous kind of ant, hardly found in Italy; Cicero calls them solipugae, Baetica salpugae" — where some manuscripts also have solifugas? The same, Book 22, last chapter: "and among pulses are born small venomous creatures, of the solipuga kind, which sting the hands and bring danger to life." See Hardouin on Pliny 8, note 88, p. 491; Lucan, Pharsalia 9, 837: "Who has feared to tread on your hiding places, salpuga?" Festus: "Solipunga, a kind of harmful small creature, because it is more fierce and excited in the heat of the sun." But Solinus, Polyhistor, ch. 4: "Sardinia is indeed without snakes; but what the snake is in other places, the solifuga is in the Sardinian fields: a very small animal, in the form of a spider, called solifuga because it shuns the sun." There Salmasius, who has much on this little animal in the Exercitationes Plinianae, pp. 70, 71, thinks the tarantula (Tarantel) peculiar to Apulia is meant, which creeps out of holes in the earth unexpectedly in the greatest heat and brings ruin to the reapers. Vossius, On Idolatry, Book 4, ch. 96, thinks solifuga and solipugna mean exactly the same thing, the p having been changed into f by the old manner of writing: so [Phygela from phyge (flight)?], in Latin Fugela; fido from peitho; forare from poros; fungus from spongos; figo from pegnymi; fere from peri; and others. To me several different small venomous animals seem to be meant by this name in the ancient writers. Arnobius's, Solinus's and Pliny's solifuga, as also the salpuga of Baetica, I understand of a venomous kind of spider, of which the tarantula is a species. But those solipugae or phalangia, which, on the witness of the same Pliny, Natural History, Book 8, ch. 29; Aelian, On the Nature of Animals, Book 17, ch. 40; and Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book 3, ch. 29, on this side of Cyno- (continues)

(printed under page 424)

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running head: 843 ARNOBII ADVERSUS GENTES 844
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PL 5:844

nutritus, quid operis aut negotii celebrans anteacti temporis decurrerit aevitatem. Ita ille non omni pecore, ligno, saxo obtusior, atque hebetior stabit? non missus in res novas, et numquam sibi ante cognitas, ipsum sese est ante omnia nesciturus? Poteritne, si quaeras, sol quid sit ostendere, terra, maria, sidera, nubes, nebula, pluviae, tonitrua, nix, grando? Poterit arbores scire quid sint, herbae, aut gramina, taurus, equus, aut aries, camelus, elephantus, aut mulus?

he was reared, in the practice of what work or business he has run through the span of the time gone by. Will he not thus stand duller and more stupid than any beast, log or stone? Sent among things new and never known to him before, will he not, before all else, be ignorant of his very self? Will he be able, if you ask, to show what the sun is, the earth, the seas, the stars, clouds, mist, rains, thunders, snow, hail? Will he be able to know what trees are, herbs or grasses, a bull, a horse or a ram, a camel, an elephant or a mule?

XXIII. Esurienti si dederis uvam, mustacium, caepe, carduum, cucumerem, ficum, sciet posse sedari omnibus ex his famem? aut quo genere singula esse debeant esui? Et sibi ignem si plurimum feceris, aut venenatas circumposueris bestias, nonne ibit per medias flammas, viperas, solifugas, esse

XXIII. If you give him, when he is hungry, a grape, a must-cake, an onion, a thistle, a cucumber, a fig, will he know that his hunger can be appeased by all of these? or in what way each ought to be prepared for eating? And if you make a very great fire for him, or set venomous beasts around him, will he not go through the midst of flames, vipers, solifugae, being

Editors' notes and page, col. 844

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running head: 843 ARNOBII ADVERSUS GENTES 844
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PL 5:845

noxias nesciens, et timere ipsum quid sit ignorans? Jam vero si vestem, si supellectilem ponas in medio tam urbanam, quam rusticam, eritne idem ut possit discriminare cui negotio res quaeque conveniat?

not knowing them to be harmful, and ignorant of what fearing itself is? Further, if you set out in the midst clothing, if furniture, of the town as well as of the country, will he likewise be able to distinguish for what business each thing is suited?

Editors' notes and page, col. 845

Footnotes

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right. The page-foot image begins below the top of the commentary in both columns: the opening of the left column (lemma and start of a note on stragula, citing Livy) and the top of the right column (end of "Muccinium" and the lemma and start of a note on calautica) are not in the image; the first visible line of each is cut. Marked […].] (—) ‹anchor: lemma not in the image (Stragulam?)› · lemma, no call printed […] peregrinae origo ab exercitu asiatico invecta in urbem est: ii primum lectos aeratos, vestem stragulam pretiosam, plagulas, et alia textilia, et quae tum magnificae supellectilis habebantur, monopodia et abacos Romam advexerunt. Ubi Marcellus Donatus in ed. Gronovii, pag. 513, vol. III: Straguli nomine absolute positi venire credo non modo stragula lectorum, sed etiam tapetia aliaque hujusmodi telarum seu pannorum genera animalium herbarumque variis figuris et coloribus contexta, ob id belluata dicta a Plauto et picta a Tibullo I, 2, vers. 77. Si vero cum additione vestis stragulam protulerimus, procul dubio intelligendum indumentum, seu vestimentum, ejusdem tamen generis. ORELL.

[…] "the origin of foreign [luxury] was brought into the city by the Asiatic army: they first brought to Rome bronze couches, costly coverlets, hangings and other woven stuffs, and what were then reckoned magnificent furniture, one-footed tables and sideboards." There Marcellus Donatus, in Gronovius's edition, p. 513, vol. 3: "Under the name stragulum used absolutely I believe are included not only the coverlets of couches but also tapestries and other such kinds of woven stuffs or cloths, worked with various figures and colours of animals and plants, and for that reason called 'beasted' by Plautus and 'painted' by Tibullus I, 2, line 77. But if we bring in stragula with the addition of vestis, without doubt a garment or clothing is to be understood, though of the same kind." Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Mitra› · lemma, no call printed Mitra. Fascia, qua coma religabatur, cujus autem usus barbaris frequentior quam Graecis. Apud Romanos vetularum et meretricum ornamentum, marium etiam nonnumquam, sed effeminatorum, hinc Bacchi insigne. Vide J. G. Graevii, Lectt. Hesiod., c. 23; Turneb., Advers., lib. IV, c. 14; Salmas., Plin. Exercitt., in Solin., pag. 392; Dempster., Paralip. ad Rosin. Antiq. Rom., lib. V, cap. 35; Ernest. Clav. Cic., hoc verbo Doering., ad Catull., carm. LXIV, vers. 63. ORELL.

"Headband (mitra)." A band with which the hair was tied back, whose use was more frequent among barbarians than among the Greeks. Among the Romans an ornament of old women and harlots, sometimes of men too, but effeminate ones; hence the emblem of Bacchus. See J. G. Graevius, Lectiones Hesiodeae, ch. 23; Turnebus, Adversaria, Book 4, ch. 14; Salmasius, Exercitationes Plinianae on Solinus, p. 392; Dempster, Paralipomena on Rosinus, Roman Antiquities, Book 5, ch. 35; Ernesti, Clavis Ciceroniana, at this word; Döring on Catullus, poem 64, line 63. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Strophium› · lemma, no call printed Strophium. Fasciola, qua papillas feminae coercebant, vel potius zona sive cestus acu pictus, quo mulieres pectora succingebant, quibusque epistolas saepe aliasque res leviusculas conservabant. Vide Nonium, hoc verbo, Ernest. Clav. Cic.; Doering., ad Catull., carm. LXIV, vers. 65, et inprimis Boettiger. V. Cl., qui de hoc verbo pluribus agit, in Sabina, pag. 73, 162, 172, 376. ORELL.

"Breast-band (strophium)." A small band with which women bound their breasts, or rather an embroidered girdle or cestus with which women girded their bosoms, and in which they often kept letters and other light little things. See Nonius at this word; Ernesti, Clavis Ciceroniana; Döring on Catullus, poem 64, line 65; and above all the distinguished Böttiger, who treats this word at length in Sabina, pp. 73, 162, 172, 376. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Fascia› · lemma, no call printed Fascia. Fasciae sive fasciolae ornamenta brachiorum, pedum, articulorum, quarum apud Romanos usus primus fuit in aegrotis et imbecillibus, a quibus sumpserunt postea homines delicati et molles. Horat., II, Serm. III, vers. 254: Ponas insignia morbi / Fasciolas, cubital, focalia. Vide, qui de iis multus est, Casaubon., ad Sueton. August., cap. 82, et Dempster. Paralip., ad Rosin. de Ant. Rom., lib. V, cap. 35, pag. 927 seq., ed. Schotti. Videtur hoc loco κατ' ἐξοχὴν intelligenda fascia pedalis seu cruralis, quae apud Romanos vicem gerebat nostrorum tibialium (Strumpfe). ORELL.

"Band (fascia)." Fasciae or fasciolae were ornaments of the arms, feet and joints, whose first use among the Romans was by the sick and weak, from whom refined and soft men later took them up. Horace, Satires II, 3, line 254: "You would lay aside the badges of sickness, the little bands, the elbow-cushion, the neck-wraps." See Casaubon, who has much on them, on Suetonius, Augustus, ch. 82, and Dempster, Paralipomena on Rosinus, Roman Antiquities, Book 5, ch. 35, p. 927 f., Schott's edition. Here the foot or leg band seems to be meant par excellence, which among the Romans served the purpose of our stockings (Strümpfe). Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Muccinium› · lemma, no call printed Muccinium. Emunctorium. Id est linteum, quo […]

"Handkerchief (muccinium)." A nose-wiper. That is, a linen cloth with which […]

(—) ‹anchor: lemma not in the image (Calautica?)› · lemma, no call printed […] orationis […] in P. Clodium et Curionem nuperrime repertis et editis ab Angelo Maio, Mediolani, 1815, ubi pag. 21 ad verba: cum calautica capiti accommodaretur, Scholiastes antiquus (ipse Ascanius, ut opinatur Maius) haec observat: Calautica ... operimenti genus, quo feminae capita velabant, hoc nomine ferebatur. Et Afranius meminit in Consobrinis ita dicens: cum mithris calauticis. Conf. ibi doctissimi Maii notam. ORELL.

[…] of the speech […] against P. Clodius and Curio, very recently found and published by Angelo Mai, Milan, 1815, where on p. 21, at the words "when a calautica was fitted to his head," the ancient scholiast (Asconius himself, as Mai thinks) observes: "Calautica ... a kind of covering with which women veiled their heads went by this name. And Afranius mentions it in the Cousins, saying: with headbands and calauticae." Compare the most learned Mai's note there. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Mantele› · lemma, no call printed Mantele. Virg. Georg. IV. 376: Manibus liquidos dant ordine fontes / Germanae, tonsisque ferunt mantelia villis. ubi vid. Heyne, et qui de iis multus est, Voss., pag. 854, seqq. Mantelia itaque (χειρόμακτρα) fuerunt mappae non laneae (ut Heyne), sed linteae, at villosae (roh, zottig. gewalkt), ita tamen, ut lanugo in texti superficie tonderetur, adeoque laeves et molles ad detergendas manus. Cf. Boettiger., in Sabina, pag. 364. ORELL.

"Towel (mantele)." Virgil, Georgics IV, 376: "Her sisters in order pour clear spring water over the hands, and bring towels with shorn nap." See Heyne there, and Voss, who has much on them, pp. 854 ff. Mantelia, then (hand-towels), were napkins not of wool (as Heyne has it) but of linen, yet with a nap (rough, shaggy, fulled), but such that the down on the surface of the weave was shorn, and so they were smooth and soft for wiping the hands. Compare Böttiger, in Sabina, p. 364. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Mastruca› · lemma, no call printed Mastruca. Isidor. Origin., lib XIX, cap. 23: Mastruga, inquit, vestis est germanica ex pellulis ferarum, de qua Cicero pro Scauro: Quem purpura regalis non commovit, eum Sardonum mastruga mutavit, etc. Idem Cicero de Provinciis consularibus cap. 7: Res in Sardinia cum mastrucatis latrunculis a propraetore una cohorte auxiliaria gesta. Ubi vid. Abramum omnia loca diligentissime conferentem. Conf. J. Lips. ad Tacit. Germ., cap. 17, pag. 546, ed. Oberlin. Turnebus, Advers., lib. XX, cap. 9, et Ernesti Clav. Cic. mastrucam exponunt vestem e musmonum vel musimonum (Mufflons) pellibus consutam, de quo animali peculiari Sardiniae vid. Aelian., Hist. Anim., XVI, 34, ibique Schneider. V. Cl. ORELL.

"Sheepskin coat (mastruca)." Isidore, Origins, Book 19, ch. 23: "The mastruga," he says, "is a German garment made of the skins of wild beasts, of which Cicero says in the speech for Scaurus: 'Him whom royal purple did not move, the mastruga of the Sardinians changed,'" etc. The same Cicero, On the Consular Provinces, ch. 7: "An action fought in Sardinia by the propraetor with one auxiliary cohort against bandits in mastrucae." See there Abram, who most carefully compares all the passages. Compare J. Lipsius on Tacitus, Germania, ch. 17, p. 546, Oberlin's edition. Turnebus, Adversaria, Book 20, ch. 9, and Ernesti, Clavis Ciceroniana, explain the mastruca as a garment sewn from the skins of mouflons (musmones or musimones), on which animal peculiar to Sardinia see Aelian, History of Animals XVI, 34, and the distinguished Schneider there. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Soccus, solea, calceus› · lemma, no call printed Soccus, solea, calceus. Discrimen optime exponit Salmasius ad Tertullian., de Pallio, pag. 353 357 et 382, seqq.; calcei scil. tegebant totum pedem et infime et superne; soleae plantam pedis tantummodo vestiebant, superiore parte nuda; soccus genus calceorum humilius et laxius, quod gestabatur a feminis, viris etiam, sed mollioribus, inprimis autem comoedis, unde proverbium: a socco ad cothurnum. Cf. Balduin., de Calceo, cap. 16; Boettiger, in Sabina, pag. 372, seqq., et inprimis Rost et Wichmann Die Alterthumer Griechenlands und Roms in Bildern. Fascicul. I, pag. 13 seqq. ORELL.

"Slipper, sandal, shoe." Salmasius sets out the difference very well, on Tertullian, On the Cloak, pp. 353, 357 and 382 ff.: calcei covered the whole foot, below and above; soleae clothed only the sole of the foot, the upper part being bare; the soccus was a lower and looser kind of shoe, worn by women, and by men too, but softer ones, and above all by comic actors, whence the proverb "from the slipper to the buskin." Compare Balduinus, On the Shoe, ch. 16; Böttiger, in Sabina, pp. 372 ff.; and above all Rost and Wichmann, Die Alterthümer Griechenlands und Roms in Bildern, fascicle 1, pp. 13 ff. Orelli.

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cujus muneris accommodata sint usui? Indicet in quos habitus vestis stragula facta sit, mitra, strophium, fascia, pulvinus, muccinium, laena, calantica, mantele, mastruca, soccus, solea, calceus? Quid si adjicias

for the use of what office the things are fitted? Let him show for what kinds of wear were made the coverlet, the turban, the breast-band, the bandage, the cushion, the handkerchief, the mantle, the hood, the towel, the sheepskin coat, the slipper, the sandal, the shoe? What if you add

Editors' notes and page, col. 846

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PL 5:847

rota quid sit, aut tribula, vannus, dolium, cupa, trapetum, vomis, aut cribrum, mola, buris, aut sarculum? Quid arquata si sellula, acus, strigilis, polubrum, siliquastrum, trulla, lancicula, candelabrum,

what a wheel is, or a threshing-sledge, a winnowing-fan, a jar, a cask, an olive-press, a ploughshare, or a sieve, a mill, a plough-tail, or a hoe? What if a bow-shaped little chair, a needle, a strigil, a basin, a seat, a ladle, a little lance, a candlestick,

Editors' notes and page, col. 847

Footnotes

[Commentarius: lemma-keyed notes, no call marks printed in the text; set in print order, left column then right. The page-foot image begins below the top of the commentary in both columns: the opening of the left column (lemma and start of a note on tribula, the threshing-sledge) and the top of the right column (end of "Strigilis" and the lemma and start of a note on a kind of seat) are not in the image. Marked […].] (—) ‹anchor: lemma not in the image (Tribulam?)› · lemma, no call printed […] Lastthieren uber die Aehren gezogen, um sie zu zermalmen. So drischt man noch in Italien oder in den Morgenlandern. Caeterum tribula et tribulum promiscue ap. Latinos femininum habet cum nostro Columella l. l. Neutrum in plurali Virgilius et alii. Conf. Gataker. in Opp. Crit., tom. I, pag. 270, qui de hoc verbo multus est. ORELL.

[…] drawn over the ears by beasts of burden to crush them. So they still thresh in Italy or in the East." For the rest, tribula and tribulum are used indifferently among the Latins; Columella, in the passage cited, has the feminine, as does our author; Virgil and others the neuter plural. Compare Gataker, Opera Critica, vol. 1, p. 270, who has much on this word. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Cupa› · lemma, no call printed Cupa. Cupae erant vasa lignea, transportando vino, rotunda. (Nostr. Tanse, Kufe.) Haec vasa cum essent majora, recta statuebantur et operculis tegebantur, quorum meminit Nonius ex Varrone. Nec vinum solum ibi servabant sed etiam triticum similiaque, ut jurisconsulti docent. Minora doliis, similia, utrinque clausa, apta deferendo huc illuc vino. Ita Casaubon., ad Julii Capitol. Maximinos Script. Hist. August., vol. II, pag. 52. Cf. Salmas., ad eosdem Voss., Etymol. rom.; Schneider. V. Cl., Obss. ad Pallad., de Re rust., lib. I, tit. XVIII, pag. 25, et Gesner, in Thesauro. ORELL.

"Cask (cupa)." Cupae were round wooden vessels for transporting wine (our German Tanse, Kufe). When these vessels were larger they were set upright and covered with lids, which Nonius mentions from Varro. And they kept not only wine in them but also wheat and the like, as the jurists teach. Smaller than jars, similar to them, closed at both ends, suited to carrying wine here and there. So Casaubon on Julius Capitolinus, the two Maximini, Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. 2, p. 52. Compare Salmasius on the same; Vossius, Etymologicum; the distinguished Schneider, Observationes on Palladius, On Agriculture, Book 1, title 18, p. 25; and Gesner, in the Thesaurus. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Trapetum› · lemma, no call printed Trapetum. Mola olearis sive machina calcandis vel exprimendis olivis. Cujus luculentam descriptionem et delineationem vide in Schneider. V. Cl. Excurs. ad Caton., de Re rust., vol. I, part. II, pag. 610, seqq. Conf. Voss., Etymol. rom. ORELL.

"Olive mill (trapetum)." An oil mill, or machine for treading or pressing olives. See a clear description and drawing of it in the distinguished Schneider, Excursus on Cato, On Agriculture, vol. 1, part 2, pp. 610 ff. Compare Vossius, Etymologicum. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Buris› · lemma, no call printed Buris. Pars aratri posterior decurvata. Vid. Servius et Voss. ad Virgil. Georg., I, 370. ORELL.

"Plough-tail (buris)." The curved back part of the plough. See Servius and Voss on Virgil, Georgics I, 370. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Arquata sellula› · lemma, no call printed Arquata sellula. Id est in arcus similitudinem formata, quales sunt sellae semirotundae. Arquus scribebant pro arcus. Unde libro I, Arquitenentes Diana et Apollo. Quippe hae litterae crebro commutabantur. Sic contra licet pro liquet apud Plautum et Tertullianum. Locuntur apud hunc eumdem Afrum. Sic animaecus pro animaequus. Glossae: animecum, ἰσόψυχον. Oblicum pro obliquum. HERALD. — Conf. Lambin., ad Cic. de Nat. Deor., III, cap. 20. ORELL.

"A bow-shaped little seat." That is, formed in the likeness of a bow, like half-round seats. They wrote arquus for arcus; hence in Book 1, "Diana and Apollo the bow-holders." For these letters were often interchanged. So conversely licet for liquet in Plautus and Tertullian; locuntur in this same African; so animaecus for animaequus — the Glossaries: "animecum, of equal soul"; oblicum for obliquum. Heraldus. — Compare Lambinus on Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods III, ch. 20. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Strigilis› · lemma, no call printed Strigilis. Ita ms. recte. Nominativus antiquus, sicut vulturis, sanguinis et similia Inde accusativus strigilim apud Lucilium, citante Charisio, lib. I, qui ob oculos habuit eum versum: Praefractum strigilim, soleam improbu' dimidiatam. MEURS., in Append. — Strigil, strigilis instrumentum ad fricandum in balneis, cujus descriptionem et figuram vide ap. Hieronym. Mercurial., de Arte gymnast. Cf. Gonsal. ad Petron., c. 91. Hoc instrumentum, non autem strigilem ad radendos equos, hoc loco […]

"Strigil." So the manuscript, rightly. An old nominative, like vulturis, sanguinis and the like. Hence the accusative strigilim in Lucilius, as cited by Charisius, Book 1, who had this line before his eyes: "a broken strigil, the wretch, a half sandal." Meursius, in his Appendix. — Strigil, strigilis, an instrument for rubbing down in the baths, a description and figure of which see in Hieronymus Mercurialis, On the Art of Gymnastics. Compare Gonsalius on Petronius, ch. 91. This instrument, and not the curry-comb for scraping horses, [is meant] here […]

(—) ‹anchor: lemma not in the image (a kind of seat)› · lemma, no call printed […] vid. Munker. Eratosth Cataster. c. 16. de eadem: ἐσχημάτισται δὲ ἐπὶ δίφρου καθεζομένη. Casaubon, ad Sueton. Othon., cap. VI, p. 228, vol. IV, ed. Wolfii interpretatur selilam muliebrem non adopertam, cujus domi usus, non foris. Cf. Vossii Etymol. rom., et Gesner., in Thesauro. Alii non intelligentes hoc verbo legi voluerunt qualus, rastrum. ORELL.

[…] see Muncker on Eratosthenes, Catasterisms, ch. 16, on the same: "She is figured sitting on a chair." Casaubon, on Suetonius, Otho, ch. 6, p. 228, vol. 4, Wolf's edition, interprets it as a woman's uncovered seat, used at home, not out of doors. Compare Vossius, Etymologicum, and Gesner, in the Thesaurus. Others, not understanding this word, wished to read qualus ("basket"), rastrum ("rake"). Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Trulla› · lemma, no call printed Trulla. Vas aquarium ad lavandas manus minus trulleo. Vide supra ad cap. 19. ORELL.

"Ladle (trulla)." A water vessel for washing the hands, smaller than the trulleum. See above on ch. 19. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Batiaca› · lemma, no call printed Batiaca. Graece βατιάκη vel βατιάκιον ap. Athenaeum Dipnos., lib. XI, pag. 484, ed. Casaub., poculi erat genus, Latinis dictum batiola. vide Nonium., Plaut. Stich., act. V, scen. IV: Quibus divitiae domi sunt, scaphio et cantharis / Batiolis bibunt; nos nostro Samiolo poterio. ubi Turneb., Adversar. lib. XVI, cap. 11, legend. putat batiocis. Vide Taubmann., ad loc. Plaut.; Voss., Etymol. rom., verbo batiola. Bekmann., ad Aristotel., de Mirab. Auscult., c. 50, pag. 100, et inprimis, qui de hoc verbo multus est, Creutzer. V. Cl., in Commentatione Academ., I, de Caussis rerum Bacchicarum, pag. 59. ORELL.

"Batiaca." In Greek batiakē or batiakion, in Athenaeus, Deipnosophists, Book 11, p. 484, Casaubon's edition: it was a kind of cup, called batiola by the Latins. See Nonius; Plautus, Stichus, act 5, scene 4: "Those who have riches at home drink from bowls and tankards and batiolae; we from our own little Samian cup." There Turnebus, Adversaria, Book 16, ch. 11, thinks one should read batiocis. See Taubmann on the passage of Plautus; Vossius, Etymologicum, at batiola; Beckmann on Aristotle, On Marvellous Things Heard, ch. 50, p. 100; and above all the distinguished Creuzer, who has much on this word, in his Academic Dissertation 1, On the Causes of Bacchic Things, p. 59. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Codex.... liber› · lemma, no call printed Codex.... liber. Codex a libro sive volumine in hoc diversus, quod est massa vel corpus tabularum plurium sibi invicem impositarum, quales ligneae caeteroquin vel eboreae, vel membranaceae vel papyraceae esse possunt, estque adeo codicis forma quae hodiernorum librorum, cum volumen (sive liber, ut hoc loco vocat Arnobius) habeat chartas chartis attextas in longitudinem, qui deinde in unum rotulum sive cylindrum volvuntur. (Gesner., in Thesauro.) Cf. Rost et Wichmann Die Alterthümer Griechenlands unde Roms in Bildern. Fascic. I, pag. 10, seqq. ORELL.

"Codex ... book." A codex differs from a book or volume in this, that it is a mass or body of several tablets laid one upon another, which may otherwise be of wood or ivory, or of parchment or papyrus; and so the form of the codex is that of the books of today, whereas a volume (or liber, as Arnobius calls it here) has sheets joined to sheets lengthwise, which are then rolled into a single roll or cylinder. (Gesner, in the Thesaurus.) Compare Rost and Wichmann, Die Alterthümer Griechenlands und Roms in Bildern, fascicle 1, pp. 10 ff. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Radius› · lemma, no call printed Radius. Virgil., Eclog. III, 40: In medio dua signa Conon, et quis fuit alter? / Descripsit radio totum qui gentibus orbem. ubi Servius: Radius est virga philosophorum, qua geometrae lineas indicant. Peculiare mathematicis demonstrationibus instrumentum. Vide Barth., Adversar. lib. XLIX, cap. 3, pag. 2282, seq. Nourrius de stylo accipit, quo antiqui scribebant, sed nullo exemplo. ORELL.

"Rod (radius)." Virgil, Eclogues III, 40: "In the middle, two figures: Conon, and — who was the other, / who marked out with his rod the whole world for the nations?" There Servius: "The radius is the philosophers' rod, with which geometers show lines." An instrument peculiar to mathematical demonstrations. See Barth, Adversaria, Book 49, ch. 3, pp. 2282 f. Le Nourry takes it of the stylus with which the ancients wrote, but without an example. Orelli.

(—) ‹anchor: Non bovis ritu, aut asini, porci› · lemma, no call printed Non bovis ritu, aut asini, porci. Ita Meursius et Salmasius. Alii: non vobis ritu, etc. ORELL.

"Not after the manner of an ox, or an ass, or a pig." So Meursius and Salmasius. Others: non vobis ritu, etc. Orelli.

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batiaca, scopae, scyphus, saccus? Quid si cithara, tibia, argentum, aes, codex, radius, liber? Quid instrumenta si caetera, quibus vita succingitur et continetur humana? Ita, ut diximus, ille non bovis

a drinking-cup, brooms, a goblet, a sack? What if a lyre, a pipe, silver, bronze, a codex, a measuring-rod, a book? What if the other instruments by which human life is girded and held together? Thus, as we have said, will he not, of an ox

Editors' notes and page, col. 848

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PL 5:849

ritu, aut asini, porci, aut si ullum est animal tardius, conspiciet haec quidem, formaturas varias respectans, sed quae sint singula nesciens, et quam in causam possideantur, ignorans? Nonne vocem, si fuerit necessitate aliqua coactus emittere, ut solemne est mutis, inarticulatum nescio quid ore hiante clamabit?

or of an ass, of a pig, or if there is any slower animal, behold these things indeed, gazing upon their varied shapes, yet not knowing what each several thing is, and ignorant for what purpose they are possessed? Will he not, if he be forced by some necessity to utter a voice, as is customary for the dumb, cry out something inarticulate with gaping mouth?

XXIV. Quid in Menone, o Plato, quaedam rationibus numeri admota ex puerculo sciscitaris, et ex ejus niteris responsionibus comprobare, quae discamus non discere, sed in eorum memoriam, quae antiquitus noveramus, redire? Qui si tibi vere respondet, non enim nos convenit fidem rebus abjudicare quas dicis, non rerum scientia, sed intelligentia ducitur: et ex eo, quod aliquos numeros quotidianis habet ex usibus notos, fit ut sequatur rogatus, et ipsa illum semper

XXIV. Why in the Meno, O Plato, do you inquire of a little boy certain things brought near to the reckonings of number, and strive from his answers to prove that what we learn we do not learn, but return into the memory of those things which we had known of old? Now if he answers you truly—for it does not behove us to refuse credit to the things which you say—he is led not by knowledge of things, but by understanding; and from the fact that he has some numbers known to him from daily uses, it comes about that when questioned he follows, and the very process of

Editors' notes and page, col. 849

Footnotes

[1] ‹anchor: Aut si ullum est animal tardius› · note in col 849 Aut si ullum est animal tardius. Νωθέστερον. Sic enim Graeci hanc vocem usurpant de hominibus ingenii tardioris, ab animantibus istis epitheto translato. Nam hoc est asini epitheton quasi proprium, ὡς ἐστερημένου τοῦ θεῖν. Homerus: «ὡς δ' ὅτ' ὄνος παρ' ἄρουραν ἰὼν ἐβιήσατο παῖδας / Νωθής, ᾧ δὴ πολλὰ περὶ ῥόπαλ' ἀμφὶς ἐάγῃ.» Ad homines transtulit Aeschylus in Prometheo: «. . . . . . . . . . ἵνα / Μάθῃ σοφιστὴς ὢν Διὸς νωθέστερος.» HERALD.

Or if there is any animal slower. Νωθέστερον ("more sluggish"). For so the Greeks use this word of men of slower wit, the epithet being transferred from those animals. For this is the ass's epithet, as it were its own, as of one deprived of running. Homer: "As when an ass going past a field has the better of the boys, a sluggish one, about whom many cudgels have been broken on either side." Aeschylus transferred it to men in the Prometheus: ". . . that he may learn, clever as he is, that he is duller than Zeus." HÉRAULD.

[2] ‹anchor: Conspiciet haec quidem formaturas varias respectans› · note in col 849 Conspiciet haec quidem formaturas varias respectans. Ita Fulv. Ursin. probante Heraldo in Curis secundis. Cod. ms., formaturas varias. res spectans. Editor Lugd. Bat., formatura varia res spectans, id est, res vario modo formatas. Formatura vocabulum Lucretianum, verbi causa, lib. IV, vers. 560: «Servat enim formaturam servatque figuram.» ORELL.

It will behold these things indeed, looking back at their various formations. So Fulvio Orsini, with Hérauld's approval in his Second Thoughts. The manuscript: formaturas varias. res spectans. The Leiden editor: formatura varia res spectans, that is, things formed in various ways. Formatura is a word of Lucretius, for example Book IV, line 560: "For it keeps its formation and keeps its shape." ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: Sed quae sint singula nesciens› · note in col 849 Sed quae sint singula nesciens. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. optime, ut respondeat praecedenti quidem. Caeteri: et quae sint, etc. ORELL.

But not knowing what each thing is. So the Leiden edition, very well, so that it answers the preceding quidem. The others: et quae sint, etc. ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: XXIV. — Quid in Menone, o Plato› · note in col 849 XXIV. — Quid in Menone, o Plato, quaedam rationibus numeri admota ex puerculo sciscitaris Vide Platon. Menon., pag. 82-84, ed. H. Steph. (Bipont., vol. IV, pag. 353-357.) Cf. Cic. Tusc. I, 24. Sed valde placet conjectura Meursii, pag. 60: Amota ex puerculo. ORELL.

XXIV. — Why, Plato, in the Meno, do you question a little boy on certain things brought to the reckoning of number? See Plato, Meno, pp. 82–84, ed. Henri Estienne (Bipontine ed., vol. IV, pp. 353–357). Compare Cicero, Tusculan Disputations I, 24. But Meursius's conjecture, p. 60, pleases me greatly: Amota ex puerculo ("drawn out of a little boy"). ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: Humanitatis in finibus› · note in col 849 Humanitatis in finibus. Alii: Humanitatis esse in finibus. Sed verbum male repetitum delent Meursius et Salmasius, rectissime. ORELL.

Within the bounds of humanity. Others: Humanitatis esse in finibus. But Meursius and Salmasius delete the wrongly repeated verb, most rightly. ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: Involutum› · note in col 849 Involutum. Hoc loco sensu insolito, idem quod involutum, αἰνιγματῶδες. ORELL.

Involutum. Here in an unusual sense, the same as involutum (wrapped up), "riddling". ORELLI.

[7] ‹anchor: Quid sit cubus aut dynamis› · note in cols 849-850 Quid sit cubus aut dynamis, sesquioctavus aut sesquitertius ultimo. Ita lego cum Fulv. Ursino, Th. Cantero, Salmasio in edit. Lugd. Bat., et in Exercitt. in Solinum, pag. 297 et 492; ubi locum hunc difficillimum egregie illustrat: «Bene conjungitur ab Arnobio cubus et dynamis. Vetus auctor graecus de Numeris: Τετραγωνισμὸς καλεῖται οἱ ἀριθμοὶ οὗτοι ἅπαντες· Τρὶς τρεῖς θ' δύναμις· τρὶς θ' κζ' κῦβος· τρὶς κζ' πά δυναμοδύναμις· τρὶς πά σμγ' δυναμόκυβος· τρὶς σμγ' ψκθ' κυβόκυβος. Cubus et dynamis itaque nomina numerorum graecis pariter latinisque usitata. Sic apud Geometras, quod in recto mensuram accipit, vocatur numerus, quod in plano, dynamis, quod in solido, cubus. In numeris dyas lineae respondet, quae longitudinem habet tantum. Haec principium parium numerorum, unde et ἀρχὴ et γένεσις dicitur. Bis duo primus quadratus, qui praeter longitudinem etiam latitudinem accipit, et respondet embado sive areae, et δύναμις vocatur (Potentiam nominat Martianus Capella, ubi vid. Grot., ad pag. 23). Bis quatuor primus cubus, qui numerus στερεῷ ac solido aequiparat. Sic trias principium numerorum imparium. Ter tria dynamis, ter novem cubus. Desinant etiam quaerere viri docti, quid sit sesquitertius ultimus, nam legendum: aut sesquitertius ultimo, id est: postremo quid sit sesquioctavus aut sesquitertius.» Haec ex Salmasio. Pro cubus caeteri editores habent dibus, quod defendit Meursius accipiens de binione et allegans locum Agathiae Epigrammate 72 (Analect. Brunk., vol. III, pag. 60), in τάβλαν, id est, tabulam vel alveum lusorium Zenonis, ubi vers. 10, seq. haec leguntur: «Ὃς δὲ κίλει μετὰ σοῦμμον, ἔχεν δύο. μουνάδα δ' ἄλλην / Ψῆφον τὴν πυμάτην ἀμφίπεσκε [?] δίβος.» Ubi autem δίβος seu dibus non est, ut Meursius putat, binio, sed, ut docent Jacobs V. Cl., in Obss. ad Analect., vol. III, part. I, pag. 122, et Salmasius, qui Epigramma hoc pluribus illustrat in Obss. ad Julii Vopisci Proculum, Hist. August., vol. II, pag. 753, est nomen Latinum factum ex divus, ut et σοῦμμος ex summus, et significat locum sive lineam in uno latere alvei lusorii calculorum sive tesserarum, qu[i] dicebatur divus, δίβος, quasi regis vel imperatoris Romani sedes: nam nemo nescit imperatores Romanorum Divos post mortem appellatos: cui in altero latere oppositus erat et contrarius Antigonus, quod est nomen Macedonum regis, quos semper Romanis adversos et contrarios fuisse notum est. Talis enim tabulae ludus ad imaginem belli plane compositus erat: inde tabulae certamen dicebatur: in eo calculi nigri vel russei cum albis certabant. Sed hoc nihil ad locum nostrum, ubi non de calculis lusoriis, sed de numeris sermo est. Itaque legendum cubus. ORELL.

What a cube or a "dynamis" is, or lastly a sesquioctave or a sesquitertian. So I read with Fulvio Orsini, Theodore Canter, and Salmasius in the Leiden edition and in his Exercitations on Solinus, pp. 297 and 492, where he illuminates this most difficult passage admirably: "Arnobius rightly joins cube and dynamis. An old Greek author on Numbers: 'All these numbers are called squaring: three threes, 9, the dynamis; three nines, 27, the cube; three 27s, 81, the dynamodynamis; three 81s, 243, the dynamocube; three 243s, 729, the cubocube.' Cube and dynamis, then, are names of numbers used alike by Greeks and Latins. So among the geometers, what takes measure in a line is called number, what in a plane, dynamis, what in a solid, cube. Among numbers the dyad answers to the line, which has length only. It is the beginning of the even numbers, whence it is also called 'beginning' and 'origin'. Twice two is the first square, which takes breadth besides length, and answers to the surface or area, and is called dynamis (Martianus Capella names it Potentia; see Grotius on it, at p. 23). Twice four is the first cube, a number that equals a solid body. So the triad is the beginning of the odd numbers. Three threes is the dynamis, three nines the cube. Let the learned also stop asking what a sesquitertius ultimus is, for we must read aut sesquitertius ultimo, that is, lastly, what a sesquioctave or a sesquitertian is." So far Salmasius. For cubus the other editors have dibus, which Meursius defends, taking it of a pair (a "deuce") and citing a passage of Agathias, Epigram 72 (Brunck's Analecta, vol. III, p. 60), on the tabula, that is, the gaming board, of Zeno, where in lines 10 ff. we read: "And he who had two after the summus; and the dibus fell around another single piece, the last one." But dibus (δίβος) there is not, as Meursius thinks, a "deuce"; rather, as the distinguished Jacobs teaches in his Observations on the Analecta, vol. III, part I, p. 122, and Salmasius, who illuminates this epigram at length in his Observations on Vopiscus's Proculus, Historia Augusta, vol. II, p. 753, it is a Latin noun made from divus, as σοῦμμος is from summus, and it means a place or line on one side of the board for pieces or dice, which was called divus, δίβος, as if the seat of the Roman king or emperor: for everyone knows that the Roman emperors were called Divi after death. Opposite and contrary to it on the other side was Antigonus, the name of a king of the Macedonians, who were, as is known, always opposed and hostile to the Romans. For the game of the board was plainly framed as an image of war; hence it was called the battle of the board; in it black or red pieces fought against white. But this has nothing to do with our passage, where the talk is not of gaming pieces but of numbers. Therefore read cubus. ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: An inquisitam expediat quaestionem› · note in col 850 An inquisitam expediat quaestionem. Stewech. leg. conj. anquisitamne expediat quaestionem, adducens Festi auctoritatem: anquirere, circumquaerere. Sed nil mutandum. Inquisitam pro simplici quaesitam. ORELL.

Whether he can resolve the question asked. Stewechius conjectures the reading anquisitamne expediat quaestionem, citing the authority of Festus: anquirere, "to search around". But nothing should be changed. Inquisitam stands for the simple quaesitam. ORELLI.

[9] ‹anchor: Sensurus› · note in col 850 Sensurus. Th. Canterus conj. haesurus, id est dubitaturus. Sed nil mutandum. ORELL.

Sensurus ("about to perceive"). Theodore Canter conjectures haesurus, that is, "about to be at a loss". But nothing should be changed. ORELLI.

[10] ‹anchor: Marpesia rupes› · note in col 850 Marpesia rupes. Sumpsit ex Virgilio, Aen. VI, vers. 471 sq.: «Nec magis incepto vultum sermone movetur, / Quam si dura silex, aut stet Marpesia cautes.»

Marpesian rock. He took it from Virgil, Aeneid VI, lines 471 f.: "Nor is her face moved by the speech begun any more than if she stood as hard flint or Marpesian crag."

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multiplicationis adducat accessio. Quod si vere confidis immortales huc animas, et plenas scientiae pervolare, adolescentulum istum rogare definito, quem esse conspicis ignarum rerum, et humanitatis in finibus constitutum. Quadragenarium istum ad te voca, et ex eo percontare, non abstrusum aliquid, non involutum, non de triangulis, non de quadratis, quid sit Cubus, aut Dynamis sesquioctavus, aut sesquitertius ultimo: sed quod in medio situm est, bis bina, bis terna, quam efficiant summulam, quaerito. Volumus videre, volumus scire, quid rogatus respondeat, an inquisitam expediat quaestionem. Ita ille sensurus est, quamvis ei pateant aures, an aliquid dicas, an aliquid quaeras, an ab se responderi aliquid postules: et non stipes ut aliquis, aut Marpesia, ut dictum est, rupes stabit elinguis et mutus, hoc ipsum

multiplication always leads him on by its addition. But if you truly trust that souls fly hither immortal and full of knowledge, cease to question that young boy, whom you see to be ignorant of things and set within the bounds of human society. Call to yourself that forty-year-old man, and inquire of him, not something abstruse, not something intricate, not about triangles, not about squares, what a Cube is, or a Second Power, a sesquioctave ratio, or finally a sesquitertian: but ask what is set in the open—twice two, twice three, what small sum they make. We wish to see, we wish to know, what he answers when questioned, whether he disentangles the question inquired into. Will he thus perceive, although his ears are open, whether you are saying anything, whether you are asking anything, whether you are demanding that something be answered by him; and will he not stand like some stock, or, as the saying is, a Marpesian crag, tongueless and dumb,

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ignorans et nesciens, secum potius an cum altero colloquaris, cum altero sermocineris, an secum: oratio sit ista, quam promis, an sonitus vocis, nihil rerum significans, sed inani continuatione pertractus?

ignorant and not knowing this very thing, whether you are conversing rather with him or with another, whether you are talking with another or with him; whether that which you bring forth is speech, or a sound of the voice signifying nothing real, but drawn out in an empty continuation?

XXV. Quid dicitis, o viri, plusquam satis est vobis ex aliena generositate tribuentes? Haec est anima docta illa quam dicitis, immortalis, perfecta, divina, post Deum principem rerum, et post mentes geminas locum obtinens quartum, et affluens ex crateribus vivis? Hic est ille pretiosus, et rationibus homo augustissimis praeditus, mundus minor qui dicitur, et totius in speciem similitudinis fabricatus, atque formatus: nullo melior, ut apparuit, pecore, obtusior ligno, saxo, qui nesciat homines, et in mutis semper solitudinibus degat, demoretur iners, valeat in aere, quamvis

XXV. What say you, O men, attributing to yourselves more than is enough out of an alien nobility? Is this that learned soul of which you speak, immortal, perfect, divine, holding the fourth place after God the Sovereign of things and after the twin minds, and flowing forth from the living mixing-bowls? Is this that precious man, endowed with most august reasons, who is called a lesser world, and fashioned and formed after the likeness of the whole: better, as has appeared, than no beast, duller than wood or stone, one who knows not men, and dwells always in dumb solitudes; let him tarry idle, let him thrive in the open air, although

Editors' notes and page, col. 851

Footnotes

[1] ‹anchor: Marpesia rupes (note of p. 427)› · note in col 851

(continued) [one line, cut off at the top edge of the image, ending] … HERALD.

[2] ‹anchor: Cum altero sermocineris, an secum› · note in col 851 Cum altero sermocineris, an secum. Prorsus assentior Meursio haec verba expungenti tamquam glossema et otiosam repetitionem eorum, quae modo praecesserant. ORELL.

Whether you are talking with another or with yourself. I fully agree with Meursius, who strikes these words out as a gloss and an idle repetition of what had just gone before. ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: XXV. — Anima… post Deum principem rerum› · note in col 851 XXV. — Anima… post Deum principem rerum et post mentes geminas locum obtinens quartum. Illustranda haec verba e platonicorum doctrina, qui locum in rerum natura summum ac principem attribuebant θεῷ πρώτῳ, Διῒ μεγάλῳ, δημιουργῷ, secundum θεοῖς γεννητοῖς, diis a summo Deo creatis ipsique subjectis, tertium δαίμοσι, quartum tandem animis hominum ab eodem Deo summo creatis (corpora enim ex elementis formasse deos minores statuebant. Vid. Alcinoum Introduct. in philosophiam Platonis, cap. 17). Plato, in Phaedro, pag. 247, ed. H. Steph. (Bipont. p. 321): Ὁ μὲν δὴ μέγας ἡγεμὼν ἐν οὐρανῷ Ζεὺς πτηνὸν ἅρμα ἐλαύνων πρῶτος πορεύεται διακοσμῶν πάντα καὶ ἐπιμελούμενος· τῷ δ' ἕπεται στρατιὰ θεῶν τε καὶ δαιμόνων κατὰ ἕνδεκα μέρη κεκοσμημένη. Alcinous, l. I, c. 15, p. 105, ed. Fischeri, in quarto. Dial. Plat.: Ὁ μὲν γὰρ Θεὸς τοῦ τε παντὸς ὑπάρχει ποιητὴς αὐτὸς καὶ τῶν δαιμόνων. Mentes itaque geminas, id est similes, pares (vid. Serv., ad Aeneid. I, vers. 165), dicit Arnobius θεοὺς καὶ δαίμονας, quorum in loco Judaeorum ac christianorum doctores platonizantes substituebant ἀγγέλους καὶ δυνάμεις. Vid. Wertsten., in Matth., cap. 24, vers. 29 Nov. Test., tom. I, p. 503. ORELL.

XXV. — The soul… holding the fourth place after God, the first principle of things, and after the twin minds. These words are to be explained from the teaching of the Platonists, who assigned the highest and first place in the nature of things to the first God, great Zeus, the Demiurge; the second to the begotten gods, gods created by the supreme God and subject to him; the third to the daemons; and the fourth, finally, to the souls of men, created by the same supreme God (for they held that the lesser gods formed bodies out of the elements; see Alcinous, Introduction to the Philosophy of Plato, ch. 17). Plato, in the Phaedrus, p. 247, ed. Henri Estienne (Bipontine p. 321): "The great leader in heaven, Zeus, driving a winged chariot, goes first, ordering all things and caring for them; and after him follows an army of gods and daemons, marshalled in eleven divisions." Alcinous, book I, ch. 15, p. 105, Fischer's edition in quarto of the Platonic Dialogues: "For God himself is the maker both of the universe and of the daemons." By the twin, that is like, equal minds (see Servius on Aeneid I, line 165), Arnobius means gods and daemons, in whose place Jewish and Christian teachers of Platonist leaning put angels and powers. See Wettstein on Matthew 24:29, New Testament, vol. I, p. 503. ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: Ex crateribus vivis› · note in col 851 Ex crateribus vivis. Id est ποταμὸς ὕδατος τῆς ζωῆς. Vid. Apocal. XXII, vers. 1. ORELL.

From living bowls. That is, "a river of the water of life". See Revelation 22:1. ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: Mundus minor qui dicitur› · note in col 851 Mundus minor qui dicitur. Macrob., in Somn. Scip., lib. II, cap. 12: Physici mundum magnum hominem, et hominem brevem mundum esse dixerunt. Chalcidius in Platon. Timaeum, p. 126. Est in corporibus nostris aquae portio et item aeris, nec non ignis et terrae, unde, opinor, hominem mundum brevem a veteribus appellatum, κόσμον συντομή. Cf. Nemes., de Natura Hom., c. 1. ELMENH. et ORELL.

Who is called the lesser world. Macrobius, on the Dream of Scipio, Book II, ch. 12: "The natural philosophers have said that the world is a great man, and man a brief world." Chalcidius on Plato's Timaeus, p. 126: "There is in our bodies a portion of water and likewise of air, and also of fire and earth; whence, I think, man was called by the ancients a brief world," an abridgement of the cosmos. Compare Nemesius, On the Nature of Man, ch. 1. ELMENHORST and ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: Demoretur iners, valeat in aere› · note in cols 851-852 Demoretur iners, valeat in aere, quamvis annis vivat innumeris. Ita edidi ex emendatione levissima et felicissima C. Barthii in Advers., lib. XLIV, cap. 4, p. 1987. Sensus scil. loci est: Pone hominem in solitudinem, fac sanum ut libet, fac immortalem esse, da illi omnium votorum in hac vita summam, ut scil. in aere valeat, i. e. pecuniis, divitiis affluat. Cod. ms. et ed. 1 habet valeat in aere, nullo sensu. Fulv. Ursin. et Gelenius: demoretur iners veluti puer, quamvis, etc. audacter. Stewech. proponit legendum aut: iners vagiat amare, sive propius ad scripturam codi- [one line cut off at the top of col 852] … fingit Arnobius e carcere tenebricoso, quo inclusus erat, inter homines prodeuntem, neque vagiet amplius, ut infans, neque, cum ovem hactenus nullam viderit, nihil praeter nutricem suam conspiciens, ut ovis balabit. Jo. Meursius censet legendum: demoretur iners valde et ignarus, quamvis, etc. Herald. in Curis secundis: velut in aere, i. e. tamquam volucris in aere degens, ut nos dicimus: Er lebt, est ist ihm wohl, wie dem Vogel in der Luft. Editor Leidensis: idem erit iners, valeat manere quamvis annis vivus innumeris, audacius et a scriptura codicis remotius. Minime autem spernenda est altera conjectura ejusdem C. Barthii l. l. valeat, in arce quamvis, etc., i. e. in loco tutissimo, extra omnem aleam, omne periculum humanitatis positus, ut saepissime ap. antiquos. Priorem tamen praetuli, demoretur est pro demorabitur more Arnobii praesens conjunctivi saepissime ponentis pro futuro indicativi. ORELL.

Let him linger on idle, let him prosper in money, though he live innumerable years. So I have printed it from the very slight and very happy emendation of Caspar Barth in his Adversaria, Book XLIV, ch. 4, p. 1987. The sense of the passage is this: put a man in solitude, make him as healthy as you like, make him immortal, give him the sum of all his wishes in this life, so that he prospers in money, that is, abounds in cash and riches. The manuscript and the first edition have valeat in aere, which makes no sense. Fulvio Orsini and Gelenius: demoretur iners veluti puer, quamvis, etc., boldly. Stewechius proposes reading either iners vagiat amare ("let him wail bitterly"), or, nearer to the manuscript's writing … [a line lost in the image] … Arnobius imagines him coming out among men from the dark prison in which he was shut, and he will no longer wail like an infant, nor, having never yet seen a sheep and seeing nothing but his nurse, bleat like a sheep. Johannes Meursius thinks we should read demoretur iners valde et ignarus, quamvis, etc. Hérauld in his Second Thoughts: velut in aere, that is, like a bird living in the air, as we say: "He lives, it goes well with him, like the bird in the air." The Leiden editor: idem erit iners, valeat manere quamvis annis vivus innumeris, more boldly and further from the manuscript's writing. Not at all to be despised, though, is the other conjecture of the same Caspar Barth in the same place: valeat, in arce quamvis, etc., that is, placed in the safest spot, beyond all chance and every human danger, as very often in the ancients. I have nevertheless preferred the first; demoretur stands for demorabitur, after the manner of Arnobius, who very often puts the present subjunctive for the future indicative. ORELLI.

[7] ‹anchor: Nodis corporeis› · note in col 852 Nodis corporeis, Nodi corporei i. q. vincula corporis de vita animam in eo detinente. Vid. C. Barth. Adversar., lib. XII, cap. 15, p. 694. ORELL.

By bodily knots. Bodily knots is the same as the bonds of the body, said of the life that holds the soul in it. See Caspar Barth, Adversaria, Book XII, ch. 15, p. 694. ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Usu atque assiduitate cogente› · note in col 852 Usu atque assiduitate cogente. Forte assiduitate docente. MEURS., p. 63.

With use and constant practice compelling. Perhaps with constant practice teaching. MEURSIUS, p. 63.

[9] ‹anchor: Agnoscere in curriculo flexiones› · note in col 852 Agnoscere in curriculo flexiones. Noscere, scire et ejus composita apud Arnobium saepissime de iis, quae quis usu et experientia discit. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 23. ORELL.

To recognize the turns in the course. Noscere, scire and their compounds are very often used by Arnobius of what one learns by use and experience. See above, on Book I, ch. 23. ORELLI.

[10] ‹anchor: Revolare ad dominicas sedes› · note in col 852 Revolare ad dominicas sedes. Ita Gelenius. Ms. revocare. Scripserat fortasse Arnobius revolgare, ἀρχαίως pro volare. Lucretius II, vers. 163: «Tempore, quo Solis pervolgant fulgura coelum.» Pacuvius: Halcyonis ritu littus pervolgans feror. HERALD. — Pro sedes Ursin. aedes. ORELL.

To fly back to the master's seat. So Gelenius. The manuscript has revocare. Perhaps Arnobius had written revolgare, an archaic form for volare. Lucretius II, line 163: "In the time in which the Sun's lightnings range through the sky." Pacuvius: "Like the halcyon I am borne ranging over the shore." HÉRAULD. — For sedes Orsini reads aedes. ORELLI.

[11] ‹anchor: Nomina corvus expromere› · note in col 852 Nomina corvus expromere. Ms. reg. habet corsus, quod interpretantur nonnulli ὡς ἀπὸ τῆς καρδίας, expromere ad psittacum referentes, sed cuilibet potest persuaderi, genuinam esse lectionem corvus. Apuleius, lib. II, Florid. Verum enim vero, inquit, et corvus et psittacus nihil aliud, quam quod didicerunt, pronuntiant. Quo libro is scriptor multa abdita de natura et indiciis psittacorum tradidit. De corvis porro salutatoribus, quos imperator Augustus coemit, adeundus Macrobius libro II Saturnal., cap. 10. HERALD. et STEWECH. — Pro expromere Fulv. Ursin. legit exprimere. Male. Virgil. Aen. II. vs. 280, Maestas expromere voces. ORELL.

The raven [learns] to bring out names. The royal manuscript has corsus, which some interpret as "from the heart", referring expromere to the parrot; but anyone can be persuaded that the genuine reading is corvus. Apuleius, Florida Book II: "But in truth," he says, "both the raven and the parrot pronounce nothing but what they have learned." In that book the writer passed on many hidden things about the nature and signs of parrots. On the greeting ravens, moreover, which the emperor Augustus bought, Macrobius should be consulted, Saturnalia Book II, ch. 10. HÉRAULD and STEWECHIUS. — For expromere Fulvio Orsini reads exprimere. Wrongly. Virgil, Aeneid II, line 280: "to bring out sad words." ORELLI.

[12] ‹anchor: XXVI. — Superioribus adventare de saeculis› · note in col 852 XXVI. — Superioribus adventare de saeculis. Fulv. Ursinus conj. de sedibus, sed nil mutandum.

XXVI. — To arrive from higher ages. Fulvio Orsini conjectures de sedibus ("from higher seats"), but nothing should be changed.

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annis vivat innumeris, et numquam nodis corporeis eximatur. Sed cum scholas attigerit, et magistrorum fuerit institutionibus eruditus, efficitur prudens, doctus, et quam nuper habuerat, imperitiam ponit. Et asellus, et bos aeque, usu atque assiduitate cogente, discit arare ac molere: equus jugum subire, et agnoscere in curriculo flexiones: camelus sese submittere, sive cum sumit onera, sive cum ponit: columba manumissa revolare ad dominicas sedes: canis cum invenerit praedam, cohibere et continere latratum: verba psittacus et integrare, et nomina corvus expromere.

he live for countless years, and never be released from bodily knots! Yet when he has reached the schools, and has been instructed by the teachings of masters, he is made prudent and learned, and lays aside the unskilfulness which he lately had. Both the little ass and the ox equally, when practice and constant application compel, learn to plough and to grind; the horse to go under the yoke, and to know the turnings in the racecourse; the camel to lower itself, whether when it takes up burdens or when it lays them down; the dove when let go to fly back to its master's abode; the dog, when it has found prey, to check and hold in its barking; the parrot also to repeat words, and the raven to utter names.

XXVI. Sed ego cum audio nescio quid praestans animam dici, Deo vicinum et proximum, scientem huc omnia superioribus adventare de saeculis: nolo

XXVI. Yet when I hear the soul called something surpassing, near and next to God, coming hither from prior ages knowing all things, I do not wish

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illam discere, sed docere: nec ex docta, ut dicitur, elementariam fieri: sed retinentem res suas corporibus semet circumligare terrenis. Nisi enim sese habuerit res ita, discerni quis poterit, utrumne illud, quod audit, reminiscatur, an discat? cum multo facilius sit credere, discere illam quod nesciat, quam oblitam, quod paulo ante sciebat, et oppositu corporis amitti repetentiam priorum. Et ubi est illud quod dicitur incorporalis anima substantiam non habere? Quod enim nullius est corporis, oppositione alterius non impeditur, nec potest aliquid suaderi perdere id, quod non potest tactum rei oppositae sustinere. Ut enim numerus in corporibus constitutus, quamvis mille corporibus obruatur, intactus et inviolabilis constat, ita necesse est animas, si sunt, ut perhibetur, incorporeae, oblivionem priorum nullam pati: quamvis eas solidissimae corporum circumligaverint junctiones. Quid? quod eadem ratio non tantum incorporeas indicat eas non esse, verum etiam privat immortalitate has omni, et ad fines applicat, quibus vita consueta est terminari. Quidquid enim causa ingruente nonnulla ita mutatur, et vertitur, ut integritatem suam retinere non possit: id necesse est judicari

it to learn, but to teach; nor from being learned, as is said, to become a beginner in the elements, but retaining its own possessions to bind itself around with earthly bodies. For unless the matter be so, how will it be able to be discerned whether it remembers that which it hears, or learns it? since it is much easier to believe that it learns what it does not know, than that having forgotten what a little before it knew, by the interposition of the body the recollection of former things is lost. And where is that saying, that an incorporeal soul has no substance? For that which is of no body is not hindered by the interposition of another thing, nor can that which cannot undergo the touch of an opposing thing be prevailed upon to lose anything. For just as a number set in bodies, although it be overwhelmed by a thousand bodies, remains untouched and inviolable, so is it necessary that souls, if they are, as is asserted, incorporeal, suffer no forgetfulness of former things, although the most solid joinings of bodies have bound them around. What of the fact that the same reasoning not only shows that they are not incorporeal, but also deprives them of all immortality, and brings them near to the ends whereby life is wont to be bounded? For whatever, when some cause assails it, is so changed and turned that it cannot retain its own wholeness, must needs be

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Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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Inducere alii.

Others read inducere.

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natura esse passivum. Quod autem est promptum atque expositum passioni, corruptibile esse, ipsa possibilitate interveniente, denuntiatur.

judged to be passive by nature. And that which is ready and exposed to being acted upon is declared to be corruptible by the very intervention of passibility.

XXVII. Ergo, si et animae perdunt omne quod noverant, corporalibus vinculis occupatae, patiantur necesse est aliquid, quod eas efficiat oblivionis induere caecitatem. Neque enim nihil omnino perpessae, aut integritatem conservantes suam, possunt rerum scientiam ponere, aut in alios habitus sine sui mutabilitate transire. Atqui nos arbitramur, quod est unum, quod immortale, quod simplex, quacumque in re fuerit, necessario semper suam retinere naturam: nec debere aut posse aliquid perpeti, si modo esse perpetuum cogitat, et in finibus propriae immortalitatis haerere. Omnis enim passio lethi atque interitus janua est, ad mortem ducens via, et inevitabilem rebus afferens functionem: quam si sentiunt animae, et tactui ejus atque incursionibus cedunt, usu et illis est vita non mancipio tradita, quamvis aliter quidam inferant, et rei tantae fidem suis in argumentationibus ponant.

XXVII. Therefore, if souls also lose all that they had known when seized by bodily bonds, they must needs suffer something that causes them to put on the blindness of forgetfulness. For neither can they, having suffered nothing at all, or preserving their own wholeness, lay aside the knowledge of things, or pass over into other states without changeableness of themselves. And yet we judge that what is one, what is immortal, what is simple, in whatever thing it may be, necessarily always retains its own nature, and neither ought nor is able to suffer anything, if only it intends to be perpetual, and to cleave within the bounds of its own immortality. For all suffering is the door of death and destruction, a way leading to death, and bringing an inevitable end to things; and if souls feel this, and yield to its touch and inroads, life has been handed over to them also for use, not in ownership, although some infer otherwise, and place the credit of so great a matter in their own arguments.

XXVIII. Ac ne tamen instructi non plenius abeamus, audiamus a vobis, quemadmodum dicitis, animas,

XXVIII. And yet, lest we depart not more fully instructed, let us hear from you how you say that souls,

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Audire avemus Fulv.

Audire avemus ("we long to hear"), Fulvio Orsini.

Commentarius

[1] ‹anchor: XXVI. — Superioribus adventare de saeculis (note of p. 428)› · note in col 853

(continued) Utitur Arnobius hoc verbo pro genere, sobole et multitudine, more Lucretiano. Adi indicem Giphanii. ELMENH. — Vide supr. ad lib. I, c. 25, et infra ad lib. VII, c. 24. ORELL.

[2] ‹anchor: Elementariam fieri› · note in col 853 Elementariam fieri. Id est, primis elementis imbuendam. Seneca, epist. XXXVI. Turpis et ridicula res est elementarius senex. ELMENH. et NOURR. — Eine ABC-Schulerin. ORELL.

To become an elementary pupil. That is, to be instructed in the first elements. Seneca, Letter 36: "An old man at his ABCs is a shameful and ridiculous thing." ELMENHORST and LE NOURRY. — "A girl at her ABCs." ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: Repetentiam priorum› · note in col 853 Repetentiam priorum. Glossae: Repetentia. — ἐπανάληψις. Infra cap. 28. Quod enim rebus ingressis priorum repetentiam detrahit, id est ἀνάμνησιν. Lucretius, lib. III, vers. 863, seq.: «Interrupta semel cum sit repetentia nostra. / Et nunc nil ad nos de nobis attinet, ante / Qui fuimus.» Sic retinentia quoque apud Lucretium. qua rerum praeteritarum fugientem memoriam retinemus scil. et retrahimus, lib. III, vers. 674, seq.: «Nam si tantopere 'st animi mutata potestas, / Omnis ut actarum exciderit retinentia rerum.» HERALD. et ELMENH.

Recollection of former things. The Glossaries: Repetentia — "taking up again". Below, ch. 28: "For what takes away from things that have entered the recollection of former things," that is, anamnesis. Lucretius, Book III, lines 863 ff.: "Since our recollection has once been broken off. And now nothing about ourselves who were before concerns us." So too retinentia in Lucretius, by which we hold back, that is, draw back, the fleeing memory of past things, Book III, lines 674 ff.: "For if the power of the mind has been so greatly changed that all retention of things done has fallen away." HÉRAULD and ELMENHORST.

[4] ‹anchor: Incorporales animas substantias non habere› · note in col 853 Incorporales animas substantias non habere. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat., e correctione Stewechii. Antea legebatur incorporalis anima, sed incorporalis in cod. ms. est accusativus pluralis pro incorporales. Alii: incorporalem animas substantiam. ORELL.

That souls do not have incorporeal substances. So the Leiden edition, from Stewechius's correction. Formerly it read incorporalis anima, but incorporalis in the manuscript is an accusative plural for incorporales. Others: incorporalem animas substantiam. ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: Suaderi› · note in col 853 Suaderi. Fulv. Ursinus leg. censet videri. Sed nihil mutandum. Suaderi, perdere, id est affici, ut perdat. Ita suadere, imperare saepissime etiam de rebus inanimatis pro impellere, sollicitare. Lucret., lib. I, vers. 175: «. . . Frumenta calore / Viteis autumno fundi suadente videmus.» ubi tamen alii legunt: sudante. Vide Lambin., p. 35. ORELL.

Suaderi ("to be persuaded"). Fulvio Orsini thinks we should read videri. But nothing should be changed. To be persuaded to destroy, that is, to be so affected as to destroy. So suadere and imperare are very often used even of inanimate things for "to drive, to stir". Lucretius, Book I, line 175: "We see corn poured forth by the heat, and vines when autumn urges," where, however, others read sudante ("sweating"). See Lambinus, p. 35. ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: In corporibus› · note in col 853 In corporibus. Fulv. Ursinus: incorporeus. Male. ORELL.

In bodies. Fulvio Orsini: incorporeus. Wrongly. ORELLI.

[7] ‹anchor: Corporum……. junctiones› · note in col 853 Corporum……. junctiones. Alii: vinctiones, male. Arnobius infra eodem libro: Quis auctor junctionis? Lib. III: Multitudinis junctionis differentia conservata. Lib. VI: Simulacrorum coalescere junctioni. ELMENH.

The joinings… of bodies. Others: vinctiones ("bindings"), wrongly. Arnobius below in the same book: "Who is the author of the joining?" Book III: "the difference of the joining of the multitude being kept." Book VI: "to grow together in the joining of images." ELMENHORST.

[8] ‹anchor: Passibilitate interveniente› · note in col 854 Passibilitate interveniente. Passibilitas vox cadentis Latinitatis. Vid. Voss., de Vitiis serm. et Ol. Borrich. Cogitat., p. 189. Sic passibilis infra libro VII: Quicquid enim vexatur rei alicujus e motu, passibile esse constat et fragile. ORELL.

Passibility intervening. Passibilitas is a word of declining Latinity. See Vossius, On the Faults of Speech, and Olaus Borrichius, Cogitationes, p. 189. So passibilis below in Book VII: "For whatever is troubled by the motion of some thing is clearly passible and frail." ORELLI.

[9] ‹anchor: XXVII. — Si modo esse perpetuum cogitat› · note in col 854 XXVII. — Si modo esse perpetuum cogitat. Sine dubio legendum: esse se perpetuum cogitat. ORELL.

XXVII. — If only it thinks to be everlasting. Without doubt read: esse se perpetuum cogitat ("thinks itself to be everlasting"). ORELLI.

[10] ‹anchor: Omnis enim passio lethi atque interitus janua est› · note in col 854 Omnis enim passio lethi atque interitus janua est. Infra: Rursus vero si animae lethi adeunt januas. Imitatur Lucretium v. 374: «Haud igitur lethi praeclusa est janua coelo.» HERALD.

For every suffering is a door of death and destruction. Below: "But again, if souls approach the doors of death." He imitates Lucretius V, 374: "So the door of death is not shut against the sky." HÉRAULD.

[11] ‹anchor: Inevitabilem rebus afferens functionem› · note in col 854 Inevitabilem rebus afferens functionem. Functio pro morte, ut fungi pro mori, locutio familiaris Arnobio. Sic infra cap. 57. Hic retur (animas) esse perpetuas, et superesse mortalium junctioni. Ita morte functus lib. I, cap. 41. Vide Vorst. ad Sulpic. Sever., I, cap. VII, et Bunemann., ad Lactant., Instit. VII, cap. 10, pag. 914. ORELL.

Bringing on things an inevitable ending. Functio for death, as fungi for "to die", is a usage familiar to Arnobius. So below, ch. 57: "This one thinks (souls) to be everlasting and to outlast the junction of mortals." So morte functus ("having discharged death") in Book I, ch. 41. See Vorst on Sulpicius Severus I, ch. 7, and Bünemann on Lactantius, Institutes VII, ch. 10, p. 914. ORELLI.

[12] ‹anchor: Usu et illis est vita, non mancipio tradita› · note in col 854 Usu et illis est vita, non mancipio tradita. Id est data est illis vita ad usum, non ut perpetuam ac aeternam eam habeant. Lucretius III, 984: «Vitaque mancipio nulli datur, omnibus usu.» Seneca Epist. LXXII: Nihil dat fortuna mancipio. ELMENH.

To them too life is handed over for use, not as property. That is, life is given them for use, not that they should have it everlasting and eternal. Lucretius III, 984: "And life is given to none as property, to all for use." Seneca, Letter 72: "Fortune gives nothing as property." ELMENHORST.

[13] ‹anchor: Quamvis aliter quidem inferant› · note in col 854 Quamvis aliter quidem inferant. Id est argumententur, concludant. Locutio apud Tertullianum et Apuleium haud infrequens; sed etiam probatioribus scriptoribus, verbi causa Quintiliano Inst. V, cap. 14, et lib. VIII, cap. 4, usurpata. Cujus plura exempla collegit Bunemann, ad Lactantii Inst. VII, cap. 13, pag. 927, seq. ORELL.

Although they indeed infer otherwise. That is, argue, conclude. A usage not infrequent in Tertullian and Apuleius, but used also by more approved writers, for example Quintilian, Institutes V, ch. 14, and Book VIII, ch. 4. Bünemann has collected many examples of it on Lactantius, Institutes VII, ch. 13, pp. 927 f. ORELLI.

[14] ‹anchor: XXVIII. — Ac ne tamen instructi non plenius abeamus› · note in col 854 XXVIII. — Ac ne tamen instructi non plenius abeamus, audiamus a vobis, quemadmodum dicitis, animas, cum terrenis fuerint corporibus involutae, priorum reminiscentiam non habere. Ita editiones omnes, excepta prima et Lugd. Bat. e correctione Gelenii. ms. et editio princeps habet, abeamus ne videamur a vobis: unde Heraldus in Curis secundis legendum suspicatur (continues)

XXVIII. — And yet, that we may not go away less fully instructed, let us hear from you how you say that souls, when they have been wrapped in earthly bodies, have no recollection of former things. So all the editions, except the first and the Leiden, from Gelenius's correction. The manuscript and the first edition have abeamus ne videamur a vobis; whence Hérauld in his Second Thoughts suspects we should read (continues)

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cum terrenis fuerint corporibus involutae, priorum reminiscentiam non habere; cum in ipsis corporibus positae, et prope insensibiles eorum commixtione perfectae, pertinaciter et fideliter teneant ea quae ante annos plures, si velis dicere vel octoginta, vel hoc amplius, vel fecerunt, vel passae sunt, vel locutae sunt, vel audierunt. Si enim obstaculo perficitur corporis, ne meminerint eorum, quae jamdudum, et ante hominem sciebant, magis est ut ea debeant oblivisci quae conclusae in corporibus factitarunt, quam quae foris positae, nondum hominibus conjugatae. Quod enim rebus ingressis priorum repetentiam detrahit, et intra se gesta irrecordabili debet obliteratione deperdere. Una enim causa res duas efficere ac sibi contrarias non potest, ut aliorum memorias sopiat, alia patiatur actoris in recordationem venire. Quod si animae, quas vocatis, membrorum impediuntur obstaculo, quominus artes suas antiquas reminiscantur; in corporibus ipsis quemadmodum constituta meminerunt et sciunt animas se esse, et corporalem substantiam non habere, immortalitatis

when they have been wrapped in earthly bodies, have no remembrance of former things; whereas, when set in the bodies themselves, and rendered almost insensible by their admixture, they tenaciously and faithfully hold those things which many years ago—if you wish to say eighty, or even more than this—they either did, or suffered, or spoke, or heard. For if it is brought about by the obstacle of the body that they do not remember those things which they knew long ago and before they were man, it is more fitting that they ought to forget those things which they have continually done while shut up in bodies, than those which they did while set outside, not yet joined to men. For that which takes away the recollection of former things from things that have entered into it, ought also to lose by an unrememberable obliteration the things done within itself. For one cause cannot bring about two things and those contrary to each other, so that it lulls to sleep the memories of some things, and suffers others to come into the remembrance of the doer. But if the souls, as you call them, are hindered by the obstacle of the limbs from remembering their ancient arts, how, when set in the bodies themselves, do they remember and know that they are souls, and have no bodily substance, and have been endowed with the condition of immortality?

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[1] ‹anchor: XXVIII. — Ac ne tamen instructi non plenius abeamus (note of p. 429)› · note in col 855

(continued) Ac ne tamen instructi non plenius habeamur nec videamur a vobis (scil. non plenius instructi), quemadmodum dicitis animas, cum terrenis fuerint corporibus involutae, priorum reminiscentiam habere, deleto non. Quod falsissimum. Nam refutat Arnobius eos, qui statuebant: hominum animas esse divinas et aeternas, adeoque priorum reminiscentiam habituras, nisi corporis vinculis impedirentur, quibus ostendere vult: si esset animis vita humanae huic anteacta, corpus illis non fore obstaculo reminiscentiae eorum, quae factitarint foris positae et nondum hominibus conjugatae, et praeparat ita suam demonstrationem, animas hominum non esse aeternas nec a Deo profectas, sed a naturis longe inferioribus. Editor Lugd. Bat. legit: abeamus, scire avemus, quod eodem redit, quo audiamus Gelenii. Meursius pag. 63, conj. abeamus: ne rideamur a vobis, quemadmodum dicitis……. non habere. ORELL.

[2] ‹anchor: Et prope insensibiles eorum permixtione perfectae› · note in col 855 Et prope insensibiles eorum permixtione perfectae. Proba lectio: nam qui corrigere volunt effectae (ut Fulv. Ursinus), falluntur. Sic perficere usurpabant. Jul. Firmic., lib. VII. Mathes., cap. 16. Mulieres virgines, sterilesque perficient, et saepius. ORELL.

And made almost insensible by mixture with them. A sound reading: for those who wish to correct it to effectae (as Fulvio Orsini does) are mistaken. So they used perficere. Julius Firmicus, Mathesis Book VII, ch. 16: "They will make women virgins and barren," and often. ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: Quominus artes suas antiquas reminiscantur› · note in col 855 Quominus artes suas antiquas reminiscantur. Codex ms. quominus artes suas antiquas atque reminiscantur, unde Meursius conj. aeque reminiscantur. Alii: artes suas atque antiqua. ORELL.

So that they do not remember their ancient arts. The manuscript: quominus artes suas antiquas atque reminiscantur, whence Meursius conjectures aeque reminiscantur ("remember equally"). Others: artes suas atque antiqua. ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: Immortalitatis conditione mactatas› · note in col 855 Immortalitatis conditione mactatas. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 41. ORELL.

Honoured with the condition of immortality. See above on Book I, ch. 41. ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: Non est signum memoriae perditae› · note in col 855 Non est signum memoriae perditae, sed comprobatio indiciumque servatae. Joannes Schefferus Argentoratensis in Adversariorum libro, cap. 20, infert Miscel. Obss. crit., vol. IX, pag. 163. Indicium a glossatore adjectum putat, male. Amat enim Arnobius nomina conjungere idem significantia. ORELL.

It is not a sign of memory lost, but a proof and indication of memory kept. Johannes Scheffer of Strasbourg, in his book of Adversaria, ch. 20, inserted in the Miscellaneae Observationes criticae, vol. IX, p. 163, thinks indicium was added by a glossator, wrongly. For Arnobius loves to join nouns that mean the same. ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: XXIX. — Exigui mominis› · note in col 855 XXIX. — Exigui mominis. Etsi vulgata lectio nominis tolerari potest, malim tamen cum aliis (Meursio) exigui mominis. Sic noster infra cap. 35: Nullius apud principem mominis, id est momenti, et lib. VI, cap. 20. Sub ipso furti atque operis momine. Lucretium, ut saepe alibi, affectatus, lib. III, vers. 189. «Momine uti parvo possint impulsa moveri.» HERALD. et GALLAND.

XXIX. — Of slight weight. Although the common reading nominis ("of slight name") can be tolerated, I would rather read with others (Meursius) exigui mominis. So our author below, ch. 35: "of no weight with the prince," that is, of no moment; and Book VI, ch. 20: "at the very moment of the theft and the work." He is imitating Lucretius, as often elsewhere, Book III, line 189: "so that, struck, they can be moved by a small impulse." HÉRAULD and GALLAND.

[7] ‹anchor: Desinite hominem, proletarius cum sit, classicis› · note in cols 855-856 Desinite hominem, proletarius cum sit, classicis, et capite cum censeatur, adscribere ordinibus primis. Ms. proletarium cum sit, classicus, inepte; nam proletarii erant infra classes. Bene itaque emendavit Gelenius. MEURS., in Append. — Varias in classes distributos fuisse cives romanos, tradunt Levius, lib. II, cap. 43, et Dionysius Halicarn., lib. IV, pag. 221. Singulari tamen significatu, teste A. Gellio, Noct. Att., lib. VII, cap. 13, classici vocabantur primae tantum classis homines, qui centum et viginti quinque millia ampliusve censi erant. Quo quidem sensu classici hic dicti ab Arnobio proletariis oppositi, qui, tenuissimi cum essent, prolem tantummodo reipublicae sufficiebant. Capite vero censi, ut eos appellat auctor, ii dicebantur, qui nullo aut parvo aere censebantur, ac parvum aut nullum vectigal pendebant, ex A. Gellio, l. XVI, c. 10. NOURRIUS. — Cf. Is. Pontan. ad Macrob. Saturn. I, 15, et I. N. Funccium, ad XII Tabb., p. 77, sq. ORELL.

Stop enrolling man, though he is a proletarian, among the classed, and, though he is rated by head, among the first ranks. The manuscript has proletarium cum sit, classicus, absurdly; for the proletarians were below the classes. So Gelenius emended well. MEURSIUS, in the Appendix. — That Roman citizens were divided into various classes is reported by Livy [printed "Levius"], Book II, ch. 43, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Book IV, p. 221. In a particular sense, however, as Aulus Gellius witnesses, Attic Nights Book VII, ch. 13, only the men of the first class, rated at a hundred and twenty-five thousand or more, were called classici. In this sense Arnobius here calls them classici, as opposed to the proletarii, who, being very poor, supplied the state only with offspring (proles). Those, however, were called capite censi, as the author names them, who were rated at no money or little, and paid little or no tax; from Aulus Gellius, Book XVI, ch. 10. LE NOURRY. — Compare Isaac Pontanus on Macrobius, Saturnalia I, 15, and J. N. Funck on the Twelve Tables, pp. 77 f. ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Nec patriciae claritatis umquam meritus nuncupari› · note in col 856 Nec patriciae claritatis umquam meritus nuncupari. Claritas propria Senatorum et Patriciorum, qui sub Imperatoribus viri clarissimi dicebantur, cum florente republica, viri tantum summae dignitatis isthoc nomine insignirentur, quod etiam laudem boni civis involvebat. Hinc Cicero ad Attic., lib. XIV, epist. 11, stomachatur hoc nomen Caesari post mortem tributum ab Antonio pro concione, et in orationibus coram senatu habitis semper Patres Conscriptos alloquitur, numquam Patres seu viros clarissimos. Universus senatus dicebatur quidem ordo clarissimus, singuli non item, sed demum sub imperatoribus. Vide Schwartz., ad Plinii Panagyr., cap. 90 et seriore aetate etiam senatorum conjuges appellabantur feminae clarissimae, vide Salmas., ad Aelii Lamprid. Heliogabal., Script. Hist. Aug., vol. I p. 797. Arnobius, itaque hoc loco audaciori metaphora hominem a Deo profectum et conditum dicit patriciae claritatis. Non igitur opus habemus correctione editoris Lugd. Bat. nec patris clari, tantis cum meritis nuncupare. Ed. princeps patriae, etc. ORELL.

Nor ever deserving to be called of patrician distinction. Claritas belonged properly to Senators and Patricians, who under the Emperors were called viri clarissimi, whereas while the republic flourished only men of the highest dignity were marked by that name, which also carried the praise of a good citizen. Hence Cicero, To Atticus Book XIV, letter 11, is indignant that this name was given to Caesar after his death by Antony in a public speech; and in speeches made before the senate he always addresses the Conscript Fathers, never Fathers or most distinguished men. The senate as a whole was indeed called the most distinguished order, but not the individual members, until at last under the emperors. See Schwartz on Pliny's Panegyric [printed "Panagyr."], ch. 90; and in a later age even senators' wives were called most distinguished women: see Salmasius on Aelius Lampridius's Heliogabalus, Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. I, p. 797. So Arnobius in this passage, by a bolder metaphor, says that man, proceeding from God and founded by him, is of patrician distinction. We therefore have no need of the Leiden editor's correction nec patris clari, tantis cum meritis nuncupare. The first edition has patriae, etc. ORELLI.

[9] ‹anchor: Quorum malis cuncti extollimur› · note in col 856 Quorum malis cuncti extollimur. Ita editio princeps romana et caeterae omnes. Sed ingeniosa conjectura est Fulvii Ursini: Quorum alis cuncti extollimur, ut et in sequentibus: non tantum accidere (beschneiden) alas istis noluistis, pro vulgato; non tantum accidere mala ista censetis. ORELL.

By whose ills we are all lifted up. So the first Roman edition and all the others. But Fulvio Orsini's conjecture is ingenious: Quorum alis cuncti extollimur ("by whose wings we are all lifted up"), as also in what follows: non tantum accidere (to clip) alas istis noluistis ("you have not only refused to clip their wings"), for the common non tantum accidere mala ista censetis. ORELLI.

[10] ‹anchor: Inanium distendimur vanitate› · note in col 856 Inanium distendimur vanitate. Fulv. Ursinus leg. (continues)

We are puffed up with the vanity of empty things. Fulvio Orsini reads (continues)

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conditione mactatas? quem teneant in rebus gradum, quo sint ordine a Deo patre discretae? ad infima haec mundi quanam ratione pervenerint? quas ex quibus circulis qualitates, dum in haec loca labuntur, attraxerint? Quemadmodum, inquam, sciunt doctissimas se fuisse, et obstructione corporum amisisse quae noverant! Et hoc ipsum enim nescire debuerant, si aliquid eis labis corporalis invexisset adjunctio; nam scire quid fueris, et quid hodie non sis, non est signum memoriae perditae, sed comprobatio indiciumque servatae.

what degree they hold in things, in what order they have been parted from God the Father? in what manner they have come to these lowest parts of the world? what qualities, and out of what circles, they have drawn to themselves while gliding down into these places? How, I say, do they know that they were most learned, and by the obstruction of bodies have lost what they had known! For this very thing also they ought not to have known, if the joining had brought upon them any bodily blemish; for to know what you were, and what today you are not, is not a sign of memory lost, but a proof and token of it preserved.

XXIX. Quae cum ita se habeant, desinite, quaeso, desinite res parvas, atque exigui mominis immanibus pretiis aestimare: desinite hominem, proletarius cum sit, classibus, et capite cum censeatur, adscribere ordinibus primis: cum sit inops, pauper lare, et tugurii pauperis, nec patriciae claritatis unquam meritus nuncupari. Cum enim vos oporteret viros recti atque integritatis auctores, typhum et arrogantiam frangere, quorum malis cuncti extollimur, et inanium distendimur vanitate: non tantum accidere mala ista

XXIX. Since these things are so, cease, I pray, cease to value at enormous prices things small and of slight weight; cease to enrol man, though he be a proletarian, in the property classes, and though he be rated only by the head, in the first ranks—whereas he is needy, poor in household, and of a poor hut, nor has ever deserved to be called of patrician renown. For whereas it behoved you, as men who are the authors of right and uprightness, to break pride and arrogance, by the evils of which we are all lifted up and puffed out with the vanity of empty things: not only do you think that those evils do not

Editors' notes and page, col. 856

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censetis, verum, quod gravius multo est, addidistis causas, quibus et vitia crescerent, et inemendabilis nequitia permaneret. Quis est enim hominum, quamvis ille sit indolis infamiam semper atque ignominiosa fugientis, qui, cum dici exaudiat viris ab sapientibus maxime immortales animas esse, nec fatorum esse obnoxias legibus, non in omnia flagitia praeceps se ruat, non intrepidus res obeat atque aggrediatur illicitas? non denique omnia suis cupiditatibus largiatur, quae libido impotens jusserit, impunitatis praeterea etiam libertate munita? Quid enim prohibebit, quominus haec faciat? metus supernae potestatis, judiciumque divinum? Et quis poterit territari formidinis alicujus horrore, cui fuerit persuasum, tam se esse immortalem, quam ipsum Deum primum, nec ab eo judicari quidquam de se posse: cum sit una immortalitas in utroque, nec in alterius altera conditionis possit aequalitate vexari?

happen, but—what is much more grievous—you have added causes whereby both vices should grow, and incorrigible wickedness remain. For what man is there, although he be of a disposition that always flees infamy and shameful things, who, when he hears it said by very wise men that souls are immortal, and are not subject to the laws of the fates, would not rush headlong into all disgraceful deeds, would not fearlessly engage in and attempt unlawful things? would not finally lavish upon his desires all things that unbridled lust has commanded, fortified moreover even by the freedom of impunity? For what will hinder him from doing these things? Fear of the supreme power, and divine judgement? And who will be able to be terrified by the horror of any dread, who has been persuaded that he is just as immortal as the First God Himself, and that nothing can be judged by Him concerning himself, since there is one immortality in both, nor in the equality of their condition can the one be troubled in the power of the other?

XXX. Sed memoratae apud inferos poenae, et suppliciorum generibus multiformes? Ecquis erit tam brutus, et rerum consequentias nesciens, qui animis incorruptibilibus credat, aut tenebras tartareas posse aliquid nocere, aut igneos fluvios, aut coenosis gurgitibus paludes, aut rotarum volubilium circumactus? Quod enim contiguum non est, et ab legibus dissolutionis

XXX. What of the punishments recounted in the lower world, and manifold in their kinds of tortures? Will anyone be so dull, and ignorant of the consequences of things, as to believe that to incorruptible souls either Tartarean darkness can do any harm, or fiery rivers, or marshes with miry whirlpools, or the whirling rounds of rolling wheels? For that which is not subject to touch, and has been removed from the laws of

Editors' notes and page, col. 857

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the image› · call in col 857

Infamiae Fulv. infamia Lugd. B. quod recipiendum.

Infamiae, Fulvio Orsini; infamia, the Leiden edition, which should be accepted.

(printed under page 431)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the image› · call in col 857

Securus ms. Utrumque addit Lugd. B.

Securus, the manuscript. The Leiden edition adds both.

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amotum est, licet omnibus ambiatur flammis torrentium fluminum, volvatur in coeno, saxorum imminentium casibus, et immanium montium operiatur ruinis, illibatum necesse est permaneat et intactum, neque ullum sensum mortiferae passionis assumere. Quid? quod ista persuasio non tantum est incitatrix ad vitia libertate ex ipsa peccandi, verum etiam philosophiae ipsius causam tollit, et inaniter eam suscipi supervacanei operis difficultate declarat. Nam si verum est, animas nullius esse participes finis, et cum omnibus saeculis aevorum perpetuitate procedere: quid periculi res habet contemptis praetermissisque virtutibus, quibus est contractior atque horridior vita, voluptatibus se dare, ac per omnia libidinum genera effrenatum spargere immensae cupiditatis ardorem? Ne deliciis marceat, et corrumpatur mollitudine vitiorum? Et qua poterit ratione corrumpi id, quod immortale, quod semper est, et nulli obnoxium passioni? ne sordescat, et polluatur actionum turpium foeditate? Et qui poterit pollui, corporalem quod substantiam non habet, aut ubi sedem contaminatio ponere, ubi spatium nullum est, in quo nota se possit ipsius contaminationis affigere? Rursus vero si animae lethi adeunt januas, Epicuri ut sententia definitur, nec sic causa est competens, cur expeti

dissolution, although it be encompassed by all the flames of rushing rivers, be rolled in mire, and be covered by the falls of overhanging rocks and the ruins of huge mountains, must needs remain unimpaired and untouched, and take on no sense of deadly suffering. What of the fact that this persuasion is not only an inciter to vices from the very freedom of sinning, but also takes away the reason for philosophy itself, and declares that it is undertaken in vain with the difficulty of a superfluous labour? For if it is true that souls share in no end, and advance with all ages in the perpetuity of time: what danger has the matter, when virtues—whereby life is narrower and rougher—have been despised and passed over, in giving oneself to pleasures, and scattering through all kinds of lusts the unbridled heat of boundless desire? Lest it wither in delights, and be corrupted by the softness of vices? And in what way will that be able to be corrupted which is immortal, which always is, and is subject to no suffering? Lest it grow filthy, and be polluted by the foulness of base actions? And how will that be able to be polluted which has no bodily substance, or where will defilement set its seat, where there is no space in which the mark of the defilement itself can fasten itself? On the other hand, if souls approach the doors of death, as is defined by the opinion of Epicurus, not even so is there a fitting reason why philosophy

Editors' notes and page, col. 858

Footnotes

Ita Fulv. supervacua ms. et Sab.

So Fulvio Orsini; supervacua, the manuscript and Sabaeus.

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(d) ‹anchor: not visible in the image› · call in col 858

Affingere Fulv.

Affingere, Fulvio Orsini.

Commentarius

[1] ‹anchor: Inanium distendimur vanitate (note of p. 430)› · note in col 857

(continued) censet inani, etc. male. Inanium vanitas est vana opinio, aestimatio rerum inanium. ORELL.

[2] ‹anchor: Quamvis ille sit indolis infamia semper atque ignominiosa fugientis› · note in col 857 Quamvis ille sit indolis infamia semper atque ignominiosa fugientis, etc. Philosophiae. Nam abstinent a peccatoris nonnulli poenarum formidine; alii vitia ipsa exsecrantur et detestantur; alii denique infamiam metuunt et sinistros de se rumores, atque idcirco rebus flagitiosis abstinent. Ili sunt tenerae frontis homines, ἐπιεικεῖς atque αἰδήμονες, quos improbi δειλοὺς atque inertes arbitrantur, quemadmodum contra τοὺς ἀναισχύντους constantes et ἀνδρείους. His igitur verbis describit Arnobius hominem αἰδήμονα. Est enim αἰδήμων, qui metuit τὰ εἰς ἀδοξίαν φαινόμενα φέρειν, ut definit Aristoteles, id est qui infamia atque ignominiosa fugit, ut loquitur Arnobius. HERALD.

Although he be of a disposition that always flees what is infamous and shameful, etc., [the passage concerns] philosophy. For some abstain from sinful things [printed "peccatoris"] for fear of punishment; others loathe and detest the vices themselves; others again fear infamy and evil rumours about themselves, and for that reason abstain from shameful deeds. These are men of a tender brow, decent and modest, whom the wicked think cowardly and spiritless, just as, on the other hand, they think the shameless steadfast and brave. With these words, then, Arnobius describes the modest man. For the modest man is one who fears "to bring on what appears to lead to disrepute," as Aristotle defines it, that is, one who flees what is infamous and shameful, as Arnobius puts it. HÉRAULD.

[3] ‹anchor: Non in omnia flagitia praeceps se ruat› · note in col 857 Non in omnia flagitia praeceps se ruat. Haec est lectio vetus, quam non debuerat mutare Gelenius. Usurpatur enim hoc verbum saepissime ἐνεργητικῶς. HERALD. Sic irruere active, lib. I, (cap. 34) dixit. Sic penetrare, emergere, alia, Plautus, Apuleius, alii. MEURS., in Append.

Let him not rush himself headlong into every crime. This is the old reading, which Gelenius ought not to have changed. For this verb is very often used actively. HÉRAULD. So he used irruere actively in Book I (ch. 34). So penetrare, emergere, and others, in Plautus, Apuleius and others. MEURSIUS, in the Appendix.

[4] ‹anchor: Supernae› · note in col 857 Supernae. Ita Salmasius ex emendatione Meursii. Alii: superbiae. Alii: superae. ORELL.

Supernae ("on high"). So Salmasius, from Meursius's emendation. Others: superbiae. Others: superae. ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: XXX. — Sed memoratae apud inferos poenae› · note in col 857 XXX. — Sed memoratae apud inferos poenae et suppliciorum generibus multiformes? Scilicet poterunt eum territare? Quod repetendum ex verbis praecedentibus: Et qui poterit territari formidinis alicujus horrore? ORELL.

XXX. — But the punishments told of in the underworld, of many forms in their kinds of torment? That is: will they be able to frighten him? This is to be supplied from the preceding words: "And how can he be frightened by the horror of any dread?" ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: Aut rotarum volubilium circumactus› · note in cols 857-858 Aut rotarum volubilium circumactus. Jam igitur temporibus illis, quibus fabulas istas fingebant, rota poenalis in usu erat. Supplicia enim inferorum ad supplicia communia accommodabant. Rota poenalis, de qua videndus Cujacius Obss., lib. III, fuerat olim poena servorum propria; sed postea ad eruenda crimina in quaestionibus adhibita. Alligabantur autem rotae et distendebantur: atque ea contorta flagris caedebantur. Unde στρεβλοῦσθαι proprie est torqueri. Scholiast. Aristoph. ad Pac. Οἱ δοῦλοι σφαλλόμενοι, ἐπὶ τοῦ τροχοῦ δεσμούμενοι καὶ συρόμενοι ἐτύπτοντο ἀνακλώμενοι ἐν αὐτῷ. HERALD.

Or the turning of whirling wheels. So already in those times, when they invented these fables, the penal wheel was in use. For they fitted the punishments of the underworld to ordinary punishments. The penal wheel, on which Cujas, Observations Book III, should be seen, had once been a punishment proper to slaves; but afterwards it was used in interrogations to extract crimes. They were bound to the wheel and stretched, and when it was twisted they were beaten with whips. Hence στρεβλοῦσθαι properly means to be racked. The scholiast on Aristophanes' Peace: "Slaves who had slipped up were bound on the wheel and dragged, and beaten while bent back upon it." HÉRAULD.

[7] ‹anchor: Ambiatur flammis› · note in col 858 Ambiatur flammis. Annon legendum amburatur? Quod verbum proprium de iis, qui cruciantur igni, non plane necantur, quod est comburere. ORELL.

Let him be surrounded by flames. Should we not read amburatur ("be scorched")? That verb is proper to those who are tortured by fire, not killed outright, which is comburere. ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Illibatum necesse est permaneat et intactum› · note in col 858 Illibatum necesse est permaneat et intactum, neque ullum sensum mortiferae passionis assumere. Proba lectio. Nam qui scribendum existimant assumat, plane falluntur. His modorum mutationibus delectantur Afri scriptores. Infra: Itaque cum nobis intendatis aversionem ex religione priorum, causam conveni ut inspiciatis, non factum, nec quid relinqueremus, opponere; sed secuti quid simus, potissimum contueri. HERALD. — Ms. pro illibatum, quod est e correctione Gelenii, illaesum tamen. ORELL. — Conf. Intpp. ad Livii XXI, 49. OCHSNER.

It must remain unimpaired and untouched, and take on no feeling of deadly suffering. A sound reading. For those who think assumat should be written are plainly mistaken. African writers delight in these changes of mood. Below: "And so, since you charge us with turning away from the religion of our forebears, it is fitting that you look at the cause, not the deed, and not set against us what we left, but above all consider what we have followed." HÉRAULD. — For illibatum, which comes from Gelenius's correction, the manuscript has illaesum tamen. ORELLI. — Compare the commentators on Livy XXI, 49. OCHSNER.

[9] ‹anchor: Verum etiam Philosophiae ipsius causam tollit› · note in col 858 Verum etiam Philosophiae ipsius causam tollit. Haec explicantur capite sequenti, his verbis: Medietas ergo quaedam, et animarum anceps ambiguaque natura locum philosophiae peperit, et causam, cur appeteretur, invenit. HERALD.

But it also takes away the reason for philosophy itself. This is explained in the next chapter, in these words: "A certain middle state, then, and the doubtful and ambiguous nature of souls gave birth to a place for philosophy, and found a reason why it should be sought." HÉRAULD.

[10] ‹anchor: Ac per omnia libidinum genera effrenatum spargere› · note in col 858 Ac per omnia libidinum genera effrenatum spargere immensae cupiditatis ardorem. Ex affinitate litterarum verbum periisse autumo, quod non parum possit ad exornandum tropum: eoque rescribo: effrenatum spatiari immensae cupiditatis ardore. Geminus apud auctorem hunc locus lib. IV. ideoque attexendus: Deum adamasse (Jovem puto Maximum) et per omnes libidinum formas incestarum cupiditatum circumegisse pellaciam. Spatiatorem pro erratore collocavit M. Cato, testantibus Pompeio Festo et Macrobio lib. VII. Apud Petronium quoque id vocabuli repertum Vidi, ait, quosdam conspatiantes. STEWECH. — Non opus hac conjectura. Metaphora ducta a navibus, quae ventis sparguntur per aequora. ORELL.

And, unbridled, to scatter the heat of boundless desire through every kind of lust. I judge that a word has been lost through the likeness of the letters, one that could do no little to adorn the figure; and so I write: effrenatum spatiari immensae cupiditatis ardore ("to roam unbridled in the heat of boundless desire"). There is a twin passage in this author in Book IV, which should therefore be added: "that the god" (I take it to be Jupiter Maximus) "loved, and drove the seduction of incestuous desires round through every form of lust." Marcus Cato put spatiator for a wanderer, as Pompeius Festus and Macrobius Book VII attest. The word is also found in Petronius: "I saw," he says, "some strolling together." STEWECHIUS. — This conjecture is not needed. The metaphor is taken from ships, which are scattered by the winds over the seas. ORELLI.

[11] ‹anchor: Si animae lethi adeunt januas, Epicuri ut sententia definitur› · note in col 858 Si animae lethi adeunt januas, Epicuri ut sententia definitur. Epicurus scil. statuebat, animum una cum (continues)

If souls approach the doors of death, as Epicurus's opinion defines it. Epicurus, that is, held that the mind together with (continues)

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philosophia debeat: etiamsi verum est purgari hac animas, atque ab omni puras vitiositate praestari. Nam si communiter obeunt, et in ipsis corporibus sensus eis deperit extinguiturque vitalis: non tantum est erroris maximi, verum stolidae caecitatis, frenare ingenitos appetitus, cohibere in angustiis vitam, nihil indulgere naturae, non quod cupidines jusserint atque instigaverint facere, cum nulla te praemia tanti laboris expectent, cum dies mortis advenerit, et corporalibus fueris vinculis exsolutus.

ought to be sought after, even if it is true that by it souls are cleansed and rendered pure from all viciousness. For if they perish in common, and in the bodies themselves the vital sense perishes and is extinguished for them, it belongs not only to the greatest error, but to stolid blindness, to curb inborn appetites, to confine life in straits, to indulge nature in nothing, not to do what desires have commanded and instigated, when no rewards of so great a labour await you when the day of death has come and you have been loosed from bodily bonds.

XXXI. Medietas ergo quaedam, et animarum anceps ambiguaque natura, locum philosophiae peperit, et causam cur appeteretur, invenit: dum periculum scilicet ex malis iste formidat admissis: alter concipit spes bonas, si nihil sceleris faciat, et cum officio vitam justitiaque traducat. Inde est quod inter doctos viros, et ingeniorum excellentia praeditos, de animarum qualitate certamen est: et eas alii dicunt mortali esse natura, nec divinam posse substantiam

XXXI. A certain intermediate state, therefore, and the doubtful and ambiguous nature of souls, has brought forth a place for philosophy, and found a reason why it should be sought after: while, to wit, the one dreads danger from evil deeds committed, and the other conceives good hopes if he do no wickedness and pass his life with duty and justice. Hence it is that among learned men, and those endowed with excellence of wits, there is a strife concerning the quality of souls: and some say that they are of a mortal nature, and cannot uphold a divine substance;

Editors' notes and page, col. 859

Footnotes

[1] ‹anchor: Si animae lethi adeunt januas (note of p. 431)› · note in col 859

(continued) corpore gigni, crescere, senescere et interire. Vide Lucret., lib. III, vers. 418 — 840. ORELL.

[2] ‹anchor: Purgari hac animas› · note in col 859 Purgari hac animas. Ita legendum (ex emendatione Meursii), non has animas. Philosophiam existimabant esse ζωῆς ἀνθρωπίνης κάθαρσιν καὶ τελειότητα. Vide Platonem in Phaedone, et Hieroclem in aurea Pythagoreorum carmina. HERALD.

That souls are cleansed by this. So we must read (from Meursius's emendation), not has animas. They held philosophy to be the cleansing and perfecting of human life. See Plato in the Phaedo, and Hierocles on the Golden Verses of the Pythagoreans. HÉRAULD.

[3] ‹anchor: In ipsis corporibus sensus eis deperit› · note in col 859 In ipsis corporibus sensus eis deperit extinguiturque vitalis. Legi volunt: cum ipsis corporibus. Falso. Tangit enim Arnobius argumenta, quibus mortalem esse animam efficere conabantur. Atque inter alia inculcabant praecipue, in ipso corpore animam minui, corrumpi, et tandem cum eo exstingui. Eam enim in aegris aegram; in aetate fessis fessam; ac cum interit corpus, simul cum ipsis partibus, quae primo consopiuntur, exstingui, etc. quae omnia tractantur a Lucretio lib III, et diluuntur a Lactantio lib. VII, cap. 12. HERALD.

In the bodies themselves their vital sense perishes and is extinguished. Some want to read cum ipsis corporibus ("together with the bodies"). Wrongly. For Arnobius touches on the arguments by which they tried to prove the soul mortal. Among others they especially urged that the soul is diminished and corrupted in the body itself, and is finally extinguished with it: sick in the sick, weary in those weary with age, and, when the body perishes, extinguished together with the very parts that are first lulled to sleep, etc.; all of which Lucretius treats in Book III and Lactantius refutes in Book VII, ch. 12. HÉRAULD.

[4] ‹anchor: XXXI. — Medietas ergo quaedam› · note in col 859 XXXI. — Medietas ergo quaedam et animarum anceps ambiguaque natura locum philosophiae peperit. Haec enim fuit Stoicorum doctrina: quare quae hic scripsit Arnobius de medietate animarum, ea partim e Stoicorum schola, partim e scriptura perperam intellecta hauserat. Conf. Lactant., lib. VII, cap. 20. HERALD.

XXXI. — A certain middle state, then, and the doubtful and ambiguous nature of souls gave birth to a place for philosophy. For this was the teaching of the Stoics; so what Arnobius wrote here on the middle state of souls he had drawn partly from the Stoic school and partly from Scripture wrongly understood. Compare Lactantius, Book VII, ch. 20. HÉRAULD.

[5] ‹anchor: Nec in natura posse degenerare mortali› · note in col 859 Nec in natura posse degenerare mortali. Editor Lugd. Bat. in naturam…….. mortalem ex emendatione Meursii in Append. Male. Vide observata ad lib. I, cap. 42, et lib. II, cap. 2, verba: Veram in orbe religionem induxit. ORELL.

Nor be able to degenerate into mortal nature. The Leiden editor prints in naturam…….. mortalem, from Meursius's emendation in the Appendix. Wrongly. See what is observed on Book I, ch. 42, and on Book II, ch. 2, on the words "He brought true religion into the world." ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: XXXII. — Ejus enim cognitio fermentum quoddam est vitae› · note in col 859 XXXII. — Ejus enim cognitio fermentum quoddam est vitae. Respicit Arnobius ad verba Divi Soteris Joann. XVII, vers. 3. Αὕτη δέ ἐστιν ἡ αἰώνιος ζωή, ἵνα γινώσκωσί σε τὸν μόνον ἀληθινὸν Θεόν, καὶ ὃν ἀπέστειλας, Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν. ORELL.

XXXII. — For the knowledge of him is a kind of leaven of life. Arnobius has in view the words of the divine Saviour, John 17:3: "And this is eternal life, that they may know you, the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom you have sent." ORELLI.

[7] ‹anchor: Tum deinde feritate atque inhumanitate depositis› · note in cols 859-860 Tum deinde feritate atque inhumanitate depositis, resumant ingenia mitiora, ut ad illud quod dabitur esse possint paratae. His verbis cum regenerationem per baptismum, tum Eucharistiam significat Arnobius, sed ita, ut verba Gentilium ad Christianorum sacra accommodet. Existimabant enim Gentiles, mysteria fuisse inventa, ut homines ex agresti immanique vita ad humanitatem excolerentur et traducerentur: unde initia appellata. Vid. Cic. de Legg. II, cap. 14. Haec est Nationum παλιγγενεσία. At baptismus appellatur, λοῦτρον ἀναγεννήσεως, lavacrum regenerationis, ab Apostolo ad Tit., III, 5. Hoc autem loco perstringit breviter et obscure Arnobius ea quae observabantur πρὸ τοῦ βαπτίσματος. Dicit in praecedentibus: Si modo illum tentent ac meditentur agnoscere. Sic Catechumenorum ordinem subindicat. Catechumeni enim, priusquam baptizarentur, κατηχοῦντο et in doctrinae christianae principiis instituebantur, ac Christum cognoscere docebantur, deinde fidem suam profitebantur, postea precibus ac jejuniis operam dabant ac poenitentiam agebant, feritatem atque inhumanitatem deponentes, ut ad illud quod dabitur esse possint paratae, id est ad communionem corporis Christi, quia statim, cum essent baptizati, in conventum deducebantur, atque ibi Eucharistiam participabant. Antea enim, cum sacramentum istud celebraretur, catechumeni ne aderant quidem, quod usitatum etiam in profanis mysteriis, a quibus arcebantur, qui initiati et sacrati non erant. Unde formula: Ἑκὰς ἑκὰς ἔστε ηβέβλοι [sic]. Procul, procul este profani. Etiam verba illud quod dabitur, etc. translata videntur a Gentium mysteriis, in quibus dabantur quaedam symbola et memoracula. Arnobius igitur, quia audierat, dari fidelibus panem et vinum, nec mysterii hujus rationem satis cognitam habebat, idcirco hac de re loquitur paulo obscurius et verbis non satis propriis, ita ut confuse tantum vidisse eum aliquid appareat, nihil adhuc distincte. HERALD. — Heraldum refutat Nourrius putans, Arnobium generaliter h. l. de felici animae nostrae immortalitate disputare; quam, nisi agnito vero Deo et morum inhumanitate deposita, consequi non possimus. Sed verba illud quod dabitur mihi singulare quoddam et μυστηριῶδες indicare videntur, quod autem non rei ignorantia, ut Heraldus putat, sed consulto et prudenter reticuisse videtur Arnobius, ne scil. Gentium talia non intelligentium animos offenderet. Quare, hoc uno excepto, Heraldo assentior. At vero iterata horum verborum lectione meliora edoctus, totus jam accedo ad doctissimi Nourrii sententiam. Illud quod dabitur est vita aeterna, ad quam animae esse debent paratae, id est praeparatae, dignae redditae quae accipiant virtute scilicet et bonis operibus. ORELL.

Then, laying aside savagery and inhumanity, let them take on gentler dispositions, so that they may be ready for that which will be given. With these words Arnobius signifies both regeneration through baptism and the Eucharist, but in such a way as to fit the language of the Gentiles to the Christians' sacred rites. For the Gentiles thought the mysteries had been invented so that men might be refined and brought over from a rustic and savage life to humanity: hence they were called initia. See Cicero, On the Laws II, ch. 14. This is the "rebirth" of the Nations. But baptism is called "the washing of regeneration," lavacrum regenerationis, by the Apostle, Titus 3:5. In this passage Arnobius touches briefly and obscurely on what was observed before baptism. He says in what precedes: "If only they try and set their minds to know him." So he hints at the order of Catechumens. For catechumens, before they were baptized, were catechized and instructed in the first principles of Christian doctrine, and taught to know Christ; then they professed their faith; afterwards they gave themselves to prayers and fasts and did penance, laying aside savagery and inhumanity, so that they might be ready for that which will be given, that is, for the communion of the body of Christ, since as soon as they were baptized they were led into the assembly and there partook of the Eucharist. For before, when that sacrament was being celebrated, the catechumens were not even present; this was customary also in the profane mysteries, from which those who were not initiated and consecrated were kept away. Hence the formula: "Far, far away, you profane!" Procul, procul este profani. The words that which will be given, etc., also seem to be carried over from the Gentiles' mysteries, in which certain tokens and keepsakes were given. Arnobius, then, because he had heard that bread and wine were given to the faithful, and did not have the meaning of this mystery well enough understood, speaks of the matter somewhat obscurely and in not quite proper words, so that it appears he saw something only confusedly, nothing yet distinctly. HÉRAULD. — Le Nourry refutes Hérauld, thinking that Arnobius in this passage is speaking in general of the happy immortality of our soul, which we cannot attain unless we have acknowledged the true God and laid aside inhumanity of conduct. But to me the words that which will be given seem to point to something singular and mysterious, which Arnobius appears to have kept silent about not from ignorance of the matter, as Hérauld thinks, but deliberately and prudently, so as not to offend the minds of Gentiles who did not understand such things. Therefore, with this one exception, I agree with Hérauld. But in truth, better taught by reading these words again, I now go over entirely to the opinion of the most learned Le Nourry. That which will be given is eternal life, for which souls must be ready, that is, prepared, made worthy to receive it, namely by virtue and good works. ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Dedidimus et mancipavimus› · note in col 860 Dedidimus et mancipavimus. Fulv. Ursin. mancipamus, male. ORELL.

We have surrendered and made over. Fulvio Orsini: mancipamus, wrongly. ORELLI.

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sustinere: alii vero perpetuas, nec in natura posse degenerare mortali. Quod istud ut fiat, medietatis efficitur lege: quod et illis argumenta sunt praesto, quibus eas passivas atque interibiles invenitur: et his contra non desunt, quibus esse divinas immortalesque monstratur.

others, that they are perpetual, and cannot degenerate in a mortal nature. And that this happens is brought about by the law of their intermediate state: because both for those men arguments are at hand whereby it is found that they are passive and perishable, and for these on the other hand arguments are not lacking whereby it is shown that they are divine and immortal.

XXXII. Haec cum ita se habeant, et cum ab summo traditum teneamus auctore, non esse animas longe ab hiatibus mortis et faucibus constitutas: posse tamen longaevas summi principis munere ac beneficio fieri: si modo illum tentent ac meditentur agnoscere: ejus enim cognitio fermentum quoddam est vitae, ac rei dissociabilis glutinum: tum deinde feritate atque inhumanitate depositis, resumant ingenia mitiora: ut at illud, quod dabitur, esse possint paratae. Quid est quod a vobis tamquam bruti et stolidi judicemur, si propter hos metus liberatori dedidimus et mancipavimus nos Deo? Adversus ictus noxios, et venenatos colubrarum morsus, remedia saepe conquirimus,

XXXII. Since these things are so, and since we hold it handed down by the Supreme Author that souls are not set far from the gaping jaws of death, yet can be made long-lived by the gift and kindness of the Supreme Sovereign, if only they try and study to know Him—for the knowledge of Him is a kind of leaven of life, and a cement of a thing otherwise separable—and then next, when wildness and inhumanity have been laid aside, take up again milder dispositions, so that they may be able to be prepared for that which shall be given: why is it that we are judged by you as brutish and stolid, if on account of these fears we have surrendered and given ourselves over as bondmen to God the Deliverer? Against harmful blows and the venomous bites of snakes we often seek out remedies,

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et protegimus nos laminis, Psyllis, Marsis vendentibus, aliisque institoribus atque planis: ac ne nobis frigora solesque incommodent rapidi, munimenta domorum ac vestium sollicitae praeparamus diligentia cautionis.

and protect ourselves with metal plates, when Psylli and Marsi and other pedlars and vagabonds sell them; and lest cold and scorching suns should trouble us, we prepare the defences of houses and clothing with the diligence of anxious caution.

XXXIII. Mortis nobis cum proponatur metus, id est, animarum interitus: quid non ex communi facimus sensu, quo amamus nos omnes, quod eum qui nobis spondet tali a periculo liberaturum retinemus, amplectimur animisque ipsis nostris, si modo justa est vicissitudo, praeponimus. Vos vestrarum animarum salutem in ipsis vobis reponitis, fierique vos deos vestro fiditis intestinoque conatu: at vero nos nobis nihil de nostra infirmitate promittimus, naturam

XXXIII. When the fear of death, that is, the destruction of souls, is set before us, what do we do that is not out of common sense, whereby we all love ourselves, in that we hold fast to Him Who pledges that He will deliver us from such a danger, embrace Him, and set Him, if only the return is just, before our very own souls? You repose the safety of your souls in your own selves, and trust that you become gods by your own inward effort; whereas we promise ourselves nothing from our own weakness, looking upon our

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Footnotes

[1] ‹anchor: Protegimus nos laminis, Psyllis Marsis vendentibus (the first note under the heading COMMENTARIUS on this page; its opening lines stand in the column images above the foot crops)› · note in col 861 Protegimus nos laminis, Psyllis Marsis vendentibus. Sic habet ed. Lugd. Bat. In Codice regio est lamminis phyllis. Theodorus autem Canterus hunc locum sic corrigendum opinatur: Protegimus nos labiis Psyllis, Marsisve dentibus; optimo quidem sensu, si Psyllorum et Marsorum legeretur. Salmasius autem (ad Tertullian., de Pallio, p. 239, et ad Solin., p. 246. O.) haec ita vult emendari: Psyllis labinis, Marsisve dentibus. Eodem sane sensu. (At formationem labinum, i, pro labium frustra quaesivi. O.) Quibus enim serpentes male infuderant mordendo venenum, hos Psylli et Marsi sugendo sanabant. Nullus autem dubitandi locus videtur, quin Arnobius loquatur de hisce Psyllis Africae, et Marsis Italiae populis, qui re ipsa venenatis serpentium morsibus medebantur, quorumque meminerunt Plinius, Hist. Nat., VII, 2; XXI, 13; XXV, 2; XXVIII, 3; Aelianus, de Nat. Animal., lib. I, cap. 57; Plutarch., in Caton. min.; Strabo, lib. XVII, pag. 814; Casaub., Sueton. in Augusto, cap. 17; Solinus, cap. 27; Hieronymus, Praefat. in Joel.; De Psyllis elegantissime Lucanus cecinit Pharsal., IX, vers. 891, seqq.: «. . . Gens unica terras / Incolit, a saevo serpentum innoxia morsu. / Marmarideae Psylli, par lingua potentibus herbis, / Ipse cruor tutus, nullumque admittere virus, / Vel cantu cessante potest: natura locorum / Jussit, ut immunes misti serpentibus essent.» De Marsis denique hos Lucilii versus citant ex lib. X Satir.: «Jam disrumpatur medius, jam ut Marsus colubras / Disrumpit cantu, venas cum extenderet omnes.» (Conf. A. Gell., lib. XVI, c. 11; Firmic. Astron. lib. VIII, c. 6, etc.; et Cornelius Fronto de Bello parthico opp., pag. 322, edit. Angeli Maii: Si Marso quis patre natus viperas, lacertas et natrices timeret, nonne degenerare videretur). ORELL. — Et haec quidem manifeste satis ostendunt, Arnobium de his, uti diximus, Psyllis et Marsis fecisse sermonem. Utrum vero voces laminis et vendentibus genuinae sint, aut quid pro iis reponendum, sine aliquo codice integro et incorrupto quis adserere audeat? NOURR., p. 562, seq. — Equidem nihil prorsus mutandum censeo. Quid enim nos impedit, quominus credamus, laminas magicas (amuleta) venditas fuisse ab hujuscemodi praestigiatoribus. Quid quod sequentia verba: aliisque institoribus atque planis, requirere videntur participium vendentibus, et constructio sane durissima esset: Protegimus nos labiis Psyllis Marsisve dentibus aliisque institoribus, etc. — Et gaudeo jam, in explicatione loci adstruendaque lectione Codicis consentire mecum Joannem Schefferum Argentorat., in libro Adversariorum inserto Misc. Obss. Crit., tom. IX, pag. 163, de laminis his magicis citantem Apuleium, Met., lib. III: Instruxit (Pamphile) feralem officinam omne [the rest of the note lies in the line cut off at the top of col 862]

We protect ourselves with plates, while the Psylli and Marsi sell them. So the Leiden edition. In the royal manuscript it is lamminis phyllis. Theodorus Canterus, however, thinks this passage should be corrected thus: We protect ourselves with the lips of the Psylli, or the teeth of the Marsi; an excellent sense indeed, if Psyllorum and Marsorum were read. Salmasius, however (on Tertullian, De Pallio, p. 239, and on Solinus, p. 246. O[relli].), would have it emended thus: Psyllis labinis, Marsisve dentibus. In the same sense, surely. (But I have looked in vain for the form labinum, -i, for labium. O[relli].) For those into whom serpents had wickedly poured venom by biting, the Psylli and Marsi healed by sucking. There seems no room for doubt that Arnobius is speaking of these Psylli of Africa and Marsi, peoples of Italy, who actually treated the venomous bites of serpents, and who are mentioned by Pliny, Natural History VII, 2; XXI, 13; XXV, 2; XXVIII, 3; Aelian, On the Nature of Animals, Book I, ch. 57; Plutarch, Cato the Younger; Strabo, Book XVII, p. 814; Casaubon on Suetonius, Augustus, ch. 17; Solinus, ch. 27; Jerome, Preface to Joel. Lucan sang most elegantly of the Psylli, Pharsalia IX, lines 891 ff.: "One race alone of those who dwell on earth is unharmed by the cruel bite of serpents, the Marmaric Psylli. Their tongue is equal to potent herbs; their very blood is safe and can admit no poison, even when the charm has ceased. The nature of the place commanded that they be immune though mingled with serpents." Of the Marsi, finally, they cite these lines of Lucilius from Satires Book X: "Now let him burst in the middle, as the Marsian bursts snakes with his chant, when he had stretched out all their veins." (Compare Aulus Gellius, Book XVI, ch. 11; Firmicus, Astronomica Book VIII, ch. 6, etc.; and Cornelius Fronto, On the Parthian War, Works p. 322, Angelo Mai's edition: "If anyone born of a Marsian father feared vipers, lizards and water-snakes, would he not seem to have degenerated?") ORELLI. — And these things show clearly enough that Arnobius, as we said, was speaking of these Psylli and Marsi. But whether the words laminis and vendentibus are genuine, or what should be put in their place, who would dare to assert without some sound and uncorrupted manuscript? LE NOURRY, pp. 562 f. — For my part I think nothing at all should be changed. For what prevents us from believing that magic plates (amulets) were sold by tricksters of this kind? Besides, the following words, and other hawkers and vagabonds, seem to require the participle vendentibus, and the construction would be very harsh indeed: We protect ourselves with the lips of the Psylli or the teeth of the Marsi and other hawkers, etc. — And I am glad now that in explaining the passage and supporting the manuscript's reading Johannes Scheffer of Strasbourg agrees with me, in his book of Adversaria inserted in the Miscellaneae Observationes criticae, vol. IX, p. 163, citing Apuleius on these magic plates, Metamorphoses Book III: "(Pamphile) furnished her deadly workshop with every" [the rest lost in the line cut off in the image]

[2] ‹anchor: Institoribus (lemma in the cut-off line)› · note in col 862 [lemma, cut off at the top of the image, partly legible: Institoribus. Cod. reg. … Insti-]tores (hoc loco Hausierer) sunt qui merces vel suas vel aliorum distrahunt, qui merces vel etiam officia sua venalia habent. Sic infra cap. 38, hoc vocabulo coquos, etiam lenones, muliones, meretrices, etc., quos ante dixerat, comprehendit Arnobius. Ovidius, de Art. am., lib. I, vers. 425: «Institor ad dominam veniet discinctus emacem, / Expediet merces teque sedente suas.» NOURR. et ORELL.

[Hawkers. The royal manuscript … (cut off)] Institores (here "pedlars") are those who sell off goods, their own or others', who have goods or even their services for sale. So below, ch. 38, Arnobius includes under this word cooks, and also pimps, muleteers, prostitutes, etc., whom he had named before. Ovid, Art of Love, Book I, line 425: "The hawker will come, ungirt, to the mistress eager to buy, and will lay out his wares while you sit by." LE NOURRY and ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: XXXIII. — Quid non ex communi facimus sensu› · note in col 862 XXXIII. — Quid non ex communi facimus sensu. Communem sensum pro sapientia posuit et judicio Arnob. infra lib. IV. Nisi communem tollitis nobis atque eripitis sensum…. ille communis qui est in omnibus mortalibus sensus. Horat., Satyr., lib. I, serm. 3. Commum sensu plane caret. Phaedrus, lib. I, fab. VII: «Hoc illis dictum est, quibus honorem et gloriam / Fortuna tribuit, sensum communem abstulit.» ELMENH. — Cf. Scheffer., ad Phaedri, lib. I, editio Rom. ex commodi sensu, male. Veram lectionem Meursius restituit, ut et in seq. praeponimus loco proponimus. ORELL.

XXXIII. — What do we not do out of common sense? Arnobius put common sense for wisdom and judgement below, Book IV: "Unless you take away and snatch from us common sense…. that common sense which is in all mortals." Horace, Satires Book I, satire 3: "He plainly lacks common sense" [printed "Commum"]. Phaedrus, Book I, fable 7: "This is said to those to whom Fortune has granted honour and glory, and taken away common sense." ELMENHORST. — Compare Scheffer on Phaedrus Book I. The Roman edition has ex commodi sensu, wrongly. Meursius restored the true reading, as also in what follows praeponimus in place of proponimus. ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: Si modo justa est vicissitudo› · note in col 862 Si modo justa est vicissitudo. Meursius legend. conjicit: si modo ista est necessitudo, male. Sensus est: si res tam exigui pretii, ut anima humana est, comparationem aliquam et vicissitudinem cum Christo patitur. ORELL.

If only the exchange is fair. Meursius conjectures we should read si modo ista est necessitudo, wrongly. The sense is: if a thing of such slight worth as the human soul admits any comparison and exchange with Christ. ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: Intestinoque conatu› · note in col 862 Intestinoque conatu. Vide supra ad l. I, c. 20. ORELL.

And with inward effort. See above on Book I, ch. 20. ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: Vos cum primum soluti membrorum abieritis e nodis› · note in col 862 Vos cum primum soluti membrorum abieritis e nodis, alas vobis affuturas putatis, etc. Ita Gelenius. Editio prima: abieritis senodes, nullo sensu. Ad hanc autem sententiam accommodate Cicero in Consolatione, ap. Lactantium., l. III, c. 19: Nec enim omnibus iidem illi sapientes arbitrati sunt eumdem cursum in coelum patere: nam vitiis et sceleribus contaminatos deprimi in tenebras, atque in coeno jacere docuerunt: castos autem animos, puros, integros, incorruptos, bonis etiam studiis atque artibus expolitos, levi quodam et facili lapsu ad deos, id est ad naturam sui similem pervolare. Cf. Euripid. Supplic., v. 532-536. HERALD.

You think that as soon as you have gone off, freed from the knots of the limbs, wings will be at hand for you, etc. So Gelenius. The first edition: abieritis senodes, which makes no sense. Fitting this thought is Cicero in the Consolation, quoted by Lactantius, Book III, ch. 19: "For those same wise men did not think the same course into heaven lies open to all: they taught that those defiled by vices and crimes are thrust down into darkness and lie in the mire, but that chaste souls, pure, whole, uncorrupted, polished also by good studies and arts, fly by a light and easy glide to the gods, that is, to a nature like their own." Compare Euripides, Suppliants, lines 532–536. HÉRAULD.

[7] ‹anchor: Ad sidera volate› · note in col 862 Ad sidera volate. Stewech. mavult avolare. ORELL.

To fly to the stars. Stewechius prefers avolare. ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Sedes superas petere› · note in col 862 Sedes superas petere. Ita editio Lugd. Bat. et Oberthur., e conjectura Stewechii: alii res superas. ORELL.

To seek the seats above. So the Leiden edition and Oberthür, from Stewechius's conjecture; others res superas. ORELLI.

[9] ‹anchor: Mereamur› · note in col 862 Mereamur. Vide supra, ad l. I, c. 3. ORELL.

Mereamur. See above, on Book I, ch. 3. ORELLI.

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intuentes nostram virium esse nullarum, et ab suis affectibus in omni rerum contentione superari. Vos cum primum soluti membrorum abieritis e nodis, alas vobis affuturas putatis, quibus ad coelum pergere, atque ad sidera volare possitis: nos tantam reformidamus audaciam, nec in nostra ducimus esse positum potestate sedes superas petere: cum et hoc ipsum habeamus incertum, an vitam accipere mereamur, et ab lege mortalitatis abduci. Vos in aulam dominicam tamquam in propriam sedem remeaturos vos sponte, nullo prohibente, praesumitis: at vero nos istud, rerum sine domino fieri neque speramus posse, neque ulli hominum tantum potestatis attribui licentiaeque censemus.

nature as being of no strength, and overcome by its own affections in every struggle of affairs. You suppose that as soon as you have departed, loosed from the knots of your limbs, wings will be at hand for you, wherewith you may be able to proceed to heaven and fly to the stars; we shrink from such great boldness, nor do we deem it to be set in our power to seek the upper abodes, since we hold even this very thing uncertain, whether we deserve to receive life and to be led away from the law of mortality. You presume that you will return of your own accord, with no one hindering you, into the palace of the Lord as into your own abode; whereas we neither hope that this can be done without the Lord of things, nor judge that so much power and license is attributed to any of men.

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XXXIV. Cum igitur haec ita sint, quaenam injustitia tanta est, ut fatui vobis credulitate in ista videamur; cum vos et similia credere, et in eadem videamus expectatione versari? Si irrisione existimamur digni, quod spem nobis hujusmodi pollicemur, et vos eadem expectat irrisio, qui spem vobis immortalitatis adsciscitis. Si tenetis aliquam sequiminique rationem, et nobis aliquam portionem ex ista ratione concedite. Si nobis haec gaudia, hoc est viam fugiendae mortis, Plato in Phaedone promisisset, aliusve ex hoc choro, possetque eam praestare, atque ad finem pollicitationis adducere, consentaneum fuerat ejus suscipere nos cultus, a quo tantum doni expectaremus et muneris. Nunc cum eam Christus non tantum promiserit, verum etiam virtutibus tantis manifestaverit posse compleri: quid alienum facimus, aut stultitiae crimen quibus rationibus sustinemus, si ejus nomini majestatique substernimur, a quo speramus utrumque, et mortem cruciabilem fugere, et vitae aeternitate donari?

XXXIV. Since therefore these things are so, what so great injustice is it that we should seem to you foolish in this belief, when we see that you also believe similar things and dwell in the same expectation? If we are thought worthy of mockery because we promise ourselves a hope of this sort, the same mockery awaits you also, who claim for yourselves the hope of immortality. If you hold and follow some reason, grant to us also some share out of that reason. If Plato in the Phaedo, or another from this choir, had promised us these joys—that is, a way of escaping death—and were able to make it good and bring it to the end of his promise, it would have been fitting for us to take up his worship, from whom we expected so great a gift and boon. Now, since Christ has not only promised it, but has also manifested by so great mighty works that it can be fulfilled, what strange thing do we do, or on what grounds do we bear the charge of folly, if we bow ourselves down to His name and majesty, from Whom we hope for both—both to escape a tormenting death, and to be gifted with eternity of life?

XXXV. Sed si animae, inquiunt, mortales et qualitatis sunt mediae, immortales quemadmodum fieri mediis ex qualitatibus possunt? Si nos istud nescire dicamus, ac tantummodo auditum ex potentiore credidisse, ubi nostra videbitur credulitas lapsa, si omnipotenti credidimus regi nihil esse difficile, nihil arduum? Si quod impossibile nobis est

XXXV. "Yet if souls," they say, "are mortal and of an intermediate quality, how can they be made immortal out of intermediate qualities?" If we should say that we do not know that, and have only believed what was heard from a mightier One, where will our belief seem to have slipped, if we have believed that to the almighty King nothing is difficult, nothing hard? If what is impossible to us to be

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Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

(printed under page 434)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the image› · call in col 863

MS. etiam heic in Phaedro.

The manuscript also has this here in Phaedrus.

(printed under page 434)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the image› · call in col 863

Ad in finem ms.

Ad in finem, the manuscript.

(printed under page 434)

Aeviternitate Stewech.

Aeviternitate, Stewechius.

(printed under page 434)

Page

running head: 863 ARNOBII ADVERSUS GE
marginal letters: A (in col. 864); B (in col. 864); C (in Lectiones Variantes at foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: margin D is in the Commentarius at foot

PL 5:864

factu, illi possibile, atque admodum executioni paratum? Est enim quod obstare ejus voluntatibus possit, aut quod esse voluerit, non necessario sequatur ut fiat? An numquid nostris ex divisionibus colligemus, quid aut fieri possit, aut non possit: nec rationes considerabimus nostras tam esse mortales, quam sumus nos ipsi, et nullius apud principem mominis? Et tamen o isti, qui mediae qualitatis animas esse non creditis, et in medio limite vitae atque interitus contineri, nonne omnes omnino, quos esse opinatio suspicatur, dii, angeli, daemones, aut nomine quocumque sunt alio, qualitatis et ipsi sunt mediae, et in ambiguae sortis conditione mutabiles? Nam si omnes concedimus, unum esse rerum patrem, immortalem atque ingenitum solum, nihilque omnino ante illum, quod alicujus vocaminis fuerit, invenitur: sequitur ut hi omnes quos opinatio credidit deos esse mortalium, aut ab eo sint geniti, aut eo jubente prolati? Si sunt prolati et geniti, et ordinis sunt posterioris et temporis: si ordinis posterioris et temporis, ortus necesse est habeant, et exordia nativitatis, et vitae: quod autem habet introitum, et vitae incipientis exordium, necessario sequitur ut habere debeat et occasum.

done is possible to Him, and altogether ready for execution? For is there anything that can stand in the way of His wills, or does it not necessarily follow that what He has willed to be is done? Or shall we gather from our own distinctions what either can be done or cannot be done, and not consider that our reasonings are just as mortal as we ourselves are, and of no weight with the Sovereign? And yet, O you who do not believe that souls are of an intermediate quality and contained on the middle boundary of life and destruction, are not all altogether whom opinion surmises to exist—gods, angels, demons, or by whatever other name they are—themselves also of an intermediate quality, and changeable in the condition of a doubtful lot? For if we all grant that there is one Father of things, alone immortal and unbegotten, and nothing at all is found before Him that was of any name, does it follow that all these, whom the opinion of mortals has believed to be gods, have either been begotten by Him or brought forth at His command? If they have been brought forth and begotten, they are of a later order and time; if of a later order and time, they must needs have beginnings, and origins of birth and of life; and what has an entrance and a beginning of incipient life, it necessarily follows that it must also have a setting.

XXXVI. Sed immortales perhibentur dii esse. Non ergo natura, sed voluntate Dei patris, ac munere. Quo igitur pacto immortalitatis largitio est

XXXVI. Yet the gods are asserted to be immortal. Not therefore by nature, but by the will and gift of God the Father. In what way, then, is the bestowal of immortality

Editors' notes and page, col. 864

Footnotes

(d) ‹anchor: not visible in the image› · call in col 864

Omittit haec Fulv.

Fulvio Orsini omits these words.

(printed under page 434)

(e) ‹anchor: not visible in the image› · call in col 864

Obsecutioni ms.

Obsecutioni, the manuscript.

(printed under page 434)

(f) ‹anchor: immortalitatis largitio› · call in col 864

Largiter ms, male.

Largiter, the manuscript, wrongly.

Commentarius

[1] ‹anchor: XXXIV. — Posse compleri› · note in col 863 XXXIV. — Posse compleri. Fulv. Ursinus mavult posse conferre. Sed nil mutandum contra codicis fidem. ORELL.

XXXIV. — Can be fulfilled. Fulvio Orsini prefers posse conferre. But nothing should be changed against the manuscript's authority. ORELLI.

[2] ‹anchor: Si ejus nomini….. substernimur› · note in col 863 Si ejus nomini….. substernimur. Meursius et Stewech. conj. numini, perperam. Nomen Christi, idem quod ipse Christus, ut nomen Dei pro Deo. Vide supra, ad l. I, c. 20. ORELL.

If we lay ourselves down before his name….. Meursius and Stewechius conjecture numini ("divinity"), wrongly. The name of Christ is the same as Christ himself, as the name of God stands for God. See above, on Book I, ch. 20. ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: Vitae aeternitate donari› · note in col 863 Vitae aeternitate donari. Ita Salmasius. Alii: vitam aeternitate donari. Meursius conj. vita in aeternitate donari. Fortassis Arnobius Lucretium suum imitatus scripsit vitai aeternitate. Qui est genitivus antiquus. ORELL.

To be presented with eternity of life. So Salmasius. Others: vitam aeternitate donari. Meursius conjectures vita in aeternitate donari. Perhaps Arnobius, imitating his Lucretius, wrote vitai aeternitate, which is the archaic genitive. ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: XXXV. — Si nos ista nescire dicamus› · note in col 863 XXXV. — Si nos ista nescire dicamus, etc., etc. Constructio est: Ubi nostra videbitur crudelitas lapsa, si nos ista nescire dicamus….. si omnipotenti regi nihil esse difficile atque arduum. Credulitas, hoc loco bono sensu, idem quod fides. Vid. Gasp. Barth. in Ind., ad Claudian. Mamert., de statu animae h. v. et C. Rittershus. ad Salvian., contra Avarit., l. III, § 518, p. 160, ed. Bremens. ORELL.

XXXV. — If we say we do not know these things, etc. The construction is: Where will our credulity [printed "crudelitas", "cruelty"] seem to have slipped, if we say we do not know these things….. if [we have believed] that nothing is difficult and hard for the almighty king. Credulity here, in a good sense, is the same as faith. See Caspar Barth's Index to Claudianus Mamertus, On the State of the Soul, under this word, and Konrad Rittershausen on Salvian, Against Avarice, Book III, § 518, p. 160, Bremen edition. ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: Et nullius apud principem mominis› · note in col 863 Et nullius apud principem mominis. Ita Meursius, editor Lugd. Bat. et Oberthur. Alii: nominis, quod h. l. etiam defendi posset. ORELL.

And of no weight with the prince. So Meursius, the Leiden editor and Oberthür. Others: nominis, which could also be defended here. ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: Nam si omnes concedimus, unum esse rerum patrem› · note in cols 863-864 Nam si omnes concedimus, unum esse rerum patrem, etc. Haec enim fuit veterum sophorum sententia, unum esse Deum, principem ac patrem omnium rerum, ipsorumque adeo deorum, quae fuit sententia Hermae ter maximi, ut etiam docet B. Augustinus, l. VIII, de Civit. Dei; c. 23: Ille autem Aegyptius alios deos dicit esse a summo Deo factos; alios ab hominibus, etc. Hanc sententiam Pythagorei postea frequentes secuti sunt Vide Hieroclem. Cf. Lactant., l. I, c. 6. Hinc igitur Valerius Soranus: «Jupiter omnipotens Regum Rex ipse, Deusque; / Progenitor, genitrixque Deum; Deus unus et omnis.» HERALD. — Confer ea de re peculiarem Meinersii V. Cl. librum: Historia doctrinae de vero Deo, Lemgoviae. 1780, in II vol. ORELL.

For if we all grant that there is one father of things, etc. For this was the opinion of the ancient sages, that there is one God, the first principle and father of all things, and so of the gods themselves; this was the opinion of Hermes Trismegistus, as blessed Augustine also teaches, City of God Book VIII, ch. 23: "But that Egyptian says that some gods were made by the supreme God, others by men," etc. Many Pythagoreans afterwards followed this opinion. See Hierocles. Compare Lactantius, Book I, ch. 6. Hence, then, Valerius Soranus: "Almighty Jupiter, himself King of kings, and God; progenitor and mother of the gods; God one and all." HÉRAULD. — Compare on this subject the special book of the distinguished Meiners, History of the Doctrine of the True God, Lemgo, 1780, in 2 vols. ORELLI.

[7] ‹anchor: Mutabiles› · note in col 864 Mutabiles. Editio rom. nutabiles, quod Stewechius defendit, perperam. ORELL.

Changeable. The Roman edition has nutabiles ("tottering"), which Stewechius defends, wrongly. ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Nihilque omnino ante illum, quod alicujus vocaminis fuerit, invenitur› · note in col 864 Nihilque omnino ante illum, quod alicujus vocaminis fuerit, invenitur. Id est nihil quod possit vocari, nulla rerum existentium, kein einziges von allen nennbaren Dingen. Vocamen est vox Lucretiana, l. II, v. 656: «. . . Et Bacchi nomine abuti / Mavult, quam laticis proprium proferre vocamen.» Utitur Solinus et Arnobius passim, verbi causa, l. I, c. 3; gens nostra felicitate donari hujus vocaminis meruit, et saepius. HERALD. et ORELL.

And nothing at all is found before him that was of any name. That is, nothing that could be named, none of existing things, "not a single one of all nameable things". Vocamen is a Lucretian word, Book II, line 656: "and he prefers to misuse the name of Bacchus rather than utter the proper name of the liquid." Solinus and Arnobius use it here and there, for example Book I, ch. 3: "our race deserved to be presented with the happiness of this name," and often. HÉRAULD and ORELLI.

[9] ‹anchor: Prolati. Si sunt prolati et geniti› · note in col 864 Prolati. Si sunt prolati et geniti, etc. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Ante: prolati sint. Prolati et geniti. Meursius: prolati; si sint prolati et geniti. ORELL.

Brought forth. If they were brought forth and begotten, etc. So the Leiden edition. Before: prolati sint. Prolati et geniti. Meursius: prolati; si sint prolati et geniti. ORELLI.

[10] ‹anchor: XXXVI. — Quo igitur pacto immortalitatis largitio est donum Dei› · note in col 864 XXXVI. — Quo igitur pacto immortalitatis largitio est donum Dei, certe prolatis, etc. Ita ex emendatione Gelenii editores omnes usque ad ed. Lugd. Bat., cod. ms. et ed. princeps habet: Immortalitatem largitus est donum Dei certam prolatis sine sensu. Unde Heraldus suspicatur, verba donum Dei esse Glossema, quod e margine, ubi scriptum erat: Immortalitas donum Dei, in textum irrepsit, et legendum: Quo igitur pacto immortalitatem largitus est (scil. Deus) certam prolatis. Male. Hoc enim aperte negat Arnobius, Deum prolatis largitum esse immortalitatem, sed tantum dicit, posse largiri; animas perinde ac corpora esse natura sua caducas et mortales, quae si immortalitatem adipiscantur, Deo id acceptum referendum. Itaque nil mutandum censeo. Ed. Lugd. Bat. refingit: Quo igitur pacto (continues)

XXXVI. — By what means, then, is the bestowal of immortality the gift of God, surely to those brought forth, etc. So, from Gelenius's emendation, all editors up to the Leiden edition; the manuscript and the first edition have Immortalitatem largitus est donum Dei certam prolatis, without sense. Whence Hérauld suspects that the words donum Dei are a gloss, which crept into the text from the margin, where Immortality the gift of God had been written, and that we should read: By what means, then, did he (that is, God) bestow sure immortality on those brought forth. Wrongly. For Arnobius openly denies that God has bestowed immortality on those brought forth; he says only that he can bestow it: that souls, just like bodies, are by their nature perishable and mortal, and if they obtain immortality, it must be credited to God. So I think nothing should be changed. The Leiden edition remodels it: By what means, then (continues)

(printed under page 434)

Page

running head: ADVERSUS GENTES 864
marginal letters: A factu, illi possibile,; B trem, immortalem atque; C (in col. 863 Lectiones Variantes)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: missing period after GENTES in running head; margin D is in the Commentarius at foot

PL 5:865

donum Dei, certe prolatis, et animas hoc pacto dignabitur immortalitate donare, quamvis eas mors saeva posse videatur extinguere, et ad nihilum redactas irremeabili abolitione delere. Plato ille divinus multa de Deo digna, nec communia sentiens multitudini, in eo sermone ac libro, cui nomen Timaeus inscribitur, Deos dicit et mundum corruptibili esse natura, neque esse omnino dissolutionis expertes: sed voluntate Dei regis ac principis vinctione in perpetua contineri. Quod enim recte sit vinctum, et nodis perfectissimis colligatum, Dei bonitate servari: neque ullo ab alio, nisi ab eo qui vinxit et dissolvi, si res poscat, et salutari vinctione donari. Ergo si res est ita, nec aliud convenit vel existimare vel credere, quid animas admiramini mediae dici qualitatis a nobis: cum numinibus ipsis dicat Plato medias esse naturas, sed continuam et

the gift of God, to things surely brought forth; and in this way He will deign to endow souls with immortality, although cruel death may seem able to extinguish them and, when they are reduced to nothing, to blot them out by an annihilation from which there is no return. That divine Plato, who thought many things worthy of God and not common to the multitude, in the discourse and book to which the name Timaeus is given, says that the gods and the world are of a corruptible nature and not wholly exempt from dissolution, but are held together in an everlasting binding by the will of God, their King and Prince. For what has been rightly bound and tied with most perfect knots is preserved by the goodness of God; and it can be loosed by no other but by Him who bound it, if the matter require, and endowed with a saving binding. If, then, the matter is so, and it is not fitting either to think or to believe otherwise, why do you wonder that souls are said by us to be of a middle quality, when Plato says that the very deities are of middle natures, but that a continuous and

Editors' notes and page, col. 865

Footnotes

[1] ‹anchor: XXXVI. — Quo igitur pacto immortalitatis largitio (note of p. 434)› · note in col 865

(continued) [top line cut off in the image, ending] …cius. ORELL.

[2] ‹anchor: Plato….. in eo sermone ac libro, qui Timaeus inscribitur› · note in col 865 Plato….. in eo sermone ac libro, qui Timaeus inscribitur, etc. Locus exstat in Timaeo Platonis, p. 41, ed. H. Steph., vol. III (ed. Bipont., vol. IX, p. 325), quem Cicero de Universo sic interpretatur: Tum ad deos is Deus, qui omnia genuit, fatur: haec vos, qui deorum satu orti estis, attendite: quorum operum ego parens, effectorque sum, non sunt dissoluta me invito, quamquam omne colligatum solvi potest. Sed haudquaquam boni est, ratione vinctum velle dissolvere: sed quoniam orti estis, immortales vos quidem esse et indissolubiles non potestis; neutiquam tamen dissolvemini, nec vos ulla mortis fata periment, nec fraus valentior, quam consilium meum, quod majus est vinculum ad perpetuitatem vestram, quam illa, quibus estis tum, cum gignebamini, colligati. ELMENH.

Plato….. in that discourse and book which is entitled Timaeus, etc. The passage is in Plato's Timaeus, p. 41, ed. Henri Estienne, vol. III (Bipontine ed., vol. IX, p. 325), which Cicero, in On the Universe, renders thus: "Then that God who begot all things speaks to the gods: 'Attend to this, you who have sprung from the seed of gods: the works of which I am parent and maker are not dissolved against my will, although everything bound together can be loosed. But it is in no way the part of the good to wish to dissolve what has been bound by reason. Since you have come into being, you cannot indeed be immortal and indissoluble; yet you will by no means be dissolved, nor will any fates of death destroy you, nor any guile stronger than my counsel, which is a greater bond for your perpetuity than those with which you were bound together when you were being begotten.'" ELMENHORST.

[3] ‹anchor: Neque ullo ab alio nisi ab eo qui vinxit et dissolvi› · note in col 865 Neque ullo ab alio nisi ab eo qui vinxit et dissolvi. Ita Fulv. Ursinus, probante Meursio, et ed. Lugd. Bat., cod. ms. et editio princeps rom. neque ab ullo abolitionis ab eo qui vinxit, nullo sensu, unde Gelenius fecerat: nexusque abolitione ab eo qui vinxit. Stewechius: neque ab ullo, nisi ab eo qui vinxit. At, ut ipse fatetur Stewechius, Fulvii emendatio propius accedit ad lectionem codicis msti. ORELL.

And to be dissolved by no other except him who bound. So Fulvio Orsini, with Meursius's approval, and the Leiden edition; the manuscript and the first Roman edition have neque ab ullo abolitionis ab eo qui vinxit, which makes no sense, whence Gelenius had made nexusque abolitione ab eo qui vinxit. Stewechius: neque ab ullo, nisi ab eo qui vinxit. But, as Stewechius himself admits, Fulvio's emendation comes nearer to the reading of the manuscript. ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: Et salutari vinctione donari› · note in col 865 Et salutari vinctione donari. Sic edidi cum ed. Lugd. Bat. Caeteri: missione. Sed hoc loco non de dimissione animarum e corporeis vinculis, nam hoc esset missio, sermo est, sed de vinculo illo ad perpetuitatem, ut ait Cicero in loco supra allato e Platonis Timaeo, sive de vinctione, qua animae natura sua mortales continentur a Deo, ne dissolvantur. Ed. Rom. jussione, quod probat Th. Canterus: jussione scil., ut salvae aeternaeque maneant. ORELL.

And to be presented with a saving binding. So I have printed it with the Leiden edition. The others: missione ("release"). But here the talk is not of the release of souls from bodily bonds, for that would be missio, but of that bond for perpetuity, as Cicero says in the passage quoted above from Plato's Timaeus, that is, of the binding by which souls, mortal by nature, are held together by God so that they are not dissolved. The Roman edition has jussione, which Theodore Canter approves: by command, that is, that they remain safe and eternal. ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: Non esse animas Regis maximi filias› · note in cols 865-866 Non esse animas Regis maximi filias, etc. Hausit ista Arnobius e Neoplatonicorum, sive potius Gnosticorum, Simonis, Basilidis, Saturnini, Carpocratis, etc., doctrina, qui statuebant, mundum non a Deo, sed ab angelis esse conditum, hominem quoque ab iisdem formatum. Irenaeus, lib. I, cap. 21, p. 32, ed. Erasmi Paris.: Saturninus similiter ut Menander unum patrem incognitum nobis ostendit, qui fecit angelos, archangelos, virtutes, potestates. A septem autem quibusdam angelis mundum factum, et omnia quae in eo. Hominem autem angelorum esse facturam, desursum a summa potestate lucida imagine apparente, quum cum continere non potuissent, inquit, eo statu qui statim recurrerit sursum, adhortati sunt semetipsos, dicentes: [line cut off at the top of col 866, partly legible:] … per imbecillitatem angelorum, seu quasi vermiculus scarizaret (id est reptaret), miserantem ejus de super virtutem, quoniam in similitudinem ejus esset factus, emisisse scintillam vitae, quae erexit hominem et articulavit, et vivere fecit. Hanc igitur scintillam vitae post defunctionem recurrere ad ea, quae sunt ejusdem generis, dicit. Et reliqua, ex quibus facta sunt illa, resolvi, etc. Idem, cap. 24, de Carpocrate: Carpocrates autem et qui ab eo, mundum quidem et ea, quae in eo sunt, ab angelis multo inferioribus ingenito patre factum esse dicunt. Cf. Tertullian., de Praescriptionibus, cap. 46 et 48; idem, de Anima, cap. 23. Epiphanius, adv. Haereses, lib. I, pag. 32: Philastrius, de Haeres., cap 29, 31, et 36, 38. Caeterum de iis omnibus tecte tantummodo et obscure loquitur Arnobius, consulto, ut mihi quidem videtur, et prudenter, ne scil. si distinctius de iis disseruisset nominassetque mundi creatores Gnosticorum, Demiurgum, Logon, Phronesin, Sophian, Dynamim caeterosque, quos dicebant, aeones, ipse a Gentilibus Polytheismi, quem refutare et destruere cupiebat, argueretur. ORELL.

That souls are not daughters of the supreme King, etc. Arnobius drew this from the teaching of the Neoplatonists, or rather of the Gnostics, Simon, Basilides, Saturninus, Carpocrates, etc., who held that the world was founded not by God but by angels, and that man too was formed by them. Irenaeus, Book I, ch. 21, p. 32, Erasmus's Paris edition: "Saturninus, like Menander, shows one father unknown to us, who made angels, archangels, virtues, powers; and that the world and everything in it was made by certain seven angels; and that man is the handiwork of angels, a shining image having appeared from above from the supreme power; and when they could not hold it, he says, because it at once ran back upward, they exhorted one another, saying:" [a line lost in the image] … "through the weakness of the angels, or as if he crawled like a little worm" (that is, crept), "the power above, pitying him because he had been made in its likeness, sent forth a spark of life, which raised man up, gave him joints, and made him live. This spark of life, then, he says, runs back after death to what is of the same kind, and the rest, of which those things were made, is dissolved," etc. The same, ch. 24, on Carpocrates: "But Carpocrates and those from him say that the world and the things in it were made by angels far inferior to the unbegotten father." Compare Tertullian, On Prescriptions, chs. 46 and 48; the same, On the Soul, ch. 23; Epiphanius, Against Heresies, Book I, p. 32; Philastrius, On Heresies, chs. 29, 31, and 36, 38. But Arnobius speaks of all these only covertly and obscurely, deliberately, as it seems to me, and prudently: lest, had he discussed them more distinctly and named the Gnostics' creators of the world, the Demiurge, Logos, Phronesis, Sophia, Dynamis and the others whom they called aeons, he should himself be accused by the Gentiles of the polytheism he wished to refute and destroy. ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: Atque in sui nominis essentia praedicari› · note in col 866 Atque in sui nominis essentia praedicari. Meursius Codicis lectionem in sui nominis sententia defendit loco gemino Arnobii, lib. I: Dedimus nos Deo, cujus nutu et arbitrio omne quod est constat, et in sententiae suae perpetuitate defixum est, et eodem libro: priore detracto in aliorum habitum sententiamque traducere, ut sit sententia h. l. i. q. αἴσθησις, sensus. Quo sensu si absolute dicere potuit Arnobius, novum tamen et sine exemplo nominis sententia. ORELL.

And to be proclaimed in the essence of their own name. Meursius defends the manuscript's reading in sui nominis sententia by a twin passage of Arnobius, Book I: "We have given ourselves to God, by whose nod and will all that exists stands, and is fixed in the perpetuity of its own sententia," and in the same book: "having removed the former, to carry over into the habit and sententia of others," so that sententia here is the same as αἴσθησις, sense. Even if Arnobius could say it in that sense used absolutely, nominis sententia is nonetheless new and without example. ORELLI.

[7] ‹anchor: Satis plurimis› · note in col 866 Satis plurimis. Pro satis multis. Superlativus loco positivi, ut saepius in Arnobio. Vide supra, ad lib. I, c. 22. (Satis multus autem dictum est pro nimio multus. Vide Barth., Adversar., lib. XXIX, c. 13, page 1380.) Ita satis pulcherrimus apud Pomponium, de Origine Juris: Exstat ejus (Ciceronis) oratio satis pulcherrima, quae inscribitur pro Q. Ligario. STEWECH. et ORELL.

Quite very many. For quite many. A superlative in place of the positive, as often in Arnobius. See above, on Book I, ch. 22. (Satis multus, moreover, is said for "too many." See Barth, Adversaria, Book XXIX, ch. 13, p. 1380.) So satis pulcherrimus in Pomponius, On the Origin of Law: "There is extant a quite most beautiful speech of his (Cicero's), entitled For Quintus Ligarius." STEWECHIUS and ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: XXXVII. — Habuissent› · note in col 866 XXXVII. — Habuissent. Fulv. Ursin. hausissent. ORELL.

XXXVII. — Habuissent ("had had"). Fulvio Orsini: hausissent ("had drained"). ORELLI.

[9] ‹anchor: et saccati obscoenissimas serias› · note in col 866 et saccati obscoenissimas serias. Sumptum e Lucretii, lib. IV, vers. 1020: «Pusi saepe lacum propter, se, ac dolia curta / Somno devincti credunt extollere vestem / Totius humorem saccatum ut corpori, fundant.» HERALD. Quod sacco vinum eliquabant veteres, quod et sac- (continues)

And strained [into] the most obscene jars. Taken from Lucretius, Book IV, line 1020: "Often little boys, bound fast in sleep, believe they are lifting their clothes beside a pool or a cut-down jar, so as to pour out the strained liquid of the whole body." HÉRAULD. Because the ancients strained wine through a bag (saccus), which also (continues)

(printed under page 435)

Page

running head: 865 LIBER SECUND
marginal letters: A (in col. 866); B (in col. 866)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: margins C and D are in the Commentarius at foot
running head: 865 LIBER SECUNDUS. 866
marginal letters: A beside ‹donum Dei, certe prolatis› (between columns, line 1); B beside ‹diae dici qualitatis a nobis: cum numinibus ipsis di-›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 5:866

inocciduam vitam principali benevolentia surrogari? Si enim forte nescitis, et antea vobis incognitum propter rei novitatem fuit, accipite sero, et discite ab eo, qui novit, et protulit in medium Christo, non esse animas regis maximi filias, nec ab eo, quemadmodum dicitur, generatas coepisse se nosse, atque in sui nominis essentia praedicari, sed alterum quempiam genitorem his esse, dignitatis et potentiae gradibus satis plurimis ab Imperatore disjunctum: ejus tamen ex aula et eminentium nobilem sublimitate natalium.

unsetting life is put in its place by the princely benevolence? For if perhaps you do not know it, and it was unknown to you before because of the newness of the thing, receive it late and learn it from Him who knows and has brought it into the open, from Christ: that souls are not the daughters of the supreme King, nor, as it is said, did they, begotten by Him, begin to know themselves and to be proclaimed in the essence of His name; but that they have some other begetter, separated from the Emperor by very many degrees of dignity and power, yet of His court, and noble by the loftiness of eminent birth.

XXXVII. Quod si essent, ut fama est, dominicae prolis, et potestatis animae generatio principalis, nihil eis ad perfectionem defuisset virtute perfectissima procreatis: unum omnes intellectum habuissent, unumque consensum, aulam semper incolerent regiam, nec praetermissis beatitudinis sedibus,

XXXVII. But if souls were, as report has it, of the Lord's offspring and a princely generation of His power, nothing would have been lacking to them for perfection, since they were procreated by a most perfect power: they would all have had one understanding and one accord, they would always dwell in the royal court, nor, having forsaken the seats of blessedness,

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in quibus augustissimas noverant, retinebantque doctrinas, imprudenter appeterent terrena haec loca, tenebrosis corporibus involutae inter pituitas et sanguinem degerent: inter stercoris hos utres, et saccati obscoenissimas serias. Sed habitari oportuit et has partes, et idcirco huc animas tamquam in colonias aliquas Deus omnipotens misit. Et quid homines prosunt mundo, aut ob rei cujus sunt necessarii causam, ut non frustra debuisse credantur parte in hac agere, et terreni esse corporis inquilini? Ad consummandam molis hujus integritatem, partem aliquam conferunt: et nisi fuerint additi, imperfecta et clauda est universitatis haec summa. Quid ergo? si homines non sint, ab officiis suis cessabit mundus? Vicissitudines suas non peragent sidera? aestates, atque hyemes non erunt? ventorum flamina conticescent? nec ex coactis et pendentibus nubilis ad terram decident imbres ariditatibus temperamenta laturi? Atqui necesse est cuncta suos ire per cursus, nec ab ordinis nati continuatione discedere, etiamsi

in which they knew and retained the most august teachings, would they imprudently seek after these earthly places, and wrapped in dark bodies pass their life amid phlegm and blood, among these bags of dung and most foul jars of strained urine. "Yet these parts also ought to be inhabited, and therefore Almighty God sent souls hither as into some colonies." And what do men profit the world, or on account of what thing are they necessary, that they should be believed not in vain to have had to live in this part and be tenants of an earthly body? "Towards completing the wholeness of this mass they contribute some part; and unless they have been added, this sum of the universe is imperfect and lame." What then? If men should not exist, will the world cease from its offices? Will the stars not perform their changes? Will summers and winters not be? Will the blasts of the winds fall silent? And from the gathered and hanging clouds will rains not fall down to the earth to bring tempering to the droughts? And yet all things must needs go through their courses, and not depart from the continuation of their inborn order, even if

Editors' notes and page, col. 867

Footnotes

[1] ‹anchor: et saccati obscoenissimas serias (note of p. 435)› · note in col 867

(continued) care dicebant, hinc per similitudinem non inamaenam, in re tamen parum honesta, factum est, ut, cum vesica coli vinarii vel sacci speciem habeat, urina liquoris transmissi lotium saccatum diceretur. TURNEB., Adversar., lib. XXIII, cap. 14, et ELMENH. Similiter Sammonic., de Medicin., vers. 77: «Ergo lutum prodest membris adhibere fricatis, / Quod facit ex asino saccatus corporis humor.» ubi vid. Keuchen et Ackerman, nec non Morgagni Epist. I, in Celsi editione Vulpiana, vol. II, pag. 283. ORELL.

[2] ‹anchor: Et quid homines prosunt mundo› · note in col 867 Et quid homines prosunt mundo. Mundum non esse creatum hominum causa, Epicureorum fuit opinio. Lactant., lib. VII, cap. 5. Quae utilitas Deo in homine, inquit Epicurus, ut eum propter se faceret? Quid ergo Deo cultus hominis confert, beato et nulla re indigenti? quam sententiam hoc loco sequitur Arnobius, alias, quando philosophatur, Stoicus, ut demonstret animas hominum non posse esse a Deo profectas. Refutat Lactant., lib. VII, c. 4, et in Epitome, cap. 7. Origenes, lib. IV, contra Celsum; Clemens, Recogn., lib. I, pag. 13, et lib. VI, pag. 101. ELMENH. et HERALD.

And what good are men to the world? That the world was not created for the sake of men was the opinion of the Epicureans. Lactantius, Book VII, ch. 5: "What use is man to God," says Epicurus, "that he should make him for his own sake? What then does man's worship bring to God, who is blessed and needs nothing?" Arnobius follows this opinion here, though elsewhere, when he philosophizes, he is a Stoic, so as to show that the souls of men cannot have proceeded from God. Lactantius refutes it, Book VII, ch. 4, and in the Epitome, ch. 7; Origen, Against Celsus Book IV; Clement, Recognitions Book I, p. 13, and Book VI, p. 101. ELMENHORST and HÉRAULD.

[3] ‹anchor: Imperfecta et clauda est universitatis haec summa› · note in col 867 Imperfecta et clauda est universitatis haec summa. Claudus, hoc loco idem quod mancus, mutilus, κυλλὸς, non χωλός. Ita Livius, lib. XXXVII, cap. 24, clauda et mutila navigia dicit. ORELL.

This sum of the universe is imperfect and lame. Claudus here is the same as maimed, mutilated, "crippled", not "lame". So Livy, Book XXXVII, ch. 24, speaks of "crippled and mutilated vessels". ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: Ventorum flamina conticescent› · note in col 867 Ventorum flamina conticescent. Ita supra, lib. I, cap. 2: Numquid suas animas exspiravere venti, etc. Eodem sensu ventorum spiritus dicit Lactantius, Inst. lib. VII, cap. 6, ubi vid. Buneman., pag. 893. ORELL.

The blasts of the winds will fall silent. So above, Book I, ch. 2: "Have the winds breathed out their souls," etc. In the same sense Lactantius says the breaths of the winds, Institutes Book VII, ch. 6, where see Bünemann, p. 893. ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: Ex coactis nubibus› · note in col 867 Ex coactis nubibus. Vide ad lib. I, cap. 2. ORELL.

From gathered clouds. See on Book I, ch. 2. ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: Ad mundi perfectionem› · note in col 867 Ad mundi perfectionem. Fulv. Ursin. legi mavult: Ad mundum perfectionis. Nescio quare. ORELL.

For the perfecting of the world. Fulvio Orsini prefers to read Ad mundum perfectionis. I do not know why. ORELLI.

[7] ‹anchor: XXXVIII. — Quid pantomimos, quid mimulos› · note in col 867 XXXVIII. — Quid pantomimos, quid mimulos, etc. Mimi et pantomimi in hoc differunt, quod pantomimi puero accinente et responsante tibicine ipsi muti ac taciti cantica desultarent: mimi autem etiam canebant et loquebantur in scena. Vide, qui de iis multus est, Salmas., ad Flav. Vopisc., Carin., cap. 19; Script. Hist. Aug., vol. II, pag. 828, seqq. et Rigalt., ad Artemidor., lib. I, cap. 78, pag. 75, ed. Reiff. ORELL.

XXXVIII. — Why pantomimes, why little mimes, etc. Mimes and pantomimes differ in this, that the pantomimes, while a boy sang and the piper answered, danced out the songs themselves mute and silent, whereas the mimes also sang and spoke on the stage. See Salmasius, who treats them at length, on Flavius Vopiscus, Carinus, ch. 19, Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. II, pp. 828 ff., and Rigault on Artemidorus, Book I, ch. 78, p. 75, Reiff's edition. ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Tubo, tibia calamoque flatantes› · note in cols 867-868 Tubo, tibia calamoque flatantes. Festus: flator, tibicen. Glossae Philoxeni: Flat, φυσᾷ. Flator, αὐλητής. HERALD. — Stewech. mavult frequentativum flutitantes, male. flo, flato dicitur, ut no, nato. ORELL.

Blowing on trumpet, pipe and reed. Festus: flator, "piper". The Glossary of Philoxenus: Flat, "he blows"; Flator, "piper". HÉRAULD. — Stewechius prefers the frequentative flutitantes, wrongly. One says flo, flato, as no, nato. ORELLI.

[9] ‹anchor: Desultores› · note in col 868 Desultores. Desultores dicebantur, qui duos equos absque ephippiis agitantes ex altero in alterum subinde mira pernicitate desiliebant. Cf. Gesner. in Thesaur. et Scaliger., ad Manil. V, vers. 85. Munker., ad Hygin., fab. LXXX, pag. 133. ORELL.

Trick riders. Desultores was the name for those who, driving two horses without saddles, kept leaping from one to the other with wonderful speed. Compare Gesner in his Thesaurus and Scaliger on Manilius V, line 85; Muncker on Hyginus, fable 80, p. 133. ORELLI.

[10] ‹anchor: Grallatores› · note in col 868 Grallatores. Interprete Festo erant pantomimi, qui ut in saltatione imitarentur aegipanas, adjectis perticis furculas habentibus, atque in his superstantes ad similitudinem crurum ejus generis gradiebantur, utique propter difficultatem consistendi. ubi vid. intpp. et ad Varron., de Ling. lat., VI, pag. 94. Not. pag. 225. ed. Bipont.; Muret., Var. Lectt., lib. XIII, cap. 19. Grallatores autem dicebantur a grallis, quibus insilientes ambulabant. Grallae autem contract. e gradulae, idem quod colobathra. gall., des échasses. germ., Stelzen. graece isti homines dicebantur γύπωνες, de quibus Pollux Onomast., lib. IV, cap. 14, Segm. 104. γύπωνες, ξυλίνων κώλων ἐπιβαίνοντες, ὠρχοῦντο διαφανῆ ταραντινίδια (pellucidis vestibus Tarentinis) ἀμπεχόμενοι. Ubi vid. Jungermann., pag. 410, tom. I, ed. Hemsterh. Cf. Voss., Etymol. rom., v. grallae et Bulenger. de Theatris, I, 32. Verte igitur Stelzenlaufer. J. Fr. Gronovius, qui de hominibus hisce multus est in Lectt. Plautin., pag. 284 et seq. haec observat: «Videntur exercitio crebro adsecuti hi homines, ut etiam grallis saltare et subsilire possent: secus atque hodie grallis incedentes videmus, qui grandes potius passus, quam citos faciunt.» Sic etiam provinciae Francogallicae Hispaniae conterminae incolas circa Bayonnam (département des Landes) propter solum arenosum currere, itinera facere, immo onera bajulare grallis insistentes legisse memini in Itinerario quodam, cujus titulus mihi excidit. ORELL.

Stilt-walkers. As Festus explains, "they were pantomimes who, to imitate goat-Pans in dancing, attached poles with forks, and standing on these walked in the likeness of the legs of that kind of creature, especially on account of the difficulty of standing." Where see the commentators, and on Varro, On the Latin Language VI, p. 94, Notes p. 225, Bipontine ed.; Muret, Variae Lectiones Book XIII, ch. 19. Grallatores were so called from the grallae, stilts mounted on which they walked. Grallae is contracted from gradulae, the same as colobathra; French des échasses, German Stelzen. In Greek these men were called gypones, of whom Pollux, Onomasticon Book IV, ch. 14, section 104: "The gypones, mounted on wooden legs, danced wrapped in transparent Tarentine garments" (in see-through Tarentine clothes). Where see Jungermann, p. 410, vol. I, Hemsterhuis's edition. Compare Vossius, Etymologicon of Latin, under grallae, and Bulenger, On Theatres I, 32. So translate it Stelzenläufer ("stilt-runner"). J. Fr. Gronovius, who treats these men at length in his Lectiones Plautinae, pp. 284 ff., observes: "These men seem by frequent practice to have attained the ability even to dance and leap on stilts, unlike those we see walking on stilts today, who take long steps rather than quick ones." So too I remember reading in some Itinerary, whose title has escaped me, that the inhabitants of the French province bordering Spain around Bayonne (département des Landes), because of the sandy soil, run, make journeys and even carry loads standing on stilts. ORELLI.

[11] ‹anchor: Funiambulos› · note in col 868 Funiambulos. De veterum funambulorum artibus multus est Barth., Adversar. lib. V, cap. 19, pag. 248. ORELL.

Rope-walkers. Barth treats the arts of ancient tightrope walkers at length, Adversaria Book V, ch. 19, p. 248. ORELLI.

[12] ‹anchor: Quid cybiarios› · note in col 868 Quid cybiarios. Ita egregie correxit Salmasius in ed. Lugd. Bat., et ad Solinum, pag. 174. in ms. erat quibiarii, quod est idem quod cybiarii. Ita in membranis Quinegion, Quizicus pro Cynegion, Cyzicus, et in antiquo codice Epistolarum Paulini Paulinus Ausonio triquinon, id est, τρίχυνον [?], trina salutatio. Ex quibiarii (continues)

Why tunny-sellers? So Salmasius excellently corrected it in the Leiden edition and on Solinus, p. 174. In the manuscript it was quibiarii, which is the same as cybiarii. So in parchments Quinegion, Quizicus for Cynegion, Cyzicus, and in an old manuscript of Paulinus's Letters "Paulinus to Ausonius, triquinon," that is, [Greek word; reading uncertain], a threefold greeting. From quibiarii (continues)

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nomen in mundo nullum hominis audiatur, orbisque iste terrarum solitudinis vacuae silentio conticescat. Quemadmodum ergo jactatur habitatorem debuisse regionibus his addi, cum ab homine liqueat nihil ad mundi perfectionem redire, omniaque ejus studia commoditatem semper spectare privatam, nec a finibus propriae utilitatis abscedere?

no name of man be heard in the world, and this orb of the lands fall silent in the stillness of an empty solitude. How then is it boasted that an inhabitant had to be added to these regions, when it is clear that nothing returns from man towards the perfection of the world, and that all his pursuits always look to private advantage, and never depart from the bounds of his own utility?

XXXVIII. Quid enim prodest mundo, ut ab rebus incipiam seriis, maximos reges hic esse? Quid tyrannos, quid dominos, quid innumeras alias atque amplissimas potestates? Quid rei militaris experientissimos duces capiendarum urbium peritos, in equestribus praeliis aut in pedestri pugna immobiles atque invictissimos milites? Quid oratores, grammaticos, poetas? quid scriptores, dialecticos, musicos? quid pantomimos, quid mimulos, histriones, cantores, tuba, tibia, calamoque flatantes? Quid cursores, quid pugiles, quadrigarios, desultores, grallatores, funiambulos, praestigiatores? Quid cybiarios, salinatores,

XXXVIII. For what does it profit the world—that I may begin from serious matters—that the greatest kings exist here? What, tyrants; what, lords; what, countless other and most ample powers? What, generals most experienced in warfare, skilled in taking cities, soldiers immovable and most invincible in cavalry battles or in infantry fighting? What, orators, grammarians, poets? what, writers, dialecticians, musicians? what, pantomimes, what, little mimes, actors, singers, those blowing on the trumpet, the flute, and the reed-pipe? What, runners, what, boxers, four-horse charioteers, circus-vaulters, stilt-walkers, rope-dancers, jugglers? What, dealers in salted tunny, saltmakers,

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bolonas, unguentarios, aurifices, aucupes, vannorum sirpiarumque vitores? Quid fullones, lanarios, phrygiones, coquos, panchristarios, muliones, lenones, lanios, meretrices? Quid institorum alia genera? Quid professorum, et artium, quibus enumerandis omnis aetas angusta est, rationibus conferunt, et constitutionibus mundi, ut sine hominibus condi non potuisse credatur, nec obtenturus integritatem

fishmongers, perfumers, goldsmiths, fowlers, plaiters of winnowing-fans and wicker-baskets? What do fullers, wool-dressers, embroiderers, cooks, confectioners, muleteers, pimps, butchers, harlots? What do the other kinds of traders? What do the kinds of professions and arts, for the enumeration of which every age is too narrow, contribute to the reasons and constitutions of the world, that it should be believed that it could not have been founded without men, nor would keep its integrity

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Footnotes

[0] ‹anchor: Quid cybiarios (note begun under p. 436; its end, read from the column images)› · note in col 869 [continued from p. 436] … alii vim vocis non intelligentes fecerunt bigarii, quod loco esset prorsus alieno, nam supra quadrigarios cum cursoribus et pugilibus conjunxit Arnobius. Contra cybiarii, id est, qui cybia vendunt, bene junguntur salinatoribus et bolonis. Cybium salsamenti sive tarichi genus quadratum, a Graeco κῦβος, quod geometris figuram quadratam notat. Fiebat autem cybium e pelamyde sive minori thunno, qui et κύβεια dicitur Oppiano, Halieut., I, vers. 183. Cf. Plin., Hist. Nat., lib. XXXII, c. 11, ibique Harduin., in not. maj., p. 599, et intpp., ad Fest., hoc verbo. Itaque cybiarii, qui cybia, id est τεμάχη θύννων, sale condiunt venduntque. Nourrius, pag. 564 [?], mavult cibarios, hoc est qui cibos conficiunt et ministrant, Traiteurs, citans Varronis verba, ap. Nonium, cap. 2: Tuus ipse frater cibarius fuit Aristoxenis. ORELL.

[continued from p. 436] … others, not understanding the force of the word, made it bigarii (drivers of two-horse chariots), which would be quite out of place, for above Arnobius joined the drivers of four-horse chariots with runners and boxers. Cybiarii, on the other hand, that is, those who sell cybia, are well joined to salt-makers and fish-pedlars. Cybium is a square kind of salted or pickled fish, from the Greek κῦβος, which among geometers denotes a square figure. Cybium was made from the pelamys, or smaller tunny, which Oppian also calls κύβεια, Halieutica I, line 183. Compare Pliny, Natural History Book XXXII, ch. 11, and Hardouin there, in the larger notes, p. 599, and the commentators on Festus under this word. So cybiarii are those who preserve with salt and sell cybia, that is, slices of tunny. Le Nourry, p. 564 [?], prefers cibarios, that is, those who prepare and serve food, traiteurs (caterers), citing Varro's words in Nonius, ch. 2: "Your own brother was Aristoxenus's caterer." ORELLI.

[1] ‹anchor: Salinatores› · note in col 869 [lemma line partly cut off, legible as:] Salinatores. Id est salitores. Glossae Philoxeni: salitor, ταριχευτής. HERALD. Papias: Salinator, qui salem facit. Vetus inscriptio pag. MCXIV. Geuter.: «LEPIDO L. F. PROCVLO. SALINATORES. / CIVITATIS. MENAPIORVM. OB. / MERITVM. EIVS. SEPTIMINA. / P. REPONEND. CVRAVIT.» ELMENH. — Conf. Nourr., pag. 564 seq. Salzbereiter. ORELL.

Salt-makers. That is, salters. The Glossary of Philoxenus: salitor, "pickler". HÉRAULD. Papias: "Salinator, one who makes salt." An old inscription, p. 1114 of Gruter (printed "Geuter"): "To Lepidus Proculus, son of Lucius, the salt-makers of the city of the Menapii, on account of his merit, saw to the replacing of the seven-mile [?] (inscription)." ELMENHORST. — Compare Le Nourry, pp. 564 f. "Salt-preparer." ORELLI.

[2] ‹anchor: Bolonas› · note in col 869 Bolonas. Ita edit. Lugd. Bat., ex emendatione A. Turnebi, Adversar. lib. XIII, cap. 14, pag. 11, vol. II. Cod. ms. bolones, unde alii fecerunt volones, quomodo bello punico dicebantur voluntarii milites e servis. Sed ad hunc locum nihil ista notio pertinet. An potius sunt, qui ultro ad gladium ferrumque se locabant? Putarem, nisi salinatores antecederent. Legendum itaque bolones, sive graeca terminatione bolonas, a bolis piscium. Nam sic tabernae cetariorum dicebantur. Vid. Donat., ad Terent. Eunuch., act. II, scena II, vers. 26. Reperi et in antiquo Lexico e bibliotheca P. Danielis bolonas diserte explicari μεταπράτας καὶ παλιγκαπήλους, id est propolas. Igitur sic et cetarii vocabantur, qui bolos venditabant. βόλον ὠνεῖσθαι, jactum emere a piscatoribus, tritum proverbium ap. veteres. Haec Turnebus, lib. I, Gesner., in Thesauro, et Voss., in Etymol. rom. ORELL.

Bolonas. So the Leiden edition, from the emendation of Adrien Turnèbe, Adversaria Book XIII, ch. 14, p. 11, vol. II. The manuscript has bolones, from which others made volones, the name for volunteer soldiers drawn from slaves in the Punic war. But that notion has nothing to do with this passage. Or are they rather those who hired themselves out of their own accord to the sword and steel? I would think so, did not the salt-makers come just before. So read bolones, or with the Greek ending bolonas, from the "casts" (catches) of fish. For so the shops of fishmongers were called. See Donatus on Terence, Eunuch, act II, scene 2, line 26. I have also found in an old Lexicon from the library of Pierre Daniel bolonas expressly explained as "retailers and hucksters," that is, middlemen. So the fishmongers who sold the catches were also called by that name. "To buy the cast," to buy the haul from the fishermen, was a well-worn proverb among the ancients. So Turnèbe, Book I; Gesner in the Thesaurus; and Vossius in the Etymologicon of Latin. ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: Vannorum sirpiarumque vitores› · note in col 869 Vannorum sirpiarumque vitores. Ita legendum esse, pluribus ostendit Salmasius ad Solinum. Vitores, οἱ πλέκται, qui vinciunt, ab antiquo verbo vio, vieo; graeci πλέω [?]. Aeoles dicebant βίω, id est, ligo, plico. Fest. viere, alligare, unde vimina et vasa viminea. Ubi vide intpp., et Columna. ad Ennii Fragmenta; p. 293 (184. ed. Hesselii). Hinc vitor, vietor, ap. Plaut., Rudent., act. IV, scen. III. vers. 50, et Plin., Hist., Nat., lib. XXXV, cap. 11, de Pausia pictore: Amavit in juventa Glyceram vitricem corollarum, nam ita legendum pro inventricem e conjectura Salmasii. Male itaque Nourrius legendum censet venditores. Caeterum sirpiae vel sirpeae, scirpeae, erant cophini ex viminibus texti in plaustris. Vide Graev., ad Justin., XLIII, cap. 4, pag. 716, ed. Abr. Gronovii, et, qui de hoc verbo multus est, Junium, ad Cic., II, ad Att. Epist. IV, pag. 199, ed. Graevii. Alii explicant crates stercorarias. Sed Varro, de Re rust., I, c. 23, aperte distinguit a cratibus. Vide Schneider. V. Cl., in Lexico, ad Script. Rei rust., hoc verbo. Cf. Voss.; in Etymol. rom., verbo sirpare. ORELL.

Plaiters of winnowing-fans and rush baskets. That this is the reading Salmasius showed at length on Solinus. Vitores, "plaiters", those who bind, from the old verb vio, vieo; the Greeks [a Greek verb; reading uncertain]; the Aeolians said βίω, that is, I bind, I fold. Festus: "viere, to bind, whence osiers and wicker vessels." Where see the commentators, and Colonna on the Fragments of Ennius, p. 293 (184 in Hessel's edition). Hence vitor, vietor, in Plautus, Rudens, act IV, scene 3, line 50, and Pliny, Natural History Book XXXV, ch. 11, of the painter Pausias: "In youth he loved Glycera, the weaver of garlands," for so we should read instead of inventricem, from Salmasius's conjecture. Le Nourry, then, wrongly thinks we should read venditores. As for sirpiae or sirpeae, scirpeae, they were baskets woven of osiers on wagons. See Graevius on Justin XLIII, ch. 4, p. 716, Abraham Gronovius's edition, and Junius, who treats this word at length, on Cicero, To Atticus II, letter 4, p. 199, Graevius's edition. Others explain them as dung-hurdles. But Varro, On Agriculture I, ch. 23, clearly distinguishes them from hurdles. See the distinguished Schneider in his Lexicon to the Scriptores Rei rusticae, under this word. Compare Vossius, Etymologicon of Latin, under sirpare. ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: Phrygiones (lemma above the crop)› · note in col 870 (lemma above the top edge of the image) [partly cut line:] … Origin., lib. XIX, cap. 22. Phrygionum saepe meminit Plautus, verbi causa Aulul., loco modo citato; Menaech., act. I, scen. III, et act. III, scen. II. NOURRIUS. Conf. Voss., Etymol. rom., hoc verbo. Confer etiam G. Fr. Gronov. in Lectt. Plaut., pag. 214 et seqq. ORELL.

[beginning lost above the crop] … [Isidore,] Origins, Book XIX, ch. 22. Plautus often mentions Phrygiones (embroiderers), for example in the Aulularia, in the passage just cited; Menaechmi, act I, scene 3, and act III, scene 2. LE NOURRY. Compare Vossius, Etymologicon of Latin, under this word. Compare also J. F. Gronovius, Lectiones Plautinae, pp. 214 ff. ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: Panchristarios› · note in col 870 Panchristarios. Varie explicatur hoc verbo Turnebus, Adversar. lib. XIII, cap. 14, legendum putat vel panchrestarios ab unguento panchresto, cujus meminit Cicero, Orat. in Verr. III, c. 65, ut sint medicamentarii et pharmacopolae, qui medicamenta et remedia omnibus valetudinum generibus conficiunt, vel panifices crustarios, id est crustarum sive crustularum confectores. Jo. Wower. ad Minuc. Fel. Octav., cap. 14, pag. 152, ed. Jac. Gronovii legendum conj. panarios, crustarios. (Glossae: panarius, ἀρτοπώλης.) Sed nil mutandum. Panchristarii sive panchrestarii sunt confectores liborum et panchrestorum, i. e. dulcium, dulciaminum, crustularum, graece γλυκασμάτων, quae χρηστά, πάγχρηστα μελιττώματα Graecis, Latinis dicebantur panchrista, e melle scil. et papavere confecta. Vide Salmas., ad Ael. Lamprid. Heliogabal., cap. 32, Script. Hist. August., vol. I, pag. 873. Salvian., de Providentia, lib. VI: Infantes quoque omnes fere parvulas contumaces, quos morigeros minae ac ferulae non efficiunt, interdum πάγχρηστα, atque blanditiae, ad obedientiam trahunt. ORELL. et HERALD.

Panchristarios. This word is explained in various ways. Turnèbe, Adversaria Book XIII, ch. 14, thinks we should read either panchrestarios, from the all-purpose ointment (panchrestum) that Cicero mentions, Against Verres III, ch. 65, so that they would be druggists and apothecaries who make medicines and remedies for every kind of illness; or panifices crustarios, that is, makers of pastries or little cakes. Johannes Wouwer, on Minucius Felix's Octavius, ch. 14, p. 152, Jacob Gronovius's edition, conjectures panarios, crustarios. (Glossaries: panarius, "bread-seller".) But nothing should be changed. Panchristarii or panchrestarii are makers of cakes and panchresta, that is, sweets, confections, little cakes, in Greek "sweetmeats," which the Greeks called "good things, all-good honey-cakes," and the Latins panchrista, made, that is, of honey and poppy. See Salmasius on Aelius Lampridius's Heliogabalus, ch. 32, Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. I, p. 873. Salvian, On Providence, Book VI: "Almost all little children too, stubborn ones, whom threats and the cane do not make obedient, are sometimes drawn to obedience by sweets and coaxing." ORELLI and HÉRAULD.

[6] ‹anchor: Conferunt› · note in col 870 Conferunt. Ita Herald. et ed. Lugd. Bat., cod. ms conferre, vitiose. Meurs. confert. ORELL.

Conferunt. So Hérauld and the Leiden edition; the manuscript has conferre, faultily. Meursius: confert. ORELLI.

[7] ‹anchor: Nisi ei contentio animalis miseri……… jungeretur› · note in col 870 Nisi ei contentio animalis miseri……… jungeretur. Ita ms. ed. Lugd. Bat., conditio. Alii completio. Sed antiquam lectionem bene defendit Heraldus. Contentio idem est quod continentia supra eodem libro cap. 19, ubi vide notas. Contentio itaque hoc loco passive quod continetur. Sensus est: Nisi ei jungeretur quod continetur in illo animal miserum et supervacuum. ORELL.

Unless the containing of a wretched animal……… were joined to it. So the manuscript; the Leiden edition conditio; others completio. But Hérauld well defends the old reading. Contentio is the same as continentia above in the same book, ch. 19, where see the notes. So contentio here is passive, what is contained. The sense is: "Unless there were joined to it what is contained in it, a wretched and superfluous animal." ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: XXXIX. — Corporei tactus et terrenae circumscriptionis expertes› · note in col 870 XXXIX. — Corporei tactus et terrenae circumscriptionis expertes. Ita Gelenius. Cod. ms. et editio princeps rom. habent temerariae circumscriptionis, quod quid sit, non est facile divinare. Heraldus legendum conjicit: corporei tactus, elementariae circumscriptionis expertes, more Arnobii copulas omittere amantis. Ed Lugd. Bat. metariae circumscriptionis expertes. Equidem propius ad codicis ms. lectionem legendum suspicor terrariae, id est terrenae, qua de voce vide eumdem Salmasium ad Tertullian. de Pallio pag. 413 seq. Ita aves terrariae dicebantur (continues)

XXXIX. — Free of bodily touch and of earthly limitation. So Gelenius. The manuscript and the first Roman edition have temerariae circumscriptionis, and what that means is not easy to guess. Hérauld conjectures we should read corporei tactus, elementariae circumscriptionis expertes, after the manner of Arnobius, who loves to omit conjunctions. The Leiden edition: metariae circumscriptionis expertes. For my part, nearer to the manuscript's reading, I suspect we should read terrariae, that is, earthly; on this word see the same Salmasius on Tertullian's De pallio, pp. 413 f. So aves terrariae was the name for (continues)

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sui, nisi ei contentio animalis miseri et supervacui jungeretur?

of itself, unless the holding of a wretched and superfluous animal were joined to it?

XXXIX. Nisi forte rex mundi, quod temeritatis est maximae humano ex ore depromere, idcirco ex se genitas huc animas misit, ut quae fuerant apud se deae, corporei tactus, et terrenae circumscriptionis expertes, humana immergerentur in semina, feminarum

XXXIX. Unless perhaps the King of the world (and it is the height of rashness to utter this from a human mouth) sent hither the souls begotten of Himself for this reason, that they who had been goddesses with Him, free from bodily touch and earthly bounds, should be plunged into human seeds, should from women's

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ex genitalibus prosilirent, ineptissimos ederent continuarentque vagitus: exugerent fellitantes mammas, proluvie linerent et madidarent se sua: et ut ad silentium pavidae nutricis motibus et crepitaculis adducerentur auditis. Idcirco animas misit, ut quae fuerant simplices, et bonitatis nuper innoxiae, simulare in hominibus discerent, dissimulare, mentiri, circumscribere, fallere, adulatoria humilitate captare, mente aliud volvere, aliud in facie polliceri: illaqueare, decipere dolis atque insidiis

genitals spring forth, should utter and keep up the silliest wailings; should suck the breasts dry, sucking; should smear and soak themselves with their own discharge; and should be brought to silence by the rocking of a frightened nurse and by the sound of rattles. For this He sent souls, that they who had been simple, and lately of harmless goodness, might learn among men to feign, to dissemble, to lie, to cheat, to deceive, to catch with fawning humility, to turn over one thing in the mind and promise another with the face; to ensnare, to deceive with tricks and ambushes

Editors' notes and page, col. 871

Footnotes

[0] ‹anchor: XXXIX. — Corporei tactus (note of p. 437), and the note whose lemma is above the crop› · col 871 [not visible: above the top edge of the image crop] [1] ‹anchor: lemma above the crop (on infant wailing)› · note in col 871 (beginning above the crop) … Gewimmer, ut infra in simillimo loco lib. VII. Parvuli pusiones ab ineptis vagitibus crepitaculis exterrentur auditis. ORELL.

(beginning lost above the crop) … "whimpering", as below in a very similar passage, Book VII: "Little boys are frightened out of their silly wailing by hearing rattles." ORELLI.

[2] ‹anchor: Exugerent fellitantes mammas› · note in col 871 Exugerent fellitantes mammas. Glossae Isidori: Fellitat….. sugit. Ita Solin., Polyhist., cap. 45: Nequaquam mater pullo ubera praebet fellitanda de equabus, quibus praereptum fuerat hippomanes. θηλᾶν id est mammam sugere, Aeolice φηλᾶν: inde Latinum felare. Ita Varro: Lac humanum felare. et alibi: Lupam alumni felarunt olim. et frequentativum felitare, fellitare. SALMAS., ad Solin. l. I Exercitt. Plinian., p. 662. — Plura exempla collegit Meursius, pag. 66, seqq. ORELL.

They would suck dry the breasts, sucking. The Glossary of Isidore: "Fellitat….. sucks." So Solinus, Polyhistor, ch. 45: "Among mares from which the hippomanes has been snatched away, the mother by no means offers her udders to the foal to be sucked." θηλᾶν means to suck the breast, Aeolic φηλᾶν; hence the Latin felare. So Varro: "to suck human milk"; and elsewhere: "Once the nurslings sucked the she-wolf"; and the frequentative felitare, fellitare. SALMASIUS, on Solinus, Book I of the Plinian Exercitations, p. 662. — Meursius has collected more examples, pp. 66 ff. ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: Ut ad silentium pavidae nutricis motibus et crepitaculis adducerentur auditis› · note in col 871 Ut ad silentium pavidae nutricis motibus et crepitaculis adducerentur auditis. Legi volunt nonnulli (Meursius) vocibus. Sed vulgata lectio defendi potest. Ait igitur nutricis motibus, nempe quae cunas agitat, ut pueros ad silentium traducat, motus igitur hoc loco das Wiegen, Schaukeln. Pro pavidae, ms. habet pavidi, scil. infantes, id est pavore plorantes, quod magis placet. Crepitacula instrumenta parva in modum sistri formata, infantium ludicra, quorum inventor perhibetur Archytas, Kinderklapper. Martial., Epigr., lib. XIV, 54, in crepitacillum: «Si quis plorator collo tibi vernula pendet, / Haec quatiat tenera garrula sistra manu.» Caeterum et hic Arnobius imitatur Lucretium suum, lib. V, 228 et seqq.: «At variae crescunt pecudes, armenta feraeque, / Nec crepitacula eis opu' sunt, nec cuiquam adhibenda 'st / Almae nutricis blanda atque infracta loquela.» HERALD., ELMENH. et ORELL. — Graeci illa crepitacula πλαταγώνια vocant. Julius Pollux Onomast., lib. IX, Segm. 127 Τὸ δὲ πλαταγώνιον οἱ ἐρῶντες ἢ ἐρῶσαι ἔπαιζον· καλεῖται μὲν γὰρ οὕτω καὶ τὸ κρόταλον, καὶ τὸ σεῖστρον, ὃ καταβαυκαλῶσιν αἱ τίτθαι, ψυχαγωγοῦσαι τὰ δυσυπνοῦντα τῶν παιδίων. Meurs., p 68. Cf. Hug. Grot ad Marcian. Capell., lib. I, p. 4. ORELL.

So that they might be brought to silence by the movements of the fearful nurse and by hearing rattles. Some (Meursius) want to read vocibus ("voices"). But the common reading can be defended. He says, then, by the nurse's movements, that is, she rocks the cradle to bring the children to silence; motus here therefore means "the rocking, the swinging". For pavidae the manuscript has pavidi, that is, the infants, crying from fear, which I prefer. Crepitacula are small instruments shaped like a sistrum, infants' toys, whose inventor is said to have been Archytas, "a child's rattle". Martial, Epigrams Book XIV, 54, on a little rattle: "If some little crying slave-boy hangs on your neck, let him shake this chattering sistrum with his tender hand." Here too, moreover, Arnobius imitates his Lucretius, Book V, 228 ff.: "But the various flocks grow up, and herds and wild beasts; they need no rattles, nor must anyone use for them the coaxing, broken prattle of a kindly nurse." HÉRAULD, ELMENHORST and ORELLI. — The Greeks call those rattles platagonia. Julius Pollux, Onomasticon Book IX, section 127: "Lovers, men or women, played the platagonion; for that is also the name of the clapper, and of the rattle with which nurses lull, soothing those of the children who sleep badly." Meursius, p. 68. Compare Hugo Grotius on Martianus Capella, Book I, p. 4. ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: Quae fuerant simplices› · note in col 871 Quae fuerant simplices. Simplices, id est bonitatis innoxiae, ut in sequentibus verbis optime interpretatur ipse Arnobius. Simplices igitur et boni dicuntur homines aperti, in quibus nihil fallaciae, nec malitiae quidquam est. Ita M. Tullius, I de Off., cap. 30: Sunt his alii multum dispares, simplices et aperti, qui nihil ex occulto, nihil ex insidiis agendum putant, veritatis cultores, fraudis inimici. Graece εὐήθεις, ἁπλοῖ, ἁπλοϊ- [continuation above the crop in col 872; not visible] (continues)

Which had been simple. Simple, that is, of harmless goodness, as Arnobius himself explains very well in the following words. Simple and good, then, is said of open men in whom there is no deceit and no malice at all. So Marcus Tullius, On Duties I, ch. 30: "There are others very unlike these, simple and open, who think nothing should be done in secret, nothing by stratagem, lovers of truth, enemies of fraud." In Greek, "guileless, simple, simp-" [the rest is not visible in the image] (continues)

[5] ‹anchor: Adulatoria humilitate captare› · note in col 872 Adulatoria humilitate captare. Dicit Arnobius captare significanter, quia finis adulatoris est κερδαίνειν. Alias enim molliori nomine censetur et appellatur ἄρεσκος, quem blandum latine dicere possumus. Aristoteles, lib. IV, Nicomach., cap. 14: Ὁ μὲν τοῦ ἡδὺς εἶναι στοχαζόμενος, μὴ διά τι ἄλλο, ἄρεσκος. Ὁ δ' ὅπως ὠφέλειά τις αὐτῷ γίγνηται εἰς χρήματα, καὶ ὅσα διὰ χρημάτων, κόλαξ. Themistius quoque Euphrades, Orat. III, finem adulatoris ait κερδαίνειν, ἢ γαστρίζεσθαι ἐκ τοῦ ἔργου, et Lucianus Dissertatione pro imaginibus ait: τὸν κόλακα ἐπαινεῖν τῆς χρείας ἕνεκα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ. HERALD.

To catch by fawning lowliness. Arnobius says catch pointedly, because the flatterer's aim is to make a profit. Otherwise he is rated by a softer name and called areskos, whom in Latin we can call blandus (ingratiating). Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics Book IV, ch. 14: "He who aims at being pleasant for no other reason is ingratiating; he who does so that some advantage may come to him in money, and in what money buys, is a flatterer." Themistius Euphrades too, Oration III, says the flatterer's aim is to make a profit or fill his belly from the business; and Lucian, in the Essay in Defence of the Portraits, says: "the flatterer praises for the sake of his own need." HÉRAULD.

[6] ‹anchor: Mente aliud volvere, aliud in facie polliceri› · note in col 872 Mente aliud volvere, aliud in facie polliceri. Similiter Sallust., Catil., cap. 10: Aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in lingua promptum habere. Hos homines bilingues appellabant Latini, verbis causa Virgil. Aen., I, Tyriosque bilingues et duplices, ut Horatius duplicem Ulyssem, I Od., VI, vers. 7. Sic etiam apud Graecos διπλοῦς opponitur τῷ ἀληθευτικῷ. HERALD. — Cf. quae observavimus ad Jac. Balde, carmen. select., III, Lyric., Od. VI, vers. 21. ORELL.

To turn one thing over in the mind and promise another in the face. Likewise Sallust, Catiline, ch. 10: "to keep one thing shut in the breast, another ready on the tongue." The Latins called such men double-tongued, for example Virgil, Aeneid I, "the double-tongued Tyrians," and double, as Horace says "double-dealing Ulysses," Odes I, 6, line 7. So also among the Greeks the "double" man is opposed to the truthful. HÉRAULD. — Compare what we observed on Jacob Balde, Selected Poems III, Lyrics, Ode 6, line 21. ORELLI.

[7] ‹anchor: Malitiarum venena conquirere› · note in col 872 Malitiarum venena conquirere. Ita distinguit editor Leidensis. Heraldus autem totum locum sic interpunxit: Decipere dolis atque insidiis nescios per innumeras artes malitiarum: venena conquirere. Sed praefero prius, quia infra cap. 42 legimus: Idcirco animas misit, ut venenatas conficerent potiones? quod, si Heraldum sequamur, esset otiosa nostri loci repetitio. Et omnino bene dicuntur malitiarum venena de versutiis, fallaciis venenorum instar in obscuro serpentibus. Ita Rufum, hominem perfidum et fallacem appellat Catullus, carm. LXXVII: Venenum et pestem amicitiae. ORELL.

To hunt out the poisons of malice. So the Leiden editor punctuates. Hérauld, however, punctuated the whole passage thus: "to deceive the unknowing with tricks and snares through countless arts of malice: to hunt out poisons." But I prefer the former, because below, ch. 42, we read: "Did he send souls for this, to make poisoned potions?", which, if we follow Hérauld, would be an idle repetition of our passage. And poisons of malice is altogether well said of cunning and deceits that creep in the dark like poisons. So Catullus, poem 77, calls Rufus, a faithless and deceitful man, "poison and plague of friendship." ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Pellaci mobilitate› · note in col 872 Pellaci mobilitate. Ita Fulv. Ursinus. Editio princeps Sabaei: Pellaciae mobilitate. De verbo pellax vide supra ad cap. 7. ORELL.

With seductive fickleness. So Fulvio Orsini. Sabaeus's first edition: Pellaciae mobilitate. On the word pellax see above on ch. 7. ORELLI.

[9] ‹anchor: Servitutis opprimerent et manciparent se jugo› · note in col 872 Servitutis opprimerent et manciparent se jugo. Sic ostendit incunabula, immo ipsos servitutis natales. Capti bello victoribus mancipabantur. Sic servitus postea propagata. De causis servitutis vide Basilium libro de Spiritu Sancto, c. 20. HERALD.

Would oppress and make themselves over to the yoke of slavery. So he shows the cradle, indeed the very birth, of slavery. Those captured in war were made over as property to the victors. So slavery was afterwards spread. On the causes of slavery see Basil, On the Holy Spirit, ch. 20. HÉRAULD.

[10] ‹anchor: Et ad ultimum fierent alterius altera potestatis› · note in col 872 Et ad ultimum fierent alterius altera potestatis. Meursius mavult: Alterius alterae potestatis, haud male, ut infra cap. 41, Alias aliae raperent. ORELL.

And at last they would come, one under the power of another. Meursius prefers Alterius alterae potestatis, not badly, as below, ch. 41, "that some should seize others." ORELLI.

[11] ‹anchor: Natalium conditione mutata› · note in col 872 Natalium conditione mutata. Quia omnes nascuntur liberi. Quare cum libertas naturalis sit, servitus est contra naturam, et est constitutio Juris gentium. Lib. IV, Digest. de Stat. hom., etc. HERALD.

The condition of their birth being changed. Because all are born free. Therefore, since freedom is natural, slavery is against nature, and is an institution of the law of nations. Digest, Book IV [as printed], On the Status of Persons, etc. HÉRAULD.

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nescios, per innumeras artes malitiarum venena conquirere, et ad usum temporis pellaci mobilitate formare. Idcirco animas misit, ut in pacata et placida tranquillitate degentes, assumerent ex corporibus causas, quibus ferae fierent, et immanes, simultates, atque inimicitias gererent, consererent inter se bella, expugnarent atque everterent civitates: servitutis opprimerent, et manciparent se jugo, et ad ultimum fierent alterius altera potestatis natalium conditione mutata? Idcirco animas misit, ut immemores

the unknowing, to hunt out the poisons of wickedness through innumerable arts, and to shape them to the need of the moment with deceitful changeableness. For this He sent souls, that, while living in peaceful and placid tranquillity, they might take from bodies the causes by which they would become wild and savage, would carry on feuds and enmities, join battle with one another, storm and overthrow cities; would oppress and sell themselves to the yoke of slavery, and at last would become, one of them, the property of another, the condition of their birth being changed? For this He sent souls, that, unmindful

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veritatis effectae, et quidnam esset Deus †oblitae, simulacris inertibus supplicarent, ligna, aera, et lapides, divina alloquerentur ut numina, auxilia poscerent caesorum animantium cruore, nullam sui facerent mentionem: quinimmo ex his aliae ut dubitarent se esse, aut ullum esse penitus abnegarent? Idcirco animas misit, ut quae in sedibus propriis mente fuerant una, intellectu et scientia paribus, postquam formas induere mortales, opinionum discriminibus dissiderent, aliud aliis justum, aliud utile videretur, et rectum: de appetendis rebus, fugiendisque certarent, malorum ac bonorum alios aliae constituerent fines: veritatem cupientibus noscere rerum opponeretur obscuritas, et velut oculorum luminibus viduae, nihil certum viderent, et per ancipites semitas suspicionum inducerentur errore?

of the truth made complete, and forgetful of what God is, they should make supplication to inert images, should address logs, bronzes and stones as divine powers, should ask for help with the blood of slaughtered animals, should make no mention of Him; nay more, that some of them should doubt that He exists, or utterly deny that any exists? For this He sent souls, that they who in their own seats had been of one mind, equal in understanding and knowledge, after they put on mortal forms should be at odds in differences of opinion; that one thing should seem just to some, another useful and right; that they should contend about things to be sought and to be shunned; that some should set one bound to evils and goods, others another; that to those who desire to know the truth the obscurity of things should be set in the way, and that, as if bereft of the light of their eyes, they should see nothing certain and be led on by error through the doubtful paths of surmise?

XL. Idcirco animas misit, ut cum animantia caetera sponte natis alerentur, et nulla satione prolatis, neque domorum, aut vestium tutamina sibi, aut velamenta conquirerent, miserabilis istis necessitas adderetur: ut cum impendiis maximis, perpetuisque

XL. For this He sent souls, that, while the other living creatures are fed on things that spring up of themselves and are brought forth by no sowing, and seek for themselves neither the protection of houses nor the coverings of clothes, on these a miserable necessity should be laid: that with the greatest expense and with perpetual

Editors' notes and page, col. 873

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

(printed under page 439)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the image› · call in col 873

Poscerentur Sab.

Poscerentur, Sabaeus.

(printed under page 439)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the image› · call in col 873

Nosse Fulv.

Nosse, Fulvio Orsini.

(printed under page 439)

Mala alii.

Mala, others.

(printed under page 439)

Page

running head: 873 LIBER SECUNDUS
marginal letters: A (in col. 874); B (in col. 874)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: margins C and D are in the Commentarius at foot; word split from preceding column: mores (immemores)
running head: 873 LIBER SECUNDUS. 874
marginal letters: A beside ‹mores veritatis effectae› (between columns, line 1); B beside ‹luminibus viduae, nihil certum viderent, et per an-›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 5:874

sudoribus domos sibi construerent, membrorum conficerent tegmina, supellectilem variam diurnorum contraherent egestati, imbecillitatis auxilia animalibus mutuarentur a mutis, vim facerent terris, ut non sua sufficerent gramina, sed imperatas extollerent fruges, et cum sanguinem totum in subigenda tellure fudissent, robigine, grandine, siccitate, spem laboris amitterent: et ad ultimum vi famis humanis cadaveribus incubarent, et ab hominum formis tabifica macie dissociarentur abjunctae? Idcirco animas misit, ut quae secum commorantes possessionis alicujus nullum umquam habuissent amorem: avarissimae hic fierent, et in habendi studium inexaturabili pectoris ardescerent appetitu: effoderent altos montes, et viscera ignota terrarum in materias verterent alieni nominis, atque usus; penetrarent abditas discrimine cum capitis nationes, et translatis mercibus charitatem semper, vilitatemque captarent, exercerent avidum atque injustissimum foenus, et miserorum e sanguine supputandi se angerent insomnia; millibus possessionum semper producerent

sweat they should build houses for themselves, make coverings for their limbs, gather varied furniture for the poverty of their daily needs, borrow from the dumb animals helps for their weakness, do violence to the earth, so that its own grasses should not suffice but it should raise the crops commanded of it; and that, when they had poured out all their blood in subduing the ground, they should lose the hope of their labour through mildew, hail and drought; and at last, by the force of hunger, should lie upon human corpses and, cut off, be estranged from the human form by wasting leanness? For this He sent souls, that they who, while dwelling with Him, had never had any love of possession, should here become most greedy, and should burn for having with an insatiable appetite of the breast; should dig out high mountains and turn the unknown bowels of the earth into materials of foreign name and use; should make their way to hidden nations at the peril of their lives, and by carrying merchandise across should always catch at dearness and cheapness; should practise greedy and most unjust usury, and torment themselves with sleepless nights of reckoning out of the blood of the wretched; should always extend by thousands of possessions

Editors' notes and page, col. 874

Footnotes

(d) ‹anchor: …latis (end of a line in col 873)› · call in col 873

Prolata alii. [line partly cut off]

Prolata, others.

(printed under page 439)

(e) ‹anchor: construerent› · call in col 874

Constituerent ali

Constituerent, others.

Commentarius

[1] ‹anchor: Veritatis effectae› · note in col 873 Veritatis effectae. Id est perfectae, consummatissimae veritatis, quae nullam amplius dubitationem admittat. Nostri ad verbum: Ausgemachte Wahrheit. ORELL.

Of accomplished truth. That is, of perfect, most complete truth, which admits no further doubt. Our people say, word for word, "settled truth". ORELLI.

[2] ‹anchor: Auxilia poscerent eos› · note in col 873 Auxilia poscerent eos. Poscere saepissime apud Latinos cum duobus accusativis, more Graecorum αἰτεῖν τινά τι. Ita Virgil., Aen., IV, vers. 50: «Tu modo posce Deos veniam.» Plura exempla vide in Gesneri Thesaur. eos omittunt alii. ORELL.

They would ask them for help. Poscere very often takes two accusatives in Latin, in the Greek manner, "to ask someone something". So Virgil, Aeneid IV, line 50: "Only ask the gods for their favour." See more examples in Gesner's Thesaurus. Others omit eos. ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: Aut ullum esse penitus abnegarent› · note in col 873 Aut ullum esse penitus abnegarent. Ullum esse, id est, omnem rerum existentiam. Alludit autem Arnobius ad Aphasiam Pyrrhoniorum. ORELL.

Or would deny utterly that anything exists. That anything exists, that is, all existence of things. Arnobius alludes to the "aphasia" (suspension of assertion) of the Pyrrhonists. ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: Et velut oculorum luminibus viduae› · note in col 873 Et velut oculorum luminibus viduae. Meursius: ut velut, etc. ORELL.

And as if bereft of the light of their eyes. Meursius: ut velut, etc. ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: XL. — Vestium tutamina sibi aut velamenta conquirerent› · note in col 873 XL. — Vestium tutamina sibi aut velamenta conquirerent. Stewechius mavult velamina, more Arnobii antiquos, imprimis Lucretium, imitantis. ORELL.

XL. — They would seek for themselves the protection or coverings of clothes. Stewechius prefers velamina, after the manner of Arnobius, who imitates the ancients, Lucretius above all. ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: Suppellectilem variam diurnorum conficerent egestati› · note in col 873 Suppellectilem variam diurnorum conficerent egestati. Idem Stewechius legendum conjicit diurna rerum conficerent egestate. Id est rerum necessariarum inopia quotidiana. Sed nihil mutandum. Diurna in plurali dixit Arnobius sensu rariore pro rebus ad quotidianum victum necessariis: «Queis humana sibi doleat natura negatis.» die taglichen Bedurfnisse. Hujus tamen significationis apud alios scriptores exempla frustra quaesivi. ORELL.

They would make varied furniture for the want of daily things. The same Stewechius conjectures we should read diurna rerum conficerent egestate, that is, from the daily lack of necessary things. But nothing should be changed. Arnobius used diurna in the plural in a rarer sense for the things needed for daily living: "the denial of which human nature would grieve at"; "the daily necessities". I have looked in vain, however, for examples of this meaning in other writers. ORELLI.

[7] ‹anchor: Rubigine› · note in col 873 Rubigine. Virgil. Georg., I, vers. 150: «. . . . . Ut mala culmos / Esset robigo.» Ubi Servius: Rubigo est genus vitii, quo culmi pereunt, quod a rusticanis calamitas dicitur. Hoc autem genus vitii ex nebula nasci solet, cum nigrescunt et consumuntur frumenta, inde et Rubigus Deus, et sacra ejus decimo Kal. Maias Rubiginalia appellantur. ELMENHORST. Docente Vossio V. Cl. ad Virgilii l. l. duo diversa plantarum vitia eo nomine veteres significabant, alterum album, quod Germani appellant Mehlthau, alterum rufum, den Rost im Getreide. Alias dicitur aerugo, Cypriano comestura, Graecis βρῶσις. Vide Davis., ad Lactant. Epit., cap. 65, p. 1333, ed. Bunemann. ORELL.

By rust (blight). Virgil, Georgics I, line 150: "so that the evil rust would eat the stalks." Where Servius: "Rust is a kind of disease by which stalks perish, which country people call a calamitas. This kind of disease usually arises from mist, when the grain turns black and is consumed; hence the god Rubigus, and his rites on the tenth day before the Kalends of May are called the Rubiginalia." ELMENHORST. As the distinguished Vossius teaches on that passage of Virgil, the ancients meant by that name two different diseases of plants, one white, which the Germans call Mehltau (mildew), the other red, "the rust in the grain". It is also called aerugo, by Cyprian comestura, by the Greeks brosis ("eating"). See Davies on Lactantius's Epitome, ch. 65, p. 1333, Bünemann's edition. ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Et in habendi studium inexaturabili pectoris ardescerent appetitu› · note in col 874 Et in habendi studium inexaturabili pectoris ardescerent appetitu. Ita habere absolute apud optimos scriptores. Juvenalis ex Ennio: «Unde habeas, nemo quaerit, sed oportet habere.» Et habentia, πλοῦτος. Quadrigarius apud Nonium: Animos eorum habentia inflarat. Sic ἔχειν Graecis. Sophocles in Ajace: πρὸς γὰρ τὸν ἔχονθ' ὁ φθόνος ἕρπει. Sic in Evangelio: τῷ ἔχοντι δοθήσεται. HERALD. — Adde Ruhnken. ad Rutil. Lup. p. 78. OCHSNER.

And they would burn with an insatiable appetite of heart for the pursuit of having. So habere is used absolutely in the best writers. Juvenal, from Ennius: "No one asks where you got it, but you must have." And habentia, wealth. Quadrigarius in Nonius: "Wealth had puffed up their minds." So ἔχειν among the Greeks. Sophocles in the Ajax: "for envy creeps upon the one who has." So in the Gospel: "to him who has it will be given." HÉRAULD. — Add Ruhnken on Rutilius Lupus, p. 78. OCHSNER.

[9] ‹anchor: Penetrarent abditas discrimine cum capitis nationes› · note in col 874 Penetrarent abditas discrimine cum capitis nationes. Mira erat fidelium tunc temporis abstinentia. Avaritiam et nimiam habendi cupiditatem ita damnabant, ut periculosas mercaturas hoc etiam nomine damnarent. Vide Lactant., lib. V, cap. 18. Tertullian., de Idololatria, cap. 11. HERALD.

They would penetrate hidden nations at the risk of their lives. Wonderful was the abstinence of the faithful in those days. They so condemned avarice and the excessive desire of having that on this ground too they condemned dangerous trading ventures. See Lactantius, Book V, ch. 18; Tertullian, On Idolatry, ch. 11. HÉRAULD.

[10] ‹anchor: Et translatis mercibus charitatem semper vilitatemque captarent› · note in col 874 Et translatis mercibus charitatem semper vilitatemque captarent. Zeno Veronensis Sermone I, de Avaritia: Alius inde rerum omnium captat annonam, aucupatur distrahendi tempus; minor in mensura, major in pretio: negat se habere, quod distrahat ut rogetur, ut jugulet; atque utinam incorrupta species venderetur. Ingemiscit praeterea si annus est sterilis; multo magis, si fertilis fuerit: illic, quia parum distrahit: hic, quia non solus. Vultis scire, quantis scit tenebris obvolutus? Irascitur Deo, si non semper fiat publicis luctibus dives. HERALD. Male itaque Meursius legendum conjicit: utilitatemque captarent. ORELL.

And, shipping goods about, they would always hunt for dearness and cheapness. Zeno of Verona, Sermon I, On Avarice: "Another then hunts the market price of all things, watches for the moment to sell; smaller in measure, greater in price. He says he has nothing to sell, so as to be begged, so as to cut the throat; and would that the goods sold were at least unspoiled! Besides, he groans if the year is barren, much more if it is fruitful: in the one case because he sells little, in the other because he is not the only seller. Do you want to know in what darkness he is wrapped? He is angry with God if he does not always grow rich on public mourning." HÉRAULD. So Meursius wrongly conjectures utilitatemque captarent. ORELLI.

[11] ‹anchor: Exercerent avidum atque injustissimum foenus› · note in col 874 Exercerent avidum atque injustissimum foenus. Ita enim existimabant aevo illo Christiani, quorum charitas ferventior erat, foenus omne esse ἀθέμιτον, et ab ipsa humanitate alienum. Hinc Miltiades, apud Euseb., lib. V Hist. Eccles., cap. 19, ubi montanistarum prophetas exagitat: Προφήτης, εἰπέ μοι, βάπτεται; προφήτης στιβίζεται; προφήτης φιλοκοσμεῖ; προφήτης τάβλαις καὶ κύβοις παίζει; προφήτης δανείζει; HERALD. — Ita et ethnici, verbi causa Cato, qui foenerari idem esse dicebat, quod hominem occidere. ELMENH.

They would practise greedy and most unjust usury. For so the Christians of that age, whose charity was more fervent, held all usury to be unlawful and foreign to humanity itself. Hence Miltiades, in Eusebius, Church History Book V, ch. 19, where he lashes the prophets of the Montanists: "Tell me, does a prophet dye his hair? Does a prophet paint his eyes? Does a prophet love finery? Does a prophet play at tables and dice? Does a prophet lend at interest?" HÉRAULD. — So too the pagans, for example Cato, who said that lending at interest was the same as killing a man. ELMENHORST.

[12] ‹anchor: Et miserorum e sanguine supputandi se angerent insomnia› · note in col 874 Et miserorum e sanguine supputandi se angerent insomnia. Millibus possessionum, etc. Ita edidi ex emendatione Heraldi. Cod. habet supputandis augerent insomnia, unde Gelenius et caeteri eum secuti: supputandi se angerent insania. Stewechius: suppu- (continues)

And would torment themselves with sleepless reckoning out of the blood of the wretched. With thousands of estates, etc. So I have printed it from Hérauld's emendation. The manuscript has supputandis augerent insomnia, whence Gelenius, and the rest following him: supputandi se angerent insania ("with a madness of reckoning"). Stewechius: suppu- (continues)

(printed under page 439)

Page

running head: BER SECUNDUS. 874
marginal letters: A sudoribus domos sibi; B montes, et viscera
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: LI missing at start of LIBER in running head; margins C and D are in the Commentarius at foot
running head: 873 LIBER SECUNDUS. 874
marginal letters: A ‹sudoribus domos sibi construerent›; B ‹montes, et viscera ignota terrarum›
old-edition numerals: (none)

PL 5:875

fines: et quamvis provincias totas rus facerent unum, pro arbore una, pro sulco, forum litibus tererent; cum amicis, et fratribus inexpiabiles susciperent simultates?

their bounds; and, though they should make whole provinces into one estate, should wear out the forum with lawsuits for a single tree, for a furrow; should take up implacable feuds with friends and brothers?

XLI. Idcirco animas misit, ut quae dudum fuerant mites et feritatis affectibus nesciae commoveri, macella sibi, et amphitheatra constituerent, loca sanguinis, et publicae impietatis; ex quibus in altero mandi homines cernerent, et bestiarum laniatibus dissipari; interficere se alios nullius ob meriti causam, sed in gratiam voluptatemque sessorum, ipsosque

XLI. For this He sent souls, that they who had formerly been gentle and knew not how to be moved by feelings of savagery should set up for themselves meat-markets and amphitheatres, places of blood and of public impiety; in one of which they should watch men being devoured and torn apart by the mangling of beasts, and others killing one another for no cause of desert, but for the favour and pleasure of those sitting by; and that they themselves

Editors' notes and page, col. 875

Footnotes

[1] ‹anchor: Et miserorum e sanguine supputandi se angerent insomnia (note of p. 439)› · note in col 875

(continued) [top line partly cut off:] … [suppu]gerent insomnia. Millibus possessionum, etc. ORELL. — Miserorum e sanguine. Nam facultates habentur quasi sanguis hominis αἷμα καὶ ψυχὴ βροτοῖς. Sic Plautus in Bacchid., act. III, scen. I, vers. 5, de meretricibus: «Apage istas a me sorores, quae hominum sorbent sanguinem.» Confer. Rigalt., ad Artemidor. Oneirocrit., lib. I, cap. 35, p. 23, ed Reiff., et, qui rem pluribus exemplis illustrat, J. Fr. Gronov. Obss., lib. IV, cap. 24, p. 796, edit. Platneri. Similiter viscera, nervos, vires patrimonium appellant veteres. Nam, ut canit Hesiodus: «Χρήματα μὲν [?] ψυχὴ πέλεται δειλοῖσι βροτοῖσι.» ORELL. — Supputandi se angerent insomnia. Graphice his verbis depingit Arnobius foeneratores vigilantes et pecuniam sibi debitam supputantes. Lucianus in Gallo: Ὁρᾷς ἐπαγρυπνοῦντα καὶ τοῦτον ἐπὶ φροντίδων, ἀναλογιζόμενον τοὺς τόκους, δακτύλους κατεσκληκότα, ὃν δεήσει μετ' ὀλίγον πάντα ταῦτα λιπόντα σίλφην ἢ ἐμπίδα ἢ μυῖαν γενέσθαι. Hinc et Prudentius in Avaritiae et Miserationis pugna: «….. Velox nam dextra rapinas / Abradit, spoliisque ungues exercet ahenos. / Cura, fames, metus, anxietas, perjuria, pallor, / Corruptela, dolus, commenta, insomnia, sordes, / Eumenides Furiae, monstri comitatus aguntur.» HERALD. — Millibus possessionum semper producerent fines. Ed. Lugd. Bat., pro millibus dedit nominibus et conjungit cum praecedentibus supputandis se angerent insomnia nominibus. Possessionum, etc. Supputandis nominibus, id est, debitis sibi pecuniis (das Berechnen ihrer Capitale). Sed nil mutandum. Millibus possessionum fines producere est idem quod millibus passuum, milliariis producere possessionum fines, ganze Meilen weit ausbreiten. Millia saepius absolute pro milliariis, millibus passuum. Cf. A. Gell., Noct. Att., I, cap. 16; et Gesner., in Thesaur. Ita Aurel. Victor Epitom., cap 40: Funus ejus (Severi) Gallieni sepulcro infertur, quod ex Urbe abest per Appiam millibus novem. ORELL.

[2] ‹anchor: XLI. — Macella› · note in col 875 XLI. — Macella. De amphitheatris intelligit Savaro ad Sidon., lib. I, epist. V, p. 59. Sed proprio sensu accipienda esse, sequentia docent. ORELL.

XLI. — Meat-markets. Savaron, on Sidonius, Book I, letter 5, p. 59, understands it of amphitheatres. But what follows shows they are to be taken in the proper sense. ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: Et amphitheatra constituerent› · note in col 875 Et amphitheatra constituerent. Nescio quid isset iis in mentem, qui lectionem istam mutari voluerunt, et legi construerent. Nam occurrit haec latinitas aliquo- [continuation above the crop in col 876; not visible] (continues)

And would set up amphitheatres. I do not know what came into the heads of those who wanted this reading changed to construerent. For this Latin usage occurs in some- [the rest is not visible in the image] (continues)

[4] ‹anchor: lemma above the crop (In gratam voluptatem consessorum?)› · note in col 876 (beginning above the crop) [top line partly cut off:] … [for]mam: In gratam voluptatemque sensorum. E qua Gelenius fecerat: In gratam voluptatem consessorum. Sed praefero emendationem Cujacianam, quam et editor Lugd. Bat., in textum recepit. ORELL. Huc autem pertinet, quod scribit Jul. Firmicus, lib. VIII, Mathes., cap. 12: Tales qui se ob alienae gratiae voluntatem (leg. voluptatem) nundinati sanguinis jactura ad mortis spectaculum vendant. HERALD.

(beginning lost above the crop) … "for the pleasing delight of the senses." From which Gelenius had made In gratam voluptatem consessorum ("for the pleasing delight of the spectators"). But I prefer Cujas's emendation, which the Leiden editor also took into the text. ORELLI. To this belongs what Julius Firmicus writes, Mathesis Book VIII, ch. 12: "Such men as sell themselves for the will (read pleasure) of another's favour, bargaining away their blood, to the spectacle of death." HÉRAULD.

[5] ‹anchor: Alias aliae› · note in col 876 Alias aliae. Ita Gelenius. Cod. ms. alias alia. HERALD.

Some… others. So Gelenius. The manuscript: alias alia. HÉRAULD.

[6] ‹anchor: Pro beatis ac felicibus viverent› · note in col 876 Pro beatis ac felicibus viverent. Corrigunt ducerent. Sed nihil fortasse mutandum. Si quid autem mutari oporteret legere mallem veherent pro eveherent. HERALD.

They would live as the blessed and happy. They correct it to ducerent. But perhaps nothing should be changed. If anything had to be changed, I would rather read veherent for eveherent. HÉRAULD.

[7] ‹anchor: Idcirco animas misit, ut divini ponderis et gravitatis oblitae› · note in col 876 Idcirco animas misit, ut divini ponderis et gravitatis oblitae, gemmas, lapillos, margaritas castitatis dispendio compararent, innecterent his colla, laminas pertunderent aurium, imminuerent frontes limbis, conficiendis quaererent corporibus fucos, fuligine oculos obumbrarent. Ita haec verba optime disposuit Heraldus in Curis secundis, cum quo consentit editor Lugduno-Batavus, nisi quod cum Meursio imminuerent frontes limbis post verba quaererent corporibus fucos collocavit. In cod. ms. et editionibus omnibus praeter Salmasianam locus est luxatus, et verba conspiciendis quaererent corporibus fucos loco prorsus alieno; nimirum post verba castitatis dispendio compararent leguntur, quod pessime retinuit etiam novissimus editor, Oberthurius. Sed jam singula videbimus. Prava codicis ms. lectio varias peperit interpretum conjecturas. Imprimis verba innecterent his colla, male posita post quaererent corporibus fucos, merito suspecta fuere viris doctis. Quare Fulv. Ursinus legendum conjecerat: Innecterent catenis colla. Stewech. innecterent taeniis colla. Sagacissime autem Heraldus in editione sua: innecterent linis colla. Lina scil. vel lineae dicebantur Romanis fila, quibus margaritae insertae erant: unde Tertullianus de habitu muliebri scribit: Uno lino decies sestertium inseritur, et Hieronymus in Vita Pauli Eremitae: Uno filo villarum insunt pretia; et, qui locus est classicus, Cornel. Fronto, in oratione de haereditate Mathidiae Opp., p. 285, ed Maii: Lineam istam famosam atque celebratam, caeteraque tantae pecuniae ornamenta quis emet? Tua uxor si emerit, praedam invasisse, et minimo aere eripuisse dicetur, eoque minus ad eos, quibus legatum erat, pervenisse. Annon emet ista ornamenta Faustina? Quis igitur emet margarita, quae filiabus tuis legata sunt? His margaritis collos (continues)

Did he send souls for this, that forgetting their divine weight and dignity they should buy gems, stones and pearls at the cost of chastity, bind their necks with them, pierce the lobes of their ears, narrow their foreheads with bands, seek dyes for the making-up of their bodies, and shade their eyes with soot? So Hérauld arranged these words excellently in his Second Thoughts, and the Leiden editor agrees with him, except that with Meursius he placed narrow their foreheads with bands after the words seek dyes for their bodies. In the manuscript and all editions except Salmasius's the passage is dislocated, and the words seek dyes for bodies to be seen stand in a quite foreign place, namely after the words buy at the cost of chastity, which even the latest editor, Oberthür, very badly kept. But now we shall look at the details. The faulty reading of the manuscript has produced various conjectures by the interpreters. Above all, the words bind their necks with them, wrongly placed after seek dyes for bodies, were rightly suspected by learned men. So Fulvio Orsini had conjectured Innecterent catenis colla ("bind their necks with chains"); Stewechius, innecterent taeniis colla ("with ribbons"). Most shrewdly, however, Hérauld in his edition: innecterent linis colla ("with threads"). For lina or lineae was the Roman name for the strings on which pearls were threaded; whence Tertullian writes in On Women's Dress: "A million sesterces are threaded on one string," and Jerome in the Life of Paul the Hermit: "On one thread hang the prices of country houses"; and, the classic passage, Cornelius Fronto in the speech on the inheritance of Matidia, Works p. 285, Mai's edition: "Who will buy that famous and celebrated string, and the other ornaments of such great value? If your wife buys it, she will be said to have seized plunder and snatched it for a trifle, and less will thereby have reached those to whom it was bequeathed. Will not Faustina buy those ornaments? Who then will buy the pearls that were bequeathed to your daughters? With these pearls [their] necks" (continues)

(printed under page 440)

Page

running head: 875 ARNOBII ADVERSUS G
marginal letters: A (in col. 876)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: margins B, C, D are in the Commentarius at foot; word split at end of column: ipsos- (ipsosque)
other: the word ipsosque was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 876
running head: 875 ARNOBII ADVERSUS GENTES 876
marginal letters: A beside ‹fines: et quamvis provincias totas rus facerent› (between columns, line 1); B (in the Commentarius)
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PL 5:876

illos dies, quibus tantum committeretur nefas, in gaudiis communibus ducerent, et festa hilaritate sacrarent; in altero vero animalium miserorum discerperent viscera, alias aliae raperent, ut canibus mos est et vulturibus, portiones, subigerent dentibus, et crudelissimo ventri darent, et in tam saevis atque horridis moribus sortem suam flerent, quas ab talibus mensis paupertatis angustiae vindicarent: pro beatis ac felicibus viverent, quarum ora et faciem tam crudeles polluerent apparatus? Idcirco animas misit, ut divini ponderis et gravitatis oblitae, gemmas,

should spend those days on which so great a crime was committed in common rejoicings, and consecrate them with festal merriment; and in the other should tear apart the entrails of wretched animals, some snatching one portion, some another, as is the way of dogs and vultures, should work them with their teeth and give them to a most cruel belly; and, amid such savage and horrid customs, should weep over their lot, those whom the straits of poverty kept back from such tables; and should live as blessed and happy, those whose mouths and faces such cruel fare defiled? For this He sent souls, that, forgetful of divine weight and gravity, they might procure gems,

Editors' notes and page, col. 876

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PL 5:877

lapillos, margaritas, castitatis dispendio compararent, innecterent his colla, laminas pertunderent aurium, imminuerent frontes limbis, conficiendis quaererent corporibus fucos, fuligine oculos obumbrarent, nec in formis erubescerent masculorum calamistris vibrare caesariem, cutem corporis levigare, incedere poplitibus nudis, omnique alio cultu

stones and pearls at the cost of chastity, bind their necks with them, pierce the lobes of their ears, narrow their foreheads with bands, seek dyes for bodies to be made up, shade their eyes with soot, and not blush, in the forms of males, to curl their hair with heated tongs, to make smooth the skin of the body, to walk with bare knees, and with every other refinement

Editors' notes and page, col. 877

Footnotes

[1] ‹anchor: Idcirco animas misit, ut divini ponderis (note of p. 440)› · note in col 877 (continued; part above the crop not visible) … purpurissa consecrata Christo ora depingas; nec collum auro et margaritis premas: nec caput gemmis ornes, nec capillum irrufes, nec ei aliquid de gehennae ignibus auspiceris. Cf. Tertullian. lib. laud. et Cyprianum de bono pudicitiae. Pergit noster: Laminas pertunderunt aurium. Glossae: Lamna, λοβὸς ὠτίου, ima pars auriculae. Sidonius, lib. I, epist. II, vocat aurium ligulas sive tegulas, ubi vid. Sirmond., p. 13. Cf. Voss., Etymol. rom. v. Lamina, Ligula. Pro imminuerent frontem limbis Heraldus mavult legi imminuerent frontem nimbis. Nimbus secundum Isidor., Orig., lib. XIX, cap. 31, in Collectione Gothofredi, p. 1307, est fasciola transversa ex auro assuta in linteo, quod est in fronte feminarum. Plautus: Quo magis illam adspicio tanto magis nimbata est. Sed bene habet vulgatum. Nam ipsum linteum, in quo assutus erat ille nimbus, dicebatur limbus. Statius, Achilleid., lib. II: HANICQ. «Gemmatis aut nectunt tempora limbis.» Et Prudentius Psycomant.: «A cervice fluens tenui velamine limbus.» Quae loca citavit Elmenhorst. Recte etiam dicitur imminuere frontem limbis. Veteres enim tenuem frontem, minimam castigatam, collectam in deliciis habuisse, docent nos Herald., ad hunc locum, et J. Fr. Gronov., Diatrib. ad Statii Silv., lib. II. 1, cap. 17, pag. 94. Sequentia verba, ut leguntur in edit. Lugd. Bat. conficiendis quaererent corporibus fucos, defendi quidem possunt, ut fit conficiendis vel idem quod perficiendis, exornandis, vel malo sensu pro consumendis, enecandis corporibus, quorum sanitati fuci sunt maxime pestiferi. Sed mirifice placet emendatio Oudendorpii prolata a P. Brumanno ad Anthologiam lat., lib. III, epigr. 132, p. 587, vol. I, conspuendis corporibus (scil. ob turpitudinem, deformitatem, ut scil. tegant fucis vitia naturae), praesertim cum cod. ms. habeat. conspiendis. ex quo Gelenius fecit conspiciendis. Stewechius compingendis. Heinsius: conliniendis. Fuligo, ut bene explicat Elmenhorst, est niger, pulvis, quo oculorum exordia producuntur. Juvenal., sat. II, vers 93, seq.: «Ille supercilium madida fuligine tactum / Obliqua producit acu, pingitque trementes / Attolens oculos.» Graecis pulvis ille dicebatur στίμμις unde στιμμίζειν et ὑποστιβίζειν apud Nicolaum Damascenum, ubi vide Valesium, p. 175 seq. editionis nostrae. Latinis stibium. [continuation above the crop in col 878; not visible] (continues)

(continued; the part above the crop is not visible) … "that you paint with rouge the face consecrated to Christ; nor weigh down her neck with gold and pearls; nor adorn her head with gems, nor redden her hair, nor give her any foretaste of the fires of hell." Compare Tertullian in the book cited and Cyprian, On the Good of Chastity. Our author goes on: "They pierced the lobes of their ears." The Glossaries: Lamna, "lobe of the ear," the lowest part of the ear. Sidonius, Book I, letter 2, calls them the ligulae or tegulae of the ears, where see Sirmond, p. 13. Compare Vossius, Etymologicon of Latin, under Lamina, Ligula. For imminuerent frontem limbis Hérauld prefers to read imminuerent frontem nimbis. A nimbus, according to Isidore, Origins Book XIX, ch. 31, in Godefroy's Collection p. 1307, "is a little band of gold sewn crosswise on linen, which is worn on women's foreheads. Plautus: The more I look at her, the more be-nimbused she is." But the common reading holds good. For the linen itself on which that nimbus was sewn was called limbus. Statius, Achilleid Book II: HANICQ. [as printed] "or they bind their temples with jewelled bands." And Prudentius, Psychomachia: "a band flowing from the neck in a fine veil." These passages Elmenhorst cited. To narrow the forehead with bands is also rightly said. For the ancients prized a slender forehead, very small, trimmed, drawn in, as Hérauld on this passage and J. F. Gronovius, Diatribe on Statius's Silvae II, 1, ch. 17, p. 94, teach us. The following words, as they are read in the Leiden edition, conficiendis quaererent corporibus fucos, can indeed be defended, so that conficiendis is either the same as perficiendis, exornandis (to be perfected, adorned), or in a bad sense for consumendis, enecandis corporibus (bodies to be wasted, killed), to whose health dyes are most harmful. But Oudendorp's emendation, published by P. Burman [printed "Brumanno"] on the Latin Anthology, Book III, epigram 132, p. 587, vol. I, pleases me wonderfully: conspuendis corporibus ("for bodies to be spat upon," that is, for their ugliness and deformity, so as to cover nature's faults with dyes), especially as the manuscript has conspiendis, from which Gelenius made conspiciendis; Stewechius compingendis; Heinsius conliniendis. Fuligo, as Elmenhorst explains well, is the black powder with which the edges of the eyes are drawn out. Juvenal, Satire II, lines 93 f.: "One draws out his eyebrow, touched with moist soot, with a slanting needle, and paints his fluttering eyes, raising them." The Greeks called that powder stimmis, whence stimmizein and hypostibizein in Nicolaus of Damascus, where see Valesius, pp. 175 f. of our edition. In Latin, stibium. [the rest is not visible in the image] (continues)

[2] ‹anchor: lemma above the crop (on curling the hair)› · note in col 878 (beginning above the crop) [top line partly cut off:] … explicat Servius ad Virgil. Aen., XII, vers. 100, est acus major, quae calefacta et adhibita torquet capillos, graece κάλαμις. Vide Boettiger., in Sabina, p. 124. Vibrare, idem quod crispare, krauseln. Cf. Virgilii, l. l. ORELL.

(beginning lost above the crop) … as Servius explains on Virgil, Aeneid XII, line 100, "is a larger pin which, heated and applied, curls the hair," in Greek kalamis. See Böttiger, Sabina, p. 124. Vibrare is the same as crispare, "to crimp". Compare the passage of Virgil cited. ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: Cutem temporis levigare› · note in col 878 Cutem temporis levigare. Quod ab effeminatis et virilitatem exuentibus factum, ut ad Martialem observabamus. Jul. Firmicus, lib. VIII, Mathes., cap. 7. Hi etiam, demptis pilis, corpus suum in feminei corporis imaginem transferent; quorum vestes quoque ad muliebris cultus similitudinem excolentur. Hi molliter ambulantes vestigia sua cum delicata quadam moderatione suspendunt. Et Sardanapali mollitiem depingens Athenaeus, lib. XII, eum ait ἐψιμμυθιωμένον, γυναικείαν στολὴν ἔχοντα, καὶ κατεξυρημένον τὸν πώγωνα, καὶ κατακεκισσαρισμένον, pumice levigatum. HERALD.

To smooth the skin of the temple. This was done by effeminate men casting off their manhood, as we observed on Martial. Julius Firmicus, Mathesis Book VIII, ch. 7: "These too, removing their hair, will change their body into the image of a woman's body; their clothes too will be made in the likeness of women's dress. Walking softly, they lift their steps with a certain delicate restraint." And Athenaeus, depicting the softness of Sardanapalus, Book XII, says he was "whitened with lead, wearing a woman's robe, his beard shaved off, and pumiced," smoothed with pumice. HÉRAULD.

[4] ‹anchor: Incedere poplitibus nudis› · note in col 878 Incedere poplitibus nudis. Varro Meleagris: Non modo suris apertis, sed paene naribus apertis ambulans. HERALD.

To walk with bare knees. Varro in the Meleagri: "walking not only with bare calves but almost with bare nostrils." HÉRAULD.

[5] ‹anchor: Vigorem virilitatis et exponere› · note in col 878 Vigorem virilitatis et exponere. Fulv. Ursin. et deponere. Stewech. et seponere, quod magis placet. In seq. pro mollire ed. Lugd. Bat. molliri. Sed nil mutandum. ORELL.

And to set out the vigour of manhood. Fulvio Orsini: et deponere ("to lay aside"). Stewechius: et seponere ("to put away"), which I prefer. In what follows, for mollire the Leiden edition has molliri. But nothing should be changed. ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: XLII. — Testamenta supponerent falsa› · note in col 878 XLII. — Testamenta supponerent falsa. Quod temporibus illis quasi solemne. Lactantius, lib. V, cap. 9: Et ut, quae levia sunt atque usitata, dicamus, qui haereditates captent, testamenta supponant, justos haeredes vel auferant, vel excludant. HERALD.

XLII. — They would substitute false wills. This was almost customary in those times. Lactantius, Book V, ch. 9: "And to speak of things slight and common: who hunt inheritances, substitute wills, and either remove or shut out the rightful heirs." HÉRAULD.

[7] ‹anchor: Domos ut effringerent noctibus› · note in col 878 Domos ut effringerent noctibus. Glossae Philoxeni: Effractores, θυρεπανοῖκται. Effractarius, θυρεπανοίκτης. Molliori nomine apertularius. Probe autem et emendate noctibus. Eo enim tempore proprie grassantur ejusmodi homines. Falsum igitur, quod substitui volunt (Meursius et Scriverius scil.) vectibus. Jul. Firmicus, lib. VI Mathes., cap. 31: In solidis autem signis positi famosos domorum effractores reddent; sed qui armati gladio, quiescentibus hominibus, et patrimonii jacturam, et vitae discrimen infligant. Cf. Savaron., ad Sidon., lib. IX, epist. VII. p. 575. ORELL.

That they should break into houses by night. The Glossary of Philoxenus: Effractores, "door-openers"; Effractarius, "door-opener". By a softer name, apertularius. Noctibus is sound and correct. For it is at that time that men of this kind properly prowl. So the substitution of vectibus ("with crowbars") that some want (Meursius and Scriverius, namely) is wrong. Julius Firmicus, Mathesis Book VI, ch. 31: "Placed in the solid signs they will produce notorious housebreakers, but such as, armed with the sword, while men are at rest, inflict both loss of patrimony and danger to life." Compare Savaron on Sidonius, Book IX, letter 7, p. 575. ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Sollicitarent› · note in col 878 Sollicitarent. Proba lectio. Nam qui existimant, aliquid deesse, falluntur. Sollicitare hoc loco est alienos servos allectare, plagiatorum grande crimen. Hinc in Glossis Philoxeni: Sollicitare, πλαγιάζειν. Papias: Plagiarius, qui seducit pueros, et sollicitat servos alienos. Hesychius: ψυχαγωγός… ὁ ἀνδραποδιστής, καὶ ὁ ἀπατεών, καὶ ὁ κατάγων τὰς ψυχὰς εἰς ᾅδου. Nempe ψυχαγωγοί, qui blandis et mellitis verbis servos alienos sollicitant et ad se alliciunt. HERALD.

They would entice. A sound reading. For those who think something is missing are mistaken. Sollicitare here is to lure away other people's slaves, the great crime of kidnappers. Hence in the Glossary of Philoxenus: Sollicitare, "to kidnap". Papias: "A plagiarius is one who leads boys astray and entices other people's slaves." Hesychius: "psychagogos… the man-stealer, and the cheat, and he who leads souls down to Hades." The psychagogi, that is, who entice other people's slaves with coaxing, honeyed words and draw them to themselves. HÉRAULD.

[9] ‹anchor: Abigerent› · note in col 878 Abigerent. Innuit Arnobius abactores pecorum vel (continues)

They would drive off. Arnobius hints at cattle-rustlers or (continues)

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PL 5:878

vigorem virilitatis, et exponere, et in habitum feminarum deliciasque mollire?

both to put off the vigour of manhood and to soften it into the dress and luxuries of women?

XLII. Idcirco animas misit, ut viarum aliae infestarent meatus, aliae circumscriberent nescios, testamenta supponerent falsa, venenatas conficerent potiones, domos ut effringerent noctibus sollicitarent, abigerent, praevaricarentur, et proderent, saporum

XLII. For this He sent souls, that some should beset the courses of the roads, others cheat the unknowing, substitute false wills, concoct poisoned potions, that they might break into houses by night, tamper with slaves, drive off cattle, betray trusts and play traitor, [and] of flavours

Editors' notes and page, col. 878

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PL 5:879

fastidia ut excuterent palato, ut in coquendis alitibus pinguitudinem nossent retinere labentem, ut spirulas,

that they might shake off squeamishness from the palate, that in cooking fowls they might know how to keep back the fat as it runs off, that they might make spiral cakes

Editors' notes and page, col. 879

Footnotes

[1] ‹anchor: lemma above the crop (on botulos/boletos, sausages)› · note in col 879 (beginning above the crop) … «Γαστέρες αἵδ' αἰγῶν κέατ' ἐν πυρί· τάσδ' ἐπὶ δόρπῳ / Κατθέμεθα, κνίσης τε καὶ αἵματος ἐμπλήσαντες.» Nostr. Blutwürste. Cod. ms. et editiones vetustiores habent boletos vitiosissime; nam hoc fungorum genus non paratur arte, sed nascitur in silvis. Unde N. Heinsius in Adversar., p. 621, legendum suspicatur botellos, bottellus deminutivum τοῦ botulus. Ita Sidon. Apollinar., lib. epist. XI: «Qua serpylliferis olet catenis / Baccas per geminas ruber botellus, etc.» Ubi vid. Savaro, p. 533, et Voss., Etymol. rom., verbo botulus. ORELL.

(beginning lost above the crop) … "These goats' paunches lie in the fire, which we set aside for supper, having filled them with fat and blood." Our [word is] "blood sausages". The manuscript and the older editions have boletos (mushrooms), most faultily; for this kind of fungus is not prepared by art but grows in the woods. Whence N. Heinsius, Adversaria p. 621, suspects we should read botellos, botellus being the diminutive of botulus (sausage). So Sidonius Apollinaris, book of letters XI [as printed]: "where the red sausage smells of thyme-scented links between twin berries," etc. Where see Savaron, p. 533, and Vossius, Etymologicon of Latin, under botulus. ORELLI.

[2] ‹anchor: Isicia› · note in col 879 Isicia. Isicium sive insicium ab insectione derivari docent Varro, de Ling. lat., lib. IV, p. 28, et Macrobius, Saturn, lib. VII, c. 8. Locus autem classicus est Apicii de Arte coquinar., lib. II, c, 1 et 2, ubi formulae isiciorum plurimae e genere piscium, carnium, omento, spongiolis, etc. Ubique concisum, tunsum, tritum, aromatis conditum, involutum nonnumquam foliis, siccatum, denuo perfusum liquamine, cibarium deprehendes. NOURRIUS et GESNER., in Thesauro. — Conf. Voss., Etymol. rom., hoc verbo, et Lindenbrog., Obss. ad Donati Comment. in Terent. Eunuch., act. II, scen. II, v. 26, p. 522, vol. II, ed. Zeunii et in primis Salmat. ad Script. Hist. August., t. I, p. 831. Respondere videtur isicium edulio, quod Pudding vocant Angli. ORELL.

Forcemeats. That isicium or insicium is derived from cutting (insectio) is taught by Varro, On the Latin Language Book IV, p. 28, and Macrobius, Saturnalia Book VII, ch. 8. The classic passage is Apicius, On Cookery Book II, chs. 1 and 2, where there are very many recipes for forcemeats made from kinds of fish, meats, caul, mushrooms, etc. Everywhere you will find a food chopped, pounded, ground, seasoned with spices, sometimes wrapped in leaves, dried, and then drenched again with fish sauce. LE NOURRY and GESNER, in the Thesaurus. — Compare Vossius, Etymologicon of Latin, under this word, and Lindenbrog, Observations on Donatus's Commentary on Terence's Eunuch, act II, scene 2, line 26, p. 522, vol. II, Zeune's edition, and above all Salmasius [printed "Salmat."] on the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. I, p. 831. Isicium seems to correspond to the dish the English call "pudding". ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: Catillamenta lucanica› · note in col 879 Catillamenta lucanica. Ita edidit Salmasius in ed. Lugd. Bat., et Exercitt. Plinian., ad Solin., p. 90. Caeteri castellamenta, quod Heraldus interpretatur quaedam farciminum genera, quae graecis πυραμίδες dicta a propria forma, allegans locum Clementis Alexandrini in Protreptico (p. 19, ed. Potter.): οὐ σησάμαι ταῦτα καὶ πυραμίδες, καὶ τολύπαι, καὶ πόπανα πολυόμφαλα, χόνδροι τε ἁλῶν, καὶ δράκων, ὄργιον Διονύσου Βασσάρου. Heraldo adstipulatur Jo. Wower., ad Minuc. Fel. Octav., c. XIV, p. 133, ed. Gronovii legendum censens: castellamenta, lucanicas. At vero in allato Clementis loco non de farciminum, sed de librorum generibus sermo est. Et omnino videtur legendum cum Salmasio catillamenta, quod defendit etiam N. Heinsius in Adversar., l. IV, c. 9, p. 621. Eamque correctionem confirmare videtur locus Arnobii nostro simillimus infra, l. VII, c. 24: In exiguas arvina est miculas catillaminum insecta de more. Catillamenta et catillamina, ut explicant Salmasius et [continuation above the crop in col 880; not visible] … [partly cut line:] Heinsii conjectura in Adversar., p. 621: catillamenta cum hiris carnem. Hira proprie intestinum quod dicitur jejunum, graece νῆστις, der Leerdarm. Macrobius in Somn. Scip., I, 6, enarrans intestina tria principalia: Tertium, inquit, quod veteres hiram vocarunt, habeturque praecipuum intestinorum omnium, et cibi retrimenta deducit. Cf. Fest. hoc verbo. Pro aliis tamen etiam intestinis sumi docet Nonius verbo. Hilae deminut. τοῦ Hirae: Hillas intestina veteres esse dixerunt, unde Bohilla oppidum in Italia, quod eo bos intestina vulnere trahens advenerit. Cf. Voss. Etymolog. Rom. V. Hillae. Hinc Plautus Curcul., act. I, scen. I, vers. 21, seq.: «…. Lien necat, renes dolent, / Pulmones distrahuntur, cruciatur jecur, / Radices cordis pereunt, hirae omnes dolent.» Erat autem vox hira maxime usurpata in sacris. Noster infra, lib. VII, cap. 24, ubi multa farciminum genera recenset, quibus usus in sacris: Non similiter fendicas, quae et ipsae sunt irae, quos plebis oratio ilisolet, cum eloquitur, nuncupare. ORELL.

Lucanian sausage-pottages. So Salmasius printed it in the Leiden edition and in the Plinian Exercitations on Solinus, p. 90. The others have castellamenta, which Hérauld interprets as certain kinds of sausages, which the Greeks called "pyramids" from their shape, citing a passage of Clement of Alexandria in the Protrepticus (p. 19, Potter's edition): "Are not these sesame cakes and pyramids, and balls, and many-bossed cakes, and lumps of salt, and the serpent, the secret rite of Dionysus Bassareus?" Johannes Wouwer agrees with Hérauld, on Minucius Felix's Octavius, ch. 14, p. 133, Gronovius's edition, holding that we should read castellamenta, lucanicas. But in the cited passage of Clement the talk is not of kinds of sausages but of kinds of books [as printed]. And we should by all means read catillamenta with Salmasius, which N. Heinsius also defends, Adversaria Book IV, ch. 9, p. 621. That correction seems confirmed by a passage of Arnobius very like ours, below, Book VII, ch. 24: "the fat is cut in the customary way into small morsels of catillamina." Catillamenta and catillamina, as Salmasius and … explain [the continuation lies above the crop and is not visible] … [line partly lost] Heinsius's conjecture in the Adversaria, p. 621: catillamenta cum hiris carnem. Hira is properly the intestine called the jejunum, in Greek nestis, "the empty gut". Macrobius on the Dream of Scipio I, 6, describing the three principal intestines: "The third," he says, "which the ancients called hira, is held to be the chief of all the intestines, and carries off the residue of food." Compare Festus under this word. Nonius, however, teaches under the word that it is also used of other intestines. Hilae is the diminutive of hirae: "The ancients said hillae were intestines; hence Bohilla, a town in Italy, because an ox arrived there dragging its intestines from a wound." Compare Vossius, Etymologicon of Latin, under Hillae. Hence Plautus, Curculio, act I, scene 1, lines 21 f.: "…. My spleen is killing me, my kidneys ache, my lungs are torn, my liver is tortured, the roots of my heart are perishing, all my guts ache." The word hira was used chiefly in sacred rites. Our author below, Book VII, ch. 24, where he lists many kinds of sausages used in sacred rites: "Not likewise the fendicae, which are themselves irae, which the speech of the common people is accustomed to call ili-, when it speaks." ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: Glaciali conditione tuceta› · note in col 880 Glaciali conditione tuceta. Glossae: Tucetum, ζωμὸς παχύς. Gloss. Isidor. Tucetum bubula condita apud Gallos cisalpinos. Escas regias tuceta vocat Nonius et Fulgentius de prisco sermone citans fragmentum Gallimorphi et Pisaeis….. Ambrosio redolent tuceta sapore. Edulium sapidissimum appellat Apuleius Mett., lib. II: ubi vide notas Oudendorp, pag 104. Scholiastes ad Pers. Sat. II, vers. 42, verba: Grandes patinae tucetaque crassa, Tuceta, inquit, apud Gallos Cisalpinos bubula dicitur, condimentis quibusdam crassis oblita, ac macerata; et ideo toto anno durat. Solet etiam porcina eodem genere condita servari, aut ad saturarum jura. Conf. Voss., Etymol. rom., hoc verbo: equidem e verbis Arnobii glaciali conditione, id est conditura, conjecerim, tucetum fuisse jus carnium bubularum vel porcinarum nive aut glacie condensatum, immixtis earumdem carnium miculis vel illis minutim insectis, simile nostris gelatis, gelatinis, Sulzen, Gallerten. Certe nivem et glaciem cibis et potionibus luxuriosorum immistam fuisse saepissime, discimus ex Seneca Epist. LXXVII, et Nat. Quaest., lib. IV, cap. ultimo. Conf. Mart. Lister., in Apicium de Arte culin., libr. IV. cap. 1, p. 107. Sed obstant verba scholiastae ad Persium: et ideo toto anno durat, quae collata cum nostro loco indicare videntur farciminis genus tum condimentis quibusdam, tum nive (continues)

Tuceta in icy preserve. The Glossaries: Tucetum, "thick broth". The Glossary of Isidore: "Tucetum, preserved beef among the Cisalpine Gauls." Nonius calls tuceta "royal food," and Fulgentius, On Ancient Speech, citing a fragment of Gallimorphus and Pisaeis….. [as printed]: "The tuceta smell of an ambrosial flavour." Apuleius, Metamorphoses Book II, calls it "a most savoury dish," where see Oudendorp's notes, p. 104. The scholiast on Persius, Satire II, line 42, on the words "great platters and fat tuceta": "Tuceta," he says, "is the name among the Cisalpine Gauls for beef smeared with certain thick seasonings and steeped, and so it keeps all year. Pork too is usually kept preserved in the same way, or for the sauces of mixed dishes." Compare Vossius, Etymologicon of Latin, under this word. For my part, from Arnobius's words in icy preserve, that is, seasoning, I would conjecture that tucetum was a broth of beef or pork set with snow or ice, with morsels of the same meat mixed in or chopped small, like our gelées, gelatins, "aspics, jellies". Certainly we learn from Seneca, Letter 77, and Natural Questions Book IV, last chapter, that snow and ice were very often mixed into the food and drink of the luxurious. Compare Martin Lister on Apicius, On Cookery, Book IV, ch. 1, p. 107. But the words of the scholiast on Persius stand in the way, and so it keeps all year, which, compared with our passage, seem to indicate a kind of sausage [preserved] both with certain seasonings and with snow (continues)

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running head: 879 ARNOBII ADVERSUS GENTES 880
marginal letters: A ‹rulas, et botulos facerent›; B, C, D (in the Commentarius)
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other: the column opens with ‹rulas›, the end of ‹spirulas› set whole at the end of col 879. Last word printed ‹condi-›, completed from col 881 line 1 (‹tione tuceta?›), seen in the page 443 image; the sentence ends there, so ‹conditione tuceta?› is set here whole and the sentence stands complete in this column. UNSURE: the unit rule joins only the split word; if the driver wants only ‹conditione› here, move ‹tuceta?› to col 881. Page 442 Commentarius: first lines of both columns visible; nothing found missing.
other (Q8a): the printed col 880 ends at ‹condi-›; ‹tuceta?› is printed on col 881 line 1, after the tail ‹tione›. By the unit rule only the split word is joined here, so ‹tuceta?› (and ‹seasoned … preserved meats› in the English) belongs to col 881. The c881 part does not carry it (it opens at ‹Idcirco›), so it is kept here for now to avoid losing it; move it to the head of c881 when that file is next written.

PL 5:881

Idcirco animas misit, ut res sancti atque augustissimi nominis symphoniacas agerent et fistulatorias hic artes, ut inflandis bucculas distenderent tibiis, cantionibus ut praeirent obscoenis numerositer, et scabillorum concrepationibus sonoris, quibus animarum alia lasciviens multitudo incompositos corporum dissolveretur in motus, saltitaret,

For this He sent souls, that beings of a holy and most august name should here practise the arts of the band and of the pipe, that they should puff out their cheeks by blowing on flutes, that they should lead off obscene songs in measure, and with the resounding clatterings of the foot-clappers, by which another wanton multitude of souls should be loosened into disorderly movements of the body, should dance,

Editors' notes and page, col. 881

Footnotes

[1] ‹anchor: lemma above the crop (on pipes and flutes)› · note in col 881 (beginning above the crop) [top line partly cut off:] … lib. II, Paedagog., c. 4: Σύριγξ μὲν οὖν ποιμέσιν ἀπονενεμήσθω· αὐλὸς δὲ ἀνθρώποις δεισιδαίμοσιν εἰς εἰδωλολατρείας σπεύδουσιν. Καὶ γὰρ ὡς ἀληθῶς ἀποπεμπτέα τὰ ὄργανα ταῦτα νηφαλίου συμποσίου, θηρίοις μᾶλλον ἢ ἀνθρώποις κατάλληλα, καὶ ἀνθρώπων τοῖς ἀλογωτέροις, et quae sequuntur p. 192, seqq., ed. Proter. HERALD et ORELL.

(beginning lost above the crop) … [Clement,] Paedagogus Book II, ch. 4: "Let the pipe be assigned to shepherds, and the flute to superstitious men hastening to idolatry. For truly these instruments are to be banished from a sober banquet, being fitter for beasts than for men, and for the more irrational of men," and what follows, pp. 192 ff., Potter's edition [printed "Proter."]. HÉRAULD and ORELLI.

[2] ‹anchor: Cantionibus ut praeirent obscoenis numerositer› · note in col 881 Cantionibus ut praeirent obscoenis numerositer, et scabillorum concrepationibus sonoris. Eleganti quidem, sed minime necessaria, mutatione locum hunc editor Lugd. Bat. ita dedit: Cantionibus ut praeirent obscoenis, numerosos iterarent scabillorum concrepationibus, sonores. Idem quod sonos, ut ap. Virgilium et Tacitum aliquoties. verbi causa Annal. IV, c. 48: Sed ut clamore, telis, suo quisque periculo intentus sonorem alterius praelii non acciperet. ORELL.

That they should lead off rhythmically with obscene songs, and with the sounding clatter of foot-clappers. By an elegant, but not at all necessary, change the Leiden editor gave this passage thus: that they should lead off with obscene songs, and repeat rhythmic sounds with the clatter of foot-clappers. Sonores is the same as soni, as several times in Virgil and Tacitus, for example Annals IV, ch. 48: "but so that, intent on the shouting, the weapons, his own danger, no one heard the sound of the other battle." ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: Scabillorum concrepationibus› · note in col 881 Scabillorum concrepationibus. Scabilla, peculiaria instrumenta minorum, erant crepitacula ex ferro (Lucian., de Saltat., § 85, σιδηροῦν ὑπόδημα) aut ex ligno (Pollux, VII, 22 et 28, ξύλινον ὑπόδημα), quae pedibus, quibus adstringebantur, concuti solebant, et strepitum faciebant, uti docet antiqua statua, in qua occurrit scabillum, confirmatque Rubenius, de Re vest. II, 17, Haec Ernest. In Clav. Cic., hoc verbo Conf. Salmas. ad Vospisci Carin., c. 19, pag. 838, tom. II (qui refutat Casaubonum ad Sueton. Calig., c. 54, scabillum vocem putantem exoticam, cum latinissima sit, derivanda a verbo scamnum, unde deminutiva scamellum et scamillum, scabellum et scabillum). Conf. Voss., Etymol. rom., verbo Scamna, Gesner., in Thesaur., et in primis Explication de divers monuments singuliers, p. 47. seq., ubi monumentum vetus illustratur, in quo scabilla spectantur. ORELL.

With the clatter of foot-clappers. Scabilla, the special instruments of mimes [printed "minorum"], were clappers of iron (Lucian, On Dancing, § 85, "an iron shoe") or of wood (Pollux VII, 22 and 28, "a wooden shoe"), which were struck by the feet to which they were bound, and made a din, as an ancient statue shows in which a scabillum appears; and Rubens confirms it, On Dress II, 17. So Ernesti in the Clavis Ciceroniana, under this word. Compare Salmasius on Vopiscus's [printed "Vospisci"] Carinus, ch. 19, p. 838, vol. II (who refutes Casaubon on Suetonius, Caligula, ch. 54, who thought scabillum a foreign word, whereas it is thoroughly Latin, to be derived from scamnum, whence the diminutives scamellum and scamillum, scabellum and scabillum). Compare Vossius, Etymologicon of Latin, under Scamna; Gesner in the Thesaurus; and above all the Explication de divers monuments singuliers, pp. 47 f., where an ancient monument is illustrated on which scabilla are seen. ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: Saltitaret› · note in col 881 Saltitaret. Saltare et choreas ducere christianis interdictum. Paulus ad Rom., XIII, vers. 13: Ὡς ἐν ἡμέρᾳ εὐσχημόνως περιπατήσωμεν, μὴ κώμοις καὶ μέθαις, et ad Galat. V, 21. I Petr. IV, 3, ubi Glossae Cyrilli et aliud vetus Lexicon ms. κῶμος — ὄρχησις μετὰ ᾠδῆς καὶ μέθης, neque secius Suidas. Idem itaque sancitum in Canonibus apostolorum et Concilio laodicensis, cap. 53, pag. 23: Οὐ δεῖ χριστιανοὺς εἰς γάμους ἀπερχομένους βαλλίζειν ἢ ὀρχεῖσθαι. Vetus interpres: Non oportet christianos ad nuptias euntes vel ballare, vel saltare, sed caste coenare vel prandere, sicut competit christianis. Vid. Brev. Canon. Ferrandi Episcopi et Cresconii, item corpus canonum antiquum et Capitulare Caroli Magni multis locis; Ambros. de [continuation above the crop in col 882; not visible] (continues)

Should dance about. Dancing and leading choruses were forbidden to Christians. Paul to the Romans 13:13: "Let us walk decently as in the day, not in revelling and drunkenness," and Galatians 5:21; 1 Peter 4:3, where the Glossary of Cyril and another old manuscript Lexicon have "komos — dancing with song and drunkenness," and Suidas no differently. The same was therefore laid down in the Canons of the Apostles and in the Council of Laodicea, ch. 53, p. 23: "Christians going to weddings must not jig or dance." The old translator: "Christians going to weddings ought not to jig or dance, but to dine or lunch chastely, as befits Christians." See the Breviary of Canons of Bishop Ferrandus and of Cresconius, also the ancient body of canons and the Capitulary of Charlemagne in many places; Ambrose, On [the rest is not visible in the image] (continues)

[5] ‹anchor: lemma above the crop (on swaying the body)› · note in col 882 (beginning above the crop) [top line partly cut off:] … Crispat, κραδαίνει, σείει. HERALD. — Similiter Apuleius, Met. II: Ipsa membra sua leniter illubricans, lumbis sensim vibrantibus, spinam mobilem quatiens placide, decenter undabat Ubi undabat idem quod fluctuabat. Vid. Notam Oudendorp., pag. 105, Conf. Alciphron., lib. I. epist. XXXIX; Juvenal., sat. XI, vers. 164: Martial., lib. V, epigr. 80; Barth., Adversar., lib. XXXIII, c. 20, p. 1540; Sciopp., ad Priapei., carm. XVIII. ORELL.

(beginning lost above the crop) … Crispat (sways), "brandishes, shakes". HÉRAULD. — Likewise Apuleius, Metamorphoses II: "Gently making her very limbs supple, her loins gradually quivering, quietly shaking her pliant spine, she undulated gracefully," where undabat is the same as fluctuabat. See Oudendorp's note, p. 105. Compare Alciphron, Book I, letter 39; Juvenal, Satire XI, line 164; Martial, Book V, epigram 80; Barth, Adversaria Book XXXIII, ch. 20, p. 1540; Scioppius on the Priapea, poem 18. ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: Exoleti› · note in col 882 Exoleti. Glossae: Exoletus, ὑπέρακμος, τριβανός [?]. ELMENH. Exoletos scil. dicebant Romani viros impudicos et muliebris patientiae, adultiores certe, et opportunam injuriae illi puerorum aetatem egressos. Vide Gesner., in Thesaur. ORELL.

Grown-up catamites. The Glossaries: Exoletus, "past one's prime," [second Greek gloss; reading uncertain]. ELMENHORST. The Romans called exoleti unchaste men who submitted as women, older ones at least, who had passed the age of boys exposed to that abuse. See Gesner in the Thesaurus. ORELLI.

[7] ‹anchor: Sambucistriae, psaltriae› · note in col 882 Sambucistriae, psaltriae. Sambucistriae a sambuca, quod est instrumentum musicum triangulum, quod ex inaequalibus longitudine, sicut et crassitudine. nervis efficitur, ut describit Porphyrius ad Ptolemaei Harmonica. Cf. Isidor. Origg., III, 20; Fest., hoc verbo, et intpp. Barth. Advers., LV, c. 9; Gesner., in Thesauro. Caeterum tales feminas non solum arte, sed et corpore quaestum fecisse, e Comicis satis notum est, neque opus habemus cum Stewechio locum hunc de ludis scenicis accipere, omni turpitudine pollutis, cum etiam de feminis ad privatorum mensas canentibus ejusmodi flagitia sint notissima. ORELL.

Harp-girls, lute-girls. Sambucistriae from sambuca, a triangular musical instrument made with strings unequal in length as well as thickness, as Porphyry describes it in his commentary on Ptolemy's Harmonics. Compare Isidore, Origins III, 20; Festus under this word, and the commentators; Barth, Adversaria LV, ch. 9; Gesner in the Thesaurus. That such women made money not only by their art but also by their bodies is well enough known from the comic poets; nor need we take this passage with Stewechius of the stage shows, polluted with every foulness, since such shameful doings are very well known also of women who sang at the tables of private persons. ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Venalia ut prosternerent corpora› · note in col 882 Venalia ut prosternerent corpora. Proba lectio, nec audiendi, qui corrigere volunt prostituerent. Diocletianus et Maximianus ad leg. Jul., de Adult. et stup.: foedissimam earum nequitiam, quae pudorem suum alienis libidinibus prosternunt. HERALD.

That they should lay low their bodies for sale. A sound reading; those who want to correct it to prostituerent are not to be heeded. Diocletian and Maximian on the Julian law on adultery and debauchery: "the most foul wickedness of those women who lay their modesty low before the lusts of others." HÉRAULD.

[9] ‹anchor: Vilitatem sui populo publicarent› · note in col 882 Vilitatem sui populo publicarent. Rescribunt nonnulli virilitatem, alii (Meursius) utilitatem, id est usum. Ita Zeno Veronensis sermone de Pudicitia: Libidinum commutatione varia gaudet semper, et poenitet: ad satietatem numquam lubrica utilitate perveniens, id est lubrico usu. Et haec est propria et prisca notio. Ita Varro, lib. I, de Vita populi romani: Itaque ea sibi modo ponere ac suspendere, quae utilitas postularet, trulleum, matellionem, pelvim, nasiternam. Postea, quia, quicquid usum sui praestat, commodum et emolumentum sui afferat, factum, ut pro iis utilitas acciperetur. Publicare id est prostituere. Hinc publicae libidinis victimae appellantur Tertulliano et eum secuto Hieronymo publicanae mulieres. Zenoni Veronensi et nostro supra lib. I, cap. 36. Venus dicitur intestini decoris publicatrix. Graeci quoque κοινὰς γυναῖκας appellant. HERALD. — Ludos scenicos et (continues)

That they should make their cheapness public to the people. Some rewrite virilitatem, others (Meursius) utilitatem, that is, use. So Zeno of Verona, in the sermon on Chastity: "It always delights in varied exchange of lusts, and repents; never reaching satiety in slippery utility," that is, slippery use. And this is the proper and ancient sense. So Varro, On the Life of the Roman People Book I: "And so to set out and hang up for themselves only what utility required: ladle, chamber-pot, basin, watering-pot." Later, because whatever offers its use brings advantage and profit, it came about that utilitas was taken for these. Publicare means to prostitute. Hence they are called "victims of public lust" by Tertullian, and, following him, publicanae mulieres by Jerome. In Zeno of Verona and in our author above, Book I, ch. 36, Venus is called "the publisher of inward honour". The Greeks too call them "common women". HÉRAULD. — The stage shows and (continues)

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running head: 881 LIBER SECUNDU
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old-edition numerals: (none)
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running head: 881 LIBER SECUNDUS. 882
marginal letters: A beside ‹tione tuceta? Idcirco animas misit, ut res sancti› (between columns, line 1); B (in the Commentarius)
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PL 5:882

et cantaret, orbes saltatorios verteret, et ad ultimum clunibus et coxendicibus sublevatis lumborum crispitudine fluctuaret? Idcirco animas misit, ut in maribus exoleti, in feminis fierent meretrices, sambucistriae, psaltriae, venalia ut prosternerent corpora, vilitatem sui populo publicarent, in lupanaribus

and sing, turn round in dancing circles, and at last, with buttocks and hips raised, sway with a wriggling of the loins? For this He sent souls, that among males they should become catamites, among females harlots, harp-girls, lute-girls, that they should prostrate their bodies for sale, should make public to the people their own cheapness, in brothels

Editors' notes and page, col. 882

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running head: LIBER SECUNDUS. 882
marginal letters: A et cantaret, orbes
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running head: 881 LIBER SECUNDUS. 882
marginal letters: A ‹et cantaret, orbes saltatorios›; B, C, D (in the Commentarius)
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PL 5:883

promptae, in fornicibus obvinctae, nihil pati renuentes, ad oris stuprum paratae?

ready at hand, bound fast in the vaults, refusing to suffer nothing, prepared for the defilement of the mouth?

XLIII. Quid dicitis, o soboles, ac primi progenies numinis? Ergone sapientes illae, atque ex causis principalibus proditae genera haec animae turpitudinum, criminum, malitiarumque noverunt, atque ut exercerent, ut gererent, ut percelebrarent haec mala, habitare jussae sunt has partes, et humani corporis circumjectione vestiri? Et mortalium quisquam est rationis alicujus accipiens sensum, qui ordinatum existimet mundum per has esse, ac non potius sedem ac domicilium constitutum, in quo omne quotidie perpetraretur nefas, maleficia cuncta conflerent, insidiae, fraudes, doli, avaritia, rapinae, vis, scelus, audacia, obscoenitas, turpitudo, flagitium, mala omnia caetera, quae in orbe homines toto mente noxia pariunt, et labem machinantur in mutuam?

XLIII. What say you, O offspring and progeny of the First Deity? Did those wise souls, then, brought forth out of sovereign causes, know these kinds of basenesses, crimes, and malices, and in order that they might practise, might carry on, might everywhere celebrate these evils, were they commanded to inhabit these parts, and to be clothed with the wrapping of a human body? And is there any of mortals receiving a sense of any reason, who thinks that the world has been set in order through these, and not rather set up as a seat and dwelling-place in which every wickedness should be perpetrated daily, all evil deeds be forged, ambushes, frauds, tricks, covetousness, plunderings, violence, crime, audacity, obscenity, baseness, disgrace, and all other evils which in the whole world men bring forth with guilty mind, and contrive for mutual ruin?

XLIV. Sed sua, inquitis, voluntate, non regis jussione venerunt. At ubi pater omnipotens fuit, ubi regiae sublimitatis auctoritas, ut eas prohiberet abscedere,

XLIV. "Yet of their own will," you say, "not by the King's command did they come." But where was the Almighty Father, where the authority of royal loftiness, to forbid them to depart,

Editors' notes and page, col. 883

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in col 883; call presumably in col 884› · printed under col 883

Providebat ms.

Providebat, the manuscript.

(printed under page 444)

Commentarius

[1] ‹anchor: Vilitatem sui populo publicarent (note of p. 443)› · note in col 883

(continued) scenicas mulieres insectatur, in quibus ludis magnus furor et turpitudo prolixior; cum publice vel exponerent, vel (ut auctor est Minutius Felix) monstrarent etiam adulteria. De scortis Romae in scena prosterni publice solitis post ludos finitos consule Justi Lipsii Elect. lib. I, cap. 2, et ad vilitatis nomen ecce alia in promptu loca Arnobii lib. IV: Amans saltatur Venus, et per affectus omnes meretriciae vilitatis impudica exprimitur imitatione bacchari, et lib. V. in obscoenam prorumpere vilitatem. STEWECH. — Meursius mavult utilitatem, i. q. χρῆσιν, male. Cf. Bunemann. ad Lactant. Inst. I. c. 20, p. 121. ORELL.

[2] ‹anchor: In fornicibus obvinctae› · note in col 883 In fornicibus obvinctae, Ita cod. ms. quod Fulv. Ursinus et ed. Lugd. Bat. mutarunt in obviae, Scaliger ap. Meursium in oblitae; male, opinor. Obvinctae scil. vel lenonibus, vel impudicis, qui eis abutuntur. De vi verbi fornix, vide supr. ad c. 6 hujus libri, et Sciopp. ad Priapeia, carm. XIII. ORELL.

Bound in the brothels. So the manuscript, which Fulvio Orsini and the Leiden edition changed to obviae ("met with"), and Scaliger, in Meursius, to oblitae ("smeared"); wrongly, I think. Bound, that is, either to pimps or to the lewd men who abuse them. On the force of the word fornix, see above on ch. 6 of this book, and Scioppius on the Priapea, poem 13. ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: Ad oris stuprum paratae› · note in col 883 Ad oris stuprum paratae. Ita Gelenius et Fulv. Ursinus. cod. ms. habet ad oris sacri comparatae, nullo sensu: unde Canterus effecit ad oris sacrificium paratae. Stewech. ad oris sacri comparatae comparationes, eodem sensu, quo Gelenii lectio. Nam componere, committere, comparare, dicebant legiones inter se vel gladiatores. Salmasius autem in edit. Lugd. Bat. ad oris sacri (id est abominandi, diris devovendi, ut auri sacra fames) comparatae stuprationem. Sed Gelenii emendationem bene defendit Lindenbrog. ad Priapeia carm. XII. Tangit scil. Arnobius immane illud et monstrosissimum flagitium, quod λεσβιάζειν, λεσβιασμὸν (a Lesbiis, quibus in usu fuerat haec turpitudo) Graeci dixerunt. Latini autem ejusmodi homines appellarunt Opicos, ut docet Meursius. Vid. A. Gell., lib. I, cap. 21; lib. XI, cap. 16. et Plin., Hist. Nat., lib. XXXIX. Videsis exemplorum struem, quam ad hunc locum congesserunt Elmenhorstius et Lindenbrog., l. l. Nam equidem obscoena non exscribo. ORELL.

Ready for the defilement of the mouth. So Gelenius and Fulvio Orsini. The manuscript has ad oris sacri comparatae, which makes no sense; whence Canter made ad oris sacrificium paratae. Stewechius: ad oris sacri comparatae comparationes, in the same sense as Gelenius's reading. For componere, committere, comparare were said of legions or gladiators matched against each other. Salmasius in the Leiden edition: ad oris sacri (that is, abominable, to be cursed, as in "accursed hunger for gold") comparatae stuprationem. But Lindenbrog, on the Priapea, poem 12, well defends Gelenius's emendation. Arnobius is touching, namely, on that monstrous and most unnatural vice which the Greeks called lesbiazein, lesbiasmos (from the Lesbians, among whom this foulness had been customary). The Latins called such men Opici, as Meursius teaches. See Aulus Gellius, Book I, ch. 21; Book XI, ch. 16; and Pliny, Natural History Book XXXIX [as printed]. See, if you will, the heap of examples that Elmenhorst and Lindenbrog piled up on this passage, in the places cited. For my part I do not copy out obscenities. ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: XLIII. — Ergone sapientes illae› · note in col 883 XLIII. — Ergone sapientes illae. Haec verba nescio qua de causa ed. Lugd. Bat. mutavit in: Ergone sapientiae illae, etc. ORELL.

XLIII. — Are those wise ones, then…? For some reason I do not know, the Leiden edition changed these words to Ergone sapientiae illae, etc. ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: Ut gererent› · note in cols 883-884 Ut gererent. Is. Pontanus ad Macrobii librum de Differentiis Graeci Latinique verbi not. p. 693, legendum existimat generent, ab antiquo verbo geno, ere, idem quod gignere, generare. Sed nihil mutandum; gerere hoc loco idem est quod portare secum, quod faciunt nuntii et portitores, ideoque bene conjungitur cum percelebrare. Eodem sensu Arnobius, supra, lib. I, cap. ult., Christum appellat portitorem muneris tanti. ORELL.

That they should bear. Isaac Pontanus, in his notes on Macrobius's book On the Differences of the Greek and Latin Verb, p. 693, thinks we should read generent, from the old verb geno, -ere, the same as gignere, generare. But nothing should be changed; gerere here is the same as to carry with oneself, as messengers and carriers do, and so it is well joined with percelebrare. In the same sense Arnobius, above, Book I, last chapter, calls Christ "the bearer of so great a gift". ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: XLIV. — Jussione› · note in col 884 XLIV. — Jussione. Cod. ms. et Fulv. Ursin. missione, quod nescio quare mutatum ab omnibus editoribus. ORELL.

XLIV. — By command. The manuscript and Fulvio Orsini have missione ("by sending"), which I do not know why all the editors have changed. ORELLI.

[7] ‹anchor: Abscedere› · note in col 884 Abscedere. Ms. abscondere, vitiose, abscedere est declinare a via salutis. ORELL.

To depart. The manuscript has abscondere, faultily; abscedere is to turn aside from the way of salvation. ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Aut extrinsecus aliquid accessurum his esse› · note in col 884 Aut extrinsecus aliquid accessurum his esse. Haec referenda ad praecedentia verba: Si enim degeneres futuras locorum immutationibus sciebat, aut extrinsecus, etc. Quare verba: scire autem….. constitutor, tamquam parenthesin uncinis inclusi. ORELL.

Or that something would come upon them from outside. This is to be referred to the preceding words: "For if he knew that they would degenerate through changes of place, or from outside," etc. So I have enclosed the words scire autem….. constitutor in brackets as a parenthesis. ORELLI.

[9] ‹anchor: Universorum› · note in col 884 Universorum. Scil. vitiorum, scelerum, quod autem Arnobius reverentia in Deum effari non audet. Verterim: von allem., was begegnet ORELL.

Of all things. That is, of the vices and crimes, which, however, Arnobius out of reverence for God does not dare to say outright. I would translate: "of everything that happens". ORELLI.

[10] ‹anchor: Cessatione crimen fecerit proprium› · note in col 884 Cessatione crimen fecerit proprium. In cujus enim manu est, ut prohibeat, jubet agi, si non prohibet admitti, ait Salvianus, libro VII. Hinc Arnobius infra lib. III, cessationem istam inimicam appellat. Et cur saeva contagia et pestilentes morbos ab aestivis avertere cessatione inimica non curant? HERALD.

By inaction he would have made the crime his own. "For he in whose hand it is to prevent, orders a thing to be done if he does not prevent its being committed," says Salvian, Book VII. Hence Arnobius below, Book III, calls that inaction hostile: "And why, by a hostile inaction, do they not take care to turn away cruel contagions and pestilent diseases from the summer months?" HÉRAULD.

[11] ‹anchor: Et retentionis dissimulatione permiserit prius› · note in col 884 Et retentionis dissimulatione permiserit prius. Id est cessatione, quod retinere noluerit. Sic enim vocem istam ab his scriptoribus quandoque usurpari observatum nobis est. Vegetius, de Re milit., lib. I, cap. 8; Signatis itaque tironibus per quotidiana exercitia armorum est demonstranda doctrina. Sed hujus rei usum dissimulatio securitatis abolevit. Hinc et apud Tertullian., lib. V, adversus Marcion., cap. 5. Nec enim gratia fit, nisi offensae; nec pax, nisi belli. Et populus autem per disciplinae transgressionem, et omne humanum genus per naturae dissimulationem, et deliquerat et rebellaverat adversus creatorem. Ubi naturae dissimulatio est naturae quasi cessatio, qua homines cognitionem natura sibi insitam in injustitia detinent. HERALD.

And by neglect of restraint had first permitted it. That is, by inaction, in that he was unwilling to restrain. For we have observed that this word is sometimes so used by these writers. Vegetius, On Military Matters, Book I, ch. 8: "So when the recruits have been enrolled, the art of arms must be shown them through daily exercises. But the neglect born of security has done away with the practice of this." Hence also in Tertullian, Against Marcion Book V, ch. 5: "For there is no grace except for an offence, and no peace except after war. And the people through transgression of the discipline, and the whole human race through neglect of nature, had both sinned and rebelled against the Creator." Where neglect of nature is, as it were, nature's inaction, by which men hold down in injustice the knowledge implanted in them by nature. HÉRAULD.

[12] ‹anchor: XLV. — Tam mobiles animas genuisse gravitatis ac ponderis constantiaeque nullius› · note in col 884 XLV. — Tam mobiles animas genuisse gravitatis ac ponderis constantiaeque nullius. Stewech. leg. conj. tam nobiles animas, non male quidem. Sed et vulgata lectio defendi potest, ut sensus sit: animas genuisse tam mobiles quaeque nullius sint gravitatis, constantiae, etc. ORELL.

XLV. — To have begotten souls so fickle, of no weight, ballast or constancy. Stewechius conjectures the reading tam nobiles animas ("souls so noble"), not badly indeed. But the common reading can also be defended, so that the sense is: "to have begotten souls so fickle, and of no weight, constancy," etc. ORELLI.

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nec in praecipites labi permitteret voluptates? Si enim degeneres futuras locorum immutationibus sciebat (scire autem debuerat causarum ut omnium constitutor), aut extrinsecus aliquid accessurum his esse, quod eas faceret oblivisci suae dignitatis et decoris: millies, ut ignoscat, oraverim: universorum non alius quam ipse est causa: siquidem perpessus est evagandi eas habere jus liberum, quas retenturas non esse integritatis suae habitum praevidebat, atque ita perficitur, ut nihil intersit omnino voluntarie venerint, an illius obtemperaverint jussioni: cum non prohibendo quod oportuerat prohiberi, cessatione crimen fecerit proprium, et retentionis dissimulatione permiserit prius.

and not suffer them to glide down into headlong pleasures? For if He knew that they would become degenerate through the changes of places (and He ought to have known, as the establisher of all causes), or that something would accrue to them from without which would make them forget their own dignity and comeliness—a thousand times would I pray that He pardon me—none other than Himself is the cause of all things: since He suffered those to have the free right of wandering forth, who He foresaw would not retain the state of their own wholeness; and thus it is brought about that it makes no difference at all whether they came voluntarily, or obeyed His command: since by not forbidding what ought to have been forbidden, by His inaction He made the fault His own, and by neglecting to hold them back permitted it beforehand.

XLV. Sed procul haec abeat sceleratae opinionis immanitas, ut Deus credatur omnipotens, magnarum et invisibilium rerum sator, et conditor, procreator, tam mobiles animas genuisse gravitatis ac ponderis constantiaeque nullius; in vitia labiles, in peccatorum genera universa declives; cumque eas

XLV. Yet far hence may this monstrosity of a wicked opinion depart, that Almighty God, the Sower and Founder and Procreator of great and invisible things, should be believed to have begotten souls so fickle, of no gravity and weight and constancy, prone to slip into vices, inclined to all kinds of sins; and when He knew that they

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tales, atque hujusmodi sciret, in corpora ire jussisse, quorum indutae carceribus sub procellis agerent tempestatibusque quotidie fortunae, et modo turpia facerent, modo paterentur obscoena: naufragiis, ruinis, incendiorum conflagrationibus ut perirent. Pauperies alias, alias ut mendicitas premeret, ut ferarum paterentur aliae laniatus, muscularum aliae ut interirent veneno, claudae ut incederent aliae, ut aliae lumen amitterent; ut articulis sederent aliae colligatis, morbis denique objectarentur ut cunctis, quos infelix et miseranda mortalitas diversarum sustinet dilaceratione poenarum; tum deinde oblitae unius esse se fontis, unius genitoris, et capitis, germanitatis convellerent atque abrumperent jura; urbes suas

such and of this kind, to have ordered them to go into bodies, clothed in whose prisons they should live daily under the squalls and storms of fortune, and now do base things, now suffer obscene things; that they should perish by shipwrecks, by the collapse of buildings, by the blazing of fires. That poverty should press some, beggary others; that some should suffer the mangling of wild beasts, others perish by the venom of little flies; that some should walk lame, that others should lose their sight; that others should sit with their joints bound fast; in short, that they should be exposed to all the diseases which unhappy and pitiable mortality endures in the rending of diverse pains; and then that, forgetting that they are of one source, of one begetter and head, they should tear up and break off the rights of brotherhood; that their own cities

Editors' notes and page, col. 885

Footnotes

[1] ‹anchor: lemma above the crop (indutae / inductas)› · note in col 885 (beginning above the crop) [top line partly cut off:] … Lugd. Bat., inductas. Sed nil mutandum: indutae scil. referendum ad corpora, quod subintelligendum in carceribus, ut sensus sit: quibus indutae, tamquam in carceribus….. agerent. ORELL.

(beginning lost above the crop) … the Leiden edition, inductas. But nothing should be changed: indutae (clothed) is to be referred to bodies, which is to be understood with in prisons, so that the sense is: "clothed in which, as in prisons….. they would live." ORELLI.

[2] ‹anchor: Modo paterentur obscoena› · note in col 885 Modo paterentur obscoena. Meursius mavult: modo paterentur obscoenae. ORELL.

Now they would suffer obscene things. Meursius prefers modo paterentur obscoenae ("now, obscene, they would suffer"). ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: Ut ferarum paterentur aliae laniatus, muscularum aliae ut interirent veneno› · note in col 885 Ut ferarum paterentur aliae laniatus, muscularum aliae ut interirent veneno. Ita edidi cum editore Leidensi. cod. ms. habet: infernarum paterentur aliae laniatus muscularum, vitiose et nullo sensu. Nam quid sunt infernae musculae? Fulv. Ursinus legit; internorum paterentur alii laniatus musculorum, non male: interni musculi scil. corporis (die innersten Muskeln). Stewechius corrigens: informorum paterentur aliae laniatus musculorum, putat, hoc loco tangi illud genus cruciatus, quo mures aut glires nudo torquendorum pectori imponuntur ac postea pelvi integuntur, inde ignem superimpositum non ferentes, pectus lancinare incipiunt, informos mures itaque interpretatur valde calidos ab in intensivo et formus, quod antique pro calidus usurpatum fuisse testantur Festus et vetera glossaria. Vide supra ad cap. 41. Sed minime verosimile est, Arnobium hoc loco non cruciatuum vel torturarum, sed calamitatum et mortium genera maxime communia et ubivis obvia recensentem, rarioris hujus et insolentioris cruciatus meminisse. Alii legunt: infernorum paterentur aliae laniatus, musculorum aliae ut interirent veneno. At hoc loco prorsus aliena infernorum sive gehennae mentio et musculorum venenum nil aliud significare posset nisi venenum muribus necandis aptum, paratum, Mausegift, et intelligendum esset aconitum, quod (ut Plinius affirmat lib. XXVII, cap. 3) procul et e longinquo odore mures necat, cujusque in veneficiis apud antiquos usus notissimus. Cf. Plin. l. l., et Ovid., Met., I, vers. 147: Lurida terribiles miscent aconita novercae. Nam arsenici usus ignotus antiquis. Sed num musculorum venenum hoc sensu latine dici possit, equidem maxime dubito: et omnino usus mures veneno necandi apud antiquos et magnam partem medii aevi fuisse videtur prorsus incognitus, quod conjicio ex versibus Manuelis Philae in Poemate, de Natura animalium, c. 89, de Muribus, vers. 8, sq.: «Οὓς καὶ γαλῆ τρίζουσα, καὶ κλάξ [?], καὶ βρόχος, / Καὶ παγὶς ἐξέτριψε, καὶ βραχὺ στέαρ.» [continuation above the crop in col 886; not visible] (continues)

That some should suffer the mangling of wild beasts, and others perish by the poison of little flies. So I have printed it with the Leiden editor. The manuscript has infernarum paterentur aliae laniatus muscularum, faultily and without sense. For what are "infernal little flies"? Fulvio Orsini reads internorum paterentur alii laniatus musculorum ("that others should suffer the tearing of the inner muscles"), not badly: the inner muscles, that is, of the body ("the innermost muscles"). Stewechius, correcting to informorum paterentur aliae laniatus musculorum, thinks this passage touches on that kind of torture in which mice or dormice are placed on the bare breast of those to be tortured and then covered with a basin; then, unable to bear the fire placed on top, they begin to tear at the breast. So he interprets informi mures as "very hot", from intensive in and formus, which Festus and the old glossaries attest was used of old for calidus. See above on ch. 41. But it is not at all likely that Arnobius, listing here not kinds of torment or torture but the most common kinds of calamity and death, met with everywhere, should have mentioned this rarer and more unusual torture. Others read: infernorum paterentur aliae laniatus, musculorum aliae ut interirent veneno ("that some should suffer the mangling of the underworld, others perish by the poison of little mice"). But in this passage a mention of the underworld or Gehenna is quite out of place, and poison of little mice could mean nothing but a poison fit and prepared for killing mice, "mouse poison"; and it would have to be understood as aconite, which (as Pliny affirms, Book XXVII, ch. 3) kills mice from far off and at a distance by its smell, and whose use in poisonings among the ancients is very well known. Compare Pliny in the place cited, and Ovid, Metamorphoses I, line 147: "Terrible stepmothers mix pale aconite." For the use of arsenic was unknown to the ancients. But whether musculorum venenum could be said in Latin in this sense, I very much doubt; and the practice of killing mice with poison seems to have been wholly unknown among the ancients and for a great part of the Middle Ages, as I conjecture from the lines of Manuel Philes in the Poem on the Nature of Animals, ch. 89, On Mice, lines 8 f.: "whom the squeaking weasel, and the [trap?], and the noose, and the snare destroy, and a little fat." [the rest is not visible in the image] (continues)

[4] ‹anchor: continuation of the preceding, or a note on cantharides (lemma above the crop)› · note in col 886 (beginning above the crop) [top line partly cut off:] … Nat., lib. XI, c. 35 (41. ed. Harduin). Eas autem non tantum ad vesicatoria, sed etiam ad veneficia adhibitas fuisse a veteribus, testes idem Plinius, lib. XXVIII, cap. 9 (33 ed. Harduin); Cic., ad Fam., IX, Epist. 21, ibique Manut. Ovid. in Ibin, vers. 308: «Cantharidum fuccos, dante parente, bibas.» Valer. Max., lib. VI, cap. 2. Extern. n. 3: Is enim (Theodorus Cyrenaeus) Lysimacho regi mortem sibi minitanti. Enimvero, inquit, magnifica res tibi contigit, quia cantharidis vim assecutus es. Conf., qui de his aliisque insectis venenatis multus est, G. J. Vossius, de Idololatr., lib. IV, cap. 96, pag. 599. ORELL.

(beginning lost above the crop) … [Pliny, Natural History,] Book XI, ch. 35 (41 in Hardouin's edition). That the ancients used them [cantharides, blister-beetles] not only for blistering plasters but also for poisonings is witnessed by the same Pliny, Book XXVIII, ch. 9 (33 in Hardouin's edition); Cicero, Letters to Friends IX, letter 21, and Manutius there; Ovid, Ibis, line 308: "May you drink the juices of blister-beetles, your parent giving them." Valerius Maximus, Book VI, ch. 2, foreign examples no. 3: "For he (Theodorus of Cyrene), when King Lysimachus threatened him with death, said: 'Truly a magnificent thing has befallen you, that you have attained the power of a blister-beetle.'" Compare G. J. Vossius, who treats these and other poisonous insects at length, On Idolatry Book IV, ch. 96, p. 599. ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: Infelix et miseranda mortalitas› · note in col 886 Infelix et miseranda mortalitas. Mortalitas idem quod mortales. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 7. ORELL.

Unhappy and pitiable mortality. Mortality is the same as mortals. See above on Book I, ch. 7. ORELLI.

[6] ‹anchor: Et saevorum dentium mordacitate laniarent› · note in col 886 Et saevorum dentium mordacitate laniarent. Hoc eorum est, qui ἄδην καὶ ἀδιαλείπτως maledicunt et calumniantur. Sic dicit Persius, Lucilium, Satiricum acerrimum et mordacissimum, genuinum fregisse in iis, quos lacerabat, quibus quidem verbis maledicendi rabiem significare volebat: «….. Secuit Lucilius urbem, / Te lupe, te muti, et genuinum fregit in illis.» HERALD.

And would tear with the biting of cruel teeth. This belongs to those who revile and slander "to the full and without ceasing". So Persius says that Lucilius, the sharpest and most biting satirist, broke his back tooth on those he mangled, by which words he meant to signify the rage of reviling: "….. Lucilius cut up the city, you, Lupus, you, Mucius, and broke his back tooth on them." HÉRAULD.

[7] ‹anchor: XLVI. — Ut ille salus rerum, Deus› · note in col 886 XLVI. — Ut ille salus rerum, Deus. Salus rerum, id est rerum omnium conservator. Falluntur ergo, qui reponi volunt (Meursius): Ut ille sator rerum Deus. ORELL.

XLVI. — That he, the salvation of things, God. Salvation of things, that is, the preserver of all things. So those are mistaken who want to substitute (Meursius) Ut ille sator rerum Deus ("that he, the sower of things, God"). ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Omnium virtutum caput, benignitatis et columen› · note in col 886 Omnium virtutum caput, benignitatis et columen. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 10. ORELL.

Head of all virtues, and pillar of kindness. See above on Book I, ch. 10. ORELLI.

[9] ‹anchor: Integritatis suae conservantia mansiones› · note in col 886 Integritatis suae conservantia mansiones. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii mensiones, quod defendi potest, ut sit pro mensura, justa portione integritatis illis attributo. Th. Canterus mavult conservans mentiones, sive dimensiones, ut lib. III. At vero vos Deos parum est formarum quod amplectamini mensione. Hic haereo. ORELL.

Keeping the abodes of their own integrity. So the Leiden edition. Others mensiones, which can be defended, as standing for a measure, the due portion of integrity assigned to them. Theodore Canter prefers conservans mentiones, or dimensions, as in Book III: "But it is not enough for you that you embrace the gods in a measure of forms." Here I am stuck. ORELLI.

[10] ‹anchor: Aliquid fecerit claudum› · note in col 886 Aliquid fecerit claudum. Vide supra ad hujus libri cap. 37. ORELL.

He would have made something lame. See above on ch. 37 of this book. ORELLI.

[11] ‹anchor: Quod eminus esset a recto› · note in col 886 Quod eminus esset a recto Ita editores omnes, excepto Lugd. Bat., qui Cod. ms. lectionem: quod minus esset a recto, in textum revocavit, nescio qua causa. Minus a recto esset idem quod minus rectum Sed eminus longe praefero. ORELL.

Which was far from the right. So all the editors, except the Leiden, which brought back into the text the manuscript's reading quod minus esset a recto, for what reason I do not know. Minus a recto would be the same as less right. But I much prefer eminus. ORELLI.

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everterent, popularentur hostiliter terras, servos de liberis facerent, insultarent virginibus, et matrimoniis alienis, odissent invicem sese, aliorum gaudiis et felicitatibus inviderent; tum deinde se omnes maledicerent, carperent, et saevorum dentium mordacitate laniarent.

they should overthrow, lay waste lands in hostile fashion, make slaves of the free, outrage virgins and other men's marriages, hate one another, envy the joys and good fortunes of others; and then that all should curse one another, carp at one another, and tear one another with the biting of savage teeth.

XLVI. Sed procul haec abeat, ut eadem rursus frequentiusque dicamus, tam immanis, et scelerata persuasio, ut ille salus rerum Deus omnium, virtutum caput, benignitatis et columen, atque ut eum laudibus extollamus humanis, sapientissimus, justus, perfecta omnia faciens, et integritatis suae conservantia mansiones, aut aliquid fecerit claudum, et quod eminus esset a recto, aut ulli rei fuerit miseriarum aut di-

XLVI. But far be it (that we may say the same things again, and more often) that so monstrous and wicked a persuasion: that God, the salvation of things, Head of all the virtues and summit of kindness, and, that we may extol Him with human praises, most wise, just, making all things perfect and keeping the abodes of His integrity, either made anything lame and that stood far from what is right, or was to any thing the cause of miseries or of dan-

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causa, aut ipsos actus quibus vita transigitur et celebratur humana, ordinaverit, jusserit, et a sua fluere constitutione praeceperit. Minora haec illo sunt, et magnitudinis ejus destruentia potestatem: tantumque est longe ut istarum auctor rerum esse credatur, ut in sacrilegae crimen impietatis incurrat quisquis ab eo conceperit hominem esse prognatum, rem infelicem et miseram, qui esse se doleat: qui conditionem suam detestetur et lugeat: qui nulla alia de causa sese intelligat procreatum, quam ne materiam non haberent per quam diffunderent se mala, et essent miseri semper, quorum cruciatibus pasceretur nescio quae vis latens et humanitati adversa crudelitas.

perils, or ordained and commanded the very acts whereby human life is passed and thronged, and bade them flow from His own appointment. These things are beneath Him, and destructive of the power of His greatness; and so far is He from being believed to be the author of those things, that whosoever conceives man to have been sprung from Him runs into the charge of sacrilegious impiety—man, an unhappy and wretched thing, who grieves that he exists, who detests and mourns his own condition, who understands that he was procreated for no other cause than lest evils should not have matter through which to pour themselves abroad, and lest there should not always be wretched ones on whose tortures some hidden power and cruelty adverse to humanity might feed.

XLVII. Sed si parens, etiam genitor animarum, inquitis, Deus non est, quo auctore progenitae, et qua sunt ratione prolatae? Si infucata vultis audire, nec ab aliqua vocis ostentatione deducta: item confitemur nos istud ignorare, nescire, scientiamque tantae rei non tantum nostram ducimus infirmitatem fragilitatemque transire, verum etiam potestatum, quae in mundo sunt, omnium: et quae numina se esse opinionibus usurpavere mortalium. Sed quas Dei negamus, cujus sint, debemus ostendere? Nihil istud

XLVII. "Yet if God," you say, "is not the parent, even the begetter of souls, by what author were they begotten, and in what manner brought forth?" If you wish to hear things unpainted, and not drawn from any display of speech, again we confess that we are ignorant of that, that we do not know it, and we deem the knowledge of so great a matter to surpass not only our weakness and frailty, but also that of all the powers that are in the world, and that have usurped to themselves in the opinions of mortals that they are deities. Yet as to those which we deny to be God's, are we bound to show whose they are? Not at all does that

Editors' notes and page, col. 887

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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Ab ms.

Ab, the manuscript.

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necessario sequitur, non enim si negemus muscas, scarabeos, et cimices, nitedulas, curculiones, et tineas omnipotentis esse opus regis: sequaciter postulandum a nobis est ut quis ea fecerit, institueritque dicamus, possimus enim nulla cum reprehensione nescire, quis et illis originem dederit, et obtinere non esse a Deo superiore prolata tam supervacua, tam vana, tam ad nullas pertinentia rationes, quinimmo aliquando et noxia, et necessarias importantia laesiones.

necessarily follow; for if we deny that flies, beetles, and bugs, dormice, weevils, and moths are the work of the Almighty King, it is not consequently to be demanded of us that we say who made and established them; for we can without any blame not know who gave origin to them also, and yet maintain that things so superfluous, so vain, so pertaining to no purposes—nay more, sometimes even harmful, and bringing in unavoidable injuries—were not brought forth by the Supreme God.

XLVIII. Consimiliter hic quoque cum animas renuamus Dei esse principis prolem, non continuo sequitur, ut explicare debeamus quonam parente sint editae, et causis cujusmodi procreatae. Quis enim nos prohibet, aut unde enatae sint, prodierintque nescire, aut eas non esse Dei progeniem, scire? Quanam, inquitis, ratione, qua via? Quia omni vero verissimum est, certoque certissimum, nihil rerum a principe, sicut saepius dictum est, agi, fieri, statui, nisi quod oporteat, et conveniat fieri: nisi quod sit plenum, et integrum, et in suae integritatis perfectione finitum. Porro autem conspicimus homines, id est animas ipsas, quid enim sunt homines nisi animae corporibus

XLVIII. In like manner here also, when we deny that souls are the offspring of God the Sovereign, it does not straightway follow that we are bound to explain by what parent they were brought forth, and by what sort of causes procreated. For who forbids us either not to know whence they sprang up and came forth, or to know that they are not the progeny of God? "In what manner," you say, "by what way?" Because it is truer than all truth, and surer than all certainty, that nothing of things is done, made, or set up by the Sovereign, as has often been said, save what ought and is fitting to be done—save what is full, and whole, and completed in the perfection of its own wholeness. Furthermore, however, we behold men—that is, the souls themselves, for what are men save souls bound up in

Editors' notes and page, col. 888

Footnotes

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Et ms., melius. Meurs. jam Fulv.

Et, the manuscript, better. Meursius, and already Fulvio Orsini.

Commentarius

[1] ‹anchor: Rem infelicem et miseram› · note in col 887 Rem infelicem et miseram. Haec inter eorum argumenta, qui hominem a Deo conditum negabant. Vide Lactantium libro de Opificio Dei. HERALD.

An unhappy and wretched thing. This was among the arguments of those who denied that man was created by God. See Lactantius, in the book On the Workmanship of God. HÉRAULD.

[2] ‹anchor: Quorum cruciatibus pasceretur nescio quae vis latens› · note in col 887 Quorum cruciatibus pasceretur nescio quae vis latens et humanitati adversa crudelitas. Ita optime locum restituit Fr. Modius, probante Stewechio et Salmasio. ms. habet: Nescio quamvis latens. Vitiose. His autem verbis Arnobius procul dubio describit diabolum, quem crudeliter saevum dixerat supra. ORELL.

On whose torments some hidden power, a cruelty hostile to humanity, would feed. So Franciscus Modius restored the passage excellently, with the approval of Stewechius and Salmasius. The manuscript has Nescio quamvis latens, faultily. With these words Arnobius beyond doubt describes the devil, whom he had called cruelly savage above. ORELLI.

[3] ‹anchor: XLVII. — Item confitemur nos istud ignorare› · note in col 887 XLVII. — Item confitemur nos istud ignorare. Puto legendum: iterum confitemur. ORELL.

XLVII. — Likewise we confess that we do not know this. I think we should read iterum confitemur ("again we confess"). ORELLI.

[4] ‹anchor: Et quae numina se esse, opinionibus usurpavere mortalium› · note in col 887 Et quae numina se esse, opinionibus usurpavere mortalium. Usurpare hoc loco contra jus fasque, nullo merito sibi vindicare, Graece σφετερίζεσθαι, nostr. usurpieren. Ita Sueton. Claud., cap. 25: Civitatem romanam usurpantes securi percussit. Ubi vid. Casaubon. ORELL.

And who have usurped in the opinions of mortals [the claim] to be deities. Usurpare here means to claim for oneself against right and law, without any desert; in Greek "to appropriate," our "usurp". So Suetonius, Claudius, ch. 25: "Those who usurped Roman citizenship he beheaded with the axe." Where see Casaubon. ORELLI.

[5] ‹anchor: Sed quas Dei negamus› · note in col 887 Sed quas Dei negamus. Ita Stewech. et editor Lugd. Bat. ex ms. Caeteri: Sed quia Dei negamus. Idem.

But those which we deny to be God's. So Stewechius and the Leiden editor from the manuscript. The others: Sed quia Dei negamus. The same [Orelli].

[6] ‹anchor: Non enim si negamus muscas, scarabaeos, cimices› · note in col 887 Non enim si negamus muscas, scarabaeos, cimices, etc. Deum non creasse minutas bestiolas, delirium fuit Marcionis, Valentini et Apellis, ut ex Hieronymo, tom. IX, pag. 211, in procemio ad Philemonem novimus. Hos confutat Augustinus, de Civitate Dei, lib. XI, cap. 15; lib. XII, cap. 25. ELMENH.

For if we deny that flies, beetles, bugs, etc. That God did not create the tiny little creatures was the raving of Marcion, Valentinus and Apelles, as we know from Jerome, vol. IX, p. 211, in the preface to Philemon. Augustine refutes them, City of God Book XI, ch. 15; Book XII, ch. 25. ELMENHORST.

[7] ‹anchor: Nitedulas› · note in cols 887-888 Nitedulas. Servius ad Georg. I, vers. 181. Nitedulam sive nitelam interpretatur murem agrestem rubeum. Papias: Nitedula animal fulgens instar ignis, exiguus mus, quod Graece lamparis dicitur. Cicero pro Sextio, cap. 33. ut illa ex vepreculis extracta nitedula rempublicam conaretur arrodere. ELMENH. — Cf. Plinius, Hist. Nat., VIII, cap. 57, ibique Harduin. R. Bentley ad Horat. I, Epist. VII, vers. 29. Ubi pro vulpecula restituit nitedula. Salmas., ad Solin., p. 223, seq., ubi de hoc animalculo multus est; e glossa Philoxeni, quia nitela exponitur δενδροβάτης, conjicit, idem esse cum sciuro (das Eichhorn). Sed verba Servii et Papiae melius convenire videntur animalculo, quod Galli mulot appellant, die Feldmaus, vel potius muri avellanarum majori, sive muri quercino, dorso rubeo, arbores saepissime ascendenti et per hiemem dormienti, die grosse Haselmaus. Nourrius, pag. 560, putat, murem silvestrem significari, quem Galli le mulot vocant. Cf. et Ernesti, Clav. Cic., hoc verbo. ORELL.

Dormice. Servius on Georgics I, line 181, interprets nitedula or nitela as "a red field mouse". Papias: "The nitedula is a creature glowing like fire, a tiny mouse, which in Greek is called lamparis." Cicero, For Sestius, ch. 33: "so that that dormouse, dragged out of the brambles, tried to gnaw at the state." ELMENHORST. — Compare Pliny, Natural History VIII, ch. 57, and Hardouin there; R. Bentley on Horace, Epistles I, 7, line 29, where he restored nitedula for vulpecula. Salmasius on Solinus, pp. 223 f., who treats this little creature at length, conjectures from the gloss of Philoxenus, where nitela is explained as "tree-climber", that it is the same as the squirrel ("the squirrel"). But the words of Servius and Papias seem to fit better the little animal the French call mulot, "the field mouse", or rather the larger hazel mouse, or oak mouse, red-backed, which very often climbs trees and sleeps through the winter, "the great dormouse". Le Nourry, p. 560, thinks the wood mouse is meant, which the French call le mulot. Compare also Ernesti, Clavis Ciceroniana, under this word. ORELLI.

[8] ‹anchor: Et obtinere non esse a Deo superiore prolata› · note in col 888 Et obtinere non esse a Deo superiore prolata. Quem hic superiorem, supra appellat Deum primum: is melior Deus est Marcioni et Christi pater. Vide Tertullianum, de Praescript., adv. Haeret., cap. 7. Irenaeum, Epiphanium, alios. ELMENH. et HERALD.

And to maintain that they were not brought forth by the higher God. He whom he here calls higher he called above the first God: he is Marcion's better God and the Father of Christ. See Tertullian, On the Prescription against Heretics, ch. 7; Irenaeus, Epiphanius, and others. ELMENHORST and HÉRAULD.

[9] ‹anchor: XLVIII. — Cum animas renuamus Dei esse principis prolem› · note in col 888 XLVIII. — Cum animas renuamus Dei esse principis prolem. Similiter renutare pro negare apud Lucret., lib. III, vers. 351: «Quod superest, si quis corpus sentire renutat, etc.» HERALD et ORELL.

XLVIII. — Since we deny that souls are the offspring of God the first principle. Likewise renutare for negare in Lucretius, Book III, line 351: "For the rest, if anyone denies that the body feels," etc. HÉRAULD and ORELLI.

[10] ‹anchor: Vero verissimum est certoque certissimum› · note in col 888 Vero verissimum est certoque certissimum. Hellenismus est. Seneca, Nat. Quaest., lib. II, cap. 36: Vero verius nihil est. Martial., Epigr. VI, 30, ad Paetum: «Vis dicam tibi veriora veris? / Sex sestercia, Paete, perdidisti.» ELMENH. Etiam superlat. pro comparativo more Graecorum. Ita Euripid. (Andromach.) vers. 6: «Νῦν δ' οὔτις ἄλλη δυστυχεστάτη γυνὴ / Ἐμοῦ πέφυκεν, ἢ γενήσεταί ποτε.» Homer., Odyss. XI, vers. 481. «…. σεῖο δ', Ἀχιλλεῦ, / Οὔτις ἀνὴρ προπάροιθε μακάρτατος, οὔτ' ἄρ' ὀπίσσω.» Ubi vid. Clarke et Hermann. V. Cl. ad Viger., de Idiotism. graec., pag. 715. Conf. et Gataker., de stylo Nov. Test., cap. 25. Caeterum hanc loquendi rationem usuvenire tantummodo in comparationibus, absolute numquam, rectissime observat Bremius V. D. in Supplemento nostro ad Nicolaum Damascenum, p. 51, seq. ORELL.

It is truer than true and surer than sure. It is a Hellenism. Seneca, Natural Questions Book II, ch. 36: "Nothing is truer than the true." Martial, Epigrams VI, 30, to Paetus: "Shall I tell you something truer than true? You have lost six thousand sesterces, Paetus." ELMENHORST. Also the superlative for the comparative, in the Greek manner. So Euripides (Andromache), line 6: "But now no other woman was ever born more unfortunate than I, or ever will be." Homer, Odyssey XI, line 481: "…. but than you, Achilles, no man before was more blessed, nor will be hereafter." Where see Clarke, and the distinguished Hermann on Viger, On Greek Idioms, p. 715. Compare also Gataker, On the Style of the New Testament, ch. 25. As for the rest, that this manner of speaking occurs only in comparisons, never absolutely, is very rightly observed by the learned Bremi in our Supplement to Nicolaus of Damascus, pp. 51 f. ORELLI.

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illigatae? scaevitate innumerabili vitiorum ipsos se indicare non esse patricii generis, sed ex mediocribus familiis procreatos. Namque alios videmus immites, facinorosos, audaces, temerarios, praecipites, caecos, fictos, dissimulatores, mendaces, superbos, arrogantes, avaros, cupidos, libidinosos, inconstantes, invalidos, et sua ipsos decreta conservare nequeuntes: quod utique non essent, si generositas eos assereret principalis, et ab rerum capite descendentium ducerent honestamenta natalium.

bodies?—by the countless perversity of their vices showing of themselves that they are not of patrician race, but procreated from ordinary families. For we see some harsh, criminal, audacious, rash, headlong, blind, feigning, dissemblers, liars, proud, arrogant, covetous, greedy, lustful, inconstant, weak, and unable themselves to keep their own decrees: which assuredly they would not be, if sovereign nobility claimed them, and if they derived the honours of their birth as descending from the Head of things.

XLIX. Sed et boni, dicetis, sunt in rebus humanis viri, sapientes, justi, inculpatis atque emendatissimis moribus. Nullam referimus quaestionem, an ulli aliquando fuerint tales, in quibus omnino nihil ista ipsa, quae dicitur, desideraret integritas. Sint licet perhonesti, fuerintque laudabiles, tenuerint apicem perfectionis summum, nec in aliquo lapsu eorum aliquando claudicaverit vita: sed audire deposcimus quot sint, aut fuerint numero, ut ex multitudinis magnitudine metiamur, an oppositio justa sit facta, an aequalitatis compensatione librata. Unus, duo, tres, quatuor, decem, vigenti, centum, certe numero definiti, et nominum

XLIX. "Yet," you will say, "there are also in human affairs good men, wise, just, of blameless and most faultless morals." We raise no question whether there have ever been any such, in whom that very integrity, as it is called, could desire nothing at all. Grant that they are very honourable, and have been praiseworthy, that they have held the highest peak of perfection, and that their life has never limped in any slip: yet we demand to hear how many they are, or have been in number, that from the greatness of the multitude we may measure whether a just setting-off has been made, or balanced by the compensation of equality. One, two, three, four, ten, twenty, a hundred—certainly bounded in number, and perhaps

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Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 447)

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Ita Fulv. Servitute ms. Savitate male alii.

So Fulvius. The manuscript has "servitute"; others wrongly "savitate".

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Et an ms.

The manuscript has "et an".

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forsitan comprehensionibus terminati. At genus humanum non ex bonis pauculis, sed ex caeteris omnibus aestimari convenit, et ponderari. In toto enim pars est, non totum in parte: et universitas debet attrahere portiones, non portionibus universitas applicari. Quid enim si hominem dicas captum membris omnibus, et ejulantem ex cruciatibus asperis, idcirco esse sanum, quod unius unguiculi nullum perpetiatur dolorem? aut esse auream terram, quod in verrucula collis unius insint exiguae miculae, quibus nascitur colliquefactis aurum, et admiratio congregatione conquiritur? Qualitatem materiae universitas elementi probat, non pulvisculi stabiles: nec mare continuo dulce est, si mitioris aquae guttas alicujus adjeceris atque immiseris numeri, consumitur enim minuties ista immenso: nec modo non parvi, sed esse nullius existimandum est nominis, quod per omnia diffusum perit, et in magni corporis intercipitur vastitate.

limited within the compass of names. But the human race ought to be valued and weighed not from a few good men, but from all the rest. For the part is in the whole, not the whole in the part; and the universe ought to draw the portions to itself, not the universe be applied to the portions. For what if you should say that a man seized in all his limbs, and wailing from sharp tortures, is healthy on this account, because he suffers no pain in one little nail? or that the earth is golden, because on the little peak of a single hill there are tiny grains, from the melting together of which gold is produced, and admiration is won by their gathering? The whole mass of an element proves the quality of the matter, not stray particles of dust; nor is the sea straightway sweet if you add and cast in drops of milder water of some number, for that smallness is swallowed up in the vastness; and that is to be deemed not only of no small account, but of no name at all, which poured out through all things perishes, and is swallowed up in the vastness of a great body.

L. Vos humano in genere bonos esse dicitis viros, qui ut esse credantur, comparatio forsitan efficiat pessimorum. Quinam isti sunt? dicite. Philosophi,

L. You say that in the human race there are good men—who, that they are believed to be such, comparison with the worst perhaps brings about. Who are those? tell us. Philosophers,

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Footnotes

Terrae Fulv.

Fulvius reads "terrae".

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In immenso Fulv.

Fulvius reads "in immenso".

COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] ‹lemma: Scaevitate innumerabili vitiorum› · col 889 Scaevitate innumerabili vitiorum. Ita Fulv. Ursin. rectissime. Glossae : Scaevitas.... iniquitas. Apulei., Met. IX, pag. 221, ed. Elmenh : En, inquiunt, indignam rei scaevitatem. Inde scaeva, sinistra, perversa, contraria. Vid. supra ad lib. I. ORELL.

"By the countless perversity of vices." So Fulvius Ursinus, most rightly. The Glossaries: "scaevitas .... iniquity." Apuleius, Metamorphoses IX, p. 221 of Elmenhorst's edition: "Look, they say, at the shameful perversity of the thing." Hence "scaeva": left-handed, perverse, contrary. See above on Book I. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Invalidos› · col 889 Invalidos. Ita videtur Arnobius appellare eos, quos ἀκρατεῖς Graeci vocant. HERALD.

"The infirm." Arnobius seems to call by this name those whom the Greeks call akrateis (lacking self-mastery). HERALD.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Honestamenta natalium› · col 889 Honestamenta natalium. Plus est quam honesti natales, qui proprie sunt ingenui et liberales, quemadmodum honeste geniti, ingenui ac libertinae conditionis. Ita Tit. Liv., lib. XXVI Cn. Fulvium Quiritium exercitum, honeste genitos, liberaliter educatos, servilibus vitiis imbuisse. Hic autem significatur tanta quanta significari potest generositas, εὐγένεια ἡ πάνυ, nobilitas animarum divina, i. q. modo dixerat generositas principalis, id est profecta a Deo, rerum omnium fonte ac principe. HERALD.

"The honours of birth." This is more than "honest birth", which properly belongs to the freeborn and liberal, just as "honestly born" means of freeborn and freedman condition. So Livy, Book XXVI: that Gnaeus Fulvius had steeped an army of Roman citizens, honestly born and liberally brought up, in the vices of slaves. Here, however, is meant as great a nobility as can be expressed, eugeneia in the fullest sense, the divine nobility of souls, the same as what he had just called "princely nobility", that is, nobility proceeding from God, the fount and prince of all things. HERALD.

[comm.] ‹lemma: XLIX. — Emendatissimis moribus› · col 889 XLIX. — Emendatissimis moribus. Id est perfectissimis, integerrimis, nullo scelere pollutis. Dictionem pluribus illustrant Juretus ad Simmach., lib. I, epist. 26, p. 40, ed. Lectii, Jo. Wower., ad Petron., p. 143, ed. Lotich., J. Fr. Gronow., ad Senec., de Ira, lib. I, cap. 5, et Corte, ad Plin., lib. III, epist. III, p. 187. ORELL.

XLIX. — "Of most faultless morals." That is, most perfect, most upright, stained by no crime. The expression is illustrated at length by Juretus on Symmachus, Book I, letter 26, p. 40 of Lectius's edition; Johann Wouwer on Petronius, p. 143 of Lotichius's edition; J. Fr. Gronovius on Seneca, On Anger, Book I, chapter 5; and Corte on Pliny, Book III, letter III, p. 187. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Boni ..... in rebus humanis viri, sapientes› · col 889 Boni ..... in rebus humanis viri, sapientes. Alii delent comma post viri, ut sensus sit : sapientes in rebus humanis. Sed male, in rebus humanis est in universo hominum genere, in der Menschheit. ORELL.

"Good men ..... in human affairs, wise." Some delete the comma after "viri", so that the sense is "wise in human affairs". But wrongly: "in rebus humanis" means "in the whole human race", in der Menschheit. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: In quibus nihil ista ipsa ..... desideraret integritas› · col 889 In quibus nihil ista ipsa ..... desideraret integritas. Ita e cod. ms. restituit ed. Lugd. Bat., optime, ut sensus sit : in quibus ipsa integritas (virtus personificata) nihil desideraret; an denen die Tugend selbst nichts auszusetzen hatte. Cet. nihil, i. e. nulla in re, desideraretur integritas. ORELL.

"In whom that very integrity ..... would find nothing wanting." So the Leiden edition restored it from the manuscript, excellently, the sense being: in whom integrity itself (virtue personified) would find nothing lacking; an denen die Tugend selbst nichts auszusetzen hatte. The other editions: "nihil", i.e. in no respect, "would integrity be found wanting". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Numero definiti› · cols 889-890 Numero definiti. Apposite ad nostrum Juvenal., sat. XIII, vers. 28, seq. : Rari quippe boni, numerus vix est totidem, quot Thebarum portae, vel divitis ostia Nili. ELMENH. — Ms. diffiniti. ORELL.

"Limited in number." Aptly to our passage, Juvenal, Satire XIII, line 28 ff.: "For the good are rare; their number is scarcely as many as the gates of Thebes or the mouths of the rich Nile." ELMENHORST. — The manuscript has "diffiniti". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Ponderari› · col 890 Ponderari. Ita ms. Fulv. Ursin. penderi, nescio qua causa. ORELL.

"To be weighed." So the manuscript. Fulvius Ursinus has "penderi", for what reason I do not know. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: In verrucula collis unius› · col 890 In verrucula collis unius. Geminus locus lib. V : Etiamne credemus, deum numinis tanti tractum esse ad terras, et in verrucula collis unius cum homunculo stantem altercabilem conseruisse sermonem? Expressit autem de isto Catonis in libris Originum : Censeo, si rem servare vis, faciendum, ut quadragintos aliquos milites ad verrucam illam ire jubeas, eumque uti occupent imperes. Vide Agellium, lib. III, cap. 7, et Nonium verbo verruca. MEURS. — Eadem verba occurrunt infra lib. V, cap. 3. Cato, teste A. Gellio, Noct. Att., lib. III, cap. 7, verruculam locum editum et asperum appellat. Sed auctor noster diminutivum nomen pro more suo adhibet. NOURRIUS.

"On the little knoll of a single hill." A twin passage in Book V: "Shall we believe that a god of such great majesty was drawn down to earth, and standing on the little knoll of a single hill joined in quarrelsome talk with a mere man?" He took it from that passage of Cato in the Origines: "I think, if you wish to save the situation, you must order some four hundred soldiers to go to that knoll, and command them to seize it." See Aulus Gellius, Book III, chapter 7, and Nonius under the word "verruca". MEURSIUS. — The same words occur below, Book V, chapter 3. Cato, as Aulus Gellius attests (Attic Nights, Book III, chapter 7), calls a high and rough place a "verrucula". But our author uses the diminutive noun after his custom. NOURRY.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Exiguae miculae› · col 890 Exiguae miculae. Miculas dicit imitatione Lucretii, I, vers. 839 seq. Ex aurique patet micis consistere posse Aurum, et de terris terram concrescere parvis. HERALD.

"Tiny little crumbs." He says "miculae" in imitation of Lucretius, I, line 839 ff.: "And it is plain that gold can consist of grains of gold, and earth grow together out of little earths." HERALD.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Admiratio congregatione conquiritur› · col 890 Admiratio congregatione conquiritur. Haec verba diversis modis interpolant. (Fulv. Ursin. annotatione, congregatione. Stewech. annumeratio, etc.) Sed vulgata lectio probari potest. Admirationem igitur auri dicit, quia praestinguit oculos auri fulgor et in sui contemplationem atque admirationem rapit. HERALD. Verterim igitur : Erst durch Zusammenhaufung der kleinen Goldstaubchen wird es zum metal, das die Welt bewundert. ORELL.

"Admiration is won by gathering together." These words are altered in various ways (Fulvius Ursinus "annotatione, congregatione"; Stewechius "annumeratio", etc.). But the common reading can be defended. He speaks of the admiration of gold because the gleam of gold dazzles the eyes and carries them away to gaze at it and admire it. HERALD. I would therefore translate: "Only by heaping together the little grains of gold dust does it become the metal the world admires." ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Consumitur enim minuties ista immenso› · col 890 Consumitur enim minuties ista immenso. Id est : exiguum illud aquae fluviatilis statim in salsuginem maris transit, neque pro parvitate sua mare potest commutare. PRIOR. Fulv. Ursin. legit in immenso. ORELL.

"For that minuteness is swallowed up in the immensity." That is: that little quantity of river water passes at once into the saltness of the sea, and for its smallness cannot change the sea. PRIOR. Fulvius Ursinus reads "in immenso". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Nullius existimandum est mominis› · col 890 Nullius existimandum est mominis. Ita et hic legendum pro nominis. HERALD.

"It must be reckoned of no weight." Here too "mominis" (moment, weight) is to be read for "nominis". HERALD.

(printed under page 447)

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marginal letters: A minum forsitan comprehensionibus; B mitur enim minuties
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other: margins C and D are in the Commentarius at foot; word split from preceding column: minum (nominum)

PL 5:891

credo, qui se esse solos sapientissimos autumant, et vi hujus nominis supercilium sustulerunt: nempe illi, qui cum suis quotidie cupiditatibus pugnant, et affectus ex animis insitos proturbare, pellere, pertinaci moliuntur obluctatione virtutum, qui ne in vitia proritari facultatis possint alicujus instinctu, patrimonia et divitias fugiunt, ut causas sibi auferant lapsus: quod cum faciunt et curant, apertissime animas esse indicant labiles, et infirmitate ad vitia proclives. Nostra autem sententia, quod bonum natura est, neque emendari, neque corripi se poscit: immo ipsum debet quid sit malum nescire, si generis forma cujusque in sua cogitat integritate perstare: neque enim contrarium insitum esse contrario potest, aut in impari paritas, aut dulcedo in amaritudine contineri. Qui ergo luctatur animorum ingenitas corrigere pravitates, is apertissime monstrat imperfectum se esse: quamvis omni conatu et pervicacia contendat.

I suppose, who affirm that they alone are most wise, and by the force of this name have lifted up their brow: to wit, those who fight daily with their own desires, and strive with stubborn struggling of virtues to drive out and expel from their minds inborn affections; who, lest they be provoked into vices by the prompting of some resource, flee patrimonies and riches, that they may take away from themselves the causes of slipping: and when they do and care for this, they most openly show that souls are prone to slip, and through weakness inclined to vices. In our judgement, however, that which is good by nature demands neither to be amended nor to be chidden: nay, it ought itself not to know what evil is, if the form of each kind designs to abide in its own wholeness; for neither can a contrary be implanted in a contrary, nor equality be contained in inequality, nor sweetness in bitterness. He therefore who wrestles to correct the inborn crookednesses of minds, most openly shows that he is imperfect, although he strive with every effort and stubbornness.

LI. Sed risui vobis est nostra responsio quod cum regias soboles esse animas abnegemus, non referamus contra, ex quibus sint causis atque originibus procreatae. Quod est enim criminis genus, aut rei esse alicujus ignarum, aut ipsum, quod nescias, sine aliqua profiteri dissimulatione nescire? aut uter magis videtur irrisione esse dignissimus vobis, qui sibi scientiam nullam tenebrosae rei alicujus assumit, an ille qui retur sese apertissime scire id, quod humanam

LI. Yet our answer is a laughing-stock to you, because while we deny that souls are royal offspring, we do not state in return out of what causes and origins they were procreated. For what kind of crime is it, either to be ignorant of some matter, or without any dissimulation to profess that you do not know the very thing that you do not know? Or which of the two seems to you more worthy of mockery—he who claims for himself no knowledge of some dark matter, or he who supposes that he most openly knows that which

Editors' notes and page, col. 891

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 448)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 891

Pertinacium ms.

The manuscript has "pertinacium".

(printed under page 448)

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running head: 891 ARNOBII ADVERSUS G
marginal letters: A (in col. 892); B (in col. 892); C (in Lectiones Variantes at foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: margin D is in the Commentarius at foot; word split at end of column: huma- (humanam)
other: the word humanam was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 892

PL 5:892

transiliat notionem, et quod sit caecis obscuritatibus involutum? Si penitus spectetur rei cujusque natura, in simili vos estis, quam in nobis reprehenditis, causa. Non enim, quia dicitis ab ipso animas rege descendere, ac succedere in hominum formas, exploratum aliquid dicitis, et in luce positum manifestisimae veritatis. Conjicitis enim, non scitis: suspicamini, non tenetis. Nam si scire est illud, quod ipse tu videris, aut cognoveris animo continere, nihil eorum quae asseritis, potestis vos dicere aliquando vidisse: id est animas sede ab supera et regione descendere. Suspicione ergo utimini, non cognitionis expressae fide. Quid est autem suspicio, nisi opinatio rerum incerta, et in nil expositum jaculatio mentis illata? Ergo qui suspicatur, non tenet, nec in lumine positus cognitionis incedit. Quod si verum et fixum est apud rectos et sapientissimos judices: et ista vestra, qua fiditis, pro ignoratione est habenda suspicio.

surpasses human notion, and which is wrapped in blind obscurities? If the nature of each matter be thoroughly looked into, you are in a like case to that which you blame in us. For not because you say that souls descend from the King Himself, and pass into the forms of men, do you say anything ascertained and set in the light of most manifest truth. For you conjecture, you do not know; you suspect, you do not hold fast. For if to know is to hold in the mind that which you yourself have seen or perceived, you cannot say that you have ever seen any of those things which you assert—that is, souls descending from the upper seat and region. You use suspicion, therefore, not the assurance of clear knowledge. And what is suspicion, save an uncertain opinion of things, and a casting of the mind aimed at nothing set forth before it? Therefore he who suspects does not hold fast, nor does he walk set in the light of knowledge. And if this is true and fixed before upright and most wise judges, that suspicion of yours also, in which you trust, is to be accounted as ignorance.

LII. Ac ne tamen vobis tantummodo censeatis conjecturis uti ac suspicionibus licere, et nos idem possumus: quoniam commune est, quod interrogatis expromere. Unde, inquitis, homines, et ipsorum hominum quid, aut unde sunt animae? Unde sunt elephanti, tauri, cervi, muli, asini, Unde leones, equi, canes, lupi, pantherae, eorumque quae vivunt, quid aut unde sunt animae? neque enim fidem

LII. And yet, lest you judge that it is lawful for you alone to use conjectures and suspicions, we also can do the same, since it is common to all to set forth what you ask. "Whence," you say, "are men, and what or whence are the souls of men themselves?" Whence are elephants, bulls, stags, mules, asses? Whence lions, horses, dogs, wolves, panthers, and what or whence are the souls of those things that live? For neither is it credible

Editors' notes and page, col. 892

Footnotes

(b) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 891

Potis est ms.

The manuscript has "potis est".

COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] ‹lemma: L. — Et vi hujus nominis supercilium sustulerunt› · col 891 L. — Et vi hujus nominis supercilium sustulerunt. Ita Heraldus et ed Lugd. Bat. pro : in hujus nominis, etc. Jan. Dousa, ad Catull., carm. LXVII, vers. 45, p. 549, ed. Graev., suspicatur, aliquid excidisse post verbum nominis. Meursius, pag. 74 supplet. Et in hujus nominis felicitate supercilium sustulerunt. Sed omnia plana erunt, si legamus : vi ..... nominis. ORELL.

L. — "And by the force of this name they raised their brows." So Heraldus and the Leiden edition, for "in hujus nominis", etc. Janus Dousa, on Catullus, poem LXVII, line 45, p. 549 of Graevius's edition, suspects that something has fallen out after the word "nominis". Meursius, p. 74, supplies: "And in the good fortune of this name they raised their brows." But all will be plain if we read "vi ..... nominis". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Proturbare, pellere› · col 891 Proturbare, pellere. Proturbare., id est dejicere de vel ex loco, expellere. Vid. Oudendorp., in Apulei., Met. lib. IX, p. 608. ORELL.

"To drive off, to repel." "Proturbare", that is, to throw down from or out of a place, to expel. See Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, Book IX, p. 608. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Ut causas sibi auferant lapsus› · col 891 Ut causas sibi auferant lapsus. Ita ms. quod alii, ignorantes, antiquitus scribi consuesse aferre, afore, pro auferre, abfore, et cum praecedenti ne in vitia proritari possint, etc. jungentes, mutarunt et causas sibi afferant lapsus. STEW.

"That they may remove from themselves the causes of falling." So the manuscript. Others, not knowing that in antiquity "aferre", "afore" were customarily written for "auferre", "abfore", and joining it with the preceding "lest they be provoked into vices", etc., changed it to "and bring upon themselves the causes of falling". STEWECHIUS.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Neque emendari, neque corrigi se poscit› · col 891 Neque emendari, neque corrigi se poscit. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat., more Arnobii, plura hujuscemodi verba idem significantia conjungentis, ms. corripi, quod defendit Heraldus, observans corripere pro corrigere usurpari apud illius aevi scriptores, sed exemplum nullum afferens. ORELL.

"Demands neither to be amended nor to be corrected." So the Leiden edition, after Arnobius's manner of joining several such words of the same meaning. The manuscript has "corripi", which Heraldus defends, observing that writers of that age used "corripere" for "corrigere", but he cites no example. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Si generis forma cujusque in sua cogitat integritate perstare› · col 891 Si generis forma cujusque in sua cogitat integritate perstare. Cogitat, idem quod vult, nam generis forma intelligentiam non habet. Ita cogitare etiam de rebus intelligentia privatis, verbi causa apud Virgil. Georg., I, 462 : . . . . Quid cogitet humidus auster, Sol tibi signa dabit. ORELL.

"If the form of each kind thinks to remain in its own integrity." "Cogitat" is the same as "wills", for the form of a kind has no understanding. So "cogitare" is said also of things without understanding, for instance in Virgil, Georgics I, 462: ". . . . What the wet south wind is thinking, the sun will give you signs." ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Qui ergo luctatur animorum ingenitas corrigere pravitates ...› · cols 891-892 Qui ergo luctatur animorum ingenitas corrigere pravitates, is apertissime monstrat imperfectum se esse, quamvis omni conatu et pervicacia contendat. Ita editores omnes, excepto Lugduno-Batavo. Pro imperfectum, cod. ms. habet improbabilem, quod minime mutandum fuisse bene demonstrat Stewechius. Tractum scil. nomen a probatoribus operum publicorum, de quibus inscriptiones veteres et scripta Romanorum millies meminere. Vid. Jan. Guilelm. Verosimil., l. II, c. 8; Francisc. Modius Novantiq., epist. 39; Lud. Carrio, lib. II, Emendd., cap. 5. At sic quoque oratio manca est et hiulca, nam sequens contendat non habet ad quod referatur. Quare editor Lugd. Bat. vestigia codicis ms. secutus locum ita dedit : Is apertissime monstrat imperfectum, probabilem se esse quamvis omni conatu et pervicacia contendat. Equidem legendum suspicor : Is apertissime monstrat improbabilem se esse, quamvis omni conatu et pervicacia contendat contrarium, quod vel excidit vel absorptum a praecedenti contendat. Pro animorum Meursius mavult animarum, cum haec sit constans Arnobii scriptura. ORELL.

"He, then, who struggles to correct the inborn depravities of souls shows most plainly that he is imperfect, however much he strive with every effort and obstinacy." So all the editors except the Leiden. For "imperfectum" the manuscript has "improbabilem", which, as Stewechius well shows, ought not to have been changed at all: the word is taken, of course, from the inspectors who approved public works, whom ancient inscriptions and Roman writings mention a thousand times. See Janus Gulielmius, Verisimilia, Book II, chapter 8; Franciscus Modius, Novantiquae lectiones, letter 39; Louis Carrion, Emendationes, Book II, chapter 5. But even so the sentence is defective and gaping, for the following "contendat" has nothing to refer to. Therefore the Leiden editor, following the traces of the manuscript, gave the passage thus: "He shows most plainly that he is imperfect, though he strive with every effort and obstinacy that he is approvable." For my part I suspect we should read: "He shows most plainly that he is not approvable, however much he maintain the contrary with every effort and obstinacy", "contrarium" having either fallen out or been swallowed by the preceding "contendat". For "animorum" Meursius prefers "animarum", since this is Arnobius's constant spelling. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LI. — In nil expositum jaculatio mentis illata› · col 892 LI. — In nil expositum jaculatio mentis illata. Nil expositum scil. cogitatione, id est res nihili, quam vobis tamen cogitatis, repraesentatis tamquam vere existentem, ein Non-ens, etivas, das nicht wirklich existirt, das blos Ideal ist. Similis proverbialis locutio apud Germanos : gegen einen Strohmann fechten. ORELL.

LI. — "A dart of the mind thrown at nothing set before it." "Nothing set before it", that is, by thought: a thing of no account, which you nevertheless imagine and picture to yourselves as truly existing; ein Non-ens, etivas [as printed], something that does not really exist, that is merely ideal. There is a similar proverbial saying among the Germans: to fight a man of straw. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Id est animas sede ab supera et regione descendere› · col 892 Id est animas sede ab supera et regione descendere. Valde velim verba haec ejicere, ut glossema, nisi propugnaret stylus Arnobianum nescio quid redolens. MEURS.

"That is, that souls descend from a seat and region above." I should much like to throw these words out as a gloss, did not the style, with a certain Arnobian flavour, defend them. MEURSIUS.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LII. — Eorumque quae vivunt quid aut unde sunt animae?› · col 892 LII. — Eorumque quae vivunt quid aut unde sunt animae? Ita Fulv. Ursinus. Cod. ms. qui vivunt, quod stare non potest; nam praecedunt pantherae. Ea quae vivunt sunt itaque animalia in genere. ORELL.

LII. — "And of those things that live, what are their souls, or whence?" So Fulvius Ursinus. The manuscript has "qui vivunt", which cannot stand, for "pantherae" precedes. "Those things that live" are therefore animals in general. ORELLI.

(printed under page 448)

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running head: II ADVERSUS GENTES 892
marginal letters: A nam transiliat notionem,; B nec in lumine; C (in Lectiones Variantes at foot)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: missing period after GENTES in running head; capital Unde after comma (asini, Unde); margin D is in the Commentarius at foot; word split from preceding column: nam (humanam)
other (Q8a): misprint kept as printed: ‹manifestisimae› (single s) for manifestissimae, line 6. Footnote (b) ‹Potis est ms.› is printed under col 892, but its call ‹b› stands in col 891 (line 12 of that column).

PL 5:893

res habet, ut Platonico ex illo cratere, quem conficit miscetque Timaeus, aut horum animae venerint, aut locusta, mus, sorex, blatta, rana, centipeda, animata esse credantur, et vivere, quia ex elementis ipsis causa est illis, atque origo nascendi: si ad animalia gignenda, quae in singulis his degunt, insunt abditae atque obscurissimae rationes. (Nam et videmus alios ex sapientibus dicere, tellurem esse hominum matrem, aquam cum ea alios, aerium spiritum his alios jungere, solem vero nonnullos esse horum opificem, et ex ignibus animatos ejus vitali agitatione motari.) Quid si et haec non sunt, et est aliqua res

the matter is such that the souls of these came from that Platonic mixing-bowl which Timaeus prepares and mixes, or that the locust, the mouse, the shrew, the cockroach, the frog, the centipede are believed to be animate and to live because the cause and origin of their birth is from the elements themselves: if for the generation of the living creatures that dwell in each of these, hidden and most obscure principles are present. (For we see some of the wise saying that the earth is the mother of men, others joining water with it, others joining to these the airy breath, and some saying that the sun is their maker, and that they, animated from his fires, are set moving by his life-giving agitation.) What if these too are not so, and there is some other thing,

Editors' notes and page, col. 893

Footnotes

NOTE: the foot images show only the lower part of the COMMENTARIUS block; its upper part (and any lectiones variantes) lies above the crop and is not set here. No lectiones variantes are visible on the foot images. COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] (continued; begins above the foot image) · col 893 ... earum potentiarum, ex quibus mundi anima concreverat, exque reliquis earum nostras machinatur, videlicet ex illa duplici natura. Ejusdem et item diversae dividuaeque substantiae : quae non, ut antea, sinceras puritatis erant, neque enim anima, quae ex sincerissimis excuderetur, in tantae silvae vitia possit incidere, nec congruere cum mortalis corporis fragilitate. Miscebat autem, inquit, eodem propemodum genere, nec tamen eadem exoriebatur puritas, serenitasque proventuum. ELMENH. — Eleganter autem conficit miscetque Timaeus pro confici, et misceri ait. Sic apud Aristotelem οἱ γεννῶντες τὸν οὐρανὸν pro οἱ τὸν οὐρανὸν γεννητὸν εἶναι λέγοντες. HERALD. — Ita Minucius Felix, c. 22. Sauciavit (Homerus) Venerem, Martem vinxit, vulneravit, fugavit, etc.; ubi vid. Gronov., p. 226, et J. Fr. Gronov., Diatrib. in Stat. Silv., c. 22. ORELL.

... of those powers out of which the world-soul had grown together, and from the remainder of them he fashions ours, that is, from that twofold nature, of the same and likewise of the different and divisible substance; which were not, as before, of unmixed purity, for a soul forged from the most unmixed elements could not fall into the vices of so much matter, nor accord with the frailty of a mortal body. "He mixed," he says, "in nearly the same kind, yet the same purity and clearness of the products did not arise." ELMENHORST. — Timaeus elegantly says "he makes and mixes" for "is made" and "is mixed". So in Aristotle "those who generate the heaven" stands for "those who say the heaven is generated". HERALD. — So Minucius Felix, chapter 22: "He (Homer) wounded Venus, bound Mars, wounded, put to flight", etc.; see there Gronovius, p. 226, and J. Fr. Gronovius, Diatribe on Statius's Silvae, chapter 22. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Sorex› · col 893 Sorex. Animalculum parvum ex murium genere, minus tamen, et clarius stridens, ut inquit Donat. ad Terent. Eunuch., act. V, vers. 23. Alii murem silvestrem interpretantur vel potius illam speciem, quae Linnaeo dicitur sorex araneus, nobis die Spitzmaus. Cum mure domestico confundit Plinius, Hist. Nat., XI, 37, et alii, unde Francogallorum la souris pro mure communi. Distinguit tamen cum nostro Columella, lib. XII, 13 : Si serpens aut mus sorexque in mustum ceciderit, et alibi. ORELL.

"Shrew." A little animal of the mouse kind, but smaller and with a shriller squeak, as Donatus says on Terence, Eunuch, act V, line 23. Others take it for the field mouse, or rather for the species that Linnaeus calls Sorex araneus, our Spitzmaus. Pliny, Natural History XI, 37, and others confuse it with the house mouse, whence the French "la souris" for the common mouse. Columella, however, distinguishes it, as our author does, Book XII, 13: "If a snake or a mouse or a shrew has fallen into the must", and elsewhere. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Centipeda› · col 893 Centipeda. Describit Plinius, Hist. Nat., lib. XXIX, c. 6 : Millepeda, ab aliis centipeda aut multipeda dicta, animal est e vermiculis terrae, pilosum, multis pedibus arcuatim repens, tactuque contrahens se. Oniscon Graeci vocant, alii tylon. Efficacem narrant ad aurium dolores. Ubi vid. Harduin., vol. II, p. 516. ORELL.

"Centipede." Pliny describes it, Natural History, Book XXIX, chapter 6: "The millipede, called by others centipede or multipede, is an animal of the earthworm kind, hairy, creeping in an arch on many feet, and curling up when touched. The Greeks call it oniskos, others tylos. They say it is effective against earache." See there Hardouin, vol. II, p. 516. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Et vivere, quia eadem ex elementis ipsis causa est illis ...› · cols 893-894 Et vivere, quia eadem ex elementis ipsis causa est illis, atque origo nascendi. Si ad animalia gignendi. Ita correxit ed. Lugd. Bat., vitiosam priorum editionum lectionem : Et vivere quidem ex elementis ipsis causa est illis atque origo nascendi : si ad animalia gignenda, etc., quod Heraldus mutare voluit : Etsi vere quidem ex elementis-ipsis causa est illis atque origo nascendi, si ad animalia gignenda, etc. Sed longe praefero emendationem editoris Leidensis. Scil. haec verba cum antecedentibus sunt conjungenda, ut sensus sit : Neque enim res fidem habet ex eodem illo cratere Platonico. . . . omnia haec animalia cum homine vitam animasque duxisse, propterea quod omnibus ex ipsis illis quibus vivunt elementis eadem nascendi causa et origo est, id est, quia simili modo composita sunt, ex elementis ipsis, terra, aqua, aere. Tum nova [... gap between the foot images ...] dationem editoris Lugduno-Batavi. In editione principe verba haec corruptissime leguntur ita : Nam et videmus ex sapientibus alios dicere, tellurem esse hominem, matrem aquam : tum alios aerem, spiritum his alios jungere. Unde Stewechius fecerat : Tum alios aerem spiritum his adjungere, citans Pacuvii verba e Chryse : Mater est terra, ea parit corpus, animam aether adjungat. Sed in cod. ms. pro aerem legitur aerium, unde Heraldus suspicatur legendum : Tellurem esse hominum matrem, aquam tum alios; aerium spiritum his alios jungere. Quem secuti caeteri editores, excepto Leidensi, aquam tum alios mutante in aquam cum ea alios, etc. Scilicet hoc loco Arnobius diversas veterum philosophorum de causis rerum sententias, de quibus supra cap. 9, pluribus egerat, brevius repetit : quare totum hunc locum : nam et videmus, etc. usque ad verba ... vitali agitatione motari, tamquam parenthesin uncinis inclusi. ORELL.

"And that they live, because they have the same cause and origin of birth from the elements themselves. If for begetting animals." So the Leiden edition corrected the faulty reading of the earlier editions: "And indeed to live from the elements themselves is their cause and origin of birth: if for begetting animals", etc., which Heraldus wished to change to: "Although truly from the elements themselves they have their cause and origin of birth, if for begetting animals", etc. But I far prefer the emendation of the Leiden editor. These words, of course, are to be joined with what precedes, the sense being: "For it is not credible that from that same Platonic mixing-bowl . . . all these animals drew their life and souls along with man, merely because all have the same cause and origin of birth from the very elements by which they live", that is, because they are compounded in the same way, of the elements themselves, earth, water, air. Then the new [... gap between the foot images ...] emendation of the Leiden editor. In the first edition these words read most corruptly thus: "For we see some of the wise say that the earth is man, the mother water; then others air, others join spirit to these." Whence Stewechius had made: "Then others add air, spirit, to these", citing Pacuvius's words from the Chryses: "The mother is earth; she brings forth the body; let the upper air add the soul." But in the manuscript "aerium" is read for "aerem", whence Heraldus suspects we should read: "that the earth is the mother of men, others then water; others join airy spirit to these." The other editors followed him, except the Leiden one, who changed "aquam tum alios" to "aquam cum ea alios", etc. In this place, namely, Arnobius briefly repeats the various opinions of the ancient philosophers on the causes of things, which he had treated at greater length above in chapter 9; I have therefore enclosed the whole passage, from "for we see", etc., down to the words "... are moved by a vital agitation", in brackets as a parenthesis. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Tellurem esse hominum matrem› · col 894 Tellurem esse hominum matrem. Orpheus : ΓΑΙΑ θεὰ μήτηρ μακάρων θνητῶν τ' ἀνθρώπων. Lactantius, lib. II, cap. 10. Errantes quidam philosophi aiunt homines caeteraque animalia sine ullo artifice orta esse de terra; unde illud Virgilianum est : Terrea progenies duris caput extulit arvis. ELMENH.

"That the earth is the mother of men." Orpheus: "Earth, goddess, mother of the blessed gods and of mortal men." Lactantius, Book II, chapter 10: "Certain erring philosophers say that men and the other animals arose from the earth without any maker; whence that line of Virgil: The earth-born race lifted its head from the hard fields." ELMENHORST.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Aquam cum ea alios› · col 894 Aquam cum ea alios. Supra, cap. 10 : Vidit enim res fieri concretione aquarum Thales? Censorin, de die nat. cap. IV. Anaximander Milesius videri sibi ex aqua terraque calefactis exortos esse sive pisces, sive piscibus similia animalia : in his homines concrevisse, foetusque ad pubertatem intus retentos : tum demum ruptis illis, viros mulieresque, qui se jam alere possent, processisse. ubi vid. Lindenbrog., pag. 19, ed. Havercamp. ORELL.

"Others water together with it." Above, chapter 10: "For did Thales see things come to be by the condensing of waters?" Censorinus, On the Birthday, chapter IV: "Anaximander of Miletus held that from water and earth, when heated, there arose either fish or animals like fish; that in these men grew, and the young were kept inside until puberty; that then at last these burst, and men and women came forth who could already feed themselves." See there Lindenbrog, p. 19 of Havercamp's edition. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Solem vero nonnullos esse horum opificem ...› · col 894 Solem vero nonnullos esse horum opificem, et ex ignibus animatos ejus vitali agitatione motari. Confer eumdem Censorin., cap. 8, pag. 36, qui hoc dogma Chaldaeis attribuit, et Diodor. Sic., Biblioth., lib. I, cap. 7. ORELL.

"But some say the sun is their maker, and that, animated from its fires, they are moved by its vital agitation." Compare the same Censorinus, chapter 8, p. 36, who attributes this doctrine to the Chaldeans, and Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book I, chapter 7. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Cumque ejusdem noluit sinceritatis esse mixturae humani animas generis› · col 894 Cumque ejusdem noluit sinceritatis esse mixturae humani animas generis. Ita lectionem priorum editionum depravatissimam : cumque ejusdem voluit sinceritatis esse mixturas humani animas generis, egregie emendavit Heraldus in Curis secundis. Gelenius autem, Elmenhorst. et editor Lugd. Bat. locum ita dederunt : Cumque ejusdem noluit sinceritatis esse mixturas humani animarum generis. ORELL.

"And since he would not have the souls of the human race be of a mixture of the same purity." So Heraldus, in his second Curae, excellently emended the most corrupt reading of the earlier editions: "and since he willed the souls of the human race to be mixtures of the same purity." But Gelenius, Elmenhorst and the Leiden editor gave the passage thus: "And since he would not have the mixtures of the souls of the human race be of the same purity." ORELLI.

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alia, alia causa, alia ratio, potestas alia denique inaudita nobis atque incogniti nominis genus quae hominum finxerit, et rerum constitutionibus applicarit, nonne fieri potis est, ut exorti homines ita sint, nec ad Deum primum nativitatis eorum referatur auctoritas? Quid enim putamus habuisse rationis Platonem illum magnum, pie sancteque sapientem, cum hominis fictionem Deo removit a maximo, et ad minores nescio quos transtulit: cumque ejusdem noluit sinceritatis esse mixturae humani animas generis, cujus animam fecerat universitatis istius: quam quod hominis fabricam indignam esse rebatur Deo, nec rei

another cause, another principle, finally another power unheard-of by us and a kind of unknown name, which fashioned the race of men and fitted it to the constitutions of things, is it not possible that men have arisen in this way, and that the authorship of their birth is not referred to the first God? For what reason do we suppose that great Plato, piously and holily wise, had, when he removed the fashioning of man from the supreme God and transferred it to I know not what lesser beings; and when he would not have the souls of the human race be of the same purity of mixture as that of which he had made the soul of this universe, except that he thought the making of man unworthy of God, and the

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flaccidae fictionem magnitudini ejus et eminentiae convenire?

fitting for His greatness and eminence to fashion a flabby thing?

LIII. Ergo cum haec ita sint, non absone neque inaniter credimus, mediae qualitatis esse animas hominum, utpote ab rebus non principalibus editas, juri subjectas mortis, parvarum et labilium virium: perpetuitate donari, si spem muneris tanti Deum ad principem conferant, cui soli potestas est talia corruptione exclusa largiri. Sed stulte istud credimus? Quid ad vos? Ineptissime, fatue. Ubi vobis nocemus, vel quam vobis facimus aut irrogamus injuriam, si omnipotentem confidimus Deum habiturum esse rationem nostri, cum abire a corporibus coeperimus, et ab orci faucibus, quemadmodum dicitur, vindicari?

LIII. Therefore, since these things are so, not absurdly nor in vain do we believe that the souls of men are of an intermediate quality, inasmuch as they were brought forth by things not sovereign, subject to the law of death, of small and slippery strength; and that they are gifted with perpetuity if they direct the hope of so great a gift to God the Sovereign, who alone has the power to bestow such things with corruption shut out. Yet do we foolishly believe that? What is that to you? Suppose we do so most absurdly, foolishly: wherein do we harm you, or what injury do we do or inflict upon you, if we trust that Almighty God will take account of us when we have begun to depart from our bodies, and to be delivered, as the saying is, from the jaws of Orcus?

LIV. Ergone, inquiet aliquis, sine Dei voluntate quidquam potis est fieri? Considerandum est nobis sollicite, et cura inspiciendum non parva, ne, dum honorare nos Dominum tali interrogatione censemus, in contrarium labamur nefas, majestatis ejus eminentiam destruentes. Qua ratione, qua causa? Quoniam si cuncta ejus voluntate conficiuntur, nec

LIV. "Can anything, then," someone will say, "be done without the will of God?" We must consider anxiously, and examine with no small care, lest, while we think that we are honouring the Lord by such a question, we slip into the opposite wickedness, destroying the eminence of His majesty. In what manner, for what reason? Because if all things are accomplished by His will, and

Editors' notes and page, col. 895

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 450)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 895

Sic ms.

So the manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] ‹lemma: LIII. — Parvarum et labilium virium : perpetuitate donari, si spem muneris tanti Deum ad principem conferant› · col 895 LIII. — Parvarum et labilium virium : perpetuitate donari, si spem muneris tanti Deum ad principem conferant. Ita edidit et distinxit locum editor Lugd. Bat. In prioribus editionibus deest si. Cum Lugd. Bat., consentit etiam Heraldus in Curis secundis, nisi quod interpunctionem post virium tollit, ut sensus sit : animas hominum perpetuitate donari parvarum et labilium virium. Sed melius haec verba conjunguntur cum antecedentibus : mediae qualitatis esse animas hominum, utpote ab rebus non principalibus editas, juri subjectas mortis, parvarum et labilium virium, perpetuitate (autem) donari, si spem muneris tanti Deum ad principem conferant. In editione sua idem Heraldus legendum conjecerat : ut spem, etc. Pro conferant editio Elmenh. Hanov. habet conferimus. ORELL.

LIII. — "Of small and failing strength: to be granted perpetuity, if they direct the hope of so great a gift to God the sovereign." So the Leiden editor published and punctuated the passage. In the earlier editions "si" is missing. Heraldus too, in his second Curae, agrees with the Leiden edition, except that he removes the punctuation after "virium", so that the sense is: "the souls of men, of small and failing strength, are granted perpetuity." But these words are better joined with what precedes: "that the souls of men are of a middle quality, as produced by beings not sovereign, subject to the law of death, of small and failing strength, (but) are granted perpetuity if they direct the hope of so great a gift to God the sovereign." In his edition the same Heraldus had conjectured "ut spem", etc. For "conferant" Elmenhorst's Hanover edition has "conferimus". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Sed stulte istud credimus. Quid ad vos? Ineptissime, fatue. Ubi vobis nocemus?› · col 895 Sed stulte istud credimus. Quid ad vos? Ineptissime, fatue. Ubi vobis nocemus? Ita legendum arbitror pro vitiosa scriptura : Quid ad vos? ineptissimae fatuae? ubi vobis nocemus, etc. Hic igitur ait : Quid ad vos attinet, stulte istud credamus nec ne? immo ineptissime et fatue si credamus. Quam inde accipitis injuriam? HERALD. — Fulv. Ursinus legit ineptissimi, fatui. Meursius : ineptissime fatui, ut Plautus ait Mostellaria : Interdum inepte stultus est, et Lactantius, lib. I, cap. 18. Quis tam stolide ineptus, est etc. Sed correctionem Heraldi equidem longe praefero. ORELL.

"But we believe this foolishly. What is that to you? Most absurdly, stupidly. Where do we harm you?" So I think we should read, for the faulty text "What is that to you? most absurd, stupid? where do we harm you", etc. He says, then: What does it matter to you whether we believe this foolishly or not? Nay, suppose we believe most absurdly and stupidly: what injury do you receive from it? HERALD. — Fulvius Ursinus reads "ineptissimi, fatui". Meursius: "ineptissime fatui", as Plautus says in the Mostellaria: "At times he is ineptly foolish", and Lactantius, Book I, chapter 18: "Who is so stolidly inept", etc. But I for my part much prefer Heraldus's correction. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Et ab Orci faucibus, quemadmodum dicitur, vindicari› · cols 895-896 Et ab Orci faucibus, quemadmodum dicitur, vindicari. Nota quemadmodum dicitur. Hoc enim proverbialiter efferebatur, et eum dicebant Orci faucibus ereptum, qui praesenti et capitali aliquo periculo liberatus erat. Graeci quoque habent suas in ista re phrases παροιμιώδεις Sic dicunt aliquem extrahere καὶ ἐπαναγαγεῖν εἰς τὸν ἥλιον ἐκ τῶν πυλῶν τοῦ Ἀχέροντος, et similia. Tit. Livius, lib. IX, cap. 6, de Romanis, qui Furculis Caudinis circumsepti fuerunt, et tandem ignominia accepta dimissi : Per hostium oculos, inquit, cum ex saltu evasissent, etsi velut ab inferis extracti tum primum lucem adspicere visi sunt, tamen ipsa lux ita deforme intuentibus agmen omni morte tristior fuit. Loquendi ratio Latinis et Graecis usitata. Artemidorus, lib. II, cap. 60 : Φαμὲν ἐν τῇ συνηθείᾳ τὸν παρὰ προσδοκίαν σωθέντα ἐξ ᾅδου ἀναβεβηκέναι. Florus, lib. II, cap. 6. Interim respirare Romanus, et quasi ex inferis emergere. HERALD. — Conf. Reiff. ad Artemidor., lib. I, pag. 398; et Wetsten., ad Epist. ad Ephes., IV, 9. ORELL.

"And to be rescued, as the saying goes, from the jaws of Orcus." Note "as the saying goes". For this was used proverbially, and they said that one had been snatched from the jaws of Orcus who had been freed from some present and deadly danger. The Greeks too have their proverbial phrases for this: thus they say that someone is drawn out "and brought back to the sun from the gates of Acheron", and the like. Livy, Book IX, chapter 6, of the Romans who were hemmed in at the Caudine Forks and at last sent away after suffering disgrace: "When they had come out of the pass under the eyes of the enemy, although they seemed, as if dragged back from the underworld, to see the light then for the first time, yet the very light, as they looked on so disfigured a column, was more grievous than any death." A manner of speaking common to Latins and Greeks. Artemidorus, Book II, chapter 60: "We say in common usage that one saved against expectation has come up from Hades." Florus, Book II, chapter 6: "Meanwhile the Roman breathed again, and emerged as it were from the underworld." HERALD. — Compare Reiff on Artemidorus, Book I, p. 398, and Wetstein on the Epistle to the Ephesians, IV, 9. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LIV. — Et cura inspiciendum non parva› · col 896 LIV. — Et cura inspiciendum non parva. Οὐκ ὀλιγώρως. HERALD.

LIV. — "And it must be examined with no small care." Ouk oligōrōs ("not carelessly"). HERALD.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Ut mala cuncta, etiam ejus voluntate intelligantur enasci› · col 896 Ut mala cuncta, etiam ejus voluntate intelligantur enasci. Augustin., de Civit. Dei, l. XX, c. 1. Nullus hominum agit recte, nisi divino adjuvante auxilio ; nullus daemonum aut hominum agit inique, nisi divino, eodemque justissimo Dei judicio permittatur. Cf. Ambros. Hexaemeron, l. I, c. 8. Augustin., in Joann., tract. XLII, c. 8. ELMENH.

"That all evils may be understood to arise even by his will." Augustine, City of God, Book XX, chapter 1: "No man acts rightly except with the help of divine aid; no demon or man acts wickedly unless it is permitted by the divine, and likewise most just, judgement of God." Compare Ambrose, Hexameron, Book I, chapter 8; Augustine on John, tractate XLII, chapter 8. ELMENHORST.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Mali esse conscium generatoremque nullius› · col 896 Mali esse conscium generatoremque nullius. Sextus in Sententiis : Mali nullius auctor est Deus. Prudentius Hamartigen. Inventor vitii non est Deus, angelus illud Degener infami conceptum mente creavit. Haeret Arnobius in disputatione de natura mali; nec se extricare difficili in quaestione satis liquide potest. Dupliciter appellatur malum in SS. Litteris : nimirum : malum culpae et malum poenae. Prioris, secundum Patres ecclesiasticos, auctor est diabolus, alterius Deus. Vid. Augustin., contra Adamantium Manichaeum, l. VI, c. 46, et de libero Arbitrio, l. I, c. 10 ; Chrysolog., serm. 9 ; Lactant., l. IV, c. 6 ; Gennadius, de Ecclesiast. dogm., c. 57. ELMENH.

"That he is privy to and begetter of no evil." Sextus in the Sentences: "God is the author of no evil." Prudentius, Hamartigenia: "God is not the inventor of vice; that degenerate angel created it, conceived in his infamous mind." Arnobius sticks in the discussion of the nature of evil, and cannot extricate himself clearly enough from a difficult question. Evil is named in two ways in the Holy Scriptures, namely the evil of guilt and the evil of punishment. Of the former, according to the Fathers of the Church, the devil is the author; of the latter, God. See Augustine, Against Adimantus the Manichee, Book VI, chapter 46, and On Free Will, Book I, chapter 10; Chrysologus, sermon 9; Lactantius, Book IV, chapter 6; Gennadius, On Church Dogmas, chapter 57. ELMENHORST.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Puncta per singula› · col 896 Puncta per singula. Temporis scilicet. Sic ed. Lugd. Bat., cod., ms. habet cuncta per singula, unde Gelenius caeterique fecerunt cuncta per saecula. ORELL.

"Point by point." Of time, that is. So the Leiden edition. The manuscript has "cuncta per singula", whence Gelenius and the rest made "cuncta per saecula". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Et facinoribus› · col 896 Et facinoribus. Ita correxit Gelenius. Antea legebatur et favoribus. HERALD.

"And by crimes." So Gelenius corrected it. Formerly "et favoribus" was read. HERALD.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Nam stoliditas inveniri quae inanior potest› · col 896 Nam stoliditas inveniri quae inanior potest. Ita editio princeps et caeterae eam secutae, excepta Lugd. Bat. quae ex conjectura Salmasii habet : inventri quae major potest. Cod. ms habet immanior, quod de saevitia, crudelitate similibusque vitiis, vel saltem de stultitia, stoliditate, conjuncta cum crudelitate, dici potest; de simplici stoliditate non item. Vide supra, ad l. I, c. 5, verba immanis ille Xerxes annotationem Heraldi. ORELL.

"For what emptier stupidity can be found?" So the first edition and the others that followed it, except the Leiden, which on Salmasius's conjecture has "inventri [as printed] quae major potest" ("what greater can be found"). The manuscript has "immanior", which can be said of savagery, cruelty and like vices, or at least of folly and stupidity joined with cruelty, but not of simple stupidity. See above, on Book I, chapter 5, Heraldus's note on the words "that monstrous Xerxes". ORELLI.

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citra ejus nutum quidquam potest in rebus vel provenire, vel cadere, necessario sequitur, ut mala etiam cuncta voluntate ejus intelligantur enasci. Sin autem dicere voluerimus contra, pessimorum ab eo rejicientes causas, mali esse conscium, generatoremque nullius; incipient videri, aut eo invito res pessimae fieri, aut, quod sit immane dixisse, nesciente, ignaro, ac nescio. Rursus autem si dicere nulla esse voluerimus mala, sicut esse nonnullis opinatum et placitum reperimus; reclamabunt cunctae gentes, universaeque nationes, cruciatus nobis ostentantes suos, et discriminum species multiformes, quibus puncta per singula genus uritur et laceratur humanum. Tum deinde a nobis exquirent, cur mala si nulla sunt, ab operibus vos certis, et facinoribus abstinetis? Cur non omnia facitis, quae impatiens jusserit atque imperaverit libido? Cur in noxios denique terribilibus poenas constituitis legibus? Nam stoliditas inveniri quae inanior potest, quam mala esse nulla contendere, et tamquam malos perdere et condemnare peccantes.

nothing in affairs can either come forth or fall out without His nod, it necessarily follows that all evils also are understood to spring up by His will. But if on the other hand we should wish to say, casting back from Him the causes of the worst things, that He is conscious of and the begetter of no evil, the worst things will begin to seem to be done either against His will, or—what it would be monstrous to have said—without His knowledge, while He is ignorant and unaware. Again, however, if we should wish to say that there are no evils, as we find has been supposed and approved by some, all races and all nations will cry out against us, showing us their tortures, and the manifold forms of perils wherewith at every moment the human race is burned and mangled. Then next they will inquire of us: "If there are no evils, why do you abstain from certain works and deeds? Why do you not do all things which impatient lust has commanded and ordered? Finally, why do you establish punishments by terrible laws against the guilty? For what more empty stolidity can be found, than to contend that there are no evils, and yet to destroy and condemn sinners as though evil?"

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LV. Quae cum esse consenserimus victi, et universa his scatere nominaliter annuerimus humana consequetur ut rogitent, cur ergo haec mala Deus omnipotens non aufert, sed esse perpetitur, et cum omnibus saeculis pertinaci continuatione procedere? Si intellectus nobis affuerit Dei regis, ac principis, nec per impias vagari suspicionum voluerimus insanias, respondeamus necesse est, nescire nos ista: nec quae nullis possent facultatibus comprehendi, expetisse aliquando aut studuisse cognoscere, meliusque ducentes, quinimmo potius magis in inscientiae finibus atque ignorantiae permanere, quam sine Deo dicere nihil fieri (per voluntatem), ut simul intelligatur, et malis eum causas dare, et miseriarum esse innumerabilium conditorem. Mala ergo, dicetis, unde sunt haec omnia? Ex elementis, inquiunt, et ex eorum inaequabilitate, sapientes; quod fieri qui possit, ut quae sensum et judicium non habent, maliciosa esse perhibeantur et noxia: aut non ille sit potius malitiosus et noxius, qui res pessimas futuras in alicujus operis assumpsit effectum, eorum est, qui asserunt, pervidere. Quid ergo nos, unde? Responsionis necessitas nulla est, sive enim possumus dicere, sive minus valemus, nec possumus, utrumque apud nos parvum est; nec in magnis ponderibus ducimus vel ignorare istud, vel scire, unum solum posuisse contenti; nihil a Deo principe quod sit nocens atque exitiale, proficisci. Hoc tenemus, hoc novimus, in hac una consistimus cognitionis et scientiae veritate; nihil ab eo fieri, nisi quod sit omnibus salutare, quod

LV. And when, overcome, we have agreed that these exist, and have assented by name that all human affairs teem with them, it will follow that they ask: "Why then does Almighty God not take away these evils, but suffer them to exist, and to advance with all ages in stubborn continuation?" If we have an understanding of God the King and Sovereign, and do not wish to wander through the impious madnesses of suspicions, we must needs answer that we do not know those things, and have never sought or studied to learn things which could be grasped by no faculties—deeming it better, nay rather preferring, to remain within the bounds of nescience and ignorance, than to say that nothing is done without God (that is, by His will), so that at the same time He should be understood both to give causes to evils and to be the founder of innumerable miseries. "Whence then," you will say, "are all these evils?" "Out of the elements," say the wise, "and out of their unevenness." How it can happen that things which have no sense and judgement are asserted to be malicious and harmful, or how he is not rather malicious and harmful who took things that would be most evil into the working out of some work, belongs to those who assert this to see through. What then do we say as to whence they are? There is no necessity of an answer; for whether we are able to say, or are less able and cannot, either is a small matter with us, nor do we account it of great weight either to be ignorant of that or to know it, content to have laid down one thing alone: that nothing proceeds from God the Sovereign which is harmful and destructive. This we hold fast, this we know, in this one truth of knowledge and science we stand firm: that nothing is done by Him save what is healthful to all, what is

Editors' notes and page, col. 897

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 451)

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Abditae ms male.

The manuscript wrongly has "abditae".

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dulce, quod amoris et gaudii laetitiaeque plenissimum; quod infinitas habeat atque incorruptibiles voluptates, quod sibi quisque contingere votis omnibus expetat, forisque ab his esse exitiabile ac mortiferum ducat.

sweet, what is most full of love and joy and gladness, what has infinite and incorruptible pleasures, what everyone desires with all prayers to befall himself, and deems it destructive and deadly to be outside of these.

LVI. Caetera quaecumque sunt alia, quae in quaestionibus assolent controversiisque versari, quibus genitoribus orta sint, vel quibus actoribus fiant, neque nosce contendimus, neque inquirere aut vestigare curamus; suis omnia relinquimus causis, nec ad id quod expetimus, esse nobis adjuncta atque applicata judicamus. Quid est enim quod humana ingenia labefactare, dissolvere studio contradictionis non audeant, quamvis illud, quod infirmare moliuntur, sit purum, et liquidum, et veritatis obsignatione munitum? Aut quid rursus asserere verisimilibus argumentis non queunt, quamvis sit apertissime falsum, quamvis evidens manifestumque mendacium? Cum enim sibi persuaserit quis esse aliquid, aut non esse, amat quod opinatur asserere, et acumine alios anteire, maxime si agatur res summota, et abdita, et caligine involuta naturae. Mundum quidam ex sapientibus existimant neque esse natum, neque nullo esse in tempore periturum; immortalem nonnulli, quamvis eum conscribant esse natum et genitum. Tertiis vero collibitum dicere est, et esse natum, et genitum, et ordinaria necessitate periturum. Et cum ex istis opinionibus trinis unam esse necesse sit veram, cunctis tamen argumenta non desunt, quibus et sua decreta confirment, et aliorum subrumpant et labefaciant

LVI. All other things whatsoever, which are wont to be turned over in questions and controversies—from what begetters they have sprung, or by what agents they are done—we neither strive to know, nor care to inquire into or track out; we leave all things to their own causes, nor do we judge that they are joined and attached to us for that which we seek. For what is there that human wits do not dare to shake and dissolve in their eagerness for contradiction, although that which they strive to weaken be pure, and clear, and fortified by the seal of truth? Or what, on the other hand, are they unable to assert with plausible arguments, although it be most openly false, although an evident and manifest lie? For when anyone has persuaded himself that something either is or is not, he loves to assert what he supposes, and to surpass others in subtlety, especially if the matter under discussion is far removed, and hidden, and wrapped in the darkness of nature. Some of the wise think that the world was neither born, nor will ever perish at any time; some think it immortal, although they write that it was born and begotten; while it has pleased a third party to say that it was both born and begotten, and will perish by ordinary necessity. And whereas out of those threefold opinions one must needs be true, nevertheless arguments are not lacking to all whereby they both confirm their own decrees, and undermine and shake the tenets of others.

Editors' notes and page, col. 898

Footnotes

(b) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 898

Siccatum ms male.

The manuscript wrongly has "siccatum".

COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] ‹lemma: LV. — Nominaliter› · col 897 LV. — Nominaliter. Sic auctor pro nominatim, qui et infra, l. VII, nominitamus dixit pro nominamus. NOURRIUS.

LV. — "By name." So the author, for "nominatim"; he also said below, Book VII, "nominitamus" for "nominamus". NOURRY.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Quinimmo potius magis› · col 897 Quinimmo potius magis. De duplicis hujus comparativi abundantia vide infra, ad l. VII, c. 18. ORELL.

"Nay rather, more." On the redundancy of this double comparative see below, on Book VII, chapter 18. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Quam sine Deo dicere nihil fieri (per voluntatem)› · col 897 Quam sine Deo dicere nihil fieri (per voluntatem). Id est sine Dei voluntate. Cum ait igitur per voluntatem, explicat quod dixerat : sine Deo. Quare nihil mutandum existimo. HERALD. — Editio Lugd. Bat. habet : Quam sine Dei dicere nihil fieri voluntate. Mihi verba per voluntatem glossema videntur scioli cujusdam librarii in margine explicare volentis, quid sit sine Deo : quare uncis inclusi. ORELL.

"Than to say that nothing happens without God (by his will)." That is, without God's will. When he says "by his will", then, he explains what he had said, "without God". I therefore think nothing should be changed. HERALD. — The Leiden edition has: "Than to say that nothing happens without God's will." To me the words "per voluntatem" look like the gloss of some smatterer of a copyist wishing to explain in the margin what "without God" means; I have therefore put them in brackets. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Nec in magnis ponderibus ducimus› · col 897 Nec in magnis ponderibus ducimus. Sic emendavit Meursius. Antea duximus. Est autem in magnis ponderibus ducere idem quod in magno (negotio) habere, ἐν μεγάλῳ τίθεσθαι, ποιεῖσθαι περὶ πολλοῦ ap. Graecos. Vid. Casaubon. ad Sueton. Caesar., c. 23, p. 130, vol. III, ed. Wolf. ORELL.

"Nor do we count it of great weight." So Meursius emended it; formerly "duximus". "To count of great weight" is the same as "to hold as a great (matter)", the Greeks' "to set in great account", "to make much of". See Casaubon on Suetonius, Caesar, chapter 23, p. 130, vol. III of Wolf's edition. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LVI. — Mundum quidam ex sapientibus aestimant neque esse natum, neque ullo in tempore periturum› · col 897 LVI. — Mundum quidam ex sapientibus aestimant neque esse natum, neque ullo in tempore periturum. Heraclitus Ephesius ap. Clementem Alex., l. VI, Stromat., p. 255 (711, ed. Potter., ubi vid. ejusd. notam); Aristoteles apud Lactant., l. II, c. 10; Cic., Tusc., l. I, 29, et Plinius, Hist. nat., l. I, c. 1, Conf. Jun. Philargyr., ad II ; Georg. Virgil., v. 6 ; Plutarch., de Placit. Philos., l. II, c. 4 ; Ambros., l. I, Hexameron, c. III et V. ELMENH. Conf. de toto hoc loco Ant. Delrio ad Syntagm. Tragoed. lat., P. III, p. 532 seq. ORELL.

LVI. — "Some of the wise think the world was neither born nor will ever perish." Heraclitus of Ephesus in Clement of Alexandria, Stromata Book VI, p. 255 (711 of Potter's edition, where see his note); Aristotle in Lactantius, Book II, chapter 10; Cicero, Tusculans I, 29; and Pliny, Natural History, Book I [as printed], chapter 1. Compare Junius Philargyrius on Virgil, Georgics II, line 6; Plutarch, On the Opinions of the Philosophers, Book II, chapter 4; Ambrose, Hexameron, Book I, chapters III and V. ELMENHORST. On this whole passage compare Antonio Delrio on the Syntagma of Latin Tragedy, Part III, p. 532 ff. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Immortalem nonnulli quamvis eum conscribant esse natum et genitum› · col 898 Immortalem nonnulli quamvis eum conscribant esse natum et genitum. Platonis dogma. Ὅτι (scribit ille in Timaeo) αὐτὸς μὲν φθαρτός ἐστιν, ᾗ γέγονεν, οὐ λυθήσεται δὲ οὐδὲ τεύξεται θανάτου μοίρας διὰ τὴν βούλησιν τοῦ θεοῦ. Consentit et Hermes Trismegist., in Poemandr., c. 8. Ὁ πατὴρ αὐτὸς ἑαυτοῦ ἀΐδιος · ὁ δὲ κόσμος ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀείζωος καὶ ἀθάνατος γέγονε. Conf. Apulei., de Dogm. Plat., et inprimis, J. Lips. Physiolog. Stoic. l. II, Dissert. XX, p. 951, sq. Op., t. IV, ed. Vesal. ORELL.

"Some say it is immortal, though they write that it was born and begotten." Plato's doctrine. "That (he writes in the Timaeus) it is itself perishable, inasmuch as it came to be, yet it will not be dissolved nor meet the lot of death, because of the will of God." Hermes Trismegistus agrees, in the Poimandres, chapter 8: "The Father is eternal of himself; but the world was made by the Father ever-living and immortal." Compare Apuleius, On Plato's Doctrine, and above all Justus Lipsius, Physiologia Stoicorum, Book II, dissertation XX, p. 951 f. of the Works, vol. IV, Wesel edition. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Et esse natum et genitum et ordinaria necessitate periturum› · col 898 Et esse natum et genitum et ordinaria necessitate periturum. Stoicorum sententia. Senec. Consol. ad Polyb., c. 20. Ita est : nihil perpetuum, pauca diuturna sunt : aliud alio modo fragile est, rerum exitus variantur. Caeterum quidquid coepit, et desinit. Mundo quidam minantur interitum, et hoc universum, quod omnia divina humanaque complectitur, si fas putas credere, dies aliquis dissipabit, et in confusionem veterem tenebrasque demerget. Cf. ejusd. Quaest. Nat., l. III, c. 29, et J. Lips. Physiolog. Stoic., Dissert. XXI et XXII, p. 952 seqq., qui omnia loca diligenter collegit. ORELL.

"That it was born and begotten, and will perish by the necessity of order." The opinion of the Stoics. Seneca, Consolation to Polybius, chapter 20: "So it is: nothing is everlasting, few things are lasting; each thing is fragile in its own way, the ends of things vary. But whatever has begun also ends. Some threaten the world with destruction, and this universe, which embraces all things divine and human, some day, if you think it right to believe it, will scatter and plunge into the old confusion and darkness." Compare his Natural Questions, Book III, chapter 29, and Justus Lipsius, Physiologia Stoicorum, dissertations XXI and XXII, p. 952 ff., who has diligently gathered all the passages. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Aliorum subrumpant et labefaciant scita› · col 898 Aliorum subrumpant et labefaciant scita. Ms. subrupiant, quod tuetur Meursius in Append. sed vellem nobis hujus verbi explicationem dedisset. Fulv. Ursinus et Modius subruant. Pro scita libri omnes secreta, quod ortum videtur a librario male legente v. scita et pro abreviatione τοῦ secreta habente. Vid. J. Fr. Gronov., ad Macrob., in Somn. Scip., c. 17, l. II, p. 185. ORELL.

"Undermine and shake the tenets of others." The manuscript has "subrupiant", which Meursius defends in his Appendix; but I wish he had given us an explanation of this word. Fulvius Ursinus and Modius have "subruant". For "scita" all the books have "secreta", which seems to have arisen from a copyist misreading the word "scita" and taking it for an abbreviation of "secreta". See J. Fr. Gronovius on Macrobius, On the Dream of Scipio, chapter 17, Book II, p. 185. ORELLI.

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scita. Eumdem hunc alii elementis ex quatuor tradunt, et pronuntiant stare, ex geminis alii, ex singulis tertii; sunt qui ex his nullis, et individua corpora ejus esse materiem et primam originem dicant. Cumque ex his vera sit una sententia, aut nulla ex his certa, similiter hic quoque argumenta omnibus praesto sunt, quibus et ea quae dicunt, vera esse constituant et redarguant positas in aliorum sententiis falsitates. Sic et deos nonnulli esse abnegant; prorsus dubitare se alii an sint uspiam, dicunt; alii vero existere, neque humana curare; immo, alii perhibent, et rebus interesse mortalium, et terrenas administrare rationes.

This same world some hand down and pronounce to stand out of four elements, others out of two, a third party out of a single one; there are those who say out of none of these, and that indivisible bodies are its matter and first origin. And whereas out of these one opinion is true, or none of them certain, similarly here also arguments are at hand for all, whereby they both establish that the things which they say are true, and refute the falsehoods set in the opinions of others. So also some deny that the gods exist; others say that they utterly doubt whether they exist anywhere; others, that they exist indeed, yet do not care for human affairs; nay, others assert that they both take part in the affairs of mortals, and administer earthly concerns.

LVII. Cum ergo haec ita sint, neque aliter fiat, quin sit unum ex omnibus verum, pugnant tamen argumentis omnes, neque singulis deest id, quod probabiliter dicant, sive cum suas res asserunt, sive cum alienis opinionibus contradicunt. Non alia, neque absimili ratione de animarum ab his conditione

LVII. Since therefore these things are so, and it cannot be otherwise than that one out of all is true, yet all fight with arguments, nor is there lacking to each that which they may say with probability, whether when they assert their own views or when they contradict the opinions of others. In no other and in no dissimilar way is there discussion by them concerning the condition of souls.

Editors' notes and page, col. 899

Footnotes

NOTE: the foot images show only the lower part of the COMMENTARIUS block; any notes above the crop (and any lectiones variantes) are not set here. No lectiones variantes are visible on the foot images. COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] ‹lemma: Eumdem hunc alii elementis ex quatuor tradunt et pronuntiant stare ...› · col 899 Eumdem hunc alii elementis ex quatuor tradunt et pronuntiant stare, ex geminis alii, ex singulis tertii. Vid. Lips., de Physiolog. Stoic., l. II, Dissert. XI, p. 922, seq., t. IV, ed Vesal. Ubi autem de philosophis plus minusve quatuor elementis statuentibus ne γρῦ quidem legimus, excepto uno depravato loco Senecae, ubi tria satuuntur, aqua, terra, spiritus. Videtur itaque Arnobius hoc loco partes, quibus mundum constare definiebant veteres philosophi, male cum elementis confudisse, et de illis, qui dividebant mundum in coelum et terram, dixisse, eos duo ; de aliis, qui dicebant, mundum esse materiam, affirmasse, istos unum elementum statuere. Stare autem pro constare, ut saep. Lactant., de Opificio Dei, c. IV, § 22. Vides igitur, omnem hominis rationem in eo vel maxime stare, quod nudus fragilisque nascitur, quod morbis afficitur, quod immatura morte mulctatur. Ubi vid. Bunemann. Singula autem hoc loco non unum post alterum, sed unum, unicum, absolute, cujus vero significationis exempla apud alios scriptores frustra quaesivi. Dubito itaque annon legendum sit : Ex singulo tertii. Singularis numerus verbo singuli usitatus apud antiquiores (vid. Gesner. in Thesaur.), quorum studiosissimus imitator est Arnobius. Id.

"Others teach and declare that this same world consists of four elements, others of two, a third group of single ones." See Lipsius, Physiologia Stoicorum, Book II, dissertation XI, p. 922 f., vol. IV, Wesel edition. There, however, of philosophers positing more or fewer than four elements we read not a syllable, except one corrupt passage of Seneca where three are set down [as printed, "satuuntur"]: water, earth, spirit. Arnobius therefore seems in this place to have wrongly confused with the elements the parts of which the ancient philosophers defined the world to consist, and to have said of those who divided the world into heaven and earth that they posit two, and of others who said the world is matter that they posit one element. "Stare" stands for "constare", as often; Lactantius, On the Workmanship of God, chapter IV, § 22: "You see, then, that the whole condition of man consists above all in this, that he is born naked and frail, that he is afflicted by diseases, that he is punished by untimely death." See there Bünemann. "Singula" here means not "one after another" but "one, single", absolutely; but I have looked in vain for examples of that meaning in other writers. I therefore wonder whether we should read "ex singulo tertii". The singular of "singuli" was in use among the older writers (see Gesner's Thesaurus), of whom Arnobius is a most zealous imitator. The same [Orelli].

[comm.] ‹lemma: Ex geminis alii› · col 899 Ex geminis alii. Vulgi sermone bina elementa appellabantur terra et aqua, vel terra et mare. Sic Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. XVII, cap. 13, § 19 : Ita per elementum utrumque Sarmatas Vincentium ira virtusque delevit (Ubi vid. Wagner, pag. 294), et Chariton, lib. VII, cap. 5, § 10, init. : ἐν ἀμφοτέροις γὰρ τοῖς στοιχείοις ὁ πόλεμος ἀκμάζει, ubi ex recentioris latinitatis et graecitatis scriptoribus nubem exemplorum citat d'Orville, pag. 579, ed. Lips. Arnobius autem loquens hoc loco de philosophorum placitis, videtur illos intelligere, qui duo rerum principia statuerunt, siccum et humidum, priori terram et ignem, alteri accensentes aquam et aerem. ORELL.

"Others of two." In popular speech the two elements were land and water, or land and sea. So Ammianus Marcellinus, Book XVII, chapter 13, § 19: "Thus the wrath and valour of the victors destroyed the Sarmatians through both elements" (see there Wagner, p. 294); and Chariton, Book VII, chapter 5, § 10, beginning: "for the war is at its height in both elements", where d'Orville, p. 579 of the Leipzig edition, cites a cloud of examples from writers of later Latin and Greek. But Arnobius, speaking here of the doctrines of the philosophers, seems to mean those who posited two principles of things, the dry and the moist, reckoning earth and fire to the first, water and air to the second. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Individua corpora› · col 899 Individua corpora. Atomi Epicureorum. ORELL. Cic. de Nat. deor., II, 37. OCHSNER.

"Indivisible bodies." The atoms of the Epicureans. ORELLI. Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, II, 37. OCHSNER.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Sic et deos nonnulli esse abnegant› · col 899 Sic et deos nonnulli esse abnegant. Verbi causa, Diagoras Melius, Theodorus Cirenaicus. ORELL.

"So too some deny that gods exist." For instance, Diagoras of Melos, Theodorus of Cyrene. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Aut nulla ex his certa› · col 899 Aut nulla ex his certa. Meursius, ut nulla, etc. Male. ORELL.

"Or none of these certain." Meursius: "ut nulla", etc. Wrongly. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Prorsus dubitare se alii, an sint uspiam, dicunt› · cols 899-900 Prorsus dubitare se alii, an sint uspiam, dicunt. Protagoras ap. Laertium, IX, segm. 51 : Περὶ θεῶν οὐκ ἔχω εἰδέναι οὔθ' ὡς εἰσὶν, οὔθ' ὡς οὐκ εἰσὶν, πολλὰ γὰρ τὰ κωλύοντα εἰδέναι, ἥ τε ἀδηλότης, καὶ βραχὺς ὢν ὁ βίος τοῦ ἀνθρώπου. Ubi vid. quos laudat Menagius, pag. 420, vol. II, ed. Meibom. Conf. Cic., de Nat. deor., lib. I, c. 23, ibique Davis. HERALD. et ORELL.

"Others say they wholly doubt whether they exist anywhere." Protagoras in Diogenes Laertius, IX, section 51: "About the gods I cannot know either that they are or that they are not; for many things hinder knowing, the obscurity of the matter and the shortness of human life." See there the authors Ménage cites, p. 420, vol. II of Meibom's edition. Compare Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, Book I, chapter 23, and Davies there. HERALD and ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Alii vero existere, neque humana curare› · col 900 Alii vero existere, neque humana curare. Epicurei. ORELL.

"But others that they exist, yet do not care for human affairs." The Epicureans. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Immo alii perhibent et rebus interesse mortalium, etc.› · col 900 Immo alii perhibent et rebus interesse mortalium, etc. Plato et Stoici. ORELL.

"Nay, others maintain that they even take part in the affairs of mortals", etc. Plato and the Stoics. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LVII. — Superesse ille non credit, sed cum ipsis corporibus interire› · col 900 LVII. — Superesse ille non credit, sed cum ipsis corporibus interire. Epicureorum sententia et Dicaearchi peripatetici. Vid. Cic., Tusc. I, cap. 21. ORELL.

LVII. — "One does not believe that it survives, but that it perishes with the bodies themselves." The opinion of the Epicureans and of Dicaearchus the Peripatetic. See Cicero, Tusculans I, chapter 21. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Sed post hominem positum aliquid eis ad vitam dari, mortalitatis deinde in jura succedere› · col 900 Sed post hominem positum aliquid eis ad vitam dari, mortalitatis deinde in jura succedere. Haec erat Stoicorum sententia. M. Tullius, Tusc. Quaest. I, cap. 31 : Stoici autem usuram nobis largiuntur tamquam cornicibus ; diu mansuros aiunt animos ; semper negant. Sic autem dicit hominem ponere, ut alii hominem (id est corpus) exuere. HERALD. — Possis etiam explicare post hominem positum, id est, humatum, compositum sepulchro. Ita Lucret., lib. III, 883, seq. Proinde ubi se videas hominem miserarier ipsum, Post mortem fore, ut aut putrescat corpore posto. Ubi vid. Lambin. Caeterum de hac Stoicorum sententia, vid. Just. Lips., Physiol. Stoic., lib. III, cap. 11. Th. Gataker., ad Antonin., IV, 21, et Davis., ad Ciceronis, l. I. ORELL.

"But that after the man is laid aside some span of life is given them, and then they pass under the law of mortality." This was the opinion of the Stoics. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations I, chapter 31: "The Stoics grant us a loan of life, as to crows: they say souls will last a long time, but deny that they last for ever." He says "to lay aside the man" as others say "to put off the man" (that is, the body). HERALD. — You could also explain "post hominem positum" as "after the man is buried, laid in the tomb". So Lucretius, Book III, 883 ff.: "So when you see a man bewail himself that after death his body will be laid out and rot ...". See there Lambinus. On this opinion of the Stoics, see Justus Lipsius, Physiologia Stoicorum, Book III, chapter 11; Thomas Gataker on Antoninus, IV, 21; and Davies on Cicero, Book I. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Dissona› · col 900 Dissona. Alii dissonare. ORELL.

"Discordant." Others read "dissonare". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Aut velle scire contendere› · col 900 Aut velle scire contendere. Clarius : aut scire velle contendere (behaupten wollen, dass man es wisse). Sed trajectiones istas amat Arnobius. HERALD. Itaque non opus habemus duplici conjectura Meursii : aliquid promere velle et scire contendere, aut belle scire contendere. ORELL.

"Or to claim to wish to know." More clearly: "or to wish to claim to know" (behaupten wollen, dass man es wisse). But Arnobius loves such transpositions. HERALD. So we have no need of Meursius's double conjecture, "to wish to put something forward and claim to know", or "to claim to know finely". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Posse videas destrui› · col 900 Posse videas destrui. Ita cod. ms. quam lectionem verissimam male mutavit Gelenius in posse id adstruere. Neque video quid difficultatis in his verbis repererit Meursius. Atque destrui nihil aliud est quam negari, contendi, quod non sit. ORELL.

"You may see that it can be pulled down." So the manuscript; Gelenius wrongly changed this most true reading to "posse id adstruere". Nor do I see what difficulty Meursius found in these words. "Destrui" is nothing other than to be denied, to be argued not to be. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Hallucinantium› · col 900 Hallucinantium. Fulgentius hallucinari interpretatur vana somniare, tractum ab allucitis, quos κώνωπας dicimus. Nonio autem denotat aberrare, non consistere. STEWECH. Ab ἀλύειν derivat A. Gellius, lib. XVI, c. 12, ubi vid. Gronov. et Voss., Etymol. rom. ORELL.

"Of those who wander in mind." Fulgentius explains "hallucinari" as to dream vain things, deriving it from "allucitae", which we call gnats. In Nonius it means to stray, not to stand firm. STEWECHIUS. Aulus Gellius, Book XVI, chapter 12, derives it from the Greek alyein ("to wander distraught"); see there Gronovius, and Vossius, Etymologicon. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Sed rationibus pendimus et commetamur humanis› · col 900 Sed rationibus pendimus et commetamur humanis, (continues)

"But we weigh and measure by human reasonings," (continues)

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disseritur. Hic enim eas retur et esse perpetuas, et superesse mortalium functioni: superesse ille non credit, sed cum ipsis corporibus interire. Alterius vero sententia est, nihil eas continuo perpeti, sed post hominem positum aliquid eis ad vitam dari: mortalitatis deinde in jura succedere. Et cum omnia nequeant veri esse consortia, ita tamen fortibus et validissimis probationibus omnes agunt, ut reperire non possis, quidnam tibi videatur falsum: quamvis ex omni parte diversa dici aspicias, et rerum contrarietatibus dissona. Quod utique non fieret, si certum aliquid tenere curiositas posset humana, vel quod videretur inventum, aliorum omnium comprobaretur assensu. Inanissima igitur res est, et supervacui operis, tamquam scias aliquid promere: aut velle scire contendere: quod etsi sit verum, posse videas destrui: aut acceptare pro vero id quod forsitan non sit, et ex more hallucinantium proferatur. Et merito res ita est. Non enim divina divinis, sed rationibus

For this one supposes both that they are perpetual, and that they survive the death of mortals; that one does not believe that they survive, but perish with the bodies themselves; while the opinion of another is that they suffer nothing straightway, but after man has been laid aside some measure of life is given to them, and that then they pass under the laws of mortality. And whereas not all of these views can be sharers in the truth, yet all plead with proofs so strong and most valid that you cannot find what seems to you false, although on every side you behold things said that are diverse, and discordant with the contrarieties of things. Which assuredly would not happen if human curiosity could hold fast anything certain, or if what seemed to have been found out were approved by the assent of all others. It is therefore a most empty thing, and of superfluous labour, to bring forth anything as though you knew it, or to strive to claim that you know what, even if it be true, you see can be demolished, or to accept as true that which perhaps is not so, and is brought forward after the manner of dreamers. And deservedly is the matter so; for we do not weigh and measure divine things by divine reasons,

Editors' notes and page, col. 900

Page

running head: BII ADVERSUS GENTES 900
marginal letters: A disseritur. Hic enim; B strui : aut acceptare
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: missing period after GENTES in running head; margins C and D are in the Commentarius at foot

PL 5:901

pendimus et commetamur humanis: atque ut fieri meruisse quid remur, ita esse oportere contendimus.

but by human ones; and just as we suppose that anything ought to have been done, so we contend that it must be.

LVIII. Quid ergo nos soli ignoramus, nescimus, quisnam sit animarum conditor, quisnam constitutor? quae causa hominem finxerit? mala unde proruperint? vel cur ea rex summus et esse patiatur, et confici, neque a rebus propellat humanis? Vos enim horum quidquam exploratum habetis, et cognitum? Si suspicionum exponere volueritis audaciam, potestis explicare, ac promere; mundus iste, qui nos habet, utrum non sit genitus, an tempore in aliquo constitutus? Si constitutus, et factus est, quonam operis genere, aut rei cujus ob causam? Potestis inducere, atque expedire rationem, cur non fixus, atque immobilis maneat, sed orbico semper circumferatur in motu? sua ipse se sponte, et voluntate circumagat; an virtutis alicujus impulsionibus torqueatur? locus ipse, ac spatium in quo situs est, ac volutatur, quid sit? infinitus, finitus? inanis, an solidus? axis eum sustineat extremis cardinibus nitens; an ipse se potius vi propria sufferat, et spiritu interiore suspendat?

LVIII. Why then are we alone ignorant, and do not know who is the founder of souls, who the establisher? what cause fashioned man? whence evils burst forth? or why the Supreme King suffers them both to be and to be accomplished, and does not drive them away from human affairs? Have you indeed any of these things ascertained and known? If you should be willing to lay aside the audacity of suspicions, can you unfold and set forth whether this world which holds us was not begotten, or was established at some time? If it was established and made, by what kind of work, or on account of what thing? Can you bring forward and disentangle the reason why it does not remain fixed and immovable, but is always carried round in a circular motion? whether it turns itself round of its own accord and will, or is whirled by the impulses of some power? what the place itself and space is in which it is set and rolls? whether infinite or finite? empty or solid? whether an axis resting on the farthest poles upholds it, or whether it rather supports itself by its own strength, and hangs suspended by an inward spirit?

Editors' notes and page, col. 901

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 453)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 901

Qua causa alii.

Others read "qua causa".

(printed under page 453)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 901

Infinitus an finitus Fulv.

Fulvius reads "infinitus an finitus".

(printed under page 453)

Page

running head: 901 LIBER SECUNDU
marginal letters: A (in col. 902); B (in col. 902)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: margins C and D are in the Commentarius at foot; word split at end of column: suspen- (suspendat)
other: the word suspendat? was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 902

PL 5:902

Potestis interrogati planum facere, scientissimeque monstrare, quid nivem in plumeas subaperiat crustulas? quidnam fuerit rationis, et causae, ut non ab occiduis partibus dies primus exurgeret, et lucem in oriente finiret? quemadmodum sol ipso uno, eodemque contactu tam varias res efficiat, quinimmo contrarias? quid sit luna, quid stellae? cur una specie, aut illa non maneat, aut per omne mundi corpus frustilla haec ignea convenerit, atque oportuerit, figi? cur alia ex his parva, ampliora et majora sint alia, obtusi haec luminis, acutioris illa et fulgidae claritatis?

Can you, when questioned, make plain and most knowingly show what spreads out snow into feathery little flakes? what reason and cause there was why the first day did not rise up from the western parts and end its light in the east? how the sun by that one and the very same touch brings about things so varied, nay more, contrary? what the moon is, what the stars? why either she does not abide in one shape, or why it was fitting and behoved that these tiny fiery bits should be fixed throughout the whole body of the world? why some of these are small, others wider and greater, these of dull light, those of sharper and shining brightness?

LIX. Si praesto est quod libuerit scire, et in aperto rerum est scientia constituta, edissertate, et dicite, quibus modis fiant et rationibus pluviae? ut in superis partibus, atque in aeris hoc medio suspensa aqua teneatur, natura res labilis, et ad fluorem semper decursionemque tam prona? Edissertate, inquam, et dicite quid sit quod grandinem torqueat? quod guttatim faciat pluviam labi? quod imbres, ac nives plumeas, et fulgora dilatarit? ventus unde oriatur et quid sit? cur temporum vicissitudines institutae, cum

LIX. If whatever one pleases to know is at hand, and the knowledge of things is set in the open, discourse and tell in what ways and by what reasons rains are made, so that in the upper parts and in this midst of the air water is held suspended—a thing by nature slippery, and always so prone to flowing and running down? Discourse, I say, and tell what it is that whirls the hail? what makes the rain glide down drop by drop? what has spread abroad the showers, and feathery snows, and lightnings? whence the wind arises and what it is? why the changes of the seasons were established, when

Editors' notes and page, col. 902

Footnotes

Inscientissimeque ms male.

The manuscript wrongly has "inscientissimeque".

(printed under page 453)

(d) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 902

Et nobis edicite ms bene. Meurs.

The manuscript has "et nobis edicite", rightly. Meursius.

COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] (continued) ‹lemma: Sed rationibus pendimus et commetamur humanis› · col 901 Haec est lectio vetus, pro qua Gelenius : commetamur. Nolim quidquam temere mutare. Nam commetari fortasse dicit Arnobius ἀρχαίως pro commetiri. Metari autem olim pro metiri. Unde castra metari, quod interpretantur Graeci : διαμετρεῖν χώρας τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, et στρατοπέδοις ἐπιτήδεια χωρία ἀναμετρεῖν καὶ διαγράφειν. HERALD. — Ed. Lugd. Bat. dedit conjectamus. Stewech. commetimur. ORELL.

This is the old reading, for which Gelenius has "commetamur". I would not rashly change anything. For Arnobius perhaps says "commetari", in the archaic way, for "commetiri"; "metari" was formerly used for "metiri". Hence "castra metari" (to lay out a camp), which the Greeks render "to measure out ground for the camp" and "to measure out and mark off places suitable for camps". HERALD. — The Leiden edition gave "conjectamus". Stewechius: "commetimur". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LVIII. — Mundus iste qui nos habet› · col 901 LVIII. — Mundus iste qui nos habet. Fulv. Ursinus : leg. qui nos ambit. Sed nihil mutandum. ORELL.

LVIII. — "This world that holds us." Fulvius Ursinus: read "qui nos ambit" ("that surrounds us"). But nothing should be changed. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Utrum non sit genitus, an tempore in aliquo constitutus› · col 901 Utrum non sit genitus, an tempore in aliquo constitutus. Sic editio Lugd. Bat., cod. ms. : Utrumne sit genitus an tempore, etc., quod Meursius correxit utrumne sit genitus aut tempore in aliquo constitutus. Sed utrumne requirere videtur an in sequenti membro. ORELL.

"Whether it was not begotten, or established at some time." So the Leiden edition. The manuscript: "Utrumne sit genitus an tempore", etc., which Meursius corrected to "utrumne sit genitus aut tempore in aliquo constitutus". But "utrumne" seems to require "an" in the following member. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: An tempore in aliquo constitutus› · col 901 An tempore in aliquo constitutus. Meursius corrigit aut tempore, vel ac tempore, etc., cum in antecedentibus legisset utrumne sit genitus. ORELL.

"Or established at some time." Meursius corrects to "aut tempore" or "ac tempore", etc., since in what precedes he had read "utrumne sit genitus". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Orbico ..... motu› · col 901 Orbico ..... motu. Nonius : orbicum (ubi Merceri editio habet orbitum) dictum per orbem. Varro γνῶθι σεαυτόν. Ut sidera coeli divum circum terram atque axem quae volvuntur motu orbico. Alii legunt orbe toto, male. ORELL.

"With circular ..... motion." Nonius: "orbicum (where Mercier's edition has orbitum) is said of what goes round in a circle. Varro, Know Thyself: As the stars of the sky of the gods, which revolve round the earth and the axis with a circular motion." Others read "orbe toto", wrongly. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Sua ipse se sponte et voluntate circumagat› · col 901 Sua ipse se sponte et voluntate circumagat. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. ex ms. In aliis deest se, quod defendere conatur Heraldus tamquam παθητικῶς dictum, ut vertere, avertere, movere, terra movit, et similia. Alii : circumagatur. ORELL.

"Turns itself round of its own accord and will." So the Leiden edition from the manuscript. In others "se" is lacking, which Heraldus tries to defend as said in a passive sense, like "vertere", "avertere", "movere", "the earth moved", and the like. Others: "circumagatur". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Planum facere› · col 901 Planum facere. Lucretius, II, vers 933 : Huic satis illud erit planum facere atque probare. ELMENH.

"To make plain." Lucretius, II, line 933: "For this it will be enough to make that plain and prove it." ELMENHORST.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Quid nivem in plumeas subaperiat crustulas› · cols 901-902 Quid nivem in plumeas subaperiat crustulas. Eleganter quidem dictum, et postea : Quod imbres ac nives plumeas...... dilatarit. Sed Martialis quoque de nivibus agens lib. IV, Epigr. 3 : Aspice, quam densum tacitarum vellus aquarum Decidit in pectus Caesaris inque sinus. Nota vellus aquarum. Graeci enim veteres nivem periphrastice appellabant ἐριῶδες ὕδωρ. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. (vers. 678, pag. 91, ed. H. Steph.) τὴν χιόνα ἐριῶδες ὕδωρ ἀστείως οἱ παλαιοί φασι, τοῦ σοφοῦ βασιλέως Δαβὶδ ἀφορμὴν ἐνδόντος αὐτοῖς, ὅτε εἶπε· διδόντος χιόνα αὐτοῦ ὡσεὶ ἔριον. Psalm. CXLVII. MEURS. — Similia de Scythis nivem, cum depluit, plumis avium assimilantibus refert Herodotus, lib. IV, cap. 31, ubi Wesselingius, pag. 294, apposite citat nostrum locum. Sic etiam intelligenda regio Pterophoros, memorata Plinio, Hist. nat., lib. IV, cap. 12. Pro subaperiat Stewechius legendum censet suboperiat, ut sit idem quod condenset, adducens locum Apuleii de mundo : Nives autem colligi jactatione densarum nubium constat. Sed nil mutandum. Sub in compositione verborum significat saepissime causam aliquam obscuram et abditam. Quid nivem in plumeas subaperiat crustulas dictum itaque pro quae causa obscura, nobis incognita, nivem aperiat in plumeas crustulas, hoc est in plumearum crustularum forma nobis ostendat, manifestet. ORELL.

"What opens the snow out into feathery flakes." Elegantly said indeed, and later: "That he spread out the rains and feathery snows ......". But Martial too, treating of snow, Book IV, Epigram 3: "See how thick a fleece of silent waters has fallen on Caesar's breast and into his lap." Note "fleece of waters". For the ancient Greeks called snow by periphrasis "woolly water". Eustathius on Dionysius Periegetes (line 678, p. 91 of H. Estienne's edition): "The ancients wittily call snow woolly water, the wise king David having given them the occasion, when he said: who gives his snow like wool." Psalm CXLVII. MEURSIUS. — Herodotus, Book IV, chapter 31, reports similar things of the Scythians, who likened snow, when it falls, to the feathers of birds; there Wesseling, p. 294, aptly cites our passage. So too is to be understood the region "Pterophoros" mentioned by Pliny, Natural History, Book IV, chapter 12. For "subaperiat" Stewechius thinks we should read "suboperiat", meaning the same as "condenses", citing a passage of Apuleius On the World: "It is agreed that snows are gathered by the tossing of dense clouds." But nothing should be changed. "Sub" in compound verbs very often signifies some obscure and hidden cause. "What opens the snow out into feathery flakes" is therefore said for "what obscure cause, unknown to us, opens the snow out into feathery flakes", that is, shows and displays it to us in the form of feathery flakes. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Frustilla haec ignea› · col 902 Frustilla haec ignea. Sic ab Arnobio stellae vocantur, id est frusta parvula ignea. A diminuto enim nomine frustum factum est frustillum. Vide Plaut. Curcul., act. IV, scen. IV. NOURRIUS.

"These little fiery morsels." So the stars are called by Arnobius, that is, small fiery pieces. For from the noun "frustum" the diminutive "frustillum" was made. See Plautus, Curculio, act IV, scene IV. NOURRY.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Convenerit atque oportuerit figi› · col 902 Convenerit atque oportuerit figi. Ita correxit Fulv. Ursinus, probante Heraldo. Cod. ms. et editio princeps oportuerit figura, nullo sensu : unde editor Lugd. Bat. fecit figurari. ORELL.

"Would have been fitting and needful to be fixed." So Fulvius Ursinus corrected it, with Heraldus's approval. The manuscript and the first edition have "oportuerit figura", which makes no sense; whence the Leiden editor made "figurari". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LIX. — Quod nives plumeas et fulgora dilatarit› · col 902 LIX. — Quod nives plumeas et fulgora dilatarit. Sic edidi cum Salmasio in editione Lugd. Bat., et ad Solinum, pag. 137. cod. ms. habet : et foliora dilatarit, quod non intelligens Gelenius mutavit in Aeoli ora dilatarit, inepte. Quis enim umquam dixerit, Aeolum ore suo ventos emittere? Immo, ut ait (continues)

LIX. — "That he spread out the feathery snows and the lightnings." So I have printed it with Salmasius in the Leiden edition and on Solinus, p. 137. The manuscript has "et foliora dilatarit", which Gelenius, not understanding it, changed to "Aeoli ora dilatarit", absurdly. For who would ever say that Aeolus sends out the winds with his mouth? Rather, as (continues)

(printed under page 453)

Page

running head: IBER SECUNDUS. 902
marginal letters: A dat? Potestis interrogati; B aqua teneatur, natura
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: L missing at start of LIBER in running head; margins C and D are in the Commentarius at foot; word split from preceding column: dat (suspendat)

PL 5:903

statui unum posset, et una esse species coeli, nihil ut rerum desideraret integritas? Quae est causa, quae ratio, ut maria salsa sint, aut terrarum hae dulces, aliae sint amarae, vel frigidae? Quo ex materiae genere humanorum corporum concreta et stabilita sunt viscera, unde ossa solidata? quid intestina, quid venas fistulatas, et commeabiles fecerit? Cur cum esset utilius oculis nos illuminare compluribus ad periculum caecitatis, duorum sumus angustis applicati?

could be established as one, and that the appearance of the sky could be one, so that the wholeness of things should lack nothing? What is the cause, what the reason, that the seas are salt, or that of the waters of the earth these are sweet, others bitter or cold? From what kind of matter was the flesh of human bodies compacted and made firm, whence were the bones made solid? what made the intestines, what made the veins pipe-like and passable? Why, when it would have been more useful to give us light with many eyes against the danger of blindness, have we been fitted with the narrow allowance of two?

Editors' notes and page, col. 903

Footnotes

NOTE: the foot images show only the lower part of the COMMENTARIUS block. Both crops begin in the middle of a note whose earlier part lies above the crop (the top line of each is cut through); those notes are set from the first full line visible. No lectiones variantes are visible on the foot images. (Q8a: the LECTIONES VARIANTES under col 903 and the head of the col 903 Commentarius are visible in the column images and are set below from them.) LECTIONES VARIANTES.

(a) ‹anchor: maria salsa› · call in col 903

Sola ms.

The manuscript has "sola".

(b) ‹anchor: corporum concreta› · call in col 903

Concreata ms male.

The manuscript has "concreata", wrongly.

COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] (continued from the previous page's foot) ‹lemma: LIX. — Quod nives plumeas et fulgora dilatarit› · col 903 ... Virgilius, Aen. I, vers. 56 seq. : ..... Vasto rex Aeolus antro Luctantes ventos tempestatesque sonoras Imperio premit ac vinclis et carcere fraenat. Quid quod sequentia verba, ventus unde oriatur, mera essent repetitio τοῦ quid Aeoli ora dilatarit. Stewech. legendum suspicatur : Quod imbres ac nives in plumulas et foliola (Blüttchen, Flöckchen) dilatarit. Nic. Heinsius, in P. Burmanni Anthol. lat., lib. V, epigr. 93, pag. 378, vol. II, corrigit : Quod imbres geni (pro gigni) nives, pruinas, e poli rore dilatarit. Sed unice vera videtur Salmasii emendatio. Fulgora enim in antiquis membranis saepius scriptum repetitur foliora, ut toja pro toga, Ilycias pro Glycias, nives plumeas eodem sensu dicit Arnobius, quo Aeschylus πτεραὶν χιὼν, et Solinus, cap. 15 : Ultra hos (Arimaspos) et Rhiphaeum jugum regio est assiduis obsessa nivibus : Pterophoron dicunt, quippe casus continuantium pruinarum quiddam ibi exprimit simile pinnarum. Ubi vid. Salmas. lib. I. — Jam vero maximopere dubito de veritate lectionis. Arnobius enim hoc loco loquitur de phenomenis non igneis sed aquosis. Quid quod et dilatare fulgora dici posse vix crediderim. Quare legendum censeo : Quod nives in plumas (vel cum Stewechio in plumulas) et foliola dilatarit. ORELL.

... Virgil, Aeneid I, line 56 f.: "..... King Aeolus in his vast cave curbs with his sway the struggling winds and the roaring storms, and bridles them with bonds and prison." Moreover, the following words, "whence the wind arises", would be a mere repetition of "what the mouths of Aeolus spread out". Stewechius suspects we should read: "That he spread out rains and snows into little feathers and little leaves" (Blüttchen [as printed], Flöckchen). Nicolaas Heinsius, in Pieter Burman's Anthologia Latina, Book V, epigram 93, p. 378, vol. II, corrects it to: "That he spread out from the dew of the sky rains, the begetting (geni for gigni) of snows, frosts." But Salmasius's emendation seems the only true one. For in old parchments "fulgora" is often found written "foliora", as "toja" for "toga", "Ilycias" for "Glycias". Arnobius says "feathery snows" in the same sense in which Aeschylus says "winged snow" [Greek as printed], and Solinus, chapter 15: "Beyond these (the Arimaspi) and the Rhipaean ridge is a region beset by constant snows: they call it Pterophoros, because the fall of the unceasing frosts there produces something like feathers." See there Salmasius, Book I. — Now, however, I very much doubt the truth of the reading. For Arnobius here speaks of watery, not fiery, phenomena; and I can scarcely believe that one could say "to spread out lightnings". I therefore think we should read: "That he spread out the snows into feathers (or, with Stewechius, into little feathers) and little leaves." ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Aut terrarum› · col 903 Aut terrarum. Fulvius Ursinus nescio qua causa mutat caeterarum aquarum. Terrarum scil. aquae, quod cogitatione subintelligendum ex praecedenti maria, quasi dixerit Arnobius aquae maris. At lenissima videtur, immo unice vera et in textum recipienda emendatio doctissimi Wakefield., in Silv. Crit., tom. III, sect. 145, pag. 132 : Aut terrae aquarum haec dulces, etc. ORELL.

"Or of the lands." Fulvius Ursinus, for what reason I do not know, changes it to "of the other waters". "Of the lands", that is, waters, which is to be understood in thought from the preceding "seas", as though Arnobius had said "waters of the sea". But the gentlest, indeed the only true emendation, and one to be received into the text, seems to be that of the most learned Wakefield, Silva Critica, vol. III, section 145, p. 132: "Or these sweet [waters] of the land's waters", etc. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Quid venas fistulatas et commeabiles fecerit› · col 903 Quid venas fistulatas et commeabiles fecerit. Fecerit puto errorem fuisse ipsius Arnobii properanter scribentis et a directa interrogatione transilientis in indirectam : quare nihil mutandum censeo. Contextus flagitaret fecit. Meursius etiam in praecedentibus verbis solidata sunt conjunctivum sint reponit, et sequentia ita legit : Quid in mundo faciant bubones, etc. ORELL.

"What made the veins piped and passable." "Fecerit" I think was a slip of Arnobius himself, writing in haste and leaping from a direct question to an indirect one; so I think nothing should be changed. The context would demand "fecit". Meursius also restores the subjunctive "sint" in the preceding words "solidata sunt", and reads what follows thus: "What owls do in the world", etc. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Immussuli› · col 903 Immussuli. Festus : Immustulus ales ex genere aquilarum est, sed minorum virium, quam aquilae : quae volucris raro et non fere. praeterquam vere, apparet, quia aestum algoremque metuit ; appellatur autem ita, quod subito et inexspectata se immitat. Idem : Immusculus... avis genus, quam alii regulum, alii ossifragam dicunt. Ubi interpretes demonstrant, immusculum et immustulum Festi et immusulum vel immussulum Arnobii et Glossariorum veterum esse unum idemque, nempe aquilae genus. Plinius, Hist. Nat., lib. X, cap. 7 : Immussulum augures Romani magnae quaestionis habent. Aliqui vulturis pullum arbitrantur, Massurius autem pullum aquilae, priusquam albicet cauda. Etymon vocis diligenter excutit G. I. Vossius, in Etymol. rom., hoc verbo. ORELL.

"Ospreys (immussuli)." Festus: "The immustulus is a bird of the eagle kind, but of less strength than eagles; it appears rarely and hardly ever except in spring, because it fears heat and cold; it is so called because it thrusts itself in suddenly and unexpectedly." The same: "Immusculus ... a kind of bird which some call the regulus, others the ossifrage." There the commentators show that Festus's "immusculus" and "immustulus" and the "immusulus" or "immussulus" of Arnobius and the old Glossaries are one and the same, namely a kind of eagle. Pliny, Natural History, Book X, chapter 7: "The Roman augurs hold the immussulus a matter of great dispute. Some think it the young of the vulture, but Masurius the young of the eagle before its tail turns white." G. J. Vossius carefully examines the etymology of the word in his Etymologicon, under this word. ORELLI.

[comm.] (continued; begins above the foot image) · col 904 ... ἱεράκων, ubi vid. Scaliger. Festus : Alites volatu auspicia facientes istae putabantur : buteo, sanqualis, immusculus, aquila, vulturius. Conf. eumd. verbo Buteo et, qui hac de avi multus est, G. I. Voss., in Etymol. rom., Germanis dicitur Bushard. Inventius in Elegia de Philomela, vers. 42 : Inque paludiferis butio butit aquis. per buteonem intelligere videtur avem aliquam palustrem, fortassis ardeam stellarem, die Rohrdomnel. ORELL.

... of hawks; see there Scaliger. Festus: "These were thought to be the birds giving auspices by their flight: the buzzard, the sanqualis, the immusculus, the eagle, the vulture." Compare the same under the word "buteo", and G. J. Vossius, who writes at length on this bird, in his Etymologicon; in German it is called Bushard. Inventius [as printed], in the Elegy on the Nightingale, line 42: "And in the marshy waters the bittern booms", seems to mean by "buteo" some marsh bird, perhaps the bittern, die Rohrdommel. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Quid alites et volucres caeterae› · col 904 Quid alites et volucres caeterae. Alites Romanis dicebantur aves, quae alis et volatu, oscines, quae ore canentes faciebant auspicium. Vide Fest., verbo lates et oscines. Cic., de Nat. deor., II, 64, et ad Fam., lib. VI, epist. VI, ibique Manut. qui de iis multus est, et Voss., Etymol. rom., verbo ales. Hic itaque distinguere videtur Arnobius alites, aves augurales a caeteris volucribus, quorum nullus usus erat in auspiciis. ORELL.

"What are the alites and the other birds?" The Romans called "alites" the birds that gave auspices by their wings and flight, "oscines" those that gave them by singing with the mouth. See Festus under the words "alites" [printed "lates"] and "oscines"; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, II, 64, and Letters to Friends, Book VI, letter VI, and there Manutius, who writes at length on them; and Vossius, Etymologicon, under the word "ales". Here, then, Arnobius seems to distinguish the "alites", the augural birds, from the other birds, which had no use in the auspices. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Quid impudentes muscae› · col 904 Quid impudentes muscae. Infra, lib. VI : Quibus volatus innectare stridularum possint imprudentiumque muscarum. HERALD.

"What are the shameless flies?" Below, Book VI: "By which they can entangle the flights of buzzing and heedless flies." HERALD.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Sorices› · col 904 Sorices. Vide supra ad cap. 52. ORELL.

"Shrews." See above, on chapter 52. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Tippulae› · col 904 Tippulae. Festus : Tippula bestiolae genus sex pedes habentis, sed tantae levitatis, ut super aquam currens non desidat. Plaut., (Pers., act. II, scen. II :) Neque tippulae levius pondus est, quam fides lenonia. ubi vid. intpp. Germ. die Schnake. ORELL.

"Water-spiders." Festus: "The tippula is a kind of small creature having six legs, but so light that running over water it does not sink." Plautus (Persa, act II, scene II): "Nor is a water-spider's weight lighter than a pimp's good faith." See there the commentators. German: die Schnake. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Quid avenae, quid lolium?› · col 904 Quid avenae, quid lolium? Conjungit etiam Virgilius Georg., I. vers. 153 : Infelix lolium et steriles dominantur avenae. ubi vid. Voll. Servius, ad Eclog. Virgilii, vers. 37 : Steriles autem avenas secundum situm Italiae dixit, nam in Thracia frugiferae sunt. Ex quo loco conjicit et pluribus demonstrat Salmasius ad Solinum, pag. 153, seq., Romanos nullam aliam avenam novisse praeter hanc sterilem et sponte provenientem, inter frumenti vitia annumerandam : nihil itaque de ejus satione legi apud antiquos scriptores, de Agricultura. (continues, if the note goes on at the head of the next page's foot)

"What are wild oats, what is darnel?" Virgil too joins them, Georgics I, line 153: "Luckless darnel and barren wild oats prevail." See there Voll. Servius, on Virgil's Eclogues, line 37: "He called the oats barren with regard to Italy, for in Thrace they bear grain." From this passage Salmasius, on Solinus, p. 153 f., infers and shows at length that the Romans knew no oat but this barren, self-sown kind, to be counted among the blights of grain; and that therefore nothing is read of its sowing in the ancient writers on agriculture. (continues, if the note goes on at the head of the next page's foot)

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PL 5:904

Belluarum, et anguium tam infinita atque innumerabilia genera, cujus rei sunt causa vel informata, vel prodita? quid in mundo faciunt bubones, immussuli, buteones? quid alites et volucres caeterae? quid formicarum et vermium genera, in varias labes perniciesque nascentia? quid pulices? quid impudentes muscae, araneae, sorices, mures, sanguisugae, tippulae? quid spinae, quid sentes, quid avenae, quid lolium? quid herbarum, aut fruticum, aut adolentia

The kinds of monsters and of serpents, so infinite and innumerable: for what purpose were they either formed or brought forth? what do owls, ossifrage-eagles, buzzards do in the world? what the birds of omen and the other winged creatures? what the kinds of ants and worms, born for various blights and ruin? what fleas? what shameless flies, spiders, shrews, mice, leeches, water-striders? what thorns, what briars, what wild oats, what darnel? what [of] the odorous kinds of herbs or shrubs

Editors' notes and page, col. 904

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PL 5:905

naribus, aut tristia in odoribus semina? Immo, si aliquid sciri, comprehendi aut aliquid posse censetis, quid sit triticum, dicite: far, hordeum, milium, cicer, faba, lenticula, melonula, cuminum, porrina, ulpicum, cepe? Non enim si fructui vobis sunt, et ciborum mediis in generibus constituta, expeditum, aut promptum est, quid sint singula, scire: cur talibus figurata sint formis? fuerit necessitas aliqua, ut non alios sapores, alios odores, alios colores, quam quos habent singulae res, habere debuerint, an et alios potuerint sumere? Ipsa deinde haec quid sint, sapor dico, ut est sapor, et caetera qualitatum distantias quibus ex rationibus ducant? Ex elementis, inquitis, et ex principalibus originibus rerum. Amara sunt enim elementa, vel dulcia, odoris sunt alicujus, vel oloris, ut ex eorum concretione credamus partitas esse in nascentibus qualitates, quibus aut suavitas nascitur, aut sensibus offensio comparatur?

to the nostrils, or harsh in their odours? Nay, if you judge that anything can be known or grasped, tell what wheat is, spelt, barley, millet, chickpea, bean, lentil, melon, elecampane, cumin, leek, great garlic, onion? For even if they are for enjoyment to you, and set in the midst of the kinds of foods, it is not easy or ready to know what each several thing is: why they have been fashioned in such shapes; whether there was some necessity that they had to have no other flavours, other odours, other colours than those which the several things have, or whether they could have taken on others also? Then next, what these things themselves are—flavour, I mean, as flavour is, and the rest—from what causes they derive the differences of their qualities? "Out of the elements," you say, "and out of the first origins of things." Are the elements then bitter or sweet, are they of some fragrance or stench, so that from their concretion we should believe that qualities have been parcelled out in things that spring up, whereby either sweetness is produced or offence is procured for the senses?

LX. Cum igitur et vos ipsos tantarum ac tot rerum fugiant origines, fugiant causae, fugiant rationes, neque explanare possitis quid sit factum, aut quare,

LX. Since therefore the origins, the causes, the reasons of so great and so many things escape even yourselves, nor can you explain what has been made, or why,

Editors' notes and page, col. 905

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 455)

(a) ‹anchor: cuminum› · call in col 905

Corrige : melo, inula, cuminum. Ms. vitiose : melo, cuminum.

Correct to "melo, inula, cuminum". The manuscript faultily has "melo, cuminum".

(printed under page 455)

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marginal letters: A (in col. 906); B (in col. 906)
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other: footnote calls in col 905: a (after cuminum), b (after qualitatum); the foot of col 905 carries the signature line "PATROL. V."

PL 5:906

aut cur oportuerit non esse, verecundiam convellitis et dilaceratis nostram: qui quae nequeunt sciri, nescire nos confitemur, neque ea conquirere aut investigare curamus, quae comprehendi liquidissimum est non posse, quamvis mille per corda suspicio se porrigat atque intendat humana. Et ideo Christus licet vobis invitis Deus, Deus inquam Christus, hoc enim saepe dicendum est, ut infidelium dissiliat et dirumpatur auditus, Dei principis jussione loquens sub hominis forma, cum mortalium sciret caecam esse naturam, neque ullam posse comprehendere veritatem, positarum nec ante oculos rerum, pro comperto habere, et cognito, quidquid sibi esse suasisset, et prorsus suspicionibus haesitare, litigiosas serere atque intendere quaestiones: omnia ista nos linquere et posthabere praecepit: neque in res eas, quae sint a nostra procul cognitione dimotae, infructuosas immittere cogitationes. Sed quantum fieri potis est, ad dominum rerum tota mente atque animo proficisci, sustolli ab his locis, atque in eum traducere suspensas pectoris conversiones, memoriam ejus habere perpetuam:

or why it ought not to have been, you pluck at and tear to pieces our modesty, who confess that we do not know the things which cannot be known, nor care to seek out or investigate those things which it is most clear cannot be grasped, although human suspicion stretch and strain itself through a thousand hearts. And therefore Christ—God, though against your will, God, I say, is Christ, for this must often be said, that the hearing of unbelievers may burst asunder and be rent in pieces—speaking under the form of man by the command of God the Sovereign, since He knew that the nature of mortals is blind, and cannot grasp any truth even of things set before their eyes, and holds as ascertained and known whatever it has persuaded itself to be, and utterly sticks fast in suspicions, sowing and straining contentious questions, commanded us to leave and set aside all those things, and not to send fruitless thoughts into those matters which are removed far from our knowledge; but, so far as can be done, to set out with our whole mind and soul towards the Lord of things, to be lifted up from these places, and to transfer to Him the anxious turnings of our breast, to hold the memory of Him perpetual,

Editors' notes and page, col. 906

Footnotes

(b) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 906

Ita Fulv.

So Fulvius.

(printed under page 455)

Nec prorsus ms.

The manuscript has "nec prorsus".

COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] (continued) ‹lemma: Quid avenae, quid lolium?› · col 905 Avena itaque hoc loco Graecorum αἰγίλωψ, wilder, tauber Hafer, bene distinguenda a βρόμῳ, avena frugifera et sativa, quam a Thracibus Servius l. l., a Germaniae populis seri, nec alia pulte eos vivere, Plinius memorat Hist. Nat., lib. XVIII, cap. 17. ORELL.

"Avena" in this place, then, is the Greeks' aigilops, wild, barren oats, to be carefully distinguished from bromos, the fruitful, cultivated oat, which Servius in the place cited says is sown by the Thracians, and Pliny, Natural History, Book XVIII, chapter 17, by the peoples of Germany, who live on no other porridge. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Aut tristia in odoribus semina› · col 905 Aut tristia in odoribus semina. Stewech. legend. conj. tristia nidoribus semina, male : nidor enim solummodo significat odorem rerum incensarum, adustarum, nunquam odorem florum aut herbarum. Guil. Canter., Var. Lectt., II, 22, pag. 584, putat, una voce legendum inodoribus, id est nullis vel malis odoribus, quemadmodum Lucretius dixerit intactus pro nullus tactus. Sed fateor me frustra quaesivisse in Lucretio substantivum intactus, et nihil mutandum, nam praepositiones in, ex, sub apud Arnobium saepissime παρέλκειν supra observavimus. Caeterum in praecedentibus verbis pro redolentia Salmasius edidit suaveolentia. Sed nil mutandum. Nam redolere absolute positum semper fere lenem aliquem suavemque odorem significat. Ita apud Ovidium, Met., VIII, vers. 675 : Et in patulis redolentia mala canistris. Frustra tentarunt alii legentes, halantia, alii ridentia. ORELL.

"Or seeds harsh in their smells." Stewechius conjectures we should read "tristia nidoribus semina", wrongly: for "nidor" means only the smell of things burnt or scorched, never the smell of flowers or herbs. William Canter, Variae Lectiones II, 22, p. 584, thinks we should read as one word "inodoribus", that is, with no or bad smells, just as Lucretius says "intactus" for "no touch". But I confess I have looked in vain in Lucretius for the noun "intactus", and nothing should be changed, for we observed above that the prepositions "in", "ex", "sub" are very often redundant in Arnobius. For "redolentia" in the preceding words Salmasius printed "suaveolentia". But nothing should be changed. For "redolere", used absolutely, almost always signifies some gentle and sweet smell. So in Ovid, Metamorphoses VIII, line 675: "And apples fragrant in wide baskets." Others tried in vain to read "halantia", others "ridentia". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Melo› · col 905 Melo. Ita ms. Legunt alii inula. Vocamus nunc enulam a graeco forte ἑλένιον. Inula vero (Alant) proritat stomachum, et excitat appetitum : duplicis est generis; acidae sunt aliae, aliae amarae. Vid. Plin., lib. XIX, cap. 5; Horat., II, sat. II : Atque acidas mavult inulas. et eodem libro sat. VIII : . . . . Inulas ego primus amaras Monstravi incoquere. PRIOR.

"Melon." So the manuscript. Others read "inula". We now call it "enula", perhaps from the Greek helenion. Elecampane (Alant) provokes the stomach and stirs the appetite; it is of two kinds, some sour, some bitter. See Pliny, Book XIX, chapter 5; Horace, Satires II, 2: "And he prefers sour elecampane"; and in the same book, Satire 8: ". . . . I was the first to show how to cook in bitter elecampane." PRIOR.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Porrina› · col 905 Porrina. In foem. genere pro porro usurpavit etiam Cato de Re rust. cap. 47. ut cepina pro cepa apud Columell., XI, cap. 3, § 36. ed. Schneider. ORELL.

"Leek-bed." Cato too, On Agriculture, chapter 47, used it in the feminine for "porrum", as Columella XI, chapter 3, § 36 (Schneider's edition) uses "cepina" for "cepa". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Ulpicum› · cols 905-906 Ulpicum. Genus allii grandius, quod Graeci, ut refert Columella (de Re rust., lib. XI, cap. 3) ἀφροσκόροδον, quidam allium Punicum vel Cyprium sicuti docet Plinius (Hist. Nat., lib. XIX, cap. 6), alii antiscorodon appellant. De illo Plautus cecinit (in Poenuli, act. V, Scena. 5.) : . . . . . . . . . . Tum autem plenior Allii ulpicique, quam sunt Romani remiges. Videsis adhuc Palladium de Re rust., lib. XII, cap. 6. NOURR., p. 570.

"Great garlic (ulpicum)." A larger kind of garlic, which the Greeks, as Columella reports (On Agriculture, Book XI, chapter 3), call aphroskorodon; some call it Punic or Cyprian garlic, as Pliny teaches (Natural History, Book XIX, chapter 6), others antiscorodon. Plautus sang of it (in the Poenulus, act V, scene 5): ". . . . . . . . . . And then fuller of garlic and great garlic than the Roman rowers are." See also Palladius, On Agriculture, Book XII, chapter 6. NOURRY, p. 570.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Sapor dico, ut est sapor, et caetera› · col 906 Sapor dico, ut est sapor, et caetera. Ita correxit Meursius et ed. Lugd. Bat. ut est sapor, scil. in singulis rebus, quod subintelligendum ex antecedentibus. Cod. ms. id est sapor, nullo sensu. Equidem autem Heraldo verba haec de Glossemate suspecta habenti legentique sapor dico et caetera prorsus assentior. Ceterum Arnobius hoc loco expressit versum Lucretii, lib. III, vers. 268. Est odor, et quidam calor et sapor, et tamen ex his Omnibus est unum perfectum corporis augmen. ORELL.

"Flavour, I say, as there is flavour, and the rest." So Meursius and the Leiden edition corrected it: "as there is flavour", that is, in each thing, which is to be understood from what precedes. The manuscript has "id est sapor", which makes no sense. For my part I entirely agree with Heraldus, who suspects these words of being a gloss and reads "sapor dico et caetera". Arnobius, moreover, here reproduces a line of Lucretius, Book III, line 268: "There is smell, and a certain heat and flavour, and yet out of all these is made one complete bulk of body." ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Odoris sunt alicujus vel oloris› · col 906 Odoris sunt alicujus vel oloris. Lectionem hanc probaverunt viri doctissimi, Meursius in Append. C. Barthius, Advers., lib. XXXVII, cap. 6, pag. 1684; Colvius et Oudendorp., ad Apulei., Met., lib. I, pag. 57. Opponit nimirum Arnobius, ut dulcia amaris, ita et odorem olori, id est bonum, suavem odorem malo et tetro. Olor scil. est malus odor, foetor. Gloss. Isidor. Olacitas..... foetulentia, olor. Apulei. l. l. At ille olore alioqui spurcissimi humoris percussus, quo me Lamiae illae infecerant, vehementer aspernatur. Ita apud Virgil, Georg., IV, 49. aliquot membranae habent : Aut ubi olor coeni gravis, etc. pro odor. Editor Lugd. Bat. ex ms. dedit : Odoris sunt alicujus vel coloris, quod quidem defendi posset, ut sensus sit : Odoris sunt alicujus vel coloris aut suavis aut injucundi, quod subintelligendum e proxime sequentibus verbis : et ista lectio praecedentibus etiam, fuerit necessitas aliqua, ut non alios sapores, alios odores, alios colores..... habere debuerint, apprime congrua, ita ut dubitem, utra hoc loco praeferenda sit. ORELL.

"Are of some smell or stench." Very learned men have approved this reading: Meursius in his Appendix; C. Barth, Adversaria, Book XXXVII, chapter 6, p. 1684; Colvius and Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, Book I, p. 57. Arnobius, of course, sets smell against stench as sweet against bitter, that is, a good, pleasant smell against a bad and foul one. "Olor" is a bad smell, a stink. Glossary of Isidore: "Olacitas ..... stench, olor." Apuleius in the place cited: "But he, struck by the stench of that otherwise most filthy liquid with which those Lamiae had befouled me, recoiled violently." So in Virgil, Georgics IV, 49, some parchments have "Or where the heavy stench of mud", etc., for "odor". The Leiden editor gave from the manuscript: "Are of some smell or colour", which indeed could be defended, the sense being "of some smell or colour, either pleasant or unpleasant", to be understood from the words immediately following; and this reading also fits the preceding words exceedingly well, "there was some necessity that they should have different flavours, different smells, different colours .....", so that I am in doubt which is to be preferred here. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LX. — Dissiliat et dirumpatur auditus› · col 906 LX. — Dissiliat et dirumpatur auditus. Cicero pro domo sua ad Pontifices : Disrumpatur licet ista furia, atque audiat haec ex me. ELMENH. Virgil., Eclog. VII, 26.... Invidia rumpantur ut ilia Codro. ORELL. — Hemsterh. ad Lucian. Timon., § 40. OCHSNER.

LX. — "Let the hearing burst and split." Cicero, On his House, to the Pontiffs: "Let that fury burst if he will, and hear this from me." ELMENHORST. Virgil, Eclogue VII, 26: ".... so that Codrus's sides may burst with envy." ORELLI. — Hemsterhuis on Lucian's Timon, § 40. OCHSNER.

(printed under page 455)

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PL 5:907

et licet nulla possit imaginatione formari, auras tamen nescio quas sibi contemplationis affingere. Rebus enim ex omnibus, quas augustae continet divinitatis obscuritas, solum esse indubitabilem, solum verum, et de quo nullus ambigere, nisi amens possit, et desperationis insanae, quem satis sit scire, ut nihil aliud noveris: sisque veram, et maximam scientiam consecutus, in Deo rerum capite et cognitione defixus.

and although He can be fashioned by no imagination, yet to frame for oneself some faint breaths of contemplation of Him. For out of all things which the obscurity of august divinity contains, He alone is indubitable, He alone true, and concerning whom no one can doubt save a madman and one of insane desperation—whom it is enough to know, though you know nothing else, and you will have attained the true and greatest science, fixed fast in God the Head of things and in the knowledge of Him.

LXI. Quid est, inquit, vobis investigare, conquirere, quisnam hominem fecerit? animarum origo quae sit? quis malorum excogitaverit causas? orbe sit sol amplior, an pedis unius latitudine metiatur? alieno ex lumine, an propriis luceat fulgoribus luna? quae neque scire compendium, neque ignorare detrimentum est ullum. Remittite haec Deo, atque ipsum scire concedite, quid, quare, aut unde sit; debuerit esse, aut non esse; semper natum sit aliquid, an ortus primigenios habeat: aboleri conveniat, an reservari;

LXI. "What business is it of yours," He says, "to investigate, to seek out who made man? what the origin of souls is? who devised the causes of evils? whether the sun is larger than the earth, or is measured by the breadth of a single foot? whether the moon shines by another's light, or by her own gleams?—things which there is neither any gain in knowing, nor any loss in being ignorant of. Leave these things to God, and grant to Him Himself to know what, wherefore, or whence anything is; whether it ought to have been or not to have been; whether something was always born, or has first-born beginnings; whether it be fitting that it be abolished, or preserved;

Editors' notes and page, col. 907

Footnotes

NOTE: the foot images show only the lower part of the COMMENTARIUS block; any notes above the crop (and any lectiones variantes) are not set here. No lectiones variantes are visible on the foot images. The scan is heavily blurred in places; doubtful readings are marked [?]. COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] ‹lemma: Auras tamen nescio quas ejus sibi contemplationis affingere› · col 907 Auras tamen nescio quas ejus sibi contemplationis affingere. Auras hoc loco dixit Arnobius pro, leves quasdam umbras, exiles imagines sibi affingere. Ita Lactant., Inst., lib. III, cap. 17 : Quod si vel exiguam veritatis auram colligere potuisset (Lucretius), nunquam diceret, aedes illum suas disturbare, ubi vide Bünemann., et Hieronymus, Epist. ad Marcellam, 141. Graecarum litterarum quamdam aurulam acceperat. Eodem sensu αὔρα συνέσεως apud Epiphanium. Ita veteres appellant auram et afflatum vim omnem ; quae ab alio in alium transit, ut, cum exempli causa consuetudine sapientium sapientes simus, doctorum docti. Vide Is. Casaubon., ad Persii Sat. I, vers. 123, pag. 157. Sed hoc loco insolentius dictum contemplationis auras sibi affingere ; et nescio, annon rectius legi possit : auras tamen (scil. memoriae ejus) nescio quas ejus sibi contemplatione affingere. ORELL.

"Yet to fashion for themselves some breaths or other of the contemplation of it." By "breaths" Arnobius here means: to fashion for themselves some light shadows, thin images. So Lactantius, Institutes, Book III, chapter 17: "But if he (Lucretius) had been able to catch even a slight breath of truth, he would never have said that he overthrows his own house"; see there Bünemann; and Jerome, Letter to Marcella, 141: "He had received some little breath of Greek letters." In the same sense "a breath of understanding" in Epiphanius. So the ancients call every power that passes from one to another a breath and inspiration, as when, for instance, we become wise by the company of the wise, learned by that of the learned. See Isaac Casaubon on Persius, Satire I, line 123, p. 157. But in this place "to fashion for themselves breaths of contemplation" is rather an unusual expression; and I wonder whether it might more correctly be read: "yet to fashion for themselves by contemplation some breaths or other (that is, of its memory)." ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Solum esse indubitabilem› · col 907 Solum esse indubitabilem. Meursius, locum credens mutilum, legendum suspicatur : solum esse indubitabilem, indubitabile est. Male verba haec pendent a praecedentibus Christus praecepit, etc........... Pergit deinde : Rebus enim ex omnibus, etc. scil. dixit Christus : quod subintelligendum per syllepsin, figuram notissimam. ORELL.

"That he alone is beyond doubt." Meursius, believing the passage mutilated, suspects we should read "that he alone is beyond doubt is beyond doubt". Wrongly: these words depend on the preceding "Christ commanded", etc. ........... He then goes on: "For of all things", etc., that is, Christ said; which is to be understood by syllepsis, a very well-known figure. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: In Deo rerum capite et cognitione defixus› · col 907 In Deo rerum capite et cognitione defixus. Aut excidit aliquid ante verbum cognitione, fortassis mente et cognitione, aut quod magis placet, legendum : in Deo rerum capite et columine defixus, quod familiare Arnobio. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 8. ORELL.

"Fixed on God, the head of things, and in knowledge." Either something has fallen out before the word "cognitione", perhaps "in mind and knowledge", or, which I prefer, we should read "fixed on God, the head and summit of things", an expression familiar to Arnobius. See above, on Book I, chapter 8. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LXI. — Orbe sit sol amplior, an pedis unius latitudine metiatur› · col 907 LXI. — Orbe sit sol amplior, an pedis unius latitudine metiatur. Vide Ciceron., Acad. Quaest., lib. II, cap. 26, ibique Davis. Metiatur passive. Sic Curtius, lib. V, cap. 1, fin. : Ducenis pedestrium stipendium mensum est, et Lactantius, de Mortibus persecut., cap. 23 : Agri glebatim metiebantur, ubi vid. Bauldri, pag. 169. ORELL.

LXI. — "Whether the sun is larger than the earth, or measures one foot across." See Cicero, Academica II, chapter 26, and Davies there. "Metiatur" is passive. So Curtius, Book V, chapter 1, end: "To each foot soldier two hundred was measured out as pay"; and Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, chapter 23: "The fields were measured clod by clod", where see Baudri, p. 169. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: An propriis luceat fulgoribus luna› · col 907 An propriis luceat fulgoribus luna. An reddidit Arnobio Meursius. Antea ac propriis. ORELL.

"Whether the moon shines with its own light." Meursius restored "an" to Arnobius; formerly "ac propriis". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Semper natum sit aliquid› · col 907 Semper natum sit aliquid. Ita legendum cum Fulvio Ursino et Lugd. Batavo, neque audiendus Heraldus, veterem lectionem supernatum, vitiosam et e male intellecto scripturae compendio spernatum ortam, logicis subtilitatibus defendere cupiens. ORELL.

"Whether something is always born." So we should read with Fulvius Ursinus and the Leiden edition; nor is Heraldus to be heeded, who wishes to defend with logical subtleties the old reading "supernatum", which is faulty and arose from a misunderstood abbreviation, "spernatum". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Res vestra in ancipiti sita est, salus dico animarum vestrarum› · cols 907-908 Res vestra in ancipiti sita est, salus dico animarum vestrarum. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii legunt : Vestra in ancipiti sita est salus animarum vestrarum. Meursius, Fulv. Ursinus et Stewechius verba animarum vestrarum delent tamquam glossema. Forsitan scripsit Arnobius : Vestra in ancipiti sita sunt, salus animarum vestrarum. ORELL.

"Your concern stands in peril, the salvation, I mean, of your souls." So the Leiden edition. Others read: "Your salvation of your souls stands in peril." Meursius, Fulvius Ursinus and Stewechius delete the words "of your souls" as a gloss. Perhaps Arnobius wrote: "Your concerns stand in peril, the salvation of your souls." ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LXII. — Spe aeria› · col 908 LXII. — Spe aeria. Id est cassa, inani, ut explicat Meursius. Conf. Gesner., in Thesaur. ORELL.

LXII. — "With airy hope." That is, empty, vain, as Meursius explains. Compare Gesner's Thesaurus. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Quod a sciolis nonnullis et plurimum sibi arrogantibus dicitur› · col 908 Quod a sciolis nonnullis et plurimum sibi arrogantibus dicitur. Ita correxit Gelenius, probante ed. Lugd. Bat. Cod. ms. a scholis nonnullis, id est a quibusdam philosophorum familiis ; quam lectionem tuetur Heraldus : sed praefero a sciolis. ORELL.

"What is said by some smatterers who claim very much for themselves." So Gelenius corrected it, with the approval of the Leiden edition. The manuscript has "a scholis nonnullis", that is, by certain households of philosophers; Heraldus defends this reading, but I prefer "a sciolis". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Si vitam restrictius egerint› · col 908 Si vitam restrictius egerint. Nazarius in Panegyr. Constant., c. 15 : Illi veteres laudati vitae moderatores, qui refrenandis cupiditatibus restricte contenteque vixerunt, id est parce contenteque, ut ait Pacatus, in Panegyr. Theodos., cap. 18. Lactantius, de Ira Dei, cap. 20 : Cur ergo, inquiet aliquis, et qui peccant, saepe felices sunt, et qui pie vivunt, saepe miseri? Quia fugitivi et abdicati libere vivunt ; et qui sub disciplina patris aut domini sunt, strictius ac frugalius. Ubi vide Bünemann, pag. 1004. ORELL.

"If they have lived their life more strictly." Nazarius, Panegyric of Constantine, chapter 15: "Those praised ancient regulators of life, who in curbing their desires lived strictly and with restraint", that is, sparingly and with restraint, as Pacatus says, Panegyric of Theodosius, chapter 18. Lactantius, On the Anger of God, chapter 20: "Why then, someone will say, are those who sin often happy, and those who live piously often wretched? Because runaways and the disinherited live freely, while those under the discipline of a father or master live more strictly and frugally." See there Bünemann, p. 1004. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Ac post hominis functionem› · col 908 Ac post hominis functionem. Functionem pro morte dicere amat noster. Vide supra caput 27 et 57 ejusdem libri : et bene observat Gesnerus in Thesauro, esse εὐφημικῶν in hoc nomine, quo indicatur necessitas illa moriendi et fungendi illo ultimo officio. ORELL.

"And after the man's discharge." Our author likes to say "functio" for death. See above, chapters 27 and 57 of this same book; and Gesner in the Thesaurus rightly observes that there is a euphemism in this noun, by which is indicated that necessity of dying and of discharging that last duty. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Patritam› · col 908 Patritam. Ita ms. bene. Veteres enim patritus, quomodo avitus, dicebant. Varro Manio : Funere familiari commoto, avito ac patrito more precabamur. Idem Reip., lib. XX, secundum leges habitassel [?] patritas Cicero, Tusc. I, cap. 19. Patritam illam atque avitam, ut ait Theophrastus, philosophiam. MEURS., in Append. Alii patriam quomodo et in Ciceronis loco citato edidit Davisius. ORELL.

"Ancestral." So the manuscript, rightly. For the ancients said "patritus" as they said "avitus". Varro, Manius: "When a funeral had been set in motion in the household, we prayed after the ancestral and fatherly custom." The same, On the Republic, Book XX: "had dwelt [?] according to the fathers' laws". Cicero, Tusculans I, chapter 19: "that fatherly and ancestral philosophy, as Theophrastus says." MEURSIUS, in the Appendix. Others read "patriam", as Davies also printed in the passage of Cicero cited. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Libris in Acheronticis› · col 908 Libris in Acheronticis. Libros Acheronticos de sacris Acherontiis et ceremoniis scripsisse credebatur Tages. Servius ad Virgil., Aen., VIII, 399 : Sciendum, secundum aruspicinae libros et sacra Acherontia, quae Tages composuisse dicitur, fata decem annis quadam ratione differri; quod nunc dicit Vulcanus potuisse fieri, etc. HERALD. Libros fatales appellat Censorinus, de Die nat., cap. 14, ubi vid. Lindenbrog., pag. 66, ed. Haverc. Intelliguntur scil. libri cerimonias continentes ad Manes ex Acheronte eliciendos. Alii legend. censent libris in Aruntiis, intelligentes sine dubio eos libros, quos Tarquinium a Sibylla magno pretio coemisse narrant Dionysius (continues)

"In the Acherontic books." Tages was believed to have written Acherontic books on the Acherontic rites and ceremonies. Servius on Virgil, Aeneid VIII, 399: "It should be known that, according to the books of soothsaying and the Acherontic rites which Tages is said to have composed, the fates can by a certain method be postponed for ten years; which Vulcan now says could have been done", etc. HERALD. Censorinus, On the Birthday, chapter 14, calls them the books of fate; see there Lindenbrog, p. 66 of Havercamp's edition. The books meant, that is, are those containing the ceremonies for calling up the shades from Acheron. Others think we should read "in the Aruntian books", meaning no doubt the books which Dionysius relates Tarquin bought from the Sibyl at a great price (continues)

(printed under page 456)

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PL 5:908

exuri, dissolvi, an repetita integritate renovari. Vestris non est rationibus liberum implicare vos talibus, et tam remotas inutiliter curare res. Res vestra in ancipiti sita est, salus dico animarum vestrarum, et nisi vos applicatis Dei Principis notioni, a corporalibus vinculis exsolutos expectat mors saeva, non repentinam afferens extinctionem, sed per tractum temporis cruciabilis poenae acerbitate consumens.

burned up, dissolved, or renewed with its wholeness restored. It is not free for your reasonings to entangle yourselves in such things, and uselessly to care for matters so remote. Your own affair is set in jeopardy—the salvation, I mean, of your souls; and unless you apply yourselves to the knowledge of God the Sovereign, when you have been loosed from bodily bonds fierce death awaits you, not bringing sudden extinction, but consuming you through a long stretch of time with the bitterness of tormenting punishment."

LXII. Neque illud obrepat, aut spe vobis aeria blandiatur, quod a sciolis nonnullis, et plurimum sibi arrogantibus dicitur; Deo esse se gnatos, nec fati obnoxios legibus; si vitam restrictius egerint, aulam sibi ejus patere, ac post hominis functionem prohibente se nullo tamquam in sedem referri patritam; neque quod Magi spondent, commendatitias habere se preces, quibus emollitae nescio quae potestates vias faciles praebeant ad coelum contendentibus subvolare; neque quod Etruria libris in Acheronticis

LXII. Neither let that creep upon you, or flatter you with an airy hope, which is said by some smatterers who arrogate very much to themselves, that they are born of God, and are not subject to the laws of fate; that if they live their life more strictly, His court lies open to them, and that after the death of man, with no one hindering them, they are carried back as into a paternal abode; nor what the Magi pledge, that they have commendatory prayers, softened by which some powers or other afford easy ways to those striving to fly up to heaven; nor what Etruria in the Acherontic books

Editors' notes and page, col. 908

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

(b) ‹anchor: inutiliter› · call in col 908

[beginning under col 907, cut off at the image edge; ends "…te cu-"] … [cu]rate res vestra. In ancipiti, etc. Meurs. [?]

[beginning cut off] … [cu]rate res vestra. In ancipiti, etc. Meursius. [?]

(printed under page 456)

Ab sciolis ms.

Ab sciolis, the manuscript.

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running head: BII ADVERSUS GENTES 908
marginal letters: A exuri, dissolvi, an; B se preces, quibus
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: missing period after GENTES in running head; margins C and D are in the Commentarius at foot

PL 5:909

pollicetur, certorum animalium sanguine numinibus certis dato, divinas animas fieri, et ab legibus mortalitatis educi. Blandimenta haec cassa sunt, et inanium fomenta votorum. Servare animas alius, nisi Deus omnipotens non potest; nec praeterea quisquam est, qui longaevas facere, perpetuitatis possit et spiritum subrogare, nisi qui immortalis et perpetuus solus est, et nullius temporis circumscriptione finitus. Cum enim dii omnes, vel quicumque sunt veri, vel qui esse rumore atque opinione dicuntur; immortales et perpetui voluntate ejus sint, et beneficii munere; qui fieri potis est, ut alii praestare, id quod ipsi sunt valeant, cum alienum id habeant; et majoris potentiae commodatum? Caedat licet hostias quantaslibet Etruria; humana sibi omnia sapientes negent; Magi cunctas emolliant et commulceant potestates; nisi a Domino rerum datum fuerit animis id, quod ratio postulat, idque per mandatum; multum postea poenitebit fuisse irrisui, cum ad sensum coeperit interitionis accedi.

promises, that when the blood of certain animals has been given to certain deities, souls become divine and are led forth from the laws of mortality. These are empty flatteries, and the cherishings of vain wishes. None other save Almighty God can save souls; nor besides is there anyone who can make them long-lived, and supply also a spirit of perpetuity, save He who alone is immortal and perpetual, and bounded by the limit of no time. For since all the gods, whether whosoever are true, or those who are said to exist by rumour and opinion, are immortal and perpetual by His will and by the gift of His kindness, how is it possible that they should avail to bestow upon another that which they themselves are, when they hold it as another's, and as the loan of a greater power? Let Etruria slaughter as many victims as she pleases; let the wise deny themselves all human things; let the Magi soften and soothe all powers: unless there has been given to souls by the Lord of things that which reason demands, and that by His command, it will repent them much hereafter to have been a laughing-stock, when they begin to draw near to the feeling of destruction.

LXIII. Sed si, inquiunt, Christus in hoc missus a Deo est, ut infelices animas ab interitionis exitio liberaret, quid saecula commeruerunt priora, quae ante ipsius adventum mortalitatis conditione consumpta sunt? Potestis enim scire, quid sit cum eis animis actum priscorum veterrimorumque mortalium? subventum et his an sit ratione aliqua, consultum atque provisum? Potestis, inquam, scire id, quod Christo potuit docente agnosci; infinita, an finita saecula sint, ex quo in terris esse genus hominum coepit? quando primum animae corporibus illigatae? quis auctor vinctionis istius, quinimmo ipsius quisnam hominis fabricator? quo priorum abscesserint animae, quibus in

LXIII. "Yet if," they say, "Christ was sent by God for this, that He might deliver unhappy souls from the ruin of destruction, what did former ages deserve, which before His coming were consumed by the condition of mortality?" Can you indeed know what was done with those souls of ancient and most olden mortals? whether aid was brought to these also in some way, and counsel and provision taken for them? Can you, I say, know that which could be learned when Christ taught: whether the ages are infinite or finite since the race of men began to be on the earth? when souls were first bound to bodies? who was the author of that binding, nay more, who the framer of man himself? whither the souls of former men departed, in what

Editors' notes and page, col. 909

Footnotes

NOTE: the scan is heavily blurred in places; doubtful readings are marked [?]. LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 457)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 909

Sic ms. Vel habeant alii.

So the manuscript. Others read "vel habeant".

(printed under page 457)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 909

Me risui ms, Lego : derisui. Meurs.

The manuscript has "me risui"; I read "derisui". Meursius.

(printed under page 457)

Ita Gelen. Absens cum ms.

So Gelenius. The manuscript has "absens cum".

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mundi partibus, aut regionibus fuerint, corruptibiles, an contra? potuerintne accedere ad periculum moriendi, nisi tempore necessario conservator occurrisset Christus? Deponite has curas, et incognitas vobis relinquite quaestiones, miseratio et illis impertita est regia, et aequaliter per omnes divina beneficia cucurrerunt, conservatae sunt, liberatae sunt, et mortalitatis sortem conditionemque posuerunt. Quo genere, quae, quando? Si arrogantia, si typhus, si elatio abesset a vobis, jamdudum eo scire potuistis auctore.

parts or regions of the world they were, corruptible or the reverse? Could they have come to the danger of dying, unless at the needful time Christ the Preserver had met them? Lay aside these cares, and leave alone questions unknown to you; royal compassion has been imparted to them also, and the divine benefits have run equally through all: they have been preserved, they have been set free, and they have laid aside the lot and condition of mortality. In what manner, which ones, when? If arrogance, if pride, if haughtiness were absent from you, you could long ago have known from Him as teacher.

LXIV. Sed si generis Christus humani, inquitis, conservator advenit, cur omnino non omnes aequali munificentia liberat? Non aequaliter liberat qui aequaliter omnes vocat? aut ab indulgentia principali quemquam repellit, aut respuit, qui sublimibus, infimis, servis, foeminis, pueris, uniformiter potestatem veniendi ad se facit? Patet, inquit, omnibus fons vitae, neque ab jure potandi quisquam prohibetur, aut pellitur. Si tibi fastidium tantum est, ut oblati respuas beneficium muneris, quinimmo si tantum sapientia praevales, ut ea, quae offeruntur a Christo, ludum atque ineptias nomines: quid invitans in te peccat, cujus solae sunt hae partes, ut sub tui juris arbitrio fructum suae benignitatis exponat? Sortem vitae eligendi nulli est, inquit Plato, Deus causa, neque alterius voluntas adscribi potest cuiquam recte, cum voluntatis libertas in ipsius sit posita potestate, qui voluit. An numquid orandus es, ut beneficium salutis ab Deo digneris accipere; et tibi aspernanti, fugientique longissime, infundenda in gremium est divinae benevolentiae gratia? Vis sumere quod offertur, atque in tuos usus convertere? consulueris tu tibi.

LXIV. Yet if Christ, you say, has come as the Preserver of the human race, why does He not at all set free all men with equal munificence? Does He not set free equally Who calls all equally? Or does He thrust back or reject anyone from the sovereign indulgence, Who to the highest, the lowest, slaves, women, boys, uniformly grants the power of coming to Him? The fountain of life, says He, lies open to all, nor is anyone kept back or driven away from the right of drinking. If your disdain is so great that you reject the benefit of the offered gift—nay more, if you prevail so much in wisdom that you call the things which are offered by Christ sport and follies—wherein does He Who invites sin against you, Whose sole part is this, that He should set forth the fruit of His benignity under the decision of your own right? Of the lot of choosing a life, says Plato, God is the cause to no one, nor can the will of another be rightly ascribed to anyone, since the freedom of the will has been placed in the power of him himself who willed. Or must you indeed be entreated that you may deign to receive the benefit of salvation from God, and as you spurn it and flee very far off, must the grace of divine benevolence be poured into your lap? Are you willing to take what is offered, and to turn it to your own uses? You will have taken thought for yourself.

Editors' notes and page, col. 910

Footnotes

(d) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 910

Despuit ms.

The manuscript has "despuit".

(printed under page 457)

(e) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 910

Exspectat ms. mendose.

The manuscript has "exspectat", faultily.

(printed under page 457)

(f) ‹anchor: Sortem vitae eligendi› · call in col 910

Eligenti ms.

The manuscript has "eligenti".

COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] (continued) ‹lemma: Libris in Acheronticis› · col 909 Halicarn., Gellius, Lactantius, alii. At vero istorum librorum emptor nulli dicitur Aruns Tarquinius; sed aliis Tarquinius Priscus, aliis L. Tarquinius Superbus. Vid. Bünemann., ad Lactant. Inst., I, c. 6, pag. 41. Nec etiam libri Aruntici dici possunt libri ad averruncanda mala, procuranda infausta omina. Nam contractum ab Averruncus est Arruncus, Arrungus, Arruncicus, non Arunticus. Itaque unice verum Acheronticis. ORELL.

of Halicarnassus, Gellius, Lactantius and others. But the buyer of those books is said by no one to be Aruns Tarquinius; by some it is Tarquinius Priscus, by others L. Tarquinius Superbus. See Bünemann on Lactantius, Institutes I, chapter 6, p. 41. Nor can books for averting evils and expiating unlucky omens be called "Aruntic" books. For the contraction of "Averruncus" is "Arruncus", "Arrungus", "Arruncicus", not "Arunticus". "Acheronticis" is therefore the only true reading. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Divinas animas fieri› · col 909 Divinas animas fieri. Id est immortales. Vide infra ad cap. LXIV. ORELL.

"That souls become divine." That is, immortal. See below, on chapter LXIV. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Qui longaevas facere, perpetuitatis possit et spiritum subrogare› · col 909 Qui longaevas facere, perpetuitatis possit et spiritum subrogare. Ita ex ms. edidit et interpunxit Salmasius, rectissime. Variant autem hoc loco editores. Fulv. Ursinus et Gelenius legit longaevas eas facere perpetuitatis possit, et spiritum subrogare, probante Stewechio. Canterus et Heraldus in Curis secundis longevae facere perpetuitatis possit, etc. Sed verbo perpetuitatis referend. ad sequens spiritum, neque video, quid sibi velit spiritum subrogare absolute dictum. ORELL.

"Who can make them long-lived, and supply the breath of perpetuity." So Salmasius printed and punctuated it from the manuscript, most rightly. The editors, however, differ in this place. Fulvius Ursinus and Gelenius read "can make them long-lived of perpetuity, and supply breath", with Stewechius's approval. Canter and Heraldus in his second Curae: "can make [them] of long-lived perpetuity", etc. But the word "perpetuitatis" is to be referred to the following "spiritum", nor do I see what "to supply breath", said absolutely, would mean. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Humana sibi omnia sapientes negent› · col 909 Humana sibi omnia sapientes negent. Fulv. Ursin. mavult arrogent, male. Respiciunt haec ad jejunia et abstinentias, quibus magi veteres deorum apparitionem auxiliumque sibi conciliare arbitrabantur. ORELL.

"Let the wise deny themselves all human things." Fulvius Ursinus prefers "arrogent", wrongly. These words refer to the fasts and abstinences by which the ancient magi thought they won for themselves the apparition and help of the gods. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Datum fuerit animis id› · col 909 Datum fuerit animis id. Animis apud Arnobium constanter pro animabus, quod semel monuisse sufficiat. Vide Bünemann. ad Lactant., Inst. VII, cap. 2, pag. 860. ORELL.

"This would have been given to souls." In Arnobius "animis" stands constantly for "animabus", which it is enough to have pointed out once. See Bünemann on Lactantius, Institutes VII, chapter 2, p. 860. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Cum ad sensum coeperit interitionis accedi› · cols 909-910 Cum ad sensum coeperit interitionis accedi. Ita Gelenius, acute. Ms. cum absens cum, etc., nullo sensu. MEURS., in Append.

"When one has begun to approach the sense of perishing." So Gelenius, shrewdly. The manuscript has "cum absens cum", etc., which makes no sense. MEURSIUS, in the Appendix.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LXIII. — Quinimmo ipsius› · col 910 LXIII. — Quinimmo ipsius. Ms. Quinimmo potiuse. Vinctionis in praec. debetur Meursio. Alii Junctionis. ORELL.

LXIII. — "Nay, rather of him." The manuscript has "Quinimmo potiuse". "Vinctionis" in the preceding words is owed to Meursius; others have "junctionis". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Deponite has curas› · col 910 Deponite has curas. Ed. Lugd. Bat., exponite ex ms. ORELL.

"Lay aside these cares." The Leiden edition has "exponite", from the manuscript. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Si elatio abesset a vobis, jamdudum eo scire potuistis auctore› · col 910 Si elatio abesset a vobis, jamdudum eo scire potuistis auctore. Meursius et Fulv. Ursinus legendum censet potuissetis. Sed Latinos hoc modo, ut oratio sit eo certior, loqui docet Corte ad Sallust. Jugurth., cap. 85, § 48, et Fragm. Hist., lib. III, pag. 967. Ita Liv., lib. II, cap. 10. Pons sublicius iter pene hostibus dedit, ni unus vir fuisset, Horatius Cocles. Virgil., Aen., XI, 112. Nec veni, nisi fata locum sedemque dedissent. Et apposite ad nostrum locum Curtius, lib. IV, c. 12. Quod si perculsis Mazaeus supervenisset, ingens clades accipi potuit. ORELL.

"If pride were absent from you, you could long ago have known it on his authority." Meursius and Fulvius Ursinus think we should read "potuissetis". But Corte, on Sallust's Jugurtha, chapter 85, § 48, and on the Fragments of the Histories, Book III, p. 967, shows that the Latins speak in this way to make the statement more certain. So Livy, Book II, chapter 10: "The pile bridge almost gave the enemy a way through, had there not been one man, Horatius Cocles." Virgil, Aeneid XI, 112: "Nor have I come, had not the fates given a place and seat." And aptly to our passage Curtius, Book IV, chapter 12: "But if Mazaeus had come upon them while they were shaken, a huge defeat could have been suffered." ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LXIV. — Patet, inquit, omnibus fons vitae, etc.› · col 910 LXIV. — Patet, inquit, omnibus fons vitae, etc. Respicere videtur Arnobius ad verba Christi, Job, VI, 35 et 37 : Ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ ἄρτος τῆς ζωῆς. Ὁ ἐρχόμενος πρός με οὐ μὴ πεινάσῃ· καὶ ὁ πιστεύων εἰς ἐμὲ οὐ μὴ διψήσῃ πώποτε..... Πᾶν ὃ δίδωσί μοι ὁ Πατὴρ, πρὸς ἐμὲ ἥξει· καὶ τὸν ἐρχόμενον πρός με οὐ μὴ ἐκβάλω ἔξω. ORELL.

LXIV. — "The fountain of life, he says, lies open to all", etc. Arnobius seems to have in view the words of Christ, Job [as printed; read John] VI, 35 and 37: "I am the bread of life. He who comes to me shall not hunger, and he who believes in me shall never thirst ..... All that the Father gives me will come to me; and him who comes to me I will not cast out." ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Sortem vitae eligendi nulli est, inquit Plato, Deus causa› · col 910 Sortem vitae eligendi nulli est, inquit Plato, Deus causa. Plato, de Republ., lib. X, pag. 617, ed. H. (continues)

"Of the lot of choosing a life God is to no one the cause, says Plato." Plato, Republic, Book X, p. 617 of H. (continues)

(printed under page 457)

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PL 5:911

Aspernaris, contemnis, et despicis? tu te muneris commoditate privaveris. Nulli Deus infert necessitatem, imperiosa formidine nullum terret. Neque enim necessaria nostra illi salus est, ut compendii aliquid dispendiive patiatur: si aut Deos nos fecerit, aut ad nihilum redigi corruptionis dissolutione permiserit.

Do you spurn, despise, and look down upon it? You will have deprived yourself of the advantage of the gift. On no one does God bring necessity, no one does He terrify with imperious dread. For neither is our salvation necessary to Him, that He should suffer anything of gain or of loss, if either He shall have made us gods, or permitted us to be reduced to nothing by the dissolution of corruption.

LXV. Immo, inquit, si Deus est potens, misericors, conservator, convertat nobis mentes, et invitos faciat suis pollicitationibus credere. Vis ergo est ista, non gratia, nec Dei liberalitas principis, sed ad vincendi studium puerilis, atque inanis contentio. Quid est enim tam injustum, quam repugnantibus, quam invitis extorquere in contrarium voluntates, inculcare quod nolint, et quod refugiant animis? prius nocere, quam prosis, et priore detracto, in alienum habitum sententiamque traducere? Tu qui te verti, et vim desideras perpeti, ut id quod nolis efficias, atque arripias coactus: cur respuis assumere voluntate id, quod versus desideras atque immutatus efficere? Nolo, inquit, et voluntatem non habeo. Quid ergo criminaris Deum, tamquam tibi desit? opem desideras tibi ferre, cujus dona, et munera non tantum asperneris et fugias, verum in alia verba cognomines, et jocularibus facetiis prosequaris. Christianus ergo ni

LXV. Nay rather, says someone, if God is powerful, merciful, a Preserver, let Him turn our minds, and make us even unwillingly believe His promises. That, then, is force, not grace, nor the bounty of God the Sovereign, but a childish and empty striving out of zeal for conquering. For what is so unjust as to wrench wills to the contrary in those who resist and are unwilling, to cram into their minds what they do not wish and what they shrink from? to do harm before you do good, and when the former state has been taken away, to bring them over into an alien habit and opinion? You who desire yourself to be turned and to suffer force, that you may accomplish that which you do not wish, and seize upon it under compulsion: why do you refuse to take up by your own will that which, when turned and changed, you desire to accomplish? I am unwilling, says he, and I do not have the will. Why then do you accuse God, as though He failed you? Do you desire Him to bring help to you, Whose gifts and presents you not only spurn and flee from, but call by other words, and pursue with jocular witticisms? Therefore unless a Christian

Editors' notes and page, col. 911

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 458)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 911

Inania Fulv.

Fulvius reads "inania".

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fuero, spem salutis habere non potero? Ita est, ut ipse proponis. Partes enim salutis dandae, conferendique animis quod tribui convenit necessariumque est applicari, solus a Deo patre injunctum habet et traditum, ita se habentibus semotis atque interioribus causis. Ut enim dii certi certas apud vos habent tutelas, licentias, potestates, neque eorum ab aliquo id quod ejus non sit potestatis ac licentiae, postulatis: ita unius pontificium Christi est dare animis salutem, et spiritum perpetuitatis apponere. Si enim patrem creditis Liberum dare posse vindemiam, medicinam non posse: si Cererem fruges, si Aesculapium sanitatem, si Neptunum aliud, aliud posse Junonem, Fortunam, Mercurium, Vulcanum, rerum esse singulos certarum ac singularum datores: et hoc necesse a nobis est ut debeatis accipere, a nullo animas posse vim vitae atque incolumitatis accipere, nisi ab eo, quem rex summus huic muneri officioque praefecit. Hanc omnipotens Imperator esse voluit salutis viam, hanc vitae, ut ita dixerim, januam; per hunc solum est ingressus ad lucem, neque alia datum est, vel irrepere, vel invadere, caeteris omnibus clausis atque inexpugnabili arce munitis.

I shall have been, shall I not be able to have the hope of salvation? It is so, as you yourself state. For the office of giving salvation, and of bestowing upon souls what is fitting to be granted and necessary to be applied, He alone has enjoined upon Him and handed over by God the Father, the remote and inner causes standing thus. For just as certain gods among you have certain wardships, licences, and powers, nor do you demand from any one of them that which is not of his power and licence: so it is the high-priestly prerogative of Christ alone to give salvation to souls, and to add the spirit of perpetuity. For if you believe that Father Liber can give the vintage, but cannot give medicine; if Ceres can give crops, if Aesculapius health, if Neptune can do one thing and Juno another, and that Fortune, Mercury, and Vulcan are each the givers of certain and single things: this also you must needs receive from us, that from no one can souls receive the vigour of life and of safety except from Him Whom the Supreme King has set over this gift and office. This the Almighty Emperor willed to be the way of salvation, this the door, so to speak, of life; through Him alone is there entrance to the light (John 10:7, 9; 14:6), nor is it granted by any other way either to creep in or to break in, all others being shut and fortified by an impregnable stronghold.

Editors' notes and page, col. 912

Footnotes

(b) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 912

Ab ms.

The manuscript has "ab".

COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] (continued) ‹lemma: Sortem vitae eligendi nulli est, inquit Plato, Deus causa› · col 911 Steph., (ed. Bipont. vol. VII, pag. 330.) Ἀρετὴ δὲ ἀδέσποτον, ἣν τιμῶν καὶ ἀτιμάζων, πλέον καὶ ἔλαττον αὐτῆς ἕκαστος ἕξει· αἰτία ἑλομένου· θεὸς ἀναίτιος. Idem, de Rep. II, pag. 379; Theodoret., de Provident., serm. VI, contra Graecos, pag. 9[?]; Tertullian., de Exhort. Castit., cap. 2. Justin. Martyr, Apolog. II, pro christianis, pag. 36. ELMENH.

Stephanus (Zweibrücken edition, vol. VII, p. 330): "Virtue has no master; as each honours or dishonours her, he will have more or less of her. The blame is the chooser's; God is blameless." The same, Republic II, p. 379; Theodoret, On Providence, sermon VI, Against the Greeks, p. 9[?]; Tertullian, Exhortation to Chastity, chapter 2; Justin Martyr, Second Apology for the Christians, p. 36. ELMENHORST.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Tu te muneris commoditate privaveris› · col 911 Tu te muneris commoditate privaveris. Ita editio Lugd. Bat. e correctione Fulvii Ursini. Cod. ms. tibi muneris commoditatem probaveris, quod Heraldus in editione sua defendere conatur, explicans : vide an sit tibi commodum nec ne, munus istud accipere. Sed ipse in Curis secundis sententiam suam retractans probat emendationem Ursini. ORELL.

"You will have deprived yourself of the benefit of the gift." So the Leiden edition, from Fulvius Ursinus's correction. The manuscript has "tibi muneris commoditatem probaveris", which Heraldus in his edition tries to defend, explaining: see whether it is to your advantage or not to accept that gift. But he himself, retracting his opinion in his second Curae, approves Ursinus's emendation. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Si aut deos nos fecerit› · col 911 Si aut deos nos fecerit. Ita emendavit Gelenius pro eo quod antea legebatur : si aut Deus nos fecerit. Vere. Deos igitur dicit immortales. Gentiles defunctos deos appellabant. M. Tullius, libro de Legibus, II : Deorum manium jura sancta sunt. Hos letho datos deivos habento. Vid. Plin., Hist. nat., lib. VII, cap. 55 : Hinc Dii manes, δαίμονες passim in inscriptionibus monumentorum. Unde probat Prudentius, defunctos haberi a gentibus deos, libro contra Symmachum priore : Ecce deos manes cur inficiaris haberi? Ipsa patrum monumenta probant : Diis manibus illis Marmora secta lego ; quacumque Latina vetustas Custodit cineres, densisque Salaria bustis. Dii manes igitur δαίμονες etiam unius defuncti. Livius, lib. III : Pace parta instare tum tribuni patribus, ut P. Valerii fidem exsolverent ; instare Claudio, ut collegae deos manes fraude liberaret : agi [print blurred] de lege sineret. Dicit collegae deos manes τοὺς τοῦ συνάρχοντος δαίμονας. HERALD.

"Or if he made us gods." So Gelenius emended it, for what was formerly read: "or if God made us". Rightly. By "gods", then, he means immortals. The pagans called the dead gods. Cicero, On the Laws, Book II: "The rights of the gods of the dead are sacred. Let them hold those given to death as divine." See Pliny, Natural History, Book VII, chapter 55. Hence "Dii manes", daimones, everywhere in the inscriptions of tombs. Prudentius thus proves that the dead were held as gods by the pagans, in the first book Against Symmachus: "Why do you deny that the dead are held as gods? The very monuments of our fathers prove it: I read on cut marble 'To those Divine Shades', wherever Latin antiquity keeps ashes, and the Salarian Way with its crowded tombs." "Dii manes", then, are the daimones even of a single dead man. Livy, Book III: "Peace being won, the tribunes then pressed the fathers to keep the promise of Publius Valerius; they pressed Claudius to free the shade of his colleague from fraud, to let the law be brought forward." He says "the shade (deos manes) of his colleague" for "the daimones of his fellow magistrate". HERALD.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LXV. — Nolo, inquit, et voluntatem non habeo› · cols 911-912 LXV. — Nolo, inquit, et voluntatem non habeo. Ita legendum cum Fulvio Ursino et ed. Lugd. Bat. Nolo, inquit, scil. efficere, neque habeo voluntatem, nempe assumendi bona, quod subintelligendum ex praecedentibus. Antiquam lectionem, Volo, inquit, et voluntatem non habeo, nonnulli ita defendunt : Ipse mecum litigo, mox volo, mox non volo. Sed hoc verba illa significare non possunt. Fortasse commodius legi non possit : Nolo, inquit, et voluntatem non aveo. Aveo et habeo saepissime permutantur in ms. ORELL.

LXV. — "I do not will, he says, and I have no will." So we should read with Fulvius Ursinus and the Leiden edition: "I do not will," he says, that is, to bring it about, "and I have no will", namely to take up the good things, which is to be understood from what precedes. Some defend the old reading, "I will, he says, and I have no will", thus: I quarrel with myself, now I will, now I do not. But the words cannot mean this. Perhaps it might be read more suitably: "I do not will, he says, and I do not crave the will." "Aveo" and "habeo" are very often interchanged in manuscripts. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Verum in alta verba cognomine› · col 912 Verum in alta verba cognomine. In alia verba, id est in contraria, dona scilicet Dei vituperans et criminans. Sic in alta omnia abire, quod tironibus notum. ORELL.

"But into lofty [as printed] words by name." "Into other words", that is, into contrary ones, namely finding fault with and accusing the gifts of God. So "in alia omnia abire" (to go over to the opposite side), as beginners know. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Licentias et potestates› · col 912 Licentias et potestates. Vide supra ad lib I, cap. 46. ORELL.

"Licences and powers." See above, on Book I, chapter 46. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Unius pontificium Christi est› · col 912 Unius pontificium Christi est. Verissimam hanc emendationem e cod. ms. erutam debemus Ludovico Carrioni in Emendd., lib. I. cap. 9. (In Thesauro Critico Gruteri vol. III, pag. 108.) Antea legebatur : Unius pontificis Christi est, etc. Pontificium igitur appellat Arnobius licentiam, potestatem et officium, significatione notissima apud hos scriptores. Ita Gell., Noct Att., lib. I, cap. 13 : Ab eo, cujus negotium pontificiumque esset. Symmachus, lib. III, epist. 17 : Pontificio iterati honoris auctus, nullum mihi indicium communis gaudii dedisti. Arnobius junior in Psalm. LVIII : Hi accipiunt pontificium judicandi, et in psalm. CXIII : Dabit pontificium dominandi sacerdotibus templorum. STEWECH et HERALD. — Conf. Meurs. in Append. et Juret. in Symmach., lib. VII, epist 27. pag. 195, ed. Lectii, qui de hoc verbo multus est. ORELL.

"It belongs to Christ alone as his prerogative (pontificium)." We owe this most true emendation, drawn from the manuscript, to Louis Carrion, Emendationes, Book I, chapter 9 (in Gruter's Thesaurus Criticus, vol. III, p. 108). Formerly it was read: "It belongs to Christ alone the pontiff", etc. By "pontificium", then, Arnobius means licence, power and office, a very well-known sense in these writers. So Gellius, Attic Nights, Book I, chapter 13: "By him whose business and prerogative it was." Symmachus, Book III, letter 17: "Increased by the prerogative of a repeated honour, you gave me no sign of our common joy." Arnobius the Younger on Psalm LVIII: "These receive the prerogative of judging"; and on Psalm CXIII: "He will give the priests of the temples the prerogative of ruling." STEWECHIUS and HERALD. — Compare Meursius in the Appendix, and Juret on Symmachus, Book VII, letter 27, p. 195 of Lectius's edition, who writes at length on this word. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Per hunc solum est ingressus in lucem› · col 912 Per hunc solum est ingressus in lucem. Meursius mavult per hanc. scil. januam. At nil mutandum. Per hunc, scil. Christum Respicit scilicet Arnobius ad verba Soteris, apud Joann. X, 7 : Ἐγώ εἰμι ἡ θύρα τῶν προβάτων. Sed si hunc legamus, in sequentibb. scribendum erit alias, non alia. ORELL.

"Through him alone is the entrance into light." Meursius prefers "per hanc", that is, the door. But nothing should be changed: "through him", that is, Christ. Arnobius is plainly looking to the words of the Saviour in John X, 7: "I am the door of the sheep." But if we read "hunc", then in what follows we shall have to write "alias", not "alia". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Neque alia datum est vel irrepere vel invadere› · col 912 Neque alia datum est vel irrepere vel invadere. Ita edidi ex verissima emendatione Fr. Oudendorpii ad Frontin. Strat., lib. II, cap. 5, pag. 271, ed. novae. Alia, scil. via aut janua. Omnes editiones habent : neque alias datum est, etc. ORELL.

"Nor is it granted to creep in or break in by any other." So I have printed it from the most true emendation of Fr. Oudendorp on Frontinus, Stratagems, Book II, chapter 5, p. 271 of the new edition. "By any other", that is, way or door. All the editions have "neque alias datum est", etc. ORELLI.

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LXVI. Licet ergo tu purus, et ab omni fueris vitiorum contaminatione purgatus, conciliaveris illas atque inflexeris potestates, ad coelum redeunti ne vias cludant atque obsepiant transitum, ad immortalitatis accedere nullis poteris contentionibus praemium, nisi, quod ipsam immortalitatem facit, Christo attribuente perceperis, et veram fueris admissus ad vitam. Nam quod nobis objectare consuestis, novellam esse religionem nostram, et ante dies natam propemodum paucos, neque vos potuisse antiquam et patriam linquere, et in barbaros ritus peregrinosque traduci, ratione istud intenditur nulla. Quid enim si hoc modo culpam velimus infligere prioribus illis atque antiquissimis saeculis, quod inventis frugibus glandes spreverint et repudiaverint arbuta? quod corticibus contegi et amiciri desierint pellibus, postquam vestis excogitata est textilis, usu et commoditate succinctior? aut quod structis domibus,

LXVI. Granted, then, that you are pure and have been cleansed of all contamination of vices, and have won over and bent those powers, so that they do not shut the ways and fence off the passage for you as you return to heaven: by no efforts will you be able to come to the reward of immortality, unless you have received, by Christ's bestowing, that which makes immortality itself, and have been admitted to true life. For as to what you are accustomed to cast at us, that our religion is new and born almost a few days ago, and that you could not leave the ancient religion of your fathers and be brought over to barbarous and foreign rites, this is urged with no reason. For what if in this way we should wish to lay blame on those earlier and most ancient ages, because, when crops were discovered, they spurned acorns and rejected arbutus-berries? because they ceased to be covered with bark and clothed in skins, after woven clothing was devised, handier in use and convenience? or because, when houses had been built

Editors' notes and page, col. 913

Footnotes

NOTE: the foot images show only the lower part of the COMMENTARIUS block; the first lemma line of the left crop is cut through at the top edge, and the top line of the right crop is likewise cut. Any notes above the crop (and any lectiones variantes) are not set here. No lectiones variantes are visible on the foot images. COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] ‹lemma (top line cut): LXVI. — Ad coelum ne [...] vias cludant› · col 913 LXVI. — Ad coelum ne [...] vias cludant. Ne, quod deest in cod. ms. et editionibus prioribus, sensu flagitante revocavit Heraldus. Cludant verbum antiquum pro claudant, quod legebatur, e cod. ms. restituit Th. Canterus. Sic infra, lib. VII. Non si mille tu pondera masculi thuris incendas, coelumque hoc totum redundantium vaporum nebulositate cludatur ; et Tertullianus : Apologet. cap 11, properavit, opinor, et coelum semel clusit : ubi ed. Havercamp., pag. 122. Plura exempla collegit Meursius, ORELL.

LXVI. — "Lest [...] they shut the ways to heaven." "Ne", which is missing in the manuscript and the earlier editions, Heraldus brought back, as the sense demands. "Cludant", an old word for "claudant", which used to be read, Theodore Canter restored from the manuscript. So below, Book VII: "Not if you burn a thousand pounds of male frankincense, and this whole sky is shut in by the cloudiness of overflowing vapours"; and Tertullian, Apology, chapter 11: "He made haste, I suppose, and shut heaven once for all"; see there Havercamp's edition, p. 122. Meursius has collected more examples. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Ne vias cludant› · col 913 Ne vias cludant. Ita legendum ex romana editione, non claudant, quod Gelenius interpolavit Antiqui enim pro claudere dicebant cludere. Vide Meurs., ad hunc locum imprimis Jo. Rhodium, qui nubem exemplorum citat in Lexico Scriboniano. Sic ipse Arnobius infra, lib. VII : Non si mille tu pondera masculi thuris incendas coelumque hoc totum redundantium vaporum nebulositate condatur. ORELL.

"Lest they shut the ways." So we should read from the Roman edition, not "claudant", which Gelenius interpolated; for the ancients said "cludere" for "claudere". See Meursius on this passage, and above all Johannes Rhodius, who cites a cloud of examples in his Scribonian Lexicon. So Arnobius himself below, Book VII: "Not if you burn a thousand pounds of male frankincense and this whole sky is hidden [as printed, "condatur"] in the cloudiness of overflowing vapours." ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Neque vos posse antiquam et patriam linquere, et in barbaros ritus peregrinosque traduci› · col 913 Neque vos posse antiquam et patriam linquere, et in barbaros ritus peregrinosque traduci Nationes religionem sibi traditam a majoribus pertinacissime tuebantur et defendebant ; nec ullis rationibus poterant eo deduci, ut inveteratam patriamque linquerent, et novos cultus amplecterentur. Cotta, ap. Cic. de Nat. deor., II : Non me ex ea opinione, quam a majoribus accepi de cultu deorum immortalium, ullius umquam oratio aut docti aut indocti movebit. D. Clemens Recogn., lib. V : Impium est si non colamus, quae nobis tradita sunt a patribus nostris, et religionem praevaricemur a majoribus datam. Vid. Porphyr. περὶ ἀποχῆς ἐμψύχων; lib. II; Lactant., lib. II, cap 6; lib. V, cap. 19; Tertullian., Apologet., cap. 6; Isocrat., Orat. ad Nicoclem, περὶ βασιλείας; Euseb. Praeparat. evangel., lib. I, cap. 1; nostras notas ad Minutium. ELMENH.

"And that you cannot leave the ancient and ancestral religion and be carried over to barbarous and foreign rites." The nations guarded and defended most stubbornly the religion handed down to them by their forefathers, and could by no reasoning be brought to leave the long-established, ancestral one and embrace new worships. Cotta, in Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, Book II: "No man's speech, learned or unlearned, will ever move me from the opinion I received from my forefathers on the worship of the immortal gods." St Clement, Recognitions, Book V: "It is impious if we do not worship what has been handed down to us by our fathers, and betray the religion given by our forefathers." See Porphyry, On Abstinence from Animal Food, Book II; Lactantius, Book II, chapter 6, and Book V, chapter 19; Tertullian, Apology, chapter 6; Isocrates, Oration to Nicocles, On Kingship; Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, Book I, chapter 1; and our notes on Minucius. ELMENHORST.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Quod inventis frugibus glandes spreverint et repudiaverint arbuta› · col 913 Quod inventis frugibus glandes spreverint et repudiaverint arbuta. Habet haec a Lucretio. Sic enim ille lib. V, vers. 937 sqq. ubi primorum hominum vitae rationem describit : Glandiferas inter curabant corpora quercus Plerumque, et quae nunc hiberno tempore cernis Arbuta poeniceo fieri matura colore : Plurima tum tellus etiam majora ferebat. HERALD.

"That when grain was discovered they spurned acorns and rejected arbutus berries." He has this from Lucretius, who says, Book V, line 937 ff., where he describes the way of life of the first men: "For the most part they nourished their bodies among the acorn-bearing oaks; and the arbutus berries, which you now see ripen in wintertime with a scarlet colour, the earth then bore in great plenty and even larger." HERALD.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Inventis frugibus glande vesci› · col 913 Inventis frugibus glande vesci, proverbium esse videtur apud Ciceronem in Oratore c. 9. OCHSNER.

"To feed on acorns when grain has been found" seems to be a proverb in Cicero, Orator, chapter 9. OCHSNER.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Quod corticibus contegi, et amiciri desierint pellibus, postquam vestis excogitata est textilis› · cols 913-914 Quod corticibus contegi, et amiciri desierint pellibus, postquam vestis excogitata est textilis. Prima enim primorum hominum tegumenta e corticibus fuisse tra[duntur ... cut at the head of the right crop ...] docent, proxima e pellibus : his successisse vestem textilem. Lucretius V, 951, seqq. : Necdum res igni scibant tractare, nec uti Pellibus et spoliis corpus vestire ferarum : Sed nemora, atque cavos montes, silvasque colebant, Et fruticesinter condebant squalida membra, Verbera ventorum vitare, imbresque coacti. HERALD.

"That they ceased to cover themselves with bark and clothe themselves with skins after woven clothing was devised." For the first coverings of the first men are said [... cut at the head of the right crop ...] teach, to have been of bark, the next of skins, and woven clothing to have succeeded these. Lucretius V, 951 ff.: "Not yet did they know how to work things with fire, nor to clothe the body with skins and the spoils of beasts; but they dwelt in groves and hollow mountains and forests, and hid their rough limbs among the brushwood, forced to shun the lashing of winds and rains." HERALD.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Successibus› · col 914 Successibus. Id est domibus, domiciliis. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 50, et Meurs., in Crit. pag. 80. ORELL.

"Shelters (successibus)." That is, houses, dwellings. See above, on Book I, chapter 50, and Meursius, Criticus, p. 80. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Nec sub rupibus et cavernis praeoptaverint ut belluae permanere› · col 914 Nec sub rupibus et cavernis praeoptaverint ut belluae permanere. Juvenal, sat. VI, 2 seqq. . . . . . . . . . Quum frigida parvas Praeberet spelunca domos, ignemque, laremque Et pecus, et dominos communi clauderet umbra. ELMENH.

"Nor preferred to remain like beasts under rocks and in caves." Juvenal, Satire VI, 2 ff.: ". . . . . . . . . when a cold cave gave small homes, and shut in fire and hearth, flock and masters in a common shade." ELMENHORST.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Constiterit› · col 914 Constiterit. Ita Fulv. Ursin. Alii constituerint. ORELL.

"Constiterit." So Fulvius Ursinus. Others read "constituerint". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LXVII. — Qui in mores alios atque alios ritus priorum condemnatione transistis› · col 914 LXVII. — Qui in mores alios atque alios ritus priorum condemnatione transistis. Prudentius contra Symmach., lib. II, vers. 303, seq. Roma antiqua sibi non constat versa per aevum Et mutata sacris, ornatu, legibus, armis : Multa colit, quae non coluit sub rege Quirino. Instituit quaedam melius, nonnulla refugit. Et morem variare suum non destitit, et quae Pridem condiderat jura, in contraria vertit. Quid mihi tu ritus solitos, Romane senator, Objectas? quum scita patrum, populique frequentes Instabilis placiti sententia flexa novarit? Nunc etiam quoties solitis decedere prodest Praeteritosque habitus cultu damnare recenti. HELMENH.

LXVII. — "You who, condemning your predecessors, have passed over to other customs and other rites." Prudentius, Against Symmachus, Book II, line 303 ff.: "Ancient Rome is not consistent with herself, turned about through the ages and changed in rites, dress, laws and arms; she worships much that she did not worship under King Quirinus. Some things she established better, some she shunned. She has not ceased to vary her custom, and the laws she had long ago laid down she has turned to their contraries. Why do you cast the customary rites in my teeth, Roman senator, when the decrees of the fathers and the shifting verdict of the crowded people's fickle will have changed them? Even now, how often is it profitable to depart from the customary and condemn past habits by a new usage." HELMENH. [as printed, for ELMENH.]

[comm.] ‹lemma: Numquid enim quinque in classes habetis populum distributum› · col 914 Numquid enim quinque in classes habetis populum distributum. Quare quinque tantum classes numeret Arnobius, cum sex fuisse constet ex Livio, lib. I, et A. Gellio, lib. X, cap. 28, causa est quod sexta vel infima classis, in quam cives pauperrimi, proletarii et capite censi detrudebantur, pro nulla habebatur ; quare quinque tantum classes memorant Livius, l. I, et Charisius, quod bene monet Meursius in Critico, lib. II, cap. 16, p. 81, contra Justum Lipsium corrigere volentem in sex classes. Caeterum locum hunc egregie illustravit Henr. Valesius, ad Ammiani Marcellini Hist., lib. XIV, p. 11, verba : Et olim licet otiosae sint tribus pacataeque centuriae; cujus integra verba hic exscribere liceat. Otiosas centurias dicit Marcellinus, quia scilicet tum nullae erant tribus, nullae centuriae. Nam centuriae quidem diu ante Marcellini aetatem desierunt, ut testis est Arnobius (nostro loco), (continues)

"For do you have the people divided into five classes?" The reason Arnobius counts only five classes, though it is established from Livy, Book I, and Aulus Gellius, Book X, chapter 28, that there were six, is that the sixth or lowest class, into which the poorest citizens, the proletarians and those rated by head, were thrust down, was reckoned as none; therefore Livy, Book I, and Charisius mention only five classes, as Meursius rightly points out in his Criticus, Book II, chapter 16, p. 81, against Justus Lipsius, who wished to correct it to "into six classes". This passage, moreover, was excellently illustrated by Henri de Valois on Ammianus Marcellinus's History, Book XIV, p. 11, on the words "And though long since the tribes are idle and the centuries at peace"; let me copy his words here in full. "Marcellinus calls the centuries idle because there were then, of course, no tribes and no centuries. For the centuries had ceased long before Marcellinus's time, as Arnobius witnesses (in our passage)," (continues)

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et lautioribus successibus institutis, non antiquas adamaverint casulas, nec sub rupibus et cavernis praeoptaverint ut belluae permanere? Commune est omnibus, et ab ipsis pene incunabulis traditum, bona malis anteferre, inutilibus utilia praeponere, et quod esse constiterit pretiosius, laetius, id consectari et petere: in eoque defigere spem salutis, et salutarium commodorum.

and more elegant dwellings established, they did not cling lovingly to their ancient huts, nor prefer to remain like beasts under rocks and in caves? It is common to all, and handed down almost from the very cradle, to put good things before bad, to set useful things before useless, and to follow and seek what has been found to be more precious and more gladdening, and to fix on it the hope of safety and of saving benefits.

LXVII. Itaque cum nobis intenditis aversionem ex religione priorum, causam convenit ut inspiciatis, non factum: nec quid reliquerimus, opponere, sed secuti quid simus, potissimum contueri. Nam si mutare sententiam culpa est ulla, vel crimen, et a veteribus institutis in alias res novas voluntatesque migrare; criminatio ista et vos spectat, qui toties vitam consuetudinemque mutastis: qui in mores alios, atque alios ritus priorum condemnatione transistis. Numquid enim quinque in classes habetis populum

LXVII. Therefore, when you charge us with turning away from the religion of our forebears, it is fitting that you look into the cause, not the deed; and not set against us what we have left, but rather consider what we have followed. For if to change one's opinion is any fault or crime, and to pass from ancient institutions to other new things and wishes, that accusation regards you too, who have so often changed your life and custom; who have passed over to other morals and other rites in condemnation of your forebears. For do you have the people [distributed] into five classes

Editors' notes and page, col. 914

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distributum, vestri olim ut habuere majores? Numquid magistratus per populum creatis? Militaria, urbana, communia quae sint, comitia, scitis? Servatis de coelo, aut otiosas facitis obnuntiationibus actiones? Cum paratis bella, signum monstratis ex arce?

distributed, as your ancestors once had it? Do you create magistrates through the people? Do you know what the military, the urban and the common assemblies are? Do you watch the sky, or make public business void by announcements of ill omen? When you prepare wars, do you display the signal from the citadel?

Editors' notes and page, col. 915

Footnotes

NOTE: the foot images show only the lower part of the COMMENTARIUS block; both crops begin in the middle of a note whose earlier part lies above the crop (top lines cut through). Those pieces are set from the first full line visible. No lectiones variantes are visible on the foot images. Parts of the right crop are faint; doubtful readings are marked [?]. COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] (continued; begins above the foot image) ‹lemma: Numquid enim quinque in classes habetis populum distributum› · col 915 ... comitia centuriata militaria : quod populus more militari centuriatus sit : urbana curiata, curiae enim erant urbani populi : communia tributa, quod ex totius populi tribubus fiebant, erantque non propria tantum urbani populi, sed etiam rustici et suburbani. Fallitur itaque Elmenhorstius communia comitia ex Livii lib. IV, de Communibus comitiis patrum ac plebis interpretans. Nam Livii locus nihil ad nostrum. ORELL.

... the centuriate assemblies "military", because the people were arranged in centuries in military fashion; the curiate "urban", for the curiae belonged to the urban people; the tribal "common", because they were held from the tribes of the whole people and belonged not only to the urban people but also to the rural and suburban. Elmenhorst is therefore mistaken in interpreting "common assemblies" from Livy, Book IV, of the joint assemblies of patricians and plebs. For Livy's passage has nothing to do with ours. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Servatis de coelo, aut otiosas facitis obnuntiationibus actiones› · col 915 Servatis de coelo, aut otiosas facitis obnuntiationibus actiones. Servare est aliquid ex observato coelo nuntiare : obnuntiare vero quid sit, disces ex hisce Donati in Terentium verbis (Adelph., act. IV, scen. 4) : Qui malam rem nuntiat, obnuntiat, qui bonam, annuntiat. Nam proprie obnuntiare dicuntur augures, qui aliquid mali ominis saevumque viderint. Ergo obnuntio malum imminens, quasi omen nuntio. Inde enim ἐτυμολογία hujusce verbi est. Utroque verbo, ac saepius primo, utitur Cicero, atque inprimis ubi ad Atticum (lib. IV, epist. III) scribit in haec verba : Proscripsit se per omnes dies comitiales de coelo servaturum. Haec tamen summa : Nisi Miloni C. Appius obnuntiasset, comitia futura, et lib. II, de Divin., cap. 35 : Jam vero de coelo servare non ipsos censes solitos, qui auspicabantur : nunc imperant pullario, ille renuntiat. At de prorsus neglecto vel jam antiquato illo priori more his Lucanus versibus ante Arnobium nostrum conquerebatur, Phars., lib. VI, vers. 426 et seqq. : Non quaesisse libet, primus quid frugibus altrix Ore Jovis Dodona sonet, quis noscere fibra Fata queat, quis prodat aves, quis fulgura coeli Servet, et Assyria scrutetur sidera cura. NOURR., p. 512.

"You watch the sky, or make proceedings void by announcements of ill omen." "Servare" is to announce something from observing the sky; what "obnuntiare" is you will learn from these words of Donatus on Terence (Adelphoe, act IV, scene 4): "He who announces bad news 'obnuntiat'; he who announces good, 'annuntiat'." For augurs are properly said to "obnuntiare" when they have seen something of evil and dire omen. So "obnuntio" means I announce impending evil, as it were an omen: that is the etymology of the word. Cicero uses both verbs, and the first more often, especially where he writes to Atticus (Book IV, letter III) in these words: "He gave public notice that he would watch the sky on all assembly days." "This, however, is the sum: unless Gaius Appius had announced an ill omen to Milo, the elections would have been held." And On Divination, Book II, chapter 35: "Do you think that those who took the auspices were not themselves accustomed to watch the sky? Now they give orders to the keeper of the chickens, and he reports." Lucan, before our Arnobius, complained of that earlier custom being wholly neglected or already obsolete, in these verses, Pharsalia, Book VI, line 426 ff.: "He does not care to ask what Dodona, nurse of grain, utters from the mouth of Jove; who can know the fates from entrails, who interprets birds, who watches the lightnings of the sky and searches the stars with Assyrian care." NOURRY, p. 512.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Cum paratis bella, signum monstratis ex arce? aut fetialia jura tractatis? per clarigationem repetitis res raptas?› · col 915 Cum paratis bella, signum monstratis ex arce? aut fetialia jura tractatis? per clarigationem repetitis res raptas? Tria heic Arnobius ad bellum indicendum memorat. 1° Signum seu vexillum ex arce monstratum, de quo Macrobius I Saturnal., cap. 16 : Praeliales (dies) a justis non segregaverim. Siquidem justi sunt continui triginta dies, quibus exercitu imperato vexillum russei coloris in arce (id est in Capitolio) positum est. Praeliales autem omnes, quibus fas est res repetere et hostem lacessere. Conf. Servius ad Virgil., Aen., lib. VIII, vers. 2 ; Stewech., ad Veget., de Re milit., lib. I, cap. 6, et imprimis J. Lips., de Militia rom., lib. I, dial. III, Op. tom. III, p. 26, seq., ed. Vesal. 2° Fetialia jura, quia fetiales bellum nomine populi romani indicebant, ut ex Livio I, cap. 32; (continues above the right crop)

"When you prepare wars, do you display the signal from the citadel? or handle the fetial law? or demand back seized property by formal claim?" Arnobius here mentions three things belonging to the declaring of war. First, the signal or banner displayed from the citadel, of which Macrobius, Saturnalia I, chapter 16: "I would not separate the battle days from the 'justi' days. For the 'justi' are thirty consecutive days during which, when the army has been called up, a red banner is set up on the citadel (that is, on the Capitol). Battle days are all those on which it is lawful to demand restitution and attack the enemy." Compare Servius on Virgil, Aeneid, Book VIII, line 2; Stewechius on Vegetius, On Military Affairs, Book I, chapter 6; and above all Justus Lipsius, On the Roman Army, Book I, dialogue III, Works vol. III, p. 26 f., Wesel edition. Second, the fetial law, because the fetials declared war in the name of the Roman people, as from Livy I, chapter 32; (continues above the right crop)

[comm.] (fragment at the head of the right crop; its beginning is above the crop) · col 916 ... [ed. ?] Lugd. Bat., legunt : Specie praeliorum sumitis. In praecedentibus pro obeuntes Stewech. mavult subeuntes. ORELL.

... [the] Leiden [edition] read: "you take up in the guise of battles." In the preceding words, for "obeuntes" Stewechius prefers "subeuntes". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Ex acuminibus auspicatis› · col 916 Ex acuminibus auspicatis. Quid sint auspicia ex acuminibus, non constat : Gesnerus, in Thesauro, probat Cerdae opinionem ad Virgil. Aen. VI, 199, de rostrorum acuminibus intelligentis, quae observabantur ex tripudio solistimo. Alii putant, acumina fuisse montium cacumina, quae ad captanda auguria conscendere mos erat. Verum utraque opinio repugnare videtur Ciceronis verbis, de Divin., II, 36. Quibus auspicium ex acuminibus totum militare fuisse asseverat. Vide ibi Hottingerum V. Cl., p. 252. Alii intelligenda suspicantur acumina spiculorum, ensium et pilorum vel magis vel minus solito splendentium, de quibus Nourrius apposite citat locum Dionysii Halicarn., lib. V, Antiq. rom., pag. 312, Sylburg. : Ἐκ τῶν καταπεπηγμένον παρὰ ταῖς σκηναῖς ὑσσῶν (ἔστι δὲ ταῦτα βέλη Ῥωμαίων, ἃ συνιόντες εἰς χεῖρας ἐξακοντίζουσι)..... ἐκ τούτων δὴ τῶν ὑσσῶν περὶ τοῖς ἄκροις τῶν ὀβελίσκων φλόγες ἀνήπτοντο, καὶ δι' ὅλου τοῦ στρατοπέδου σέλας ἦν ὥσπερ ἀπὸ λαμπάδων, καὶ κατέσχε τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπὶ πολύ· ἐκ τούτου κατέλαβον τοῦ φάσματος, ὥσπερ οἱ τερατοσκόποι ἀπέφαινον, καὶ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις συμβάλλειν οὐ χαλεπὸν ἦν, ὅτι νίκην αὐτοῖς ταχεῖαν καὶ λαμπρὰν σημαίνει τὸ δαιμόνιον, ἐπειδήπερ ἅπαν εἴκει πυρί, καὶ οὐδὲν ὅ τι οὐχ ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς διαφθείρεται. Ipse tandem Nourrius in eorum opinionem inclinat, qui intelligunt signorum militarium acumina, quae longioribus contis insita, ferratum in cuspidem desinebant. Nam illa si, castris loco motis, signifer ex hostili humo facile evellebat, inde faustum omen certaque victoria; sin vero aegre extrahebat, sinistra praesagitio imminensque clades praemonstrabatur. Caeterum auspicare antiquum pro auspicari. Vid. Nonium de contrariis generibus verborum, pag. 468, ed. Mercer., multa exempla citantem, it. Festum verbo prohibere, et Stewech., hoc loco. Ita Naevius, belli Poenici, lib. IV : Virum praetor adveniet, auspicat auspicium prosperum. Plaut., Rud., III, 4, 12 : Non hodie isti auspicari rei, ut cum furcifero fabuler. ORELL.

"From auspicious points." What auspices "from points" are is not certain. Gesner, in his Thesaurus, approves the opinion of de la Cerda on Virgil, Aeneid VI, 199, who understands the points of beaks, observed in the most favourable feeding of the sacred chickens. Others think the "points" were mountain peaks, which it was the custom to climb to take auguries. But both opinions seem to conflict with Cicero's words, On Divination II, 36, where he declares that the auspice "from points" was wholly military. See there Hottinger, p. 252. Others suspect we should understand the points of javelins, swords and spears shining more or less than usual; on which Nourry aptly cites a passage of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, Book V, p. 312 (Sylburg): "From the javelins fixed by the tents (these are the Roman missiles which they hurl when they come to close quarters) ..... from these javelins, then, flames were kindled about the tips of the iron points, and through the whole camp there was a glow as from torches, and it lasted for much of the night. From this they understood the portent, as the diviners declared, and it was not hard for all men to conclude that the divine power was signifying a swift and brilliant victory for them, since everything yields to fire and there is nothing that is not destroyed by fire." Nourry himself in the end leans to the opinion of those who understand the points of the military standards, which, set on longer poles, ended in an iron spike. For if, when the camp was moved, the standard-bearer pulled it easily out of the enemy's ground, a favourable omen and sure victory followed from it; but if he drew it out with difficulty, an unlucky presage and impending defeat were foreshown. "Auspicare", moreover, is the old form for "auspicari". See Nonius on the contrary voices of verbs, p. 468 of Mercier's edition, who cites many examples; also Festus under the word "prohibere", and Stewechius on this passage. So Naevius, Punic War, Book IV: "The praetor will come, takes a prosperous auspice of the man." Plautus, Rudens III, 4, 12: "I took no auspices today for that business, that I should chat with a gallows-bird." ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: In potestatibus obeundis leges conservatis annarias› · col 916 In potestatibus obeundis leges conservatis annarias. Annariis sive annalibus legibus constitutum erat, quo anno cuique magistratus petere liceret, quo si quis creatus erat, verbi causa consul, anno suo consul factus esse dicebatur. Eas leges attulit ambitio, ut gradus essent petitionis. Tulit primus accuratius Villius, tribunus plebis, A. Posthumio Albino et (continues)

"In taking up offices do you keep the age laws?" By the "annariae" or "annales" laws it was laid down in what year of age each man might stand for the magistracies; if anyone was elected in that year, a consul for instance, he was said to have been made consul "in his year". Ambition brought in those laws, so that there should be steps in candidature. Villius, tribune of the plebs, was the first to carry one in more precise form, when Aulus Postumius Albinus and (continues)

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aut fecialia jura tractatis? per clarigationem repetitis res raptas? aut Martium discrimen obeuntes spem praelii sumitis, et ex acuminibus auspicatis? In potestatibus obeundis leges conservatis Annarias? in

or do you handle the fetial law? do you demand back things seized by a formal declaration? or, when entering the crisis of Mars, do you take hope of battle and take the auspices from spear-points? In entering on offices, do you keep the Annarian laws? in

Editors' notes and page, col. 916

Footnotes

... writes [...] tribunals. All these, though they once held, were abolished by disuse. See Antonio Agustín, On the Laws, p. 47; Lipsius on Tacitus, Book I; Ernesti, Clavis Ciceroniana. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: In cohibendis censorias sumptibus?› · col 917 In cohibendis censorias sumptibus? Legibus censoriis, quae et sumptuariae et cibariae vocabantur, majores coenarum et conviviorum apparatus coercebantur. Vide (qui locus de iis classicus) A. Gell., lib. II, cap. 24 ; Plin., Hist. nat., lib. VIII, cap. 15 ; Macrob., sat. II, cap. 13. Pertinebant autem huc multae leges, verbi causa. Fannia, Licinia, Cornelia, quam Sulla tulit, Aemilia, Antia, item edictum Capitonis Ateii, postremo lex Julia, latore Augusto imperatore. Vid. Stewech., hoc loco, et de singulis Antonii Augustini librum laud. ORELL.

"[Do you keep] the censorial [laws] in restraining expenses?" By the censorial laws, also called sumptuary and food laws, the elaborate preparations of dinners and banquets of our ancestors were restrained. See Aulus Gellius, Book II, chapter 24 (the classic passage on them); Pliny, Natural History, Book VIII, chapter 15; Macrobius, Saturnalia II, chapter 13. Many laws belonged here, for instance the Fannian, the Licinian, the Cornelian which Sulla carried, the Aemilian, the Antian, likewise the edict of Ateius Capito, and lastly the Julian law, proposed by the emperor Augustus. See Stewechius on this passage, and on each of them the book of Antonio Agustín already cited. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Numquid in penetralibus et colignis perpetuos fovetis focos› · col 917 Numquid in penetralibus et colignis perpetuos fovetis focos. In quibusdam editis legitur in penetralibus Vestae. In ed. Lugd. Bat. sublata est particula et. Sed qua auctoritate haec facta sint, nemo nobis indicavit. Lipsius (Syntagm. de Vest. et Vestal., c. 10.) a Rosweido admonitus observat in quodam codice scriptum in pene impenetralibus et colignis. Certe in manuscripto regio simpliciter habetur : Impenetralibus et colignis. Non mirum itaque, si corruptus ille locus doctos homines haud parum torserit. Duobus autem modis idem Lipsius eum explicari posse arbitratur. Primo quidem haec Arnobii verba non ad Vestam referenda, sed ad privatum quemdam ritum, quo ignis in interiore domorum parte et culina antiquitus servabatur et fovebatur. In hujus vero conjecturae confirmationem ille profert haec Varronis verba : Culina dicta, quod ibi colebant ignem. Deinde vero ait, haec intelligi adhuc posse de Vesta publica, atque ibi scribendum in culignis, ita ut Arnobii sensus sit : Ignem olim in culignis et vasis fictilibus repositum, uti etiam nunc foveri sub cineribus solet. Sed primae explicationi id adversatur, quod Varro de communi et promiscuo ignis usu loquatur, Arnobius autem de sacro, aut eo saltem, quem gentiles aboleverant. Secundae vero illud repugnat, quod, ut ipse fatetur, nomen culigna apud eumdem Varronem, Festum et Livium potius significat vas potorium, quo vinum in sacrificiis offerebatur. Deinde vero quid ibi Vestae faceret commemoratio, cujus nullum in Arnobii textu vestigium? Tota porro tenebricosi hujus Arnobiani dicti difficultas in sola potissimum voce coliginis posita est. Penetrales enimvero focos fuisse [... gap between the foot images ...] citatt. Plinian., p. 570, 587 et 914), qui retinere velint vocem coliginis, quam a verbo colo, id est inhabito, derivatam arbitrantur. Eam igitur vocem coligo idem ac domum, domicilium et habitationem apud auctorem nostrum significare his visum est. Sed in textu Arnobii demenda erit particula et, atque aliquo saltem exemplo probandum, a quibus nomen coligo eo sensu adhibitum fuerit. Vide ergo utrum nomen culinis ad Arnobii propositum magis accedere videatur. Nihil enim nos sine correctioris alicujus codicis auxilio certi aliquid de ea re statuere audemus. NOURR., p. 315, seq.

"Do you keep perpetual fires burning in the inner shrines and 'colignae'?" In some editions one reads "in the inner shrines of Vesta". In the Leiden edition the particle "et" has been removed. But on what authority these things were done no one has told us. Lipsius (Syntagma on Vesta and the Vestals, chapter 10), advised by Rosweyde, observes that in a certain codex is written "in pene impenetralibus et colignis". Certainly in the royal manuscript one finds simply "Impenetralibus et colignis". No wonder, then, that this corrupt passage has tormented learned men not a little. The same Lipsius thinks it can be explained in two ways. First, that these words of Arnobius are to be referred not to Vesta but to a certain private rite by which in antiquity fire was kept and tended in the inner part of houses and in the kitchen. In confirmation of this conjecture he brings these words of Varro: "The kitchen (culina) is so called because there they tended (colebant) the fire." Then he says that they can still be understood of the public Vesta, and that we should there write "in culignis", so that Arnobius's sense is: "fire formerly placed in culignae and earthen vessels, as even now it is usually kept alive under ashes." But against the first explanation stands the fact that Varro speaks of the common and general use of fire, Arnobius of a sacred fire, or at least of one the pagans had abolished. Against the second stands the fact that, as he himself admits, the word "culigna" in the same Varro, in Festus and in Livy rather signifies a drinking vessel in which wine was offered in sacrifices. And then, what would a mention of Vesta be doing there, of which there is no trace in Arnobius's text? The whole difficulty of this obscure saying of Arnobius lies chiefly in the single word "coliginis". For that there were inner-shrine hearths [... gap between the foot images ...] (in the Plinian Exercitations cited, p. 570, 587 and 914), who would keep the word "coliginis", which they think derived from the verb "colo", that is, "I inhabit". To them, then, the word "coligo" seemed to mean in our author the same as house, dwelling and habitation. But in Arnobius's text the particle "et" will have to be removed, and it must be proved by at least some example by whom the noun "coligo" was used in that sense. See, then, whether the word "culinis" seems to come closer to Arnobius's purpose. For without the help of some more correct codex we dare not settle anything certain on this matter. NOURRY, p. 315 f.

[comm.] ‹lemma: In penetralibus coliginis perpetuos fovetis focos› · col 918 In penetralibus coliginis perpetuos fovetis focos. Locus hic admodum torsit viros eruditos. Cod. reg. habet : In penetralibus et colignis perpetuos fovetis focos. Ms. Limpurgense citatum a Rosweydo in Syllog. Epist. Burmann. vol. II, p. 141 (Apographum, ut videtur, Codicis regii) in pene impenetralibus et colignis etc., quae omnia manifesto sunt corrupta. Gelenius edidit : In penetralibus Vestae ignis perpetuos fovetis focos, quem secuti caeteri editores, excepto Salmasio in ed. Lugd. Bat Nourrio et Gallando nisi quod Fulv. Ursinus τὸ ignis delendum censet. Sed ita si legamus, ut bene observat Lipsius, in Syntagm. de Vesta et Vestalibus, cap. XIV, Op. tom. III, p. 1109, Arnobius hac interrogatione ipse sibi contradiceret : nam infra lib. IV, cap. 35, ubi Vestae ignem et virgines Vestales adhuc in summo honore fuisse affirmat, apertissimis verbis dicit : sedent (in spectaculis) castae virgines, perpetui nutrices et conservatrices ignis. Legit itaque Lipsius cum Meursio et Scaligero : In penetralibus et colinis (idem quod culinis) perpetuos fovetis focos, intelligens de privato in aedibus ritu, ubi antiquitus ignem asservabant et fovebant in parte interiore et culina, quod factum, Larium aut Vestae privatim honore. Sed quis credat, morem hunc immutatum et ignem ex commodissimo aedium loco in alium translatum fuisse? Herib. Rosweyd., epist. 823, ad J. Lips., in Sylloge Burmanniana, vol. II, pag. 141, existimat Arnobium non velle absolute Vestae ignes sublatos, sed variatum tantum in modo ignem illum servandi, vel a loco, ubi ante fuit, translatum. Duplicem itaque conjecturam proponit : unam : in penetralibus et culignis perpetuos fovetis focos, unica tantum littera mutata, ita ut sensus sit : ignem Vestae antea nuda ara servari solitum, post in vase fictili servatum. Nam culi- (continues)

"Do you keep perpetual fires in the inner shrines of the 'coligines'?" This passage has greatly tormented learned men. The royal codex has: "In the inner shrines and colignae do you keep perpetual fires." The Limburg manuscript cited by Rosweyde in Burman's Sylloge of Letters, vol. II, p. 141 (apparently a copy of the royal codex), has "in pene impenetralibus et colignis", etc., all of which is plainly corrupt. Gelenius printed: "In the inner shrines of Vesta do you keep perpetual fires of fire", and the other editors followed him, except Salmasius in the Leiden edition, Nourry and Galland; except that Fulvius Ursinus thinks the word "ignis" should be deleted. But if we read so, as Lipsius rightly observes in the Syntagma on Vesta and the Vestals, chapter XIV, Works vol. III, p. 1109, Arnobius would contradict himself with this question; for below, Book IV, chapter 35, where he affirms that the fire of Vesta and the Vestal virgins were still in the highest honour, he says in the plainest words: "the chaste virgins sit (at the shows), the perpetual nurses and keepers of the fire." Lipsius, with Meursius and Scaliger, therefore reads: "In the inner shrines and 'colinae' (the same as culinae, kitchens) do you keep perpetual fires", understanding it of the private rite in houses, where in antiquity they kept and tended fire in the inner part and the kitchen, which was done in private honour of the Lares or of Vesta. But who would believe that this custom was changed and the fire moved from the most convenient place in the house to another? Heribert Rosweyde, letter 823 to J. Lipsius, in Burman's Sylloge, vol. II, p. 141, thinks Arnobius does not mean that the fires of Vesta were absolutely abolished, but only that the way of keeping that fire was varied, or that it was moved from the place where it was before. He therefore proposes a double conjecture: one, "in the inner shrines and culignae do you keep perpetual fires", with only a single letter changed, so that the sense is: the fire of Vesta, formerly kept on a bare altar, was afterwards kept in an earthen vessel. For culi- (continues)

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fovetis focos? Sacras facitis mensas salinorum appositu, et simulacris deorum? Cum in matrimonia convenitis, toga sternitis lectulos, et maritorum genios

hearth-fires? Do you hallow tables by the setting on of salt-cellars and images of the gods? When you come together in marriages, do you spread the couches with a toga, and invoke the genii of husbands,

Editors' notes and page, col. 919

Footnotes

NOTE: the foot images show only the lower part of the COMMENTARIUS block; both crops begin in the middle of a note (top lines cut through). Those pieces are set from the first legible words. No lectiones variantes are visible on the foot images. COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] (continued; begins above the foot image) ‹lemma: In penetralibus coliginis perpetuos fovetis focos› · col 919 ... [aedi]bus privatis. Hinc Penates iidem qui Lares, quorum signa canina pelle contecta custodiae gratia collocabantur in peno, in culinis circa focum, et denique in cavaediis et penetralibus, qua fumus exiret (Rauchgange), aut ubicumque eorum tutela prodesse credebatur. Quod edidimus in penetralibus coliginis, est e correctione Salmasii in ed. Lugd. Bat., et ad Solin , p. 641, seq. Colo, ere, absolute antiqui dixerunt pro habitare : inde colium, ii, idem quod habitatio, domus. Tertullian., de Spectacul., c. 5 : Et nunc ara Conso illi in circo defossa est, cum inscriptione hujusmodi : CONSUS CONSILIO MARS DUELLO. LARES COLIO POTENTES. Ita enim legunt veteres libri pro COMITIO. Lares igitur colio potentes idem quod θεοὶ οἰκίδιοι, πατοικίδιοι Graecorum, quos Solinus graeca voce appellat Icidios. Alia tamen formatione dixit Arnobius hoc loco coligo, inis, pro habitatione, domo, et coliginis focos penatium focos. Conf. eumdem Salmasium ad Tertullian , de Pallio, p. 430. Quam lectionem comprobat etiam Gesnerus in Thesauro verbo Coligo. Heinsius autem hujus significationis exempla desiderans in Adversar. l. IV, c. 12, p. 629, ed. Burmanni refingit : In penetralibus caligineis, id est fumosis, ut cinerosa atria ap. Ovid., in Fastis. Sed plura hujuscemodi ἅπαξ λεγόμενα invenimus in Arnobio, et fateor, ex omnibus illis, quas protulimus, conjecturis maxime mihi arridere Salmasianam. Dicit itaque Arnobius, neglectum esse pium veterum morem ignem perpetuum in penetralibus aedium adolendi, quibus ex opinione antiquorum sacrae fiebant domus, ut mensae salinis. ORELL.

... private houses. Hence the Penates are the same as the Lares, whose images, covered with dog-skin, were set up for protection in the store-room, in kitchens round the hearth, and lastly in inner courts and inner rooms where the smoke went out (Rauchgänge), or wherever their guardianship was believed to be of use. Our printed reading "in penetralibus coliginis" is from Salmasius's correction in the Leiden edition, and on Solinus, p. 641 f. The ancients said "colo, colere" absolutely for "to dwell"; hence "colium, -ii", the same as habitation, house. Tertullian, On the Shows, chapter 5: "And now there is an altar to that Consus buried in the circus, with an inscription of this kind: CONSUS IN COUNSEL, MARS IN WAR, THE LARES MIGHTY IN THE DWELLING." For so the old books read, for COMITIO. "Lares mighty in the dwelling", then, are the same as the Greeks' household and ancestral gods [Greek as printed], whom Solinus calls by a Greek word "Icidii". But Arnobius here, with another formation, said "coligo, -inis" for habitation, house, and "the hearths of the coligines" for the hearths of the Penates. Compare the same Salmasius on Tertullian, On the Cloak, p. 430. Gesner too, in his Thesaurus under the word "coligo", approves this reading. But Heinsius, wanting examples of this meaning, in his Adversaria, Book IV, chapter 12, p. 629 of Burman's edition, remodels it: "in penetralibus caligineis", that is, smoky, like the "ashy halls" in Ovid's Fasti. But we find several such words used only once in Arnobius, and I confess that of all the conjectures we have brought forward Salmasius's pleases me most. Arnobius says, therefore, that the pious custom of the ancients of burning a perpetual fire in the inner rooms of houses had been neglected, by which, in the belief of the ancients, houses were made sacred, as tables were by salt-cellars. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Sacras facitis mensas salinorum appositu› · col 919 Sacras facitis mensas salinorum appositu. Salinum vasculum erat, in quo sal ad mensae sacrificiique usum reponi consueverat. Porphyrion, ad Horat., l. II, Od. 16 : Proprie, inquit, salinum est patella, in qua diis primitiae cum sale offerebantur. Quam sacrum autem carumque id antiquis fuerit, liquet ex hisce Livii verbis, l. XXVI, c. 36 : Quibus uxor filiaeve sint, singulas uncias auri pondo relinquant ; argenti, qui curuli sella sederunt : equi ornamenta et libras pondo; ut salinum patellamque deorum causa habere possint. Valerius vero Maximus, l. IV, c. 4, § 3, in C. Fabricii et Q. Aemilii papi domibus argentum fuisse inde colligit, quia uterque patellam deorum et salinum habuit. Inde porro illa Persii ironia, sat. III, vers. 25 : Est tibi far modicum, purum et sine labe salinum, (continues above the right crop)

"Do you make tables sacred by setting salt-cellars on them?" The "salinum" was a small vessel in which salt was usually kept for the use of the table and of sacrifice. Porphyrion on Horace, Odes II, 16: "Properly," he says, "the salinum is a dish in which first-fruits were offered to the gods with salt." How sacred and dear it was to the ancients is clear from these words of Livy, Book XXVI, chapter 36: "Let those who have a wife or daughters keep an ounce of gold each; of silver, those who have sat in the curule chair, the trappings of a horse and a pound's weight, so that they may have a salt-cellar and a dish for the gods' sake." Valerius Maximus, Book IV, chapter 4, § 3, infers from this that there was silver in the houses of Gaius Fabricius and Quintus Aemilius Papus, because each had a dish for the gods and a salt-cellar. Hence too that irony of Persius, Satire III, line 25: "You have a modest spelt-patch, a clean and spotless salt-cellar," (continues above the right crop)

[comm.] (fragment at the head of the right crop; its beginning is above the crop) · col 920 ... [ra]tiones Festus, l. I, et Plutarchus in Quaest. Rom., c. 87, ed. Hutten., vol. VIII, p. 362, vocans αἰχμὴν δορατίου. Meminit hujus hastae et Ovidius Fast. II, v. 558, seq. : Nec tibi, quae cupidae matura videbere matri. Comat virgineas hasta recurva comas. Conf. B. Brissonium de ritu nuptiarum, p. 218. NOURRIUS et ORELL.

... reasons [?] Festus, Book I, and Plutarch in the Roman Questions, chapter 87 (Hutten's edition, vol. VIII, p. 362), who calls it "the point of a little spear". Ovid too mentions this spear, Fasti II, line 558 f.: "Nor, you who will seem ripe to your eager mother, let the curved spear comb your maiden locks." Compare Barnabé Brisson, On the Rite of Marriage, p. 218. NOURRY and ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Puellarum togulas fortunam defertis ad virginalem› · col 920 Puellarum togulas fortunam defertis ad virginalem. Nam nuptiarum tempus virginibus idem erat, ac pueris tirocinii dies : eo enim tempore foeminae praetextam deponebant ad Fortunam Virginem seu virginalem, quae colebatur quasi dea pudicitiae, cujusque aedes fuit extra portam Capenam, quam Servius Tullius exstruxit, teste Plutarcho in Problem. Rom. Hanc Deam Virginensem appellat Augustinus, de Civit. Dei, l. IV, c. 11 : Cui virgines solvebant zonam. Festus autem Junonem Cinxiam a solutione cinguli, quo nova nupta erat cincta. Vid. Auson. Poem. ad Varron. Fragm., p. 308, ed. Bipont., et Scaliger., ad Fest., verbo Cinxia. Comas etiam suas deae virgini, cujus in tutela antea fuerant, libabant. Statius II. Theb. : . . . . . . . . . Innuptam limine adibant Pallada, Munichiis cui non Argiva per urbes Posthabita est Larissa jugis. Heic more parentum Insides, thalamis ubi casta adolesceret aetas, Virgineas libare comas, primosque solebant Excusare toros. Nourrius, p. 317, intelligit templum Fortunae Virginis a Servio Tullio conditum, cujus meminit Plutarchus, in Quaest. rom., cap. 74 (pag. 354. Tom. VIII, ed. Hutten.) HERALD. et ORELL.

"Do you bring the girls' little gowns to Maiden Fortune?" For the time of marriage was for maidens the same as the day of coming of age for boys: at that time women laid aside the bordered gown before Fortuna Virgo or Virginalis, who was worshipped as a goddess of chastity, and whose temple, which Servius Tullius built, was outside the Capene Gate, as Plutarch attests in the Roman Questions. Augustine, City of God, Book IV, chapter 11, calls her the goddess Virginensis, "to whom maidens loosed their girdle". Festus speaks of Juno Cinxia, from the loosing of the girdle with which the bride was girt. See Ausonius, Poem to Varro, Fragments, p. 308 of the Zweibrücken edition, and Scaliger on Festus, under the word "Cinxia". They also offered their hair to the virgin goddess, under whose guardianship they had been before. Statius, Thebaid II: ". . . . . . . . . they came to the threshold of unwedded Pallas, for whom Argive Larissa is not placed second among cities to the Munychian heights. Here, by the custom of their fathers, the Inachian girls, when chaste age had ripened for marriage, used to offer their maiden locks and to excuse their first bridal." Nourry, p. 317, understands the temple of Fortuna Virgo founded by Servius Tullius, which Plutarch mentions in the Roman Questions, chapter 74 (p. 354, vol. VIII, Hutten's edition). HERALD and ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Matres familias vestrae in atriis operantur domorum, industrias testificantes suas?› · col 920 Matres familias vestrae in atriis operantur domorum, industrias testificantes suas? Mulieres Romanae ad diligentiam probandam olim in primore aedium parte, id est atrio, omne opus muliebre perficiebant. Cornel. Nep., in praefat. : Quem enim Romanorum pudet uxorem ducere in convivium? aut cujus mater familias non primum locum tenet aedium, atque in celebritate versatur? ubi vid. intpp. Conf. Liv., I, 57. Cic. pro Milon., c. 5, ibique Asconium, Fest., verbo Andron.; Stewech., ad Veget., de Re milit.., lib. I, cap. 7 et inprimis J. Lips., Elect., lib I, cap. 17. Op. tom. I, pag. 696 seq., ed. Vesal. ELMENH. et ORELL.

"Do your matrons work in the halls of their houses, giving proof of their industry?" Roman women, to prove their diligence, formerly did all women's work in the front part of the house, that is, the atrium. Cornelius Nepos, in the preface: "For which Roman is ashamed to bring his wife to a banquet? or whose mother of the family does not hold the first place in the house and move among company?" See there the commentators. Compare Livy I, 57; Cicero, For Milo, chapter 5, and Asconius there; Festus, under the word "Andron"; Stewechius on Vegetius, On Military Affairs, Book I, chapter 7; and above all Justus Lipsius, Electa, Book I, chapter 17, Works vol. I, p. 696 f., Wesel edition. ELMENHORST and ORELLI.

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Editors' prose

gna Festo et Glossario vasculi genus. Altera conjectura est, Arnobium tantum velle, ignem hunc non servari amplius in Lavinii penetralibus et Albae, atque ita a priscis ritibus Romanos descivisse: legendum itaque proxime ad scripturam manuscripti Luneburgensis: in Penenii penetralibus et colliginis perpetuos fovetis focos. Colligina forte capienda de collibus Albae, et Penenii penetralia de Lavinio. Sed vellem harum significationum nobis exempla dedisset. N. Heinsius, epist. 115, ad Graevium in eadem Sylloge Burmanniana, vol. IV, p. 155, legendum suspicatur: in penetralibus Trojugenis, id est Trojanis; nam Trojanum numen Vesta. Lucanus:

[. . .]gna, according to Festus and the Glossary, a kind of small vessel. The other conjecture is that Arnobius means only that this fire is no longer kept in the inner shrines of Lavinium and of Alba, and that the Romans have thus fallen away from the ancient rites; and so one should read, keeping close to the writing of the Lüneburg manuscript: in the inner shrines of Penenium and in the colligines you keep perpetual hearths. Colligina might perhaps be taken of the hills of Alba, and the inner shrines of Penenium of Lavinium. But I could wish he had given us examples of these meanings. N. Heinsius, Letter 115, to Graevius, in the same Burmann Sylloge, vol. IV, p. 155, suspects one should read: in the Trojan-born inner shrines, that is, Trojan; for Vesta is a Trojan deity. Lucan:

Ignem Trojanum et Vestam colit Alba minorem.

Alba worships the Trojan fire and a lesser Vesta.

Plura de salino, J. Lipsius, l. I, Saturnal., c. 2. NOURR., p. 316.

More on the salinum: J. Lipsius, Saturnalia book I, ch. 2. NOURRY, p. 316.

Cum in matrimonia convenitis, toga sternitis lectulos et maritorum genios advocatis? Intelligitur lectus genialis, γαμήλιος, qualem describit Lucanus, II, v. 356, seq.:

When you come together in marriage, do you spread the couches with a toga and call upon the genii of husbands? The marriage bed, γαμήλιος, is meant, such as Lucan describes, II, v. 356 ff.:

. . . . . Gradibusque acclivis eburnis Stat torus et picto vectes discriminat auro.

. . . . . And, sloping up by ivory steps, the couch stands, and parts its bars with painted gold.

Hunc lectum, genialem dictum, vel quia Genio et Junoni sacer, vel ominis causa, a genendo, ipsae novae nuptae sternebant magnifico apparatu, et in sternendo maritorum genios advocabant, adesse vellent et prolem foecundare. Vid. imprimis, qui ea de re multus est, J. Lips. Elect., l. I, c. 17, p. 695, vol. I, ed. Vesal. ELMENH. et HERALD.

This bed, called genialis either because it was sacred to the Genius and to Juno, or for the sake of the omen, from genere (to beget), the new brides themselves used to spread with magnificent array, and in spreading it they called upon the genii of their husbands to be willing to be present and to make their offspring fruitful. See above all J. Lipsius, who treats this matter at length, Electa book I, ch. 17, p. 695, vol. I, Wesel edition. ELMENHORST and HÉRAULT.

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PL 5:921

industrias testificantes suas? potionibus abstinent vini? affinibus et propinquis osculari eas jus est, ut sobrias comprobent atque abstemias se esse?

their houses, testifying to their own industry? Do they abstain from draughts of wine? Is it the right of relations by marriage and kinsmen to kiss them, that they may prove themselves to be sober and abstemious?

LXVIII. In Albano antiquitus monte nullos alios licebat, quam nivei tauros immolare candoris: nonne istum morem religionemque mutastis, atque ut rufulos liceret dari, Senatus constitutum sanctione? Cum Romulo, Pompilioque regnantibus, percocta plane, ac madida concremarentur diis exta: nonne rege sub Tullio semicruda coepistis, et leviter animata porricere, prisca observatione contempta? Ante adventum in Italiam Herculis, cum ex Apollinis monitu patri Diti ac Saturno humanis capitibus supplicaretur: et hunc similiter morem, non fraude callidula, et nominum ambiguitate mutastis? Cum igitur et vos ipsi modo illos mores, modo alias leges fueritis secuti, multaque vel erroribus cognitis, vel animadversione meliorum sint a vobis repudiata, contempta:

LXVIII. On the Alban Mount in ancient times it was lawful to sacrifice no other bulls than those of snow-white brightness: have you not changed that custom and religious observance, and was it not established by a sanction of the Senate that reddish ones might lawfully be given? Whereas when Romulus and Pompilius reigned, entrails thoroughly cooked and sodden were burned to the gods: did you not under King Tullius begin to offer them half-raw and lightly kindled, despising the ancient observance? Before the arrival of Hercules in Italy, when by the admonition of Apollo supplication was made to Father Dis and to Saturn with human heads: did you not in like manner change this custom also by a cunning little trick and an ambiguity of names? Since therefore you yourselves also have followed now those customs, now other laws, and many things have been rejected and despised by you either when errors were recognized or upon the perception of better things:

Editors' notes and page, col. 921

Footnotes

NOTE: the foot images show only the lower part of the COMMENTARIUS block; any notes above the crop (and any lectiones variantes) are not set here. No lectiones variantes are visible on the foot images. COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] ‹lemma: Potionibus abstinent vini?› · col 921 Potionibus abstinent vini? Vini usus olim Romanis foeminis interdictus, immo capitalis. Plinius, lib. XIV, cap. 13 ; Dionys. Halic., lib. II, p. 96 ; Gellius, lib. X, cap. 23 ; Tertullian., Apologet., cap. 6 ; Valer. Max., lib. II, cap. 1 ; Servius ad I. Aen., vers 738. ELMENH. et STEWECH Cf. Auson. Poem., ad Varron. Fragm., pag. 306 seq., ed. Bipont. ORELL.

"Do they abstain from drinking wine?" The use of wine was once forbidden to Roman women, indeed a capital offence. Pliny, Book XIV, chapter 13; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Book II, p. 96; Gellius, Book X, chapter 23; Tertullian, Apology, chapter 6; Valerius Maximus, Book II, chapter 1; Servius on Aeneid I, line 738. ELMENHORST and STEWECHIUS. Compare Ausonius, Poem to Varro, Fragments, p. 306 f., Zweibrücken edition. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Affinibus et propinquis osculari eas jus est, etc.› · col 921 Affinibus et propinquis osculari eas jus est, etc. Vide Tertullian., Apologet. cap. 6 ; Plinius, Hist. nat., lib. XIV, cap. 13 ; Juvenal., VI, vers. 1 ; Gellius, lib X, cap 23 ; Plaut Stich., act. I, scen. II. ELMENH. — Conf. Plutarch. quaest. rom., cap. 6. ORELL.

"Is it the right of relations by marriage and kinsmen to kiss them?" etc. See Tertullian, Apology, chapter 6; Pliny, Natural History, Book XIV, chapter 13; Juvenal VI, line 1; Gellius, Book X, chapter 23; Plautus, Stichus, act I, scene II. ELMENHORST. — Compare Plutarch, Roman Questions, chapter 6. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LXVIII — Nonne sub rege Tullio semicruda coepistis et leviter animata porricere?› · col 921 LXVIII — Nonne sub rege Tullio semicruda coepistis et leviter animata porricere? Giraldus ap. Th. Canterum legit : Leviter cremata. Is. Casaubonus, ad Sueton. August., cap. 1, pag. 233, vol. III, ed. Wolfii : Leviter exanimata. Sed nihil mutandum. Animare, ut bene explicat Elmenhorstius, est idem quod accendere, cremare, igni mollire. Sic infra lib. VII, cap. 24 : Quae in verubus assa sunt, animata prius et torrefacta carbonibus; et Cludian. de Rapt. Proserp., III, 386, seq. : Qualis pestiferas animare ad crimina taxos Torva Megaera ruit. Ubi vid. Heins. et Gesner. Male itaque Heraldus interpretatur de extis leviter trepidantibus, palpitantibus, quae, erepta scil. utero adhuc viventium victimarum, faustum erant in sacrificiis signum. Vid. Virgil., Aen. IV, 64. et Senec., Oed., 353, seq. Non enim hic de extispicina sermo, sed exta latiore sensu accipienda de omnibus, quae cute teguntur, carne etiam. Porricere, idem quod diis porrigere, verbum proprium de sacrificiis. Vid Macrob., sat. III, cap. 2 ; Varro, de R. R., II, 29 Exta diis cum dabant, porricere dicebant. Virgil., Aen., V, vers. 237 : . . . . . Extaque salsos Porriciam in fluctus. Ubi vid. Serv. et Heyne V. Cl., nec non Brisson., de Formulis, lib., I, p. 27, et, qui nubem exemplorum citat, J. Fr. Gronov. in Lectt. Plaut , pag. 254 et seq. Pro Tullio, editio princeps habet Tullo. Male. Intelligendus scilicet Servius Tullius, non Tullus Hostilius. ORELL.

LXVIII — "Did you not under King Tullius begin to offer the entrails half-raw and lightly 'animated'?" Giraldi, cited by Theodore Canter, reads "lightly burnt". Isaac Casaubon, on Suetonius, Augustus, chapter 1, p. 233, vol. III of Wolf's edition: "lightly lifeless". But nothing should be changed. "Animare", as Elmenhorst rightly explains, is the same as to kindle, burn, soften with fire. So below, Book VII, chapter 24: "Things roasted on spits, first 'animated' and toasted on the coals"; and Claudian, Rape of Proserpine III, 386 f.: "as grim Megaera rushes to kindle the baneful yews for crimes." See there Heinsius and Gesner. Heraldus therefore wrongly interprets it of entrails lightly quivering, palpitating, which, torn of course from the womb of victims still alive, were a favourable sign in sacrifices. See Virgil, Aeneid IV, 64, and Seneca, Oedipus 353 ff. For here the subject is not divination from entrails; "exta" is to be taken in a wider sense of everything covered by skin, flesh as well. "Porricere" is the same as to hold out to the gods, a word proper to sacrifices. See Macrobius, Saturnalia III, chapter 2; Varro, On Agriculture II, 29: "When they gave the entrails to the gods, they said 'porricere'." Virgil, Aeneid V, line 237: ". . . . . and I will cast the entrails into the salt waves." See there Servius and the distinguished Heyne, and also Brisson, On Formulas, Book I, p. 27, and J. Fr. Gronovius, Lectiones Plautinae, p. 254 ff., who cites a cloud of examples. For "Tullio" the first edition has "Tullo", wrongly; Servius Tullius, of course, is meant, not Tullus Hostilius. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Et hunc similiter morem non fraude callidula et nominum ambiguitate mutastis?› · cols 921-922 Et hunc similiter morem non fraude callidula et nominum ambiguitate mutastis? Prisci Latini diu humanis capitibus Ditem et virorum victimis Saturnum placarunt. Vid. Dionys. Halic., lib. I, pag. 30; Minuc. Fel. Octav., cap. 30. Tandem Hercules persuasit illis, ut infausta sacrificia faustis mutarent, et pro humanis capitibus oscilla, in similitudinem hominis effigiata, obferrent. Macrob., I, Saturn., cap. 7 ; Lactant., lib. I. cap. 21; Dionys. Hal., l. I. ELMENH. Conf., lib. V, init. ORELL.

"And did you not likewise change this custom by a clever little fraud and an ambiguity of names?" The ancient Latins long appeased Dis with human heads and Saturn with victims of men. See Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Book I, p. 30; Minucius Felix, Octavius, chapter 30. At last Hercules persuaded them to exchange the ill-omened sacrifices for auspicious ones, and instead of human heads to offer little masks fashioned in the likeness of a man. Macrobius, Saturnalia I, chapter 7; Lactantius, Book I, chapter 21; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Book I. ELMENHORST. Compare Book V, beginning. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Contra sensum judiciumque commune› · col 922 Contra sensum judiciumque commune, id est, contra sensum communem judiciumque commune. ORELL.

"Against common sense and judgement", that is, against common sense and common judgement. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LXIX. — Etenim Philosophia, Musica caeteraeque omnes artes, quibus vita est exculta et expolita communis, etc.› · col 922 LXIX. — Etenim Philosophia, Musica caeteraeque omnes artes, quibus vita est exculta et expolita communis, etc. Etenim, quod est in cod. ms., cum aliis editoribus expungere non ausim. Videtur enim Arnobius hanc particulam posuisse pro Exempli causa. Ed. Lugd. Bat. habet : Ede an Philosophia, etc. Pro exculta, quod est e correctione Fulv. Ursini, cod. ms. habet exstructa, quod defendere conatur Stewechius. Sed exempla, quae affert, ad nostrum locum nil faciunt. Nam dici quidem potest hominem fabricari, liberos struere, prolem concinnare, compingere : sed locutionis, vitam exstruere artibus, exempla frustra me quaesivisse fateor. ORELL.

LXIX. — "For philosophy, music and all the other arts by which the common life has been refined and polished", etc. "Etenim", which is in the manuscript, I would not dare to strike out with other editors. For Arnobius seems to have put this particle for "for example". The Leiden edition has "Ede an Philosophia", etc. For "exculta", which is from Fulvius Ursinus's correction, the manuscript has "exstructa", which Stewechius tries to defend. But the examples he brings have nothing to do with our passage. For one can indeed say "to fabricate a man", "to build children", "to put together, to compose offspring"; but I confess I have looked in vain for examples of the expression "to build life with arts". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Tages, Tuscus› · col 922 Tages, Tuscus. Censorinus, de Die nat., cap. 4 : Nec non in agro Tarquiniensi puer dicitur divinitus exaratus (herrorgepflight) nomine Tages, qui disciplinam cecinerit extispicii, quam Lucumones tum Etruriae potentes exscripserunt. Ubi vide quos citat Lindenbrogius, pag. 24, ed. Haverc. De eodem Ovidius, Met. XV, 553 seqq. : Haud aliter stupuit, quam cum Tyrrhenus arator Fatalem glebam mediis aspexit in arvis Sponte sua primum nulloque agitante, moveri, Sumere mox hominis, terraeque amittere formam, Oraque venturis aperire recentia fatis. Indigenae dixere Tagen, qui primus Etruscam Edocuit gentem casus aperire futuros. Conf. Davis., ad Cic., de Divin., II, cap. 23 et 38, et inprimis Dempster., Etrur. Regal., III, 1. ORELL.

"Tages the Etruscan." Censorinus, On the Birthday, chapter 4: "Also in the territory of Tarquinii a boy named Tages is said to have been ploughed up by divine power (herrorgepflight [as printed]), who chanted the discipline of divination from entrails, which the Lucumones, then the rulers of Etruria, wrote down." See there the authors Lindenbrog cites, p. 24 of Havercamp's edition. Of the same, Ovid, Metamorphoses XV, 553 ff.: "He was astounded just as the Tyrrhenian ploughman was when he saw a fateful clod in the middle of the fields first move of its own accord with no one stirring it, then take the form of a man and lose that of earth, and open its new mouth to tell the coming fates. The natives called him Tages; he first taught the Etruscan race to disclose future events." Compare Davies on Cicero, On Divination II, chapters 23 and 38, and above all Dempster, De Etruria Regali III, 1. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Oras contingeret luminis› · col 922 Oras contingeret luminis. Phrasis Lucretiana, verbi causa lib. I, vers 23 seq. : Nec sine te quicquam dias in luminis oras Exoritur, neque fit laetum, neque amabile quicquam. et saepissime. ORELL.

"Should reach the shores of light." A Lucretian phrase, for instance Book I, line 23 f.: "Nor without you does anything rise into the divine shores of light, nor is anything made glad or lovely"; and very often. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: In fulminum casibus, etc.› · col 922 In fulminum casibus, etc. Fulmen si quid afflaverat, erat ostentum non leve, et ad iram deorum lenien- (continues)

"In the falls of thunderbolts", etc. If a thunderbolt had blasted anything, it was no slight portent, and to soften the wrath of the gods (continues)

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quid est a nobis factum contra sensum, judiciumque commune, si majora, et certiora delegimus, nec sumus nos passi falsorum religionibus attineri?

what has been done by us contrary to common sense and judgement, if we have chosen greater and surer things, and have not suffered ourselves to be held back by the religions of false gods?

LXIX. Sed novellum nomen est nostrum, et ante dies paucos religio est nata, quam sequimur. Ut interim concedam, id quod nobis objicitur intentionis esse non falsae: quid est enim in negotiis hominum, quod vel opere corporis et manibus fiat, vel solius animi disciplina et cognitione teneatur, quod non ex aliquo coeperit tempore, et in usum exierit experientiamque mortalium? Etenim philosophia, musica, caeteraeque omnes artes, quibus vita est exculta et expolita communis, cum hominibus natae sunt, et non potius nuper, quinimmo pene paulo ante, agitari, intelligi, celebrarique coeperunt? Antequam Tages Thuscus oras contingeret luminis, quisquam hominum sciebat, aut esse noscendum, condiscendumque curabat in fulminum casibus, aut extorum quid significaretur

LXIX. Yet our name is new, and the religion which we follow was born a few days ago. To grant in the meantime that what is objected against us is of no false charge: what indeed is there in the affairs of men, which is either done by the work of the body and by hands, or is grasped by the discipline and knowledge of the mind alone, that did not begin from some time, and pass out into the use and experience of mortals? Why, were philosophy, music, and all the other arts whereby the common life has been cultivated and polished, born with men, and did they not rather lately—nay, almost a little while ago—begin to be practised, understood, and celebrated? Before the Tuscan Tages reached the shores of light, did any man know, or care that it was to be known and thoroughly learned, what was signified in the falls of thunderbolts, or in the veins of entrails?

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in venis? Quando siderum motus, aut ratio coepta est genethliaca sciri? non post Theutin Aegyptium, aut post Atlantem, ut quidam ferunt, gestatorem, bajulum, tibicinem illum ac destinam coeli?

When did the motions of the stars, or the calculation of nativities, begin to be known? Was it not after the Egyptian Theutis, or after Atlas, as some relate—that bearer, porter, prop, and stay of heaven?

LXX. Sed quid ego haec parva? Ipsi dii immortales, quorum modo aditis templa, et numina suppliciter adoratis, sicut vestris litteris atque opinionibus traditur, non esse, non sciri, ab temporibus coeperunt certis, et impositis nominum appellationibus nuncupari? Nam si verum est ex Saturno atque ejus uxore Jovem suis cum fratribus procreatum, ante nuptias et partus Opis nusquam fuerat Jupiter, tam supremus, quam Stygius: nusquam sali dominus, nusquam Juno, quinimmo alius nullus, genitoribus duobus exceptis, coeli habitabat in sedibus, sed ex eorum concubitu concepti, et nati sunt, et spiritum hausere vitalem. Certo ergo a tempore Deus esse Jupiter coepit, certo cultus et sacrificia commereri: certo fratribus in potestatibus

LXX. Yet why do I mention these small matters? Did not the immortal gods themselves, whose temples you now approach and whose divinities you suppliantly adore, as is handed down in your writings and opinions, begin to exist, to be known, from fixed times, and to be called by the designations of names imposed upon them? For if it is true that from Saturn and his wife Jupiter with his brothers was begotten, before the nuptials and the births of Ops Jupiter had been nowhere, both the Supreme and the Stygian; nowhere the lord of the salt sea, nowhere Juno, nay, no other at all, with the exception of the two parents, dwelt in the abodes of heaven, but from their lying together they were conceived, and were born, and drew the breath of life. From a fixed time, therefore, Jupiter began to be a god, from a fixed time to merit worship and sacrifices, from a fixed time to be preferred to his brothers in

Editors' notes and page, col. 923

Footnotes

NOTE: the foot images show only the lower part of the COMMENTARIUS block; any notes above the crop (and any lectiones variantes) are not set here. No lectiones variantes are visible on the foot images. COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] (continued) ‹lemma: In fulminum casibus, etc.› · col 923 [lenien]dam bidental ibi consecrabatur, ubi fulmen exarserat. Ibi ergo condebant fulmen, et locum consecrabant, ac hostias admovebant, quod eleganter describit Lucanus, lib. I, vers. 608 seqq. (ubi vid. Burmann.). Quare nec ea loca adire volebant, ut observat Artemidorus, lib. II, cap. 8, quippe horrore divino obsignata. Ammian. Marcellin., lib. XXIII : Et hoc modo contacta loca nec intueri, nec calcari debere, fulgurales pronuntiant libri. HERALD.

... a bidental was consecrated where the thunderbolt had blazed. There, then, they buried the thunderbolt, consecrated the place and brought victims, which Lucan elegantly describes, Book I, line 608 ff. (where see Burman). For this reason they would not go near such places, as Artemidorus observes, Book II, chapter 8, since they were sealed with divine dread. Ammianus Marcellinus, Book XXIII: "And the books on lightning declare that places touched in this way must neither be looked at nor trodden." HERALD.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Ratio genethliaca› · col 923 Ratio genethliaca. Ratio, id est computatio. Vid. supr. ad lib. I, cap. 59. ORELL.

"The science of nativities." "Ratio", that is, calculation. See above, on Book I, chapter 59. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Theutin Aegyptium› · col 923 Theutin Aegyptium. Theutis, Thot, aliis dictus Hermes Trismegistus, de quo Plato in Phaedro, pag. 274, ed. H. Steph., vol. III (Bipont. vol. X, pag. 379) : Ἤκουσα τοίνυν περὶ Ναύκρατιν τῆς Αἰγύπτου γενέσθαι τῶν ἐκεῖ παλαιῶν τινα θεῶν, οὗ καὶ τὸ ὄρνεον τὸ ἱερὸν, ὃ δὴ καλοῦσιν ἶβιν· αὐτῷ δὲ ὄνομα τῷ δαίμονι εἶναι Θεύθ. τοῦτον δὲ πρῶτον ἀριθμόν τε καὶ λογισμὸν εὑρεῖν, καὶ γεωμετρίαν καὶ ἀστρονομίαν· ἔτι δὲ πεττείας τε καὶ κυβείας, καὶ δὴ καὶ γράμματα, etc. Confer Euseb., Praep. evangel., I, 9, et qui locus de eo classicus, Lactant., lib. I, cap. 6, ibique intpp. Pro Theutin editio princeps rom. habet Theutatem, quod erat nomen Mercurii apud Gallos, teste Lucano, lib. I, vers. 444, et Lactantio, Inst., lib. I, cap. 21, ubi vide Bunemann., pag. 135, et Gronov., ad Minuc. Felic. Octav., cap. VI, pag. 53 seqq. ORELL.

"Theuth the Egyptian." Theuth, Thoth, called by others Hermes Trismegistus, of whom Plato in the Phaedrus, p. 274 of H. Estienne's edition, vol. III (Zweibrücken vol. X, p. 379): "I have heard, then, that at Naucratis in Egypt there was one of the ancient gods of that place, to whom the bird they call the ibis is sacred; and the name of the deity himself was Theuth. He first discovered number and calculation, geometry and astronomy, and also draughts and dice, and above all letters", etc. Compare Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel I, 9, and Lactantius, Book I, chapter 6, the classic passage about him, and the commentators there. For "Theutin" the first Roman edition has "Theutatem", which was the name of Mercury among the Gauls, as Lucan attests, Book I, line 444, and Lactantius, Institutes, Book I, chapter 21; see there Bünemann, p. 135, and Gronovius on Minucius Felix, Octavius, chapter VI, p. 53 ff. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Destinam coeli› · col 923 Destinam coeli. Id est coeliferum Atlantem, ut Statius ait Thebaid., lib. V. Destina vocabulum rarius, id quod fulcrum, sustentaculum. Corippus Afer, Panegyr. de Laudib. Justin. min., lib. I, vers. 18 seq.: Et Thomas, Lybycae nutantis destina terrae, Qui lapsam statuit, vitae spem reddidit Afris. (ubi vid. Ruitz., et Rittershus., in Panegyr. Lat., ed. Jaeger., pag. 481, vol. II); Isidor. Sent., lib. II, cap. 40 : Ruina adulterii excipitur destina matrimonii. Braulion in vita Isidori : Quem Deus post tot defectus, Hispaniae novisimis temporibus suscitat, credo ad restauranda antiquorum monumenta, ne usquequacumque rusticitate veterascamus, quasi quamdam apposuit destinam. ELMENH et MEURSIUS. — Idem vocabulum ex ms. Vitruvio lib. V, cap. 12, restituit P. Wesselingius, Obss., lib. II, cap. 13, pag. 198, quem vide. Conf. Cujac., Obss. lib. XXI, cap. 28. ORELL.

"The prop of heaven." That is, sky-bearing Atlas, as Statius says, Thebaid Book V. "Destina" is a rarer word, meaning a support, a prop. Corippus the African, Panegyric in Praise of Justin the Younger, Book I, line 18 f.: "And Thomas, prop of the tottering Libyan land, who set it up when fallen and gave back to the Africans the hope of life" (see there Ruiz, and Rittershusius in the Latin Panegyrics, Jaeger's edition, p. 481, vol. II); Isidore, Sentences, Book II, chapter 40: "The ruin of adultery is held off by the prop of marriage." Braulio in the Life of Isidore: "Whom God, after so many failures, raises up in these last times of Spain, I believe to restore the monuments of the ancients, lest we grow old in rusticity everywhere; he has set him there as a kind of prop." ELMENHORST and MEURSIUS. — P. Wesseling restored the same word from a manuscript in Vitruvius, Book V, chapter 12, Observationes, Book II, chapter 13, p. 198; see him. Compare Cujas, Observationes, Book XXI, chapter 28. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LXX. — Jupiter tam supremus quam Stygius› · cols 923-924 LXX. — Jupiter tam supremus quam Stygius Jupiter Stygius pro Plutone. Ita Virgil., Aen., IV, vers. 38 : Sacra Jovi Stygio, quae rite incepta paravi, Perficere est animus, Nigrum Jovem appellat Silius VIII, 116. Tartareum Jovem idem II, 674, et Valerius Flaccus, Argonaut. I, 730 : Ζεὺς χθόνιος, καταχθόνιος dicitur Orpheo, Hymn. LXX (ed. Hermann.), Homero Il. I, 457, Sophocli Oed. Col., vers. 1606. Similiter Juno infera, Averna, Stygia appellata Proserpina, apud Virg. Aen., VI, 137, et Ovid., Met., XIV, 114. Quae appellationes videntur fluxisse a vetustissimorum philosophorum doctrina duo hemisphaeria statuentium, superius et inferius, et unicuique proprios deos assignantium, teste Lactantio vel Lutatio ad Stat., Theb., IV, pag. 192 ed. Crucaei : nusquam enim Neptunus dicitur Jupiter marium. Conf. C. Barth., Adversar., lib. XXII, cap. 10, pag. 1091, et ad Statii Theb., II, 49, vol. II, pag. 278, ubi hac de re multus est. ORELL. — Sed Neptuno Jovis nomen, quamquam rarius, additum esse comprobat Pausanias, teste Aeschylo; quem locum attulit Hemsterhusius, ad Lucian., II, pag. 520, Bipont. OCHSNER.

LXX. — "Jupiter, as much the supreme as the Stygian." "Stygian Jupiter" for Pluto. So Virgil, Aeneid IV, line 38 [as printed]: "The rites to Stygian Jove, which I have duly begun and prepared, I mean to complete." Silius calls him "black Jove", VIII, 116; "Tartarean Jove" the same, II, 674, and Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica I, 730. "Chthonian Zeus, Zeus below the earth" he is called in Orpheus, Hymn LXX (Hermann's edition), in Homer, Iliad I, 457 [as printed], in Sophocles, Oedipus at Colonus, line 1606. Likewise Proserpina is called "the nether Juno", "Avernian", "Stygian", in Virgil, Aeneid VI, 137, and Ovid, Metamorphoses XIV, 114. These names seem to have flowed from the teaching of the most ancient philosophers, who posited two hemispheres, an upper and a lower, and assigned to each its own gods, as Lactantius, or Lutatius, attests on Statius, Thebaid IV, p. 192 of Crucé's edition; for Neptune is nowhere called "Jupiter of the seas". Compare C. Barth, Adversaria, Book XXII, chapter 10, p. 1091, and on Statius's Thebaid II, 49, vol. II, p. 278, where he writes at length on this matter. ORELLI. — But that the name of Jupiter was given to Neptune, though more rarely, is proved by Pausanias, citing Aeschylus; Hemsterhuis adduced the passage, on Lucian, II, p. 520, Zweibrücken edition. OCHSNER.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Sali dominus› · col 924 Sali dominus. Alii soli dominus, ut exprimatur Ἐνοσίχθων, Ἐννοσίγαιος. Quod autem ab nostro loco prorsus alienum est. ORELL.

"Lord of the sea." Others read "lord of the ground", to render Enosichthon, Ennosigaios ("Earth-shaker"). But that is wholly foreign to our passage. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Genitore Saturnio› · col 924 Genitore Saturnio. Ita bene legitur in membranis. Genitorem Saturnium eumdem accipio cum Jove, utpote patre Saturno satum, neque aliud hoc loco copula et notat, quam id est. Ita Virgil., Aen., IV : Oceani finem juxta solemque caddentem. STEWECH. — Alii genito Saturno, male. ORELL.

"The Saturnian father." So it is rightly read in the parchments. I take the "Saturnian father" to be the same as Jupiter, as born of Saturn his father; and the conjunction "et" here means nothing other than "that is". So Virgil, Aeneid IV: "Next to the bound of Ocean and the setting [as printed, "caddentem"] sun." STEWECHIUS. — Others read "genito Saturno", wrongly. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Antequam Memoria, quam Alcmena, etc.› · col 924 Antequam Memoria, quam Alcmena, etc. Quam ante Alcmena plane supervacuum est et sensum impedit, quare delendum censeo, et unciis inclusi tamquam glossema. Pro Alcemna Fulv. Ursin. mavult Camena, male. ORELL.

"Before Memory, than Alcmena", etc. The "quam" before "Alcmena" is plainly superfluous and obstructs the sense; I therefore think it should be deleted, and have enclosed it in brackets as a gloss. For "Alcemna" [as printed] Fulvius Ursinus prefers "Camena", wrongly. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Ex conventu Jovis› · col 924 Ex conventu Jovis. Convntus hoc loco idem quod noster supra cap. 16, dixit corporalia concilia. OR.

"From union with Jupiter." "Conventus" [printed "Convntus"] here is the same as what our author above, chapter 16, called "bodily unions". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Diespiter› · col 924 Diespiter. Varro, de Ling. lat., lib. IV (pag. 20, ed. Bipont.) : Hoc idem magis ostendit antiquum Jovis nomen. Nam olim Diovis et Diespiter dictus, hoc est aer et dies pater, a quo Dei dicti, qui inde ; et dies, et dius. et divus. ELMENH. — Diespiter nomen Jovis bene distinguendum a Dispiter vel Dis Pater, nomine Plutonis. Vide Cellar. et Bünemann., ad Lactant., Inst. I, cap. 14, pag. 90. ORELL.

"Diespiter." Varro, On the Latin Language, Book IV (p. 20, Zweibrücken edition): "The ancient name of Jupiter shows this same thing more clearly. For formerly he was called Diovis and Diespiter, that is, the air and the father of day; from whom the gods were called Dei, as coming from him; and 'dies', and 'dius', and 'divus'." ELMENHORST. — The name of Jupiter "Diespiter" must be carefully distinguished from "Dispiter" or "Dis Pater", the name of Pluto. See Cellarius and Bünemann on Lactantius, Institutes I, chapter 14, p. 90. ORELLI.

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anteponi. Rursus vero si Liber, Venus, Diana, Mercurius, Apollo, Hercules, Musae, Tyndaridae Castores, ignipotensque Vulcanus, Jove patre sunt proditi, et genitore Saturnio procreati, antequam Memoria, (quam) Alcmena, Maja, Juno, Latona, Leda, Dione, tum et Semele Diespitris factae sunt compressionibus foetae, nusquam et hi gentium, nec in aliqua parte rerum fuere naturae, sed ex conventu Jovis inseminati, et nati sunt, et aliquem sensum sui habere coeperunt. Ergo et hi quoque tempore esse coeperunt certo, et in numero numinum sacrorum ad caeremonias invocari. Quod ipsum similiter dicere translatum in Minerva licebit. Si enim Jovis, ut asseveratis, ex cerebro sine ullius seminis emicuit jactu: antequam est Diespiter genitus, et in utero matris corporeae formam circumscriptionis accepit, certum est utique Minervam non fuisse, neque rerum in numero, aut ulla esse in substantia computatam: sed ex

powers. And again, if Liber, Venus, Diana, Mercury, Apollo, Hercules, the Muses, the Tyndarid Castors, and fire-potent Vulcan sprang from Father Jupiter, and were begotten by the Saturnian sire, before Memory, Alcmena, Maia, Juno, Latona, Leda, Dione, and Semele too were made pregnant by the embraces of Diespiter, these also were nowhere in the world, nor in any part of the nature of things, but from the union of Jupiter they were sown, and were born, and began to have some sense of themselves. Therefore these also began to exist at a fixed time, and in the number of sacred deities to be invoked for ceremonies. And this very thing it will be lawful in like manner to say transferred to the case of Minerva. For if, as you assert, she flashed forth out of the brain of Jupiter without the casting of any seed: before Diespiter was begotten, and in the womb of a bodily mother received the form of a bounded shape, it is assuredly certain that Minerva did not exist, nor was she reckoned in the number of things or in any substance; but from

Editors' notes and page, col. 924

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

Ita ms. et Fulv. Corpore Sab.

So the manuscript and Fulvius [Ursinus]. Sabaeus has "corpore".

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quo capite Jovis enata est, et esse res coepit nonnulla in essentia constituta. Habet ergo primigenios ortus, et a certo coepta est tempore dea dici, sacris in aedibus statui, et inviolabili religione sanciri. Quod cum ita se habeat, cum de novitate loquimini religionum nostrarum, vestrae vobis in mentem non veniunt, nec curatis inspicere quando sint exorti Dii vestri, quas origines habeant, quas causas, vel ex quibus proruperint emicuerintque radicibus? Cujus est autem pudoris, quinimmo inverecundiae cujus, quod agere te videas, in eo alterum reprehendere, maledicti et criminis loco dare ea, quae in te possint reciprocata vicissitudine retorqueri?

the time when she sprang forth from the head of Jupiter, she also began to be something set in essence. She has therefore original beginnings, and from a fixed time began to be called a goddess, to be set up in sacred temples, and to be consecrated with inviolable religion. And since this is so, when you speak of the newness of our religious observances, do not your own come into your mind, and do you not care to examine when your gods arose, what origins they have, what causes, or out of what roots they burst and flashed forth? Now of what modesty is it—nay rather, of what shamelessness—in that which you see yourself doing, to reprove another, and to set down by way of reviling and accusation those things which can by a reciprocal turn be retorted against yourself?

LXXI. Sed quod agimus nos, novum est, quod autem vos, priscum est, et nimiae vetustatis: et quid istud aut vos juvat, aut nostram causam rationemque contristat? Nova res est quam gerimus: quandoque et ipsa vetus fiet. Vetus quam vos agitis: sed temporibus

LXXI. Yet what we do is new, whereas what you do is ancient and of very great antiquity: and how does that either help you, or harm our cause and reasoning? The matter which we carry on is new: some day it too will become old. That which you carry on is old: yet at the times

Editors' notes and page, col. 925

Footnotes

NOTE: the foot images show only the lower part of the COMMENTARIUS block; any notes above the crop (and any lectiones variantes) are not set here. No lectiones variantes are visible on the foot images. A faint band in the right crop is read with some doubt. COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] ‹lemma: In essentia constituta› · col 925 In essentia constituta. In essentiam, quod habet codex ms., legendum censet Stewechius, more solito Arnobii accusativum ponendi pro ablativo et vice versa. Vide supra. ORELL.

"Established in being." Stewechius thinks we should read "in essentiam", which the manuscript has, after Arnobius's usual habit of putting the accusative for the ablative and the reverse. See above. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Inviolabili religione sanciri› · col 925 Inviolabili religione sanciri. Proprie. Nam sancire est rem sanctam atque inviolabilem efficere fuso sanguine hostiae, ait Servius ad Virgil. Quare Lucanus, lib. VII : Romanas sancire volent hoc sanguine leges. Et Livius, lib. XXIII : Jam ego, inquit, sanguine Annibalis sanciam Romanum foedus. Ergo ita sancitae religiones et ipsa numina ita consecrata, quae violare nefas idcirco erat, et quae si quis violaverat, piaculum capite luebat. Sic leges sanciri dictae, et sanctiones : quia, si quis in eas commiserat, capite puniebatur, ut observat Ulpianus, lib. IX de Rerum div. et qual. Quare sanctae appellatae sunt res ab hominum injuria defensae ac munitae, lib. VIII. Digest. eod. Sic legati sancti et inviolati; et tribuni plebis sancti, sive potius sacrosancti, ἱεροὶ καὶ ἄσυλοι, ut interpretatur Dionysius Halic., lib. VI Antiq. rom. Sacrosancti autem, quia sancitum erat, ut, qui eos violasset, caput ejus Jovi sacrum esset. Tit. Livius, lib. III. Sanciendo, ut, qui tribunis plebis, aedilibus, judicibus, decemviris nocuisset, ejus caput Jovi sacrum esset ; familia ad aedem Cereris, Liberi, Liberaeque venum eat. Qui ita sacrati et devoti erant, eos quilibet poterat ἄνευ κρίσεως atque impune occidere. Sacrabantur autem diis inferis praecipue, θεοῖς καταχθονίοις. Hinc dii sancti, sancta deorum templa, sanguine et hostiis caesis consecrata ; sed et quorum majestatem si quis violasset et imminuisset, sanguine suo satisfaciebat et facinus expiabat. Proprie igitur Arnobius inviolabili religione sanciri ait, quia numen ita sancitum erat sanctum et inviolatum ; et ejus majestas si violata erat, capite τοῦ ἀσεβήσαντος expiabatur. HERALD.

"To be ratified by an inviolable religious sanction." Properly said. For "sancire" is to make a thing holy and inviolable "by shedding the blood of a victim", says Servius on Virgil. So Lucan, Book VII: "They will wish to ratify Roman laws with this blood." And Livy, Book XXIII: "Now I," he says, "will ratify the Roman treaty with the blood of Hannibal." So religious observances were ratified, and the deities themselves consecrated, in such a way that it was therefore unlawful to violate them, and whoever had violated them atoned for it with his life. So laws were said to be "sanctioned", and "sanctions" so called, because whoever offended against them was punished with death, as Ulpian observes, Book IX, On the Division and Kinds of Things. Hence things defended and protected from men's wrongdoing were called "sanctae", Digest Book VIII, same title. So ambassadors are holy and inviolate; and the tribunes of the plebs are "sancti", or rather "sacrosancti", sacred and inviolable, as Dionysius of Halicarnassus renders it, Roman Antiquities Book VI. "Sacrosanct", because it was sanctioned that whoever violated them, his life should be forfeit to Jupiter. Livy, Book III: "Sanctioning that whoever harmed the tribunes of the plebs, aediles, judges, decemvirs, his life should be forfeit to Jupiter, and his household be sold at the temple of Ceres, Liber and Libera." Those thus consecrated and devoted anyone might kill without trial and with impunity. They were consecrated chiefly to the gods below, the chthonian gods. Hence holy gods, holy temples of the gods, consecrated with blood and slain victims; and whoever had violated and diminished their majesty made satisfaction with his own blood and expiated the crime. Properly, then, Arnobius says "to be ratified by an inviolable religious sanction", because a deity so sanctioned was holy and inviolate, and if its majesty was violated it was expiated by the life of the impious man. HERALD.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LXXI. — Nec colere quo die, sed quis coeperis intueri› · col 925 LXXI. — Nec colere quo die, sed quis coeperis intueri. Quid est e correctione Gelenii : antea legebatur qui coeperis, quam lectionem defendere conatur Heraldus, qui accipiens pro quomodo, ut sensus sit; non esse considerandam religionis aetatem, sed rationem. Sed praefero quid, ut respondeat antecedenti numine. ORELL.

LXXI. — "And to consider not on what day you began to worship, but whom." "Quid" is from Gelenius's correction; formerly "qui coeperis" was read, a reading Heraldus tries to defend, taking "qui" for "how", so that the sense is: not the age of a religion is to be considered, but its reason. But I prefer "quid", to answer to the preceding "numine". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Ante quadringentos annos religio, inquit, vestra non fuit› · cols 925-926 Ante quadringentos annos religio, inquit, vestra non fuit. Locum vitiosum esse, non attinet dicere. Nam ex eo quod Arnobius, lib. I, cap. 13 scripsit : Annos esse trecentos plus minus, ex quo christiani esse coeperint, et in orbe terrarum censeri : facile videre est, in objectione illa pagani, cum inquit quadringentos, in numerorum notis valde aberratum esse. In considerationem quoque venire debet, quod scriptor hic mox subdit, annum urbis conditae circiter 1050 esse, cum haec scriberet ; ac duo illa annorum millia (de quibus supra) inibi repetit ac recenset. Dum fastos Romanorum inspicio, ac praeter ea, quae calculo huic subjicienda sunt, Diocletiani imperium expendo (sub quo Arnobium vixisse, B. Hieronymus, alii mihi testes), comperio annum urbis Romae conditae 1050, hoc est consulatum Anicii Fausti et Galli incidere demum in annum Christi 298, quare restituamus apud Arnobium : ante CCC annos religio, inquit, vestra non fuit. Allusum enim ad ironicam concessionem illam praecedentem ; sed novellum est nomen nostrum, et ante dies paucos religio est nata, quam sequimur. STEWECH. Nil mutandum ; nam auctorem nostrum in annorum computatione non satis sibi constare ab aliis jam, verbi causa, Baronio ad Annal. 302, § 17 ; Dodwello, Dissert. Iren., II, § 56 ; Pagio, ad Annal. 302, § 15, observatum est. Nimirum ex verbis ejus supra a Stewechio allatis, lib. I, cap. 13, et ex iis quae in nostro capite infra leguntur : Annos ducit (Urbs Roma) quinquaginta et mille, aut non multum ab his minus, recte effecerunt, Arnobium haec scripsisse circa annum Christi 297, juxta Varronianam vel annum 298, juxta Capitolinam annorum Urbis conditae putationem. At vero huic computo obstare videntur verba, quae infra legimus, lib. IV, cap. 36. Nam nostra quidem scripta cur ignibus meruerunt dari, cur immaniter conventicula dirui, quae, ut monuit Baronius l. l., non videntur scripta esse ante annum post Christum natum 303, quo Diocletiana persecutio saevire coepit. Quid, quod neque de tempore, quo scripserit libros suos, neque de anno quo obierit Arnobius, accuratiorem notitiam habemus, nisi quod ex verbis Hieronymi, de Viris illustribus, cap. 79, concludunt eruditi, illum ad annum 326, post Christum natum vitam produxisse. Quod si igitur uno anno post trecentesimum scripserat haec auctor, adversarius ille paganus, quem inducit hoc loco, numero rotundo dicere poterat : Ante quadringentos annos religio vestra non fuit. Conf. Schoenemanni notitiam litterariam, § 1. ORELL.

"Four hundred years ago, he says, your religion did not exist." That the passage is faulty need not be argued. For from what Arnobius wrote in Book I, chapter 13, "that it is three hundred years, more or less, since there began to be Christians and they were counted in the world", it is easy to see that in that objection of the pagan, when he says "four hundred", there has been a great error in the numerals. One must also take into account what the writer adds shortly after, that the year of the founding of the City was about 1050 when he wrote this; and he there repeats and recounts those two thousand years (spoken of above). Examining the Roman Fasti, and, besides what must be brought under this reckoning, weighing the reign of Diocletian (under whom Arnobius lived, as St Jerome and others attest to me), I find that the year 1050 from the founding of the city of Rome, that is, the consulship of Anicius Faustus and Gallus, falls at last in the year of Christ 298; so let us restore in Arnobius: "Three hundred years ago, he says, your religion did not exist." For it alludes to that ironic concession just before: "but our name is new, and the religion we follow was born a few days ago." STEWECHIUS. Nothing should be changed; for that our author is not consistent enough in his reckoning of years has already been observed by others, for instance Baronius on the Annals for 302, § 17; Dodwell, Dissertationes Irenaei II, § 56; Pagi on the Annals for 302, § 15. From his words cited above by Stewechius, Book I, chapter 13, and from what is read below in our chapter, "(the city of Rome) counts a thousand and fifty years, or not much less", they rightly concluded that Arnobius wrote this about the year of Christ 297 by the Varronian, or 298 by the Capitoline, reckoning of the years from the founding of the City. But the words we read below, Book IV, chapter 36, seem to stand against this computation: "For why have our writings deserved to be given to the flames, why our meeting-places to be savagely torn down", which, as Baronius pointed out in the place cited, do not seem to have been written before the year 303 after the birth of Christ, when the Diocletianic persecution began to rage. Moreover, we have no more precise knowledge either of the time when Arnobius wrote his books or of the year he died, except that the learned conclude from Jerome's words, On Illustrious Men, chapter 79, that he prolonged his life to the year 326 after the birth of Christ. If, then, the author wrote this in the year after the three hundredth, that pagan opponent whom he introduces here could say in a round number: "Four hundred years ago your religion did not exist." Compare Schoenemann's Notitia litteraria, § 1. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Quis Picum Fauni patrem, atque avum Latini?› · col 926 Quis Picum Fauni patrem, atque avum Latini? Sa- (continues)

"Who [knew] Picus, father of Faunus and grandfather of Latinus?" (continues)

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quibus coepit, nova fuit ac repentina. Religionis autem auctoritas non est tempore aestimanda, sed numine: nec colere qua die, sed quid coeperis, convenit intueri. Ante quadringentos annos religio, inquitis, vestra non fuit. Et dii vestri non fuerunt ante millia annorum duo. Quibus istud rationibus colligi, aut quibus supputationibus potest? Non difficilibus, non obscuris, sed quas possit videre qui volet, et contrectare, quemadmodum dicitur, manibus. Quis Jovem cum fratribus genuit? genitalibus Opis adjunctus Saturnus, ut vos fertis, Coelo atque Hecata procreatus. Quis Picum Fauni patrem, atque avum Latini? Saturnus, ut iidem vos vestris scriptis atque auctoribus traditis. Ergo si haec ita sunt, sequitur ut Picus et Jupiter germanitatis sibi sociati sint jure: utpote uno ex sanguine, unoque ex semine procreati. Consentaneum est ita esse quod dicitur. Ab Jove, et Pico, quot sunt generis usque ad

at which it began, it was new and sudden. Moreover, the authority of a religion is not to be estimated by time, but by the divinity; nor is it fitting to look at on what day, but what thing you have begun to worship. Four hundred years ago, you say, your religion did not exist. And your gods did not exist two thousand years ago. By what reasonings, or by what computations, can that be gathered? By ones not difficult, not obscure, but which whoever wishes can see and, as the saying is, handle with his hands. Who begot Jupiter with his brothers? Saturn joined to the generative parts of Ops, as you relate, begotten of Coelus and Hecate. Who begot Picus, the father of Faunus and grandfather of Latinus? Saturn, as you yourselves hand down in your writings and authors. Therefore if these things are so, it follows that Picus and Jupiter are united to each other by the right of brotherhood, inasmuch as they were begotten of one blood and of one seed. It is agreeable to reason that what is said is so. From Jupiter and Picus, how many degrees of descent are there down to

Editors' notes and page, col. 926

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Latinum gradus, trini: ut indicat series. Vultis Faunus, Latinus, et Picus, annis vixerint vicenis atque centenis? ultra enim negatur posse hominis vita produci. Aestimatio justa et liquida est. Trecenti ergo sunt pleni et sexaginta post hos anni: res ita est ut indicat supputatio. Cujus socer Latinus fuit? Aeneae. Genitor is cujus? Albani oppidi conditoris. Quot apud Albam regnatum est annis? quadringentis, et prope bis denis. Aetatis urbs Roma cujus esse in annalibus indicitur? annos ducit quinquaginta et mille, aut non multum ab his minus. Ergo ab Jove, qui frater est Pici, quique pater est minorum, et reliquorum deorum, anni ad haec tempora prope millia duo sunt, aut pleni, ut largiamur aetati. Quod cum redargui non possit, non tantum recens nata religio ostenditur, quam obitis: sed infantes et parvulos esse ipsos adhuc deos, quibus tauros atque alias hostias cum periculo corruptionis suggeritis quos oportebat adhuc mammis atque stillato lacte nutriri.

Latinus? Three, as the succession shows. Will you have it that Faunus, Latinus, and Picus lived a hundred and twenty years each? For beyond that it is denied that the life of man can be prolonged. The reckoning is fair and clear. There are, then, three hundred and sixty full years after these: the matter is so as the computation shows. Whose father-in-law was Latinus? Of Aeneas. Of whom was he the father? Of the founder of the town of Alba. For how many years was the kingship held at Alba? Four hundred and nearly twice ten. Of what age is the city of Rome declared to be in the annals? She counts a thousand and fifty years, or not much less than these. Therefore from Jupiter, who is the brother of Picus, and who is the father of the lesser and remaining gods, the years down to these times are nearly two thousand, or full two thousand, to be generous to their age. And since this cannot be refuted, not only is the religion which you practise shown to be newly born, but the gods themselves, to whom with risk of spoiling you offer bulls and other victims, are shown to be still infants and little ones, who ought still to be nourished at the breasts and with milk dropped into their mouths.

LXXII. At religiones vestrae multis annis praecedunt nostram, et eo sunt veriores, quod vetustatis auctoritate munitae sunt. Et quid eas prodest annis

LXXII. Yet your religious observances precede ours by many years, and are the truer in that they are fortified by the authority of antiquity. And what does it profit them to go before by very many years,

Editors' notes and page, col. 927

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 466)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible on foot image› · call in col 927

Oggeritis Fulv.

Fulvius reads "oggeritis".

COMMENTARIUS. [comm.] (continued) ‹lemma: Quis Picum Fauni patrem, atque avum Latini?› · col 927 [Sa]turnus, etc. De Saturni regno profugi adventu in Italiam, Pico, Fauno, etc., vide inprimis Aurelium Victorem, de Origine Gentis romanae, cap. III et IV, ibique interpretes. ORELL.

Saturn, etc. On the coming of Saturn into Italy as a fugitive from his kingdom, on Picus, Faunus, etc., see above all Aurelius Victor, On the Origin of the Roman Race, chapters III and IV, and the commentators there. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Vultis Faunus Latinus et Picus annis vixerint vicenis atque centenis? ultra enim negatur posse hominis vita produci› · col 927 Vultis Faunus Latinus et Picus annis vixerint vicenis atque centenis? ultra enim negatur posse hominis vita produci. Nota historia magni Panis mortui et aliorum geniorum interitus apud Plutarchum, de defectu Oraculorum. Manifesto Statius Theb., VI, 96, deteriorem Nymphis Faunorum conditionem facit, cum eorum greges interiisse dicat durante hac silva. Servius ad Aen., I, 372 ; Nymphae non omnia sciunt ; nam et moriuntur secundum Aristotelem, ut Fauni Panesque. Claudian., de Rapt. Proserp. III, 379. . . . . . . . . Pariter traxere ruinam, Et pariter posuere comam, campoque recumbunt Faunorum Dryadumque dolor. BARTH., ad Stat., vol. III, pag. 382.

"Do you wish that Faunus, Latinus and Picus lived a hundred and twenty years? For it is denied that a man's life can be prolonged beyond that." Well known is the story of the death of great Pan and of the perishing of other spirits in Plutarch, On the Failure of Oracles. Statius, Thebaid VI, 96, plainly makes the condition of the Fauns worse than that of the Nymphs, since he says their herds perished while this forest lasted. Servius on Aeneid I, 372: "The Nymphs do not know everything; for they too die, according to Aristotle, like the Fauns and Pans." Claudian, Rape of Proserpine III, 379: ". . . . . . . . . Together they fell in ruin, together they laid down their foliage, and the grief of Fauns and Dryads lies on the plain." BARTH, on Statius, vol. III, p. 382.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Aeneae. Genitor is cujus? Albani oppidi conditoris› · col 927 Aeneae. Genitor is cujus? Albani oppidi conditoris. Ita edidi ex emendatione Freinshemii in Indice ad Florum verbo Iulus. Cod. ms. et editiones eum secutae habent : Aeneae, genitoris latini : cujus? Albani oppidi conditoris, vitiosissime, et contra omnem fidem historicam. Ob. Gifanius legit : Aeneae genitoris? cujus, etc, probante Th. Cantero. Fulv. Ursinus : Aeneae genitoris Ascanii, Albani oppidi conditoris. Salmasius, in ed Lugd. Bat. edidit et interpunxit : Aeneae. Genitor is Ascanii. Cujus? Albani oppidi conditoris : ita ut Ascanius Albae conditor distinguatur ab aliis Ascaniis, verbi causa ductore Phrygum in bello Trojano, cujus meminit Homerus Il., II, 862, et XIII, 792. Sed quotusquisque erat lectorum Arnobii qui alium Ascanium cogitasset, quam Aeneae filium, conditorem Albae? Meursius tandem sic refingit : Aeneae. Generis Latini. ORELL.

"Of Aeneas. Whose father is he? Of the founder of the town of Alba." So I have printed it from Freinsheim's emendation in the Index to Florus, under the word "Iulus". The manuscript and the editions following it have "Of Aeneas, father of Latinus: whose? Of the founder of the town of Alba", most corruptly and against all historical credibility. Obertus Gifanius reads "Of Aeneas the father? whose", etc., with Theodore Canter's approval. Fulvius Ursinus: "Of Aeneas, father of Ascanius, founder of the town of Alba." Salmasius in the Leiden edition printed and punctuated: "Of Aeneas. He is the father of Ascanius. Which? The founder of the town of Alba", so that Ascanius the founder of Alba is distinguished from other Ascaniuses, for instance the leader of the Phrygians in the Trojan War, whom Homer mentions, Iliad II, 862, and XIII, 792. But how many of Arnobius's readers would have thought of any Ascanius other than Aeneas's son, the founder of Alba? Meursius finally remodels it thus: "Of Aeneas. Of the Latin race." ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Annos ducit quinquaginta et mille› · cols 927-928 Annos ducit quinquaginta et mille. Ducit, id est computat, numerat, ut bene interpretatur J. Fr. Gronovius, Obss., lib., II, cap. 10, pag. 130. seq., et refutat virum eruditum, nescio quem, explicantem : Durat. Ducere verbum arithmetices et ratiocinii proprium, non tantum de additione, ut vult Ernesti, in clavi Cic., hoc verbo, sed de omni computo. Ita Gell., lib. I, cap. 20 : In numeris etiam similiter κύβος ducitur cum omne latus ejusdem numeri aequaliter in sese solvitur, sicut fit, cum ter dena ducuntur. ORELL.

"It counts a thousand and fifty years." "Ducit", that is, reckons, numbers, as J. Fr. Gronovius rightly explains, Observationes, Book II, chapter 10, p. 130 f., refuting some learned man, I know not who, who explained it as "lasts". "Ducere" is a word proper to arithmetic and reckoning, not only of addition, as Ernesti would have it in the Clavis Ciceroniana under this word, but of every computation. So Gellius, Book I, chapter 20: "In numbers too a cube is likewise produced when every side of the same number is resolved equally into itself, as happens when three tens are multiplied." ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Aut pleni› · col 928 Aut pleni. Ita legendum esse cum Fulvio Ursino, docent sequentia verba ut largiamur aetati. Cod. ms. haud pleni. ORELL.

"Or full." That we should read so, with Fulvius Ursinus, the following words "that we may grant to age" show. The manuscript has "haud pleni". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Religio.... quam obitis› · col 928 Religio.... quam obitis. Id est quam colitis. Sic infra lib. III, cap. 5 : Reliquorum deorum officia non obitis, pro : Non praestatis reliquis diis officia. ORELL.

"The religion .... which you attend to." That is, which you worship. So below, Book III, chapter 5: "You do not attend to the services of the other gods", for "you do not render services to the other gods". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Cum periculo corruptionis suggeritis› · col 928 Cum periculo corruptionis suggeritis. Corruptio saepissime de morbo, quod corpus invadit. Sic ater corrupti corporis humor ap. Lucret., III, 502. Pro suggeritis, Fulv. Ursin. mavult oggeritis, quod antiquius. Sed nil mutandum. Cibos suggerere alicui dicit etiam Statius, Theb., IX, 740. ORELL.

"You supply it at the risk of corruption." "Corruptio" is very often said of disease that attacks the body. So "the black humour of the corrupted body" in Lucretius III, 502. For "suggeritis" Fulvius Ursinus prefers "oggeritis", which is more archaic. But nothing should be changed. Statius too, Thebaid IX, 740, says "to supply food to someone". ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: LXXII. — Ac tamen ne causam tam longa procedere dissimulatione videamur› · col 928 LXXII. — Ac tamen ne causam tam longa procedere dissimulatione videamur. Ita edidi ex emendatione Th. Canteri, quam probat editor Lugd. Bat. et Freinshemius in Indice ad Florum verbo veteres. Cod. ms. et ed. princeps Rom. habent : Ac tamen ne causam tam longam, etc., quod defendere conatur Heraldus putans excusare se Arnobium, quod in hac disputatione diutius immoretur, dicere itaque, hoc se consulto fecisse, ne brevius agendo, et ea quae ad rem pertinebant reticendo, videretur causam, quam defendendam susceperat, prodere voluisse. Sed ea, quae antea in hoc libro disputaverat Arnobius, verbi causa, de ortu animarum, ad causam illam minime pertinent, et ab operis consilio prorsus sunt aliena : dicit itaque plane contrarium, nimirum, se jam ad operis propositum reflectere, ne videatur rebus minus necessariis diutius immorando causam suam prodere voluisse : hactenus enim distulerat veri argumenti robur promere. Legendum itaque : Tam longa.... dissimulatione. Dissimulatio, dissimulare, de iis qui consulto reticent veritatem, omittunt ea quae ad causam pertinent. Vide supra ad cap. 44. Gelenius edidit : Ne causam tam bonum prodere dissimulatione videamur. Male. ORELL.

LXXII. — "And yet, lest we seem to betray [as printed, "procedere"] the cause by so long a dissembling." So I have printed it from Theodore Canter's emendation, which the Leiden editor approves, and Freinsheim in the Index to Florus under the word "veteres". The manuscript and the first Roman edition have "Ac tamen ne causam tam longam", etc., which Heraldus tries to defend, thinking that Arnobius is excusing himself for lingering so long in this discussion, and so says he did it deliberately, lest by treating it more briefly and keeping silent about what pertained to the matter he should seem to have wished to betray the cause he had undertaken to defend. But what Arnobius had discussed earlier in this book, for instance on the origin of souls, has little to do with that cause and is wholly foreign to the plan of the work. He says, therefore, the very opposite: that he now turns back to the purpose of the work, lest by lingering too long on less necessary matters he should seem to have wished to betray his cause; for until now he had put off bringing forward the strength of the real argument. We should therefore read "by so long ... a dissembling". "Dissimulatio", "dissimulare" are used of those who deliberately keep silent about the truth and leave out what pertains to the cause. See above, on chapter 44. Gelenius printed: "Lest we seem by dissembling to betray so good [as printed, "bonum"] a cause." Wrongly. ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Quod nuncupatur aeternitas› · col 928 Quod nuncupatur aeternitas. Ita Meursius et editor Lugd. Bat. Alii : Quo nuncupatur aeternitas. ORELL.

"What is called eternity." So Meursius and the Leiden editor. Others: "By which eternity is named." ORELLI.

[comm.] ‹lemma: Ubinam conveniat, etc.› · col 928 Ubinam conveniat, etc. Ita Fulv. Ursinus. Cod. ms. (continues)

"Where it would be fitting", etc. So Fulvius Ursinus. The manuscript (continues)

(printed under page 466)

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running head: 927 ARNOBII ADVERSUS GE
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quamplurimis anteire, cum a certo coeperint tempore? aut spatii cujus sunt millia annorum duo, saeculorum tantis comparata cum millibus? Ac tamen ne causam tam longa prodere dissimulatione videamur, nisi molestum est, dicite, omnipotens, et primus Deus novella vobis videtur res esse, et qui eum venerantes colunt, inauditas, incognitas, repentinas agitare atque inducere religiones? Estne illo antiquius quidquam, aut quod eum praecedat re, tempore, nomine, potest aliquid inveniri? Nonne solus ingenitus, immortalis et perpetuus solus est? Quis caput, aut fons rerum est? non ipse? cui debet aeternitas hoc ipsum, quod nuncupatur aeternitas? non ipsi? infinita ut prodeant saecula, non ex ejus perpetuitate perficitur? Indubitabile istud et verum: non ergo quod sequimur novum est, sed nos sero addidicimus, quidnam sequi oporteat et colere: aut ubinam conveniat, et spem salutis affigere, et salutaria subsidia collocare. Nondum enim affulserat, qui viam monstraret errantibus, et caligine in altissima constitutis cognitionis lumen immitteret, et ignorationis discuteret caecitatem.

since they began from a fixed time? Or of what span are two thousand years, when compared with so many thousands of ages? And yet, lest we should seem to betray our cause by so long a dissimulation, tell us, unless it is troublesome: does the Almighty and First God seem to you to be a new thing, and do those who venerate and worship Him seem to practise and bring in unheard-of, unknown, and sudden religious observances? Is there anything more ancient than He, or can anything be found which precedes Him in reality, in time, in name? Is He not alone unbegotten, alone immortal and perpetual? Who is the head or fountain of things? Is it not He Himself? To whom does eternity owe this very thing, that it is called eternity? Is it not to Him? That infinite ages proceed, is it not brought about from His perpetuity? That is indubitable and true: therefore what we follow is not new, but we have learned late what ought to be followed and worshipped, or where it is fitting both to fix the hope of salvation and to place salutary aids. For He had not yet shone forth Who should show the way to the wandering, and send in the light of knowledge to those set in the deepest darkness, and scatter the blindness of ignorance.

Editors' notes and page, col. 928

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LXXIII. Sed causa in hujusmodi vertimur soli. Quid? vos Aegyptiaca numina, quibus Serapis atque Isis est nomen, non post Pisonem et Gabinium consules in numerum vestrorum retulistis deorum? Quid Phrygiam matrem, cujus? esse conditor indicatur vel Midas vel Dardanus, non, cum Annibal poenus res italicas raperet, et terrarum exposceret principatum, et nosse, et scire coepistis, et memorabili religione sancire? Sacra Cereris matris non quod vobis incognita essent, ascita paulo ante, obtentum est ut Graeca dicantur, novitatem ipsam testificante cognomine? Non doctorum in litteris continetur, Apollinis nomen Pompiliana indigitamenta

LXXIII. Yet are we alone involved in a case of this sort? What? Did not you, after the consulship of Piso and Gabinius, enrol in the number of your gods the Egyptian deities whose names are Serapis and Isis? What of the Phrygian Mother, whose founder is shown to be either Midas or Dardanus—did you not, when the Carthaginian Hannibal was plundering Italian affairs and demanding the sovereignty of the lands, begin both to be acquainted with her and to know her, and to consecrate her with a memorable religion? As for the sacred rites of Mother Ceres, adopted a little before, has it not prevailed, because they were unknown to you, that they should be called Greek, the surname itself testifying to their very newness? Is it not contained in the writings of the learned that the Pompilian ritual books are ignorant of the name of Apollo?

Editors' notes and page, col. 929

Footnotes

(printed under page 467)

(a) ‹anchor: "italicas"› · call note, Lectiones variantes; printed in col 929

Ita Sab. Italas alii.

So Sabaeus. Others read "Italas".

(printed under page 467) (L0) ‹anchor: lemma "Ubinam conveniat" (page 466)› · lemma note, no call; continued from page 466; printed in col 929

(continued) ubinam convenire. Quod in textum revocavit editor Lugduno-Batavus, ut sensus sit : Ubinam convenire oporteat homines, quod supplendum ex praecedentibus. Meursius mavult : Ubinam conveniret. ORELL.

(printed under page 467) (L1) ‹anchor: lemma "LXXIII. — Sed causa in hujusmodi vertimur soli?"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 929 LXXIII. — Sed causa in hujusmodi vertimur soli? Ita, sensu flagitante, optime emendavit editor Lugd. Bat. Cod. ms. et editio Elmenhorstii : Sed causa in hujusmodi vertitur sola? vitiosissime et nullo sensu, unde Fulv. Ursin. conjicit : In hujusmodi vertitur solo? Sed unice vera editoris Leidensis emendatio, ut sequentia docent. ORELL.

LXXIII. — "But are we alone on trial in a case of this kind?" So, as the sense demands, the Leiden editor has excellently emended. The manuscript codex and Elmenhorst's edition have: "But does the case turn solely on things of this kind?" — most corruptly and with no sense, whence Fulvius Ursinus conjectures: "Does it turn on ground of this kind?" But the Leiden editor's emendation is the only true one, as what follows shows. ORELLI.

(printed under page 467) (L2) ‹anchor: lemma "Quid? vos Ægyptiaca numina"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 929 Quid? vos Ægyptiaca numina, quibus Serapis atque Isis est nomen, non post Pisonem et Gabinium Consules in numerum vestrorum retulistis deorum? Tertullian., Apologet., cap. VI : Serapidem, et Isidem, et Harpocratem cum suo Cynocephalo. Capitolio prohibitos inferri, id est curia deorum pulsos, Piso et Gabinius Consules, non utique Christiani, eversis etiam aris eorum abdicaverunt, turpium et otiosarum superstitionum vitia cohibentes. His vos restitutis summam majestatem contulistis. HERALD. et ELMENH. — Conf. eumdem Tertull., adv. Nation., I, c. 10. Annus Consulatus A. Gabinii et L. Calpurnii Pisonis est annus urbis conditae 696, ante Christum natum 58. Vid. Almeloveen., Fast. Consular., pag. 99. Hoc anno et plus semel Senatus eorum divorum fana, quae privatim nonnulli exstruxerant, demoliri jussit, quod ea numina non magnopere aestimabat. Sed mox vincente populari factione cultus eorum restitutus, ac primo quidem templa eorum extra pomoeria posita, teste Dione Cass., lib. XLII, cap. 47, ubi vid. Reimar., tom. I, pag. 252, donec, Hirtio et Pansa Coss. anno urbis conditae 711, a Triumviris Caesare Octaviano, Antonio et Lepido novum templum iisdem numinibus decretum fuit, ut memorat idem Dio, lib. XLVII, c. 15, pag. 501, ed. Reimar. Conf. Augustin., de Civit. Dei, XI, 14; Lucan., Phars., VII, 83; Boettiger. V. Cl. in Sabina, pag. 199, seqq., et qui totam istorum sacrorum historiam fuse docteque explicat. Gisb. Cuper., in Harpocrat., pag. 149, seqq. ORELL.

"What? The Egyptian deities, whose names are Serapis and Isis — did you not enrol them in the number of your gods after the consulship of Piso and Gabinius?" Tertullian, Apology, ch. 6: "Serapis and Isis and Harpocrates with his Dog-head, forbidden entry to the Capitol, that is, driven from the senate-house of the gods — the consuls Piso and Gabinius, who were certainly not Christians, disowned them, overturning even their altars, to check the vices of base and idle superstitions. On these, once restored, you have conferred the highest majesty." HERALD and ELMENHORST. — Compare the same Tertullian, Against the Nations, I, ch. 10. The year of the consulship of A. Gabinius and L. Calpurnius Piso is the 696th year from the founding of the City, 58 before the birth of Christ. See Almeloveen, Consular Fasti, p. 99. In this year, and more than once, the Senate ordered the shrines of these gods, which some had built privately, to be demolished, because it did not much esteem those deities. But soon, as the popular faction prevailed, their worship was restored, and at first their temples were placed outside the pomerium, as Dio Cassius attests, book 42, ch. 47 (see Reimar there, vol. I, p. 252), until, in the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, in the 711th year of the City, a new temple was decreed to the same deities by the Triumvirs Caesar Octavian, Antony and Lepidus, as the same Dio records, book 47, ch. 15, p. 501, Reimar's edition. Compare Augustine, City of God, XI, 14; Lucan, Pharsalia, VII, 83; Böttiger, that celebrated man, in Sabina, p. 199 ff.; and the one who sets out the whole history of these rites at length and learnedly, Gisbert Cuper, in Harpocrates, p. 149 ff. ORELLI.

(printed under page 467) (L3) ‹anchor: lemma "Quid? Phrygiam matrem"› · lemma note, no call; begins in col 929, continues in col 930 Quid? Phrygiam matrem, cujus esse conditor indicatur vel Midas, vel Dardanus. Sequitur hoc loco Arnobius Clementem Alexandr., apud quem in Protrept. ad Gent., cap. 5, pag. 12, ed. Potter., haec leguntur : Ὄλοιτο οὖν ὁ τῆσδε ἄρξας ἀπάτης ἀνθρώποις· εἴτε ὁ Δάρδανος, ὁ μητρὸς θεῶν καταδείξας τὰ μυστήρια· εἴτε Ἠετίων, ὁ τὰ Σαμοθρακῶν ὄργια καὶ τελετὰς ὑποστησάμενος· εἴτε ὁ Φρὺξ ἐκεῖνος ὁ Μίδας, ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Ὀδρύσου μαθὼν, ἔπειτα διαδοὺς τοῖς ὑποτεταγμένοις ἔντεχνον ἀπάτην. Cf. Diodor., III, 58 (ibique Wesseling.); Dionys. Halic., Antiq. rom., I, pag. 55. ELMENH. — Add. Justin., XI, 7 : Post hunc (Gordium) filius Mida regnavit, qui ab Orpheo sacrorum solemnibus initiatus, Phrygiam religionibus implevit : quibus tutior omni vita quam armis [... top of col 930 above the crop ...] vate suadente quondam, defessa Italia punico bello atque ab Annibale vexata, sacra ista majores nostri adscita ex Phrygia Romae collocaverunt : quae vir is accepit, qui est optimus populi Romani judicatus, P. Scipio; femina autem, quae matronarum castissima putabatur, Q. Claudia. ELMENH. — Res rapere propria locutio. Virgil., Aen., X, 14. / Tum certare odiis, tum res rapuisse licebit. / Quem in locum Servius : Veteres laedere, res rapere dicebant, etiamsi rapinae nullum crimen existeret, similiterque satisfacere res reddere dicebant. Sic res repetere, τὰ δίκαια αἰτεῖν, et τὰς δίκας αἰτεῖν, ut vertit Dionysius Halicarn. HERALD. — Res rapere respondet Graecorum ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν. ORELL.

"What? The Phrygian Mother, whose founder is said to be either Midas or Dardanus." Arnobius follows Clement of Alexandria here, in whose Exhortation to the Gentiles, ch. 5, p. 12, Potter's edition, we read: "Perish, then, the one who began this deceit for mankind — whether Dardanus, who revealed the mysteries of the Mother of the gods; or Eetion, who instituted the orgies and rites of the Samothracians; or that Phrygian Midas, who learned from the Odrysian and then passed on the cunning deceit to his subjects." Compare Diodorus, III, 58 (and Wesseling there); Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, I, p. 55. ELMENHORST. — Add Justin, XI, 7: "After him (Gordius) his son Midas reigned, who, initiated by Orpheus in the solemnities of the sacred rites, filled Phrygia with religious observances, by which he was safer all his life than by arms [... top of col 930 above the crop ...] at a seer's urging once, when Italy was worn out by the Punic war and harried by Hannibal, our ancestors brought these rites from Phrygia and established them at Rome: they were received by the man judged the best of the Roman people, P. Scipio, and by the woman reckoned the most chaste of matrons, Q. Claudia." ELMENHORST. — "To seize property" (res rapere) is a proper idiom. Virgil, Aeneid, X, 14: / "Then it will be lawful to contend in hatred, then to have seized property." / On which passage Servius: "For 'to injure' the ancients said 'to seize property', even where there was no crime of robbery, and likewise for 'to give satisfaction' they said 'to return property'. So 'to demand back property' (res repetere), which Dionysius of Halicarnassus renders 'to demand what is just' and 'to demand justice'." HERALD. — Res rapere answers to the Greek "to drive and carry off" (plunder). ORELLI.

(printed under page 467) (L4) ‹anchor: lemma "Sacra Cereris matris"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 930 Sacra Cereris matris. . . . . obtentum est, ut Graeca dicantur, etc. Cicero pro Balbo, cap. 24 : Sacra Cereris summa majores nostri religione confici caeremoniaque voluerunt : quae quum essent assumpta de Graecis, et per Graecas semper sunt curata sacerdotes, et Graeca omnia appellata. Cf. Valer. Max., lib. I, cap. 1, et Fest. v. Graeca sacra, ibique Dacer. ORELL.

"The rites of Mother Ceres . . . . it has come to be held that they are called Greek," etc. Cicero, For Balbus, ch. 24: "Our ancestors wished the rites of Ceres to be performed with the greatest religious awe and ceremony; since they had been taken over from the Greeks, they were always administered by Greek priestesses, and all were called Greek." Compare Valerius Maximus, book I, ch. 1, and Festus under "Graeca sacra", and Dacier there. ORELLI.

(printed under page 467) (L5) ‹anchor: lemma "Apollinis nomen Pompiliana indigitamenta nescire"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 930 Apollinis nomen Pompiliana indigitamenta nescire. Servius ad Virgil. Georg., I, 21. / Dique Deae omnes, studium quibus arva tueri. / Nomina haec, inquit, numinum in indigitamentis inveniuntur, id est, in libris Pontificalibus, qui et nomina deorum, et rationem ipsorum numinum continent. Glossae Philoxeni : indigitamenta, ἱερατικὰ βιβλία. HERALD. — Meurs., pag 85 seq.; Ol. Borrich. cogitat., pag. 129. Cf. G. J. Vossii Etymol. rom., et Jos. Scaliger. ad Hymn. Orphei in ejusdem Poematibus pag. 186. Idem quod Arnobius de Apolline, de Venere scribit Macrobius, Saturn., I, cap. 12. Cincio etiam Varro consentit, affirmans nomen Veneris ne sub regibus quidem apud Romanos vel Latinum vel Graecum fuisse, et ideo non potuisse mensem a Venere nominari. Neque in carminibus Saliorum Veneris ulla, ut caeterorum coelestium, laus celebratur. Conf. intpp. ad Varron., pag. 136, ed. Bip. ORELL.

"That the Pompilian indigitamenta do not know the name of Apollo." Servius on Virgil, Georgics, I, 21: / "And all gods and goddesses, whose care it is to guard the fields." / "These names of deities," he says, "are found in the indigitamenta, that is, in the Pontifical books, which contain both the names of the gods and the account of these deities." The Glosses of Philoxenus: "indigitamenta, priestly books." HERALD. — Meursius, p. 85 f.; Olaus Borrichius, Cogitationes, p. 129. Compare G. J. Vossius, Roman Etymology, and Joseph Scaliger on the Orphic Hymns in his Poems, p. 186. What Arnobius says of Apollo, Macrobius writes of Venus, Saturnalia, I, ch. 12: "Varro too agrees with Cincius, affirming that the name of Venus, whether Latin or Greek, did not exist among the Romans even under the kings, and that therefore the month could not have been named from Venus. Nor in the hymns of the Salii is any praise of Venus celebrated, as of the other heavenly ones." Compare the interpreters on Varro, p. 136, Bipontine edition. ORELLI.

(printed under page 467) (L6) ‹anchor: lemma "Post autem aliquando"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 930 Post autem aliquando. Editio princeps Sabaei : post autem aliquanto. Sed nil mutandum. Sensus flagitat aliquando, id est, aliquo incerto tempore. Nam cultus illorum numinum instituebantur alii breviori, alii longiori temporis intervallo. ORELL.

"But afterwards at some time." Sabaeus's first edition: "but some while afterwards." But nothing should be changed. The sense demands "at some time," that is, at some uncertain time. For the cults of those deities were instituted, some after a shorter, others after a longer interval of time. ORELLI.

(printed under page 467)

Editors' prose

ubinam convenire. Quod in textum revocavit editor Lugduno-Batavus, ut sensus sit : Ubinam convenire oporteat homines, quod supplendum ex praecedentibus. Meursius mavult : Ubinam conveniret. Orell.

where to come together. This the Leiden editor restored to the text, so that the sense is: Where men ought to come together, which is to be supplied from what precedes. Meursius prefers: Where he might come together. Orelli.

§ LXXIII. — Sed causa in hujusmodi vertimur soli? Ita, sensu flagitante, optime emendavit editor Lugd. Bat. Cod. ms. et editio Elmenhorstii : Sed causa in hujusmodi vertitur sola? vitiosissime et nullo sensu, unde Fulv. Ursin. conjicit : In hujusmodi vertitur solo? Sed unice vera editoris Leidensis emendatio, ut sequentia docent. Orell.

§ LXXIII. — But are we alone turned about in a case of this kind? So, as the sense demands, the Leiden editor has emended excellently. The manuscript and Elmenhorst's edition have: But is the case alone turned in this kind?, most faultily and with no sense; whence Fulvio Orsini conjectures: Is it turned in this kind on the ground? But the Leiden editor's emendation is the only true one, as what follows shows. Orelli.

Quid? vos Aegyptiaca numina, quibus Serapis atque Isis est nomen, non post Pisonem et Gabinium Consules in numerum vestrorum retulistis deorum? Tertullian., Apologet., cap. vi : Serapidem, et Isidem, et Harpocratem cum suo Cynocephalo. Capitolio prohibitos inferri, id est curia deorum pulsos. Piso et Gabinius Consules, non utique Christiani, eversis etiam aris eorum abdicaverunt, turpium et otiosarum superstitionum vitia cohibentes. His vos restitutis summam majestatem contulistis. Herald. et Elmenh. — Conf. eumdem Tertull., adv. Nation., i, c. 10. Annus Consulatus A. Gabinii et L. Calpurnii Pisonis est annus urbis conditae 696, ante Christum natum 58. Vid. Almeloveen., Fast. Consular., pag. 99. Hoc anno et plus semel Senatus eorum divorum fana, quae privatim nonnulli exstruxerant, demoliri jussit, quod ea numina non magnopere aestimabat. Sed mox vincente populari factione cultus eorum restitutus, ac primo quidem templa eorum extra pomoeria posita, teste Dione Cass., lib. xlii, cap. 47, ubi vid. Reimar., tom. i, pag. 252, donec, Hirtio et Pansa Coss. anno urbis conditae 711, a Triumviris Caesare Octaviano, Antonio et Lepido novum templum iisdem numinibus decretum fuit, ut memorat idem Dio, lib. xlvii, c. 15, pag. 501, ed. Reimar. Conf. Augustin., de Civit. Dei, xi, 14; Lucan., Phars., vii, 83; Boettiger. V. Cl. in Sabina, pag. 199, seqq., et qui totam istorum sacrorum historiam fuse docteque explicat. Gisb. Cuper., in Harpocrat., pag. 149, seqq. Orell.

What? Did you not, after the consulship of Piso and Gabinius, receive into the number of your gods the Egyptian deities whose names are Serapis and Isis? Tertullian, Apology, ch. 6: Serapis and Isis and Harpocrates with his Cynocephalus, forbidden to be brought into the Capitol, that is, driven out of the senate-house of the gods, the consuls Piso and Gabinius, who were certainly not Christians, cast off, even overturning their altars, restraining the vices of base and idle superstitions. On these, once restored, you have conferred the highest majesty. Heraldus and Elmenhorst. — Compare the same Tertullian, Against the Nations, i, ch. 10. The year of the consulship of A. Gabinius and L. Calpurnius Piso is the year 696 from the founding of the City, 58 before the birth of Christ. See Almeloveen, Fasti Consulares, p. 99. In this year, and more than once, the Senate ordered the shrines of those gods, which some had built privately, to be pulled down, because it set no great value on those deities. But soon, as the popular faction prevailed, their worship was restored, and their temples were at first placed outside the pomoerium, as Dio Cassius testifies, book 42, ch. 47 (see Reimarus there, vol. i, p. 252), until, when Hirtius and Pansa were consuls, in the year 711 from the founding of the City, a new temple was decreed to the same deities by the triumvirs Caesar Octavianus, Antony and Lepidus, as the same Dio records, book 47, ch. 15, p. 501 of Reimarus's edition. Compare Augustine, City of God, xi, 14; Lucan, Pharsalia, vii, 83; Böttiger, the celebrated scholar, in Sabina, p. 199 ff.; and the one who sets out the whole history of these rites fully and learnedly, Gisbert Cuper, in Harpocrates, p. 149 ff. Orelli.

Quid? Phrygiam matrem, cujus esse conditor indicatur vel Midas, vel Dardanus. Sequitur hoc loco Arnobius Clementem Alexandr., apud quem in Protrept. ad Gent., cap. 5, pag. 12, ed. Potter., haec leguntur : Ὄλοιτο οὖν ὁ τῆσδε ἄρξας ἀπάτης ἀνθρώποις· εἴτε ὁ Δάρδανος, ὁ μητρὸς θεῶν καταδείξας τὰ μυστήρια· εἴτε Ἠετίων, ὁ τὰ Σαμοθρακῶν ὄργια καὶ τελετὰς ὑποστησάμενος· εἴτε ὁ Φρὺξ ἐκεῖνος ὁ Μίδας, ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Ὀδρύσου μαθών. ἔπειτα διαδοὺς τοῖς ὑποτεταγμένοις ἔντεχνον ἀπάτην. Cf. Diodor., iii, 58 (ibique Wesseling.); Dionys. Halic., Antiq. rom., i, pag. 55. Elmenh. — Add. Justin., xi, 7 : Post hunc (Gordium) filius Mida regnavit, qui ab Orpheo sacrorum solemnibus initiatus, Phrygiam religionibus implevit : quibus tutior omni vita quam armis

What? The Phrygian Mother, whose founder is declared to be either Midas or Dardanus. Arnobius here follows Clement of Alexandria, in whose Exhortation to the Gentiles, ch. 5, p. 12 of Potter's edition, these words are read: "Perish, then, the man who began this deceit among men, whether Dardanus, who showed forth the mysteries of the Mother of the gods; or Eëtion, who established the orgies and rites of the Samothracians; or that Phrygian Midas, who learned from the Odrysian, and then handed on to his subjects a deceit made with art." Compare Diodorus, iii, 58 (and Wesseling there); Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, i, p. 55. Elmenhorst. — Add Justin, xi, 7: After him (Gordius) his son Midas reigned, who, initiated by Orpheus in the solemnities of the sacred rites, filled Phrygia with religious observances, by which, safer all his life than by arms,

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nescire? Ex quo apparet, et liquidum est, et hunc vobis fuisse incognitum, post autem aliquando coepisse esse et notum. Si quis igitur vos interroget, cur eorum numinum, quorum modo fecimus mentionem tam sero susceperitis cultum, responsuros vos certum est, aut quia illos nuper deorum esse in numero nesciebamus, aut quia nunc sumus a vatibus moniti, aut quia in rebus asperrimis beneficiis eorum sumus auxiliisque servati. Quod si hoc a vobis recte existimabitis dici, et ex nostris partibus ratione consimili existimatote esse responsum. Religio nostra nunc nata est: nunc enim missus advenit, qui eam nobis ostenderet, qui in ejus induceret veritatem,

From which it appears and is clear that he also was unknown to you, and afterwards at some time began to be known also. If therefore anyone should ask you why you took up so late the worship of those deities of whom we have just made mention, it is certain that you will reply, either because lately we did not know that they were in the number of the gods, or because we have now been admonished by the seers, or because in most bitter circumstances we have been saved by their benefits and aids. Now if you shall judge that this is rightly said by you, judge also that from our side a reply has been made in like manner. Our religion has now been born: for now He Who was sent has come to show it to us, to lead us into its truth,

Editors' notes and page, col. 930

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qui Deus monstraret quid sit, qui ad ejus nos cultum ab rebus opinabilibus avocaret.

to show what God is, and to call us away from matters of mere opinion to His worship.

LXXIV. Et quid, inquit, est visum Deo regi atque principi, ut ante horas, quemadmodum dicitur, pauculas sospitator, ad vos Christus coeli ex arcibus mitteretur? Interrogamus et vos contra: quae causa, quae ratio est, ut non suis aliquando reddantur mensibus tempora, sed serius hyems, serius aestas, atque autumnitas fiant? Cur post messes arefactas, atque extincta frumenta, nonnumquam decidant pluviae, quas rebus oportuit incolumibus labi, atque temporis opportunitatibus ministrari? Immo illud exquirimus potius, cur, si Herculem oportuit nasci, si Aesculapium, Mercurium, Liberum, aliosque nonnullos, qui et conciliis adjungerentur deorum, et mortalibus aliquid utilitatis afferrent, tam sero a Jove sint proditi, ut sola illos posteritas sciret, superiorum vero ignoraret antiquitas? Rationem aliquam fuisse dicetis. Ratio ergo et hic fuit, cur non nuper, sed hodie sospitator nostri generis adveniret. Quaenam igitur ratio? Non imus inficias nescire nos. Neque enim promptum est cuiquam Dei mentem videre, aut quibus modis ordinaverit res suas. Homo animal caecum, et ipsum se nesciens nullis potest rationibus consequi. Quid oporteat fieri; quando, vel quo genere! Ipse rerum cunctarum pater, moderator, et Dominus scit solus. Nec si ego nequivero causas vobis expromere, cur aliquid fiat illo vel hoc modo,

LXXIV. And what, says someone, seemed good to God the King and Sovereign, that a few hours ago, as the saying is, Christ the Saviour should be sent to you from the citadels of heaven? We also ask you in turn: what is the cause, what is the reason, that the seasons are sometimes not rendered to their own months, but winter comes later, summer and autumn later? Why, after the harvests have been parched up and the grain destroyed, do rains sometimes fall which ought to have glided down while things were unharmed, and to have been supplied at the fitting opportunities of the season? Nay, we inquire this rather: why, if it behoved Hercules to be born, if Aesculapius, Mercury, Liber, and some others, who should both be joined to the councils of the gods and bring some benefit to mortals, were they brought forth by Jupiter so late that posterity alone knew them, while the antiquity of former men was ignorant of them? You will say that there was some reason. There was a reason here also, therefore, why the Saviour of our race came not long ago, but today. What reason, then? We do not deny that we do not know. For neither is it easy for anyone to see the mind of God (Rom. 11:34; 1 Cor. 2:16), or in what ways He has ordained His own affairs. Man, a blind creature and ignorant even of himself, can by no reasonings attain to what ought to be done, when, or in what manner! The Father, Governor, and Lord of all things Himself alone knows. Nor, if I shall have been unable to set forth to you the causes why anything is done in that way or in this,

Editors' notes and page, col. 931

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES

(printed under page 468)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 931

Verum cultum Fulv.

"True worship": Fulvius (Ursinus).

(printed under page 468)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 931

Nos Sab.

"We": Sabaeus.

(printed under page 468) (L1) ‹anchor: lemma "Qui ad ejus nos cultum"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 931 Qui ad ejus nos cultum ab rebus opinabilibus avocaret. Res opinabiles, id est vanae, in opinione tantum hominum fundatae. Verum cultum mavult F. Ursin. ORELL.

"Who should call us away from things of opinion to his worship." "Things of opinion," that is, empty things, grounded only in men's opinion. F. Ursinus prefers "true worship". ORELLI.

(printed under page 468) (L2) ‹anchor: lemma "Sospitator"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 931 LXXIV. — Sospitator. Amat hanc Christi appellationem Arnobius. Vide caput sequens et lib. I, cap. 53. Deus ab incognitis regnis et ab omnium principe Deus sospitator est missus. Conf. Lactant., lib. IV, cap. 26. ELMENH.

74. — "Saviour." Arnobius loves this title of Christ. See the next chapter and book I, ch. 53: "God the Saviour was sent from unknown realms and by the God who is prince of all." Compare Lactantius, book IV, ch. 26. ELMENHORST.

(printed under page 468) (L3) ‹anchor: lemma "Autumnitas"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 931 Autumnitas. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 21. ORELL.

"Autumn-time." See above on book I, ch. 21. ORELLI.

(printed under page 468) (L4) ‹anchor: lemma "Nullis potest"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 931 Nullis potest. Ita Fulv. Ursinus. Cod. ms. nullis potens, quod defendere conatur Stewechius. Sed tum hiat oratio et verbum finitum desideratur. ORELL.

"Can by no [reasons]." So Fulvius Ursinus. The manuscript has "able by no," which Stewechius tries to defend. But then the sentence gapes and a finite verb is wanting. ORELLI.

(printed under page 468) (L5) ‹anchor: lemma "Consequi. Quid oporteat fieri"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 931 Consequi. Quid oporteat fieri, quando, vel quo genere; ipse rerum cunctarum pater moderator, et dominus scit solus. Ita editores omnes, excepto Lugd. Batavo, qui ita legit et distinguit : Consequi quid oporteat fieri, quando, vel quo genere. Ipse rerum cunctarum pater moderator, et dominus scit id solus. Equidem mutandi causam nullam video. ORELL.

"Attain. What ought to be done, when, or in what manner, the Father, Ruler and Lord of all things alone knows." So all the editors except the Leiden one, who reads and punctuates thus: "attain what ought to be done, when, or in what manner. The Father, Ruler and Lord of all things alone knows it." For my part I see no reason to change. ORELLI.

(printed under page 468) (L6) ‹anchor: lemma "Quae generibus virtutum tantis"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 931 Quae generibus virtutum tantis et potestatum indubitabilis esse monstrata est. Membranis placet : quae generibus virtutum tantis et potestatibus, potestatis indubitabilis esse monstrata est. Mihi arridebat magis : quae generibus virtutum tantis, tantis et potestatibus, potestatis indubitabilis, etc., an potius : Quae generibus virtutum tantis et potestatum potestatibus indubitabilis esse monstrata est. STEWECH.

"Which by such great kinds of mighty works and powers has been shown to be beyond doubt." The parchment has: "which by such great kinds of mighty works and by powers has been shown to be of power beyond doubt." I rather liked: "which by such great kinds of mighty works, and by such great powers, [has been shown to be] of power beyond doubt," etc., or rather: "which by such great kinds of mighty works and powers of powers has been shown to be beyond doubt." STEWECHIUS.

(printed under page 468) (L7) ‹anchor: lemma "In infinitis perpetuis seculis"› · lemma note, no call; begins in col 931, continues in col 932 LXXV. — In infinitis perpetuis seculis nihilominino dicendum est serum. Haec est egregia emendatio Th. Canteri, merito a sequentibus editoribus in textum recepta. Cod. ms. nihilominus dicendum est verum, vitiosissime. Caeterum rationem, cur tam sero missus sit sospitator, pulchre reddunt Theodoretus contra Graec. Orat., VI; Eusebius, Demonstr. evangel., lib. VI, cap. 10; Gregor. Nyssen., Cath. Orat., cap. 39; Leo, serm. III, de Nativ. Domini; Chrysologus, serm. XVIII, pag. 73. ELMENH. et ORELL.

75. — "In infinite, everlasting ages nothing at all is to be called late." This is Th. Canter's excellent emendation, rightly taken into the text by the editors who followed. The manuscript has "nevertheless it is to be called true," most corruptly. As for the reason why the Saviour was sent so late, it is finely given by Theodoret, Against the Greeks, Discourse 6; Eusebius, Demonstration of the Gospel, book VI, ch. 10; Gregory of Nyssa, Catechetical Oration, ch. 39; Leo, Sermon 3 on the Nativity of the Lord; Chrysologus, Sermon 18, p. 73. ELMENHORST and ORELLI.

(printed under page 468) (L8) ‹anchor: lemma "Inimoderata continuatio saeculorum"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 932 Inimoderata continuatio saeculorum. Vox Lucretiana, qua saepius utitur. Lucretius, lib. I, vers. 1012 : / Aut etiam, alterutrum nisi terminet alterum eorum / Simplice natura, et pateat tantum immoderatum, etc. / Sic Cicero, de Nat. deor., lib. II, cap. 25. Euripidis versum ex incerta Tragoedia sic interpretatur : / Vides sublime fusum immoderatum aethera. / immoderatum aethera, id est immensum, τὸν ἄπειρον αἰθέρα. HERALD. et NOURRIUS.

"Unmeasured succession of ages." A Lucretian word, which he uses quite often. Lucretius, book I, line 1012: / "Or else, unless one of the two bounded the other / by its simple nature, it would lie open, so much, unmeasured," etc. / So Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book II, ch. 25, renders a line of Euripides from an unidentified tragedy: / "You see the unmeasured aether poured out on high." / "Unmeasured aether," that is, immense: the boundless aether. HERALD and LE NOURRY.

(printed under page 468) (L9) ‹anchor: lemma "Fuisse homines olim semideos"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 932 Fuisse homines olim semideos, Herbas, cum immanibus corporibus atque vastis. Vide quae congessit Hieron. Magius, lib. II, Miscell., cap. 4. ORELL.

"That there were once men who were demigods, heroes, with huge and vast bodies." See what Hieronymus Magius has collected, Miscellanies, book II, ch. 4. ORELLI.

(printed under page 468) (L10) ‹anchor: lemma "Stentoreos legitis edidisse vagitus"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 932 Stentoreos legitis edidisse vagitus. Adagium tractum a Stentore, Graecorum vocalissimo, cujus mentio ap. Homerum l. V, 785, seqq. et natum ab eodem proverbium : Stentore clamosior. Juvenal., sat. XIII, vers. 112. / Tu miser exclamas, ut Stentora vincere possis. / Cf. Dionis Chrysost., Orat. Tarsic. I. Cod. ms. habet : Centenarios, unde Meursius fecit : certe varios edidisse vagitus. ELMENHORST.

"You read that they uttered Stentorian wails." A saying drawn from Stentor, the loudest-voiced of the Greeks, who is mentioned in Homer, book V, 785 ff.; from him too was born the proverb "louder than Stentor." Juvenal, Satire 13, line 112: / "You cry out, poor wretch, so as to outdo Stentor." / Compare Dio Chrysostom, First Tarsic Oration. The manuscript has "Centenarios," from which Meursius made "certainly uttered various wails." ELMENHORST.

(printed under page 468) (L11) ‹anchor: lemma "Quorum ossa variis in regionibus eruta"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 932 Quorum ossa variis in regionibus eruta, etc. Vide Herodot., lib. I, cap. 68. A. Gellius, lib. III, cap. 10; Solin., cap. 15; Phlegont. Trallian., in Mirabil.; Servium, ad IX Aeneid., p. 578; Juvenal., sat. XV; Glycam, pag. 370. ELMENH. et STEWECH.

"Whose bones, dug up in various regions," etc. See Herodotus, book I, ch. 68; Aulus Gellius, book III, ch. 10; Solinus, ch. 15; Phlegon of Tralles, On Marvels; Servius on Aeneid IX, p. 578; Juvenal, Satire 15; Glycas, p. 370. ELMENHORST and STEWECHIUS.

(printed under page 468) (L12) ‹anchor: lemma "Fecerunt fidem"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 932 Fecerunt fidem. Fulv. Ursin. conjicit fecerint, non male. ORELL.

"They have given proof." Fulvius Ursinus conjectures "may have given," not badly. ORELLI.

(printed under page 468)

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continuo sequitur ut infecta fiant quae facta sunt, et amittat res fidem, quae generibus virtutum tantis et potestatum indubitabilis esse monstrata est.

does it straightway follow that the things which have been done become undone, and that a matter loses credit which by so great kinds of mighty works and powers has been shown to be indubitable.

LXXV. Tu opponas et referas, cur tam sero emissus est sospitator? In infinitis perpetuis saeculis nihil omnino dicendum est serum. Ubi enim finis, et initium nullum est, nihil tardum. Tempus enim a finibus et extremitatibus noscitur; quae habere non potest series et immoderata continuatio saeculorum. Quid enim si res ipsae, quibus opem conveniebat ferri, opportunitatem istam temporis exigebant? Quid si alterius conditionis antiqua; alterius fuere sequentia? Quid si priscis aliter subveniri, aliter debuit posterioribus consuli? Nonne litteras auditis commemorantes vestras, fuisse homines olim semideos, heroas, cum immanibus corporibus atque vastis? Non infantes sub uberibus matrum stentoreos legitis edidisse vagitus, quorum ossa variis in regionibus eruta, vix repertoribus fecerunt fidem, humanorum reliquias esse membrorum? Potest ergo fieri, ut tum demum emiserit Christum Deus omnipotens, Deus solus, postquam gens hominum fractior et infirmior coepit nostra esse natura. Si quod hodie factum est, ante millia fieri potuisset annorum, fecisset istud rex summus: aut si post totidem millia, id quod hodie factum est, debuisset impleri, nihil Deum cogebat necessarias temporum non expectare mensuras. Rationibus fixis peraguntur res ejus,

LXXV. Do you object and retort, why was the Saviour sent forth so late? In infinite and perpetual ages nothing at all is to be called late. For where there is no end and no beginning, nothing is slow. For time is known from its bounds and extremities, which an unbroken train and boundless continuation of ages cannot have. For what if the very affairs to which it was fitting that help should be brought demanded that opportunity of time? What if ancient things were of one condition, and following things of another? What if it behoved that the men of old should be succoured in one way, and that thought should be taken for later men in another? Do you not hear your writings recounting that men formerly were demigods, heroes, with huge and vast bodies? Do you not read that infants at their mothers' breasts uttered Stentorian cries, whose bones, dug up in various regions, have scarcely won credit with their finders that they are the remains of human limbs? It can happen, therefore, that then at last Almighty God, the only God, sent forth Christ, after the race of men grew more broken and our nature began to be weaker. If what has been done today could have been done thousands of years ago, the Supreme King would have done it; or if after as many thousands of years that which has been done today ought to have been fulfilled, nothing compelled God not to await the necessary measures of the times. By fixed reasons are His affairs accomplished,

Editors' notes and page, col. 932

Footnotes

Hyemes ms. male.

"Winters": the manuscript, wrongly.

(printed under page 468)

(d) ‹anchor: "fieri potuisset"› · call in col 932

Ita Sab. Oportuisset alii.

So Sabaeus. "It would have been fitting": others.

COMMENTARIUS

(printed under page 468)

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et quod semel decretum est fieri, nulla potest novitate mutari.

and what has once been decreed to be done can by no novelty be changed.

LXXVI. Cum ergo, inquitis, omnipotenti serviatis Deo, et eum habere confidatis salutis atque incolumitatis vestrae curam, cur persecutiones patitur perpeti vos tantas, atque omnia genera poenarum et suppliciorum subire? Perquiramus et nos contra, cur et vos cum tantos et tam innumeros colatis deos, cumque illis aedes constituatis sacras, simulacra effingatis ex auro, animantium mactetis greges, acerras omnes thuris plenis conficiatis altaribus; cur non immunes agitis tot discriminibus, et procellis, quibus quotidie

LXXVI. Since therefore, you say, you serve an Almighty God, and trust that He has care of your salvation and safety, why does He suffer you to endure so great persecutions, and to undergo all kinds of punishments and tortures? Let us also inquire in turn why you too, though you worship so great and so innumerable gods, and though you build sacred temples for them, fashion images out of gold, slaughter herds of living creatures, and exhaust all your incense-caskets upon full altars—why do you not live free from so many hazards and storms wherewith daily

Editors' notes and page, col. 933

Footnotes

(printed under page 469) (L1) ‹anchor: not visible; note begins above the crop› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 933

(continued) [...] Justin. Martyr., Apolog. I, pro christianis, p. 54; Clemens Alexandr., lib. XI [reading of the numeral uncertain in the scan], Stromat., pag. 216, 217; Gaudentius, in Praefat. ad Benevol., p. 46 et 47. Euseb., Demonstr. evangel., lib. X, cap. 8; Lactantius, lib. V, cap. 12. HERALD et ELMENH.

(printed under page 469) (L2) ‹anchor: lemma "Cumque illis sedes constituatis sacras"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 933 Cumque illis sedes constituatis sacras. Ita ms. et editio Lugd. Bat. Alii e conjectura Fulvii Ursini : aedes........ sacras. ORELL.

"And when you establish sacred seats for them." So the manuscript and the Leiden edition. Others, from Fulvius Ursinus's conjecture: "sacred temples." ORELLI.

(printed under page 469) (L3) ‹anchor: lemma "Acerras omnes thuris plenis conficiatis altaribus"› · lemma note, no call; begins in col 933, continues in col 934 Acerras omnes thuris plenis conficiatis altaribus. Pro conficiatis scribendum existimo conjiciatis, id est acerras ipsas thuris in aras infundatis, nec tantum eminulis digitis injiciatis. Nam qui deos religiosius venerari volebant, thus ingerebant aris, neque acerra tantum, sed plena lance effundebant, et quaecumque alii in cultu Deorum mediocriter faciebant, ea omnia ὑπερβολικῶς isti et luxuriose praestabant. Hecatombas igitur mactabant, altaria thure cumulabant, vinum largissime effundebant. Vel possit etiam legi acervos omnes thuris, quam loquendi rationem usurpat infra, lib. VII; Tibullus, IV, El. VI, 1. / Natalis Juno, sanctos cape thuris acervos / Quos tibi dat tenera docta puella manu, / Martialis : / Consumpsi salsasque molas, et thuris acervos / Grex mihi decrevit, dum cadit agna frequens. / HERALD. / Emendationem in textum recepit editor Lugd. Bat. At idem Heraldus in Curis secundis legendum censet : Acerras omnes thuris plenas, etc. Dissentiunt grammatici veteres non minus quam recentiores eruditi in constituenda significatione vocis acerra. Festus : Acerra, ara, quae ante mortuum poni solebat; in qua odores incendebantur : alii dicunt, arculam esse thurariam, scilicet, ubi thus reponebant. Cum Festo consentit etiam G. Jo. Vossius in Etymologico rom. acerram interpretans arulam, sive vasculum aeneum, in quo odores incendebantur, et hoc sensu acerram pro ipso thuribulo dictam legi apud Martian. Capellam de Nuptiis Philolog. lib. II, pag. 16, ed. Bernens. : Acerra autem multo aromate gravidata eademque candenti manus virginis onerantur. Nota candentem (scil. igne) acerram. Sic etiam in duodecim Tabulis, tab. X, lege 12 : Nei loncai coronai, neive acerai preferuntor intelligendae sine dubio non arcae thurariae, sed ipsa thuribula sive foculi ardentes ac fumantes, in funeribus praeferri soliti. Vid. not. Funccii, pag. 453. Quae [... top of col 934 above the crop ...] tur et in ignem injiciebatur (das Weyhrauchkästchen), probe distinguendam a thuribulo, in quo thus incendebatur. Quam si sequamur explicationem, in loco nostro omnino legendum erit : conjiciatis. ORELL.

"That you heap up whole incense-boxes of incense on full altars." For "heap up" (conficiatis) I think we should write "throw in" (conjiciatis), that is, that you pour the incense-boxes themselves onto the altars, and do not merely throw it on with the tips of your fingers. For those who wished to worship the gods more devoutly heaped incense on the altars, pouring it out not just from the box but from a full platter, and whatever others did moderately in the worship of the gods, these did it all extravagantly and luxuriously. So they slaughtered hecatombs, piled the altars with incense, and poured out wine most lavishly. Or one could also read "whole heaps of incense," a turn of phrase he uses below, book VII; Tibullus, IV, Elegy 6, 1: / "Juno of birthdays, receive the holy heaps of incense / which the learned girl gives you with her tender hand," / Martial: / "I have used up salted meal, and heaps of incense / the flock decreed me, while the lamb falls often." / HERALD. / The Leiden editor took the emendation into the text. But the same Herald, in his Second Thoughts, judges we should read "whole incense-boxes full of incense," etc. Ancient grammarians, no less than more recent scholars, disagree in fixing the meaning of the word acerra. Festus: "Acerra, an altar that used to be set before the dead, on which perfumes were burned; others say it is a small incense-box, namely where they kept incense." G. J. Vossius too agrees with Festus in his Roman Etymology, explaining acerra as a little altar, or a small bronze vessel in which perfumes were burned; and in this sense, he says, acerra is used for the censer itself in Martianus Capella, On the Marriage of Philology, book II, p. 16, Bern edition: "And the maiden's hands are loaded with an acerra laden with much spice and glowing." Note "glowing" (that is, with fire) acerra. So too in the Twelve Tables, table X, law 12: "Let not long garlands nor acerrae be carried before," by which are doubtless to be understood not incense-boxes but the censers themselves, or little braziers burning and smoking, that used to be carried before funerals. See Funccius's note, p. 453. Which [... top of col 934 above the crop ...] and was thrown into the fire (das Weyhrauchkästchen, "the incense-casket"), to be carefully distinguished from the censer, in which incense was burned. If we follow this explanation, in our passage we must certainly read "throw in" (conjiciatis). ORELLI.

(printed under page 469) (L4) ‹anchor: lemma "Quibus quotidie vos agunt"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 934 Quibus quotidie vos agunt, etc. Cum praecesserit agimus, Stewechius ad evitandam ingratam τοῦ agere repetitionem legendum putat vos subigunt vel, quod antiquius, subagunt; quid si legamus vos angunt? Nil mutandum : agunt, id est, agitant, inquietant. Ita Graeci ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν. ORELL.

"By which they drive you daily," etc. Since "we are driven" has gone before, Stewechius, to avoid an unpleasing repetition of agere, thinks we should read "they subdue you" or, what is older, "subagunt"; what if we read "they torment you"? Nothing should be changed: agunt, that is, they harass, they disquiet. So the Greeks say "to drive and carry off." ORELLI.

(printed under page 469) (L5) ‹anchor: lemma "Amissionem pignorum"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 934 Amissionem pignorum. Pignora non de liberis tantum, sed etiam de parentibus. Ita Tertullian., de Idololatr., cap. 12 : Jam tunc demonstratum est nobis, et pignora et artificia, et negotia propter Dominum derelinquenda, cum Jacobus et Joannes, vocati a Domino, et patrem navemque reliquerint. Sermo nimirum de eo, qui patrem sepeliendi tempus neglexit, ut ad Christum accederet. PRIOR. — Quintilian. Inst. VI, cap. 1, § 24. Affert in his momentum et aetas, et sexus, et pignora; liberi dico et parentes et propinqui. ORELL.

"The loss of pledges." "Pledges" is said not only of children but also of parents. So Tertullian, On Idolatry, ch. 12: "Already then it was shown us that pledges, crafts and business must be forsaken for the Lord's sake, when James and John, called by the Lord, left both their father and the ship." The words concern the one who passed over the time for burying his father in order to come to Christ. PRIEUR. — Quintilian, Institutes VI, ch. 1, § 24: "In these matters age, sex and pledges also carry weight; I mean children and parents and relatives." ORELLI.

(printed under page 469) (L6) ‹anchor: lemma "In carunculae hujus folliculo constitutis"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 934 In carunculae hujus folliculo constitutis. Nonius : Folliculum Lucilius posuit pro corpore (lib. XXVI). Ego si quis sum, et quo folliculo sum indutus, non queo. Arnob., in Psalm. 149 : In extensione follis nostri corporei. Tertullian., Apolog., cap. ult. : Tunde, tunde Anaxarchi follem. ELMENH. — Stoicorum familiari locutio. Vide Gataker ad Antonin. Comment., VIII, § 37, p. 309 sq., ed. Lond. et Bottiger. V. Cl., in Sabina, p. 318. ORELL. Sic Graeci θύλακον usurpant. Theodoretus, de Martyrib., lib. VIII : οὐδέ γε Ἀνάξαρχος ἐκεῖνος, ὃς ὑπέροις πτισσόμενος σιδηροῖς ἔλεγεν, ὥς φασιν, Πτίσσε Ἀναξάρχου θύλακον· Ἀάξαρχον γὰρ οὐ πτίσσεις. quod ex Diogene Laertio sumpsit, lib. IX, in Anaxarcho, ubi ita legitur : Πτύσσε τὸν Ἀναρξάρχου θύλακον, Ἀνάξαρχον γὰρ οὐ πλήττεις. Ad verbum expressit Tertullianus, Apologetico, cap. ult. : Anaxarchus, cum in exitium ptissanae pilo contunderetur : Tunde, tunde, aiebat, Anaxarchi follem, Anaxarchum enim non tundis. Atque ut hi follem dixere, sic Varro corticem in Tithono περὶ γήρως. Sic invita matura anima corporeum corticem facile reliquit. SCALIGER, ad Catalect. Virg., p. 301. Conf. Petav. ad Themist., orat. XVII, p. 724. Conf. inprimis C. A. Dukerus de latinitate Ictorum, p. 233, et C. Rittershus. ad Salvian., lib. III, contra Avarit., § 497, p. 153. ORELL.

"Set in the little bag of this flesh." Nonius: "Lucilius used 'little bag' for the body (book 26): 'I cannot [tell] who I am and in what little bag I am clothed.'" Arnobius [the Younger], on Psalm 149: "In the stretching of our bodily bag." Tertullian, Apology, last chapter: "Pound, pound the bag of Anaxarchus." ELMENHORST. — A turn of phrase familiar to the Stoics. See Gataker's Commentary on Antoninus, VIII, § 37, p. 309 f., London edition, and Böttiger, that celebrated man, in Sabina, p. 318. ORELLI. So the Greeks use thylakos ("sack"). Theodoret, On the Martyrs, book VIII: "Nor that Anaxarchus who, being pounded with iron pestles, said, as they tell, 'Pound the sack of Anaxarchus; for Anaxarchus you do not pound.'" This he took from Diogenes Laertius, book IX, in the life of Anaxarchus, where it reads: "Pound the sack of Anaxarchus, for Anaxarchus you do not strike." Tertullian rendered it word for word, Apology, last chapter: "Anaxarchus, when he was being crushed to death with a pestle like barley: 'Pound, pound,' he said, 'the bag of Anaxarchus, for Anaxarchus you do not pound.'" And as these said "bag," so Varro said "bark" in his Tithonus, On Old Age: "So the ripe soul, though unwilling, easily left the bodily bark." SCALIGER, on the Catalecta of Virgil, p. 301. Compare Petau on Themistius, Oration 17, p. 724. Compare above all C. A. Duker, On the Latinity of the Jurists, p. 233, and C. Rittershusius on Salvian, Against Avarice, book III, § 497, p. 153. ORELLI.

(printed under page 469) (L7) ‹anchor: lemma "Quinimmo edocti sumus minas omnes"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 934 Quinimmo edocti sumus minas omnes, quaecumque sunt, parvi ducere, atque aestimare Fortunae. Locus sanissimus, quem frustra interpolare voluerunt. Nam (continues)

"Nay rather, we have been taught to think little of all threats, whatever they are, and to value [them] as Fortune's." A perfectly sound passage, which they have tried in vain to tamper with. For (continues)

(printed under page 469)

Editors' prose

LXXVI. — Cum ergo, inquitis, omnipotenti serviatis Deo, cur persecutiones patitur perpeti vos tantas? Hoc argumento plurimum utebantur gentes, ut constat ex scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, qui ei abunde satisfecerunt. Eusebius, Hist. eccl., lib. v, cap. 2: Οἱ δὲ ἐπιεικέστεροι (τῶν ἐθνῶν) καὶ κατὰ ποσὸν συμπαθεῖν δοκοῦντες ὠνείδιζον πολὺ λέγοντες· Ποῦ ὁ θεὸς αὐτῶν, καὶ τί αὐτοὺς ὤνησεν ἡ θρησκεία, ἣν καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἑαυτῶν εἵλοντο ψυχῆς; Cf. Minuc. Fel. Octav., cap. xii; Justin. Martyr., Apolog. i, pro christianis, p. 34; Clemens Alexandr., lib. xi. Stromat., pag. 216, 217; Gaudentius, in Præfat. ad Benevol., p. 46 et 47. Euseb., Demonstr. evangel., lib. x, cap. 8; Lactantius, lib. v, cap. 12. Herald et Elmenh.

LXXVI. — Since, then, you say, you serve the almighty God, why does He suffer you to endure such persecutions? The heathen made very great use of this argument, as is clear from the ecclesiastical writers, who answered it amply. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, book V, chapter 2: "But the more moderate (of the heathen), who seemed to feel some measure of sympathy, reproached them much, saying: Where is their God, and what has their religion profited them, which they chose even before their own life?" Compare Minucius Felix, Octavius, chapter XII; Justin Martyr, Apology I, for the Christians, p. 34; Clement of Alexandria, book XI [so printed] of the Stromata, pp. 216, 217; Gaudentius, in the Preface to Benevolus, pp. 46 and 47; Eusebius, Demonstration of the Gospel, book X, chapter 8; Lactantius, book V, chapter 12. Heraldus and Elmenhorst.

Cumque illis sedes constituatis sacras. Ita ms. et editio Lugd. Bat. Alii e conjectura Fulvii Ursini: ædes........ sacras. Orell.

And though you establish sacred seats for them. So the manuscript and the Leiden edition. Others, from the conjecture of Fulvius Ursinus: ædes ........ sacras ("sacred temples"). Orelli.

Acerras omnes thuris plenis conficiatis altaribus. Pro conficiatis scribendum existimo conjiciatis, id est acerras ipsas thuris in aras infundatis, nec tantum eminulis digitis injiciatis. Nam qui deos religiosius venerari volebant, thus ingerebant aris, neque acerra tantum, sed plena lance effundebant, et quæcumque alii in cultu Deorum mediocriter faciebant, ea omnia ὑπερβολικῶς isti et luxuriose præstabant. Hecatombas igitur mactabant, altaria thure cumulabant, vinum largissime effundebant. Vel possit etiam legi acervos omnes thuris, quam loquendi rationem usurpat infra, lib. vii; Tibullus, iv, El. vi, 1. Natalis Juno, sanctos cape thuris acervos Quos tibi dat tenera docta puella manu, Martialis: Consumpsi salsasque molas, et thuris acervos Grex mihi decrevit, dum cadit agna frequens. Herald.

You consume whole censers of incense on full altars. For conficiatis I think conjiciatis should be written, that is, you pour the very censers of incense out upon the altars, and do not merely throw it on with the tips of the fingers. For those who wished to worship the gods more devoutly heaped incense on the altars, and poured it out not from a censer only but from a full dish; and whatever others did in moderation in the worship of the gods, all of it these performed to excess and luxuriously. So they slaughtered hecatombs, piled the altars with incense, poured out wine most lavishly. Or one might also read acervos omnes thuris ("all the heaps of incense"), a manner of speaking he uses below, book VII; Tibullus, IV, Elegy VI, 1:

Emendationem in textum recepit editor Lugd. Bat. At idem Heraldus in Curis secundis legendum censet: Acerras omnes thuris plenas, etc. Dissentiunt grammatici veteres non minus quam recentiores eruditi in constituenda significatione vocis acerra. Festus: Acerra, ara, quæ ante mortuum poni solebat; in qua odores incendebantur: alii dicunt, arculam esse thurariam, scilicet, ubi thus reponebant. Cum Festo consentit etiam G. Jo. Vossius in Etymologico rom. acerram interpretans arulam, sive vasculum æneum, in quo odores incendebantur, et hoc sensu acerram pro ipso thuribulo dictam legi apud Martian. Capellam de Nuptiis Philolog. lib. ii, pag. 16, ed. Bernens.: Acerra autem multo aromate gravidata eademque candenti manus virginis onerantur. Nota candentem (scil. igne) acerram. Sic etiam in duodecim Tabulis, tab. x, lege 12: Nei loncai coronai, neive acerai preferuntor intelligendæ sine dubio non arcæ thurariæ, sed ipsa thuribula sive foculi ardentes ac fumantes, in funeribus præferri soliti. Vid. not. Funccii, pag. 453. Quæ interpretatio, si vera est, conficiatis mihi videtur sanissimum esse. Nimirum conficere id quod consumere, scil. adolendo vel suffiendo, ganse Rauchfasser ausbrennen. Ita Cicero, de Divin., ii, 57. Quæ vetustas est, quæ vim divinam conficere possit. At vero Jahl et Mitscherlich., ad Horat. iii, Od. viii, 2 seq., et nuperus editor Konig. ad Persii Sat. ii, 5, acerram interpretantur arculam thurariam quadratam, ac de ære plerumque eleganter factam, unde thus promebatur et in ignem injiciebatur (das Weyhrauchkastchen), probe distinguendam a thuribulo, in quo thus incendebatur. Quam si sequamur explicationem, in loco nostro omnino legendum erit: conjiciatis. Orell.

The editor of the Leiden edition received the emendation into the text. But the same Heraldus, in his Second Thoughts, judges that one should read: Acerras omnes thuris plenas ("all the censers full of incense"), etc. The ancient grammarians, no less than the more recent scholars, disagree in fixing the meaning of the word acerra. Festus: "Acerra: an altar which used to be set before a dead man, on which perfumes were burned; others say it is a little incense-box, namely where they kept the incense." G. J. Vossius too, in his Roman Etymologicon, agrees with Festus, interpreting acerra as a little altar, or a small bronze vessel, in which perfumes were burned; and he says that acerra is read in this sense, for the censer itself, in Martianus Capella, On the Marriage of Philology, book II, p. 16, Bern edition: "And the hands of the maiden are loaded with a censer heavy with much spice and likewise glowing." Note the glowing (that is, with fire) acerra. So too in the Twelve Tables, table X, law 12: "Let no long garlands nor censers be carried before"; by these are to be understood without doubt not incense-boxes, but the very censers or little braziers, burning and smoking, which were customarily carried before at funerals. See Funccius's note, p. 453. If this interpretation is true, conficiatis seems to me entirely sound. Conficere, of course, is the same as to consume, namely by burning or fumigating, ganse Rauchfasser ausbrennen ("to burn out whole censers"). So Cicero, On Divination, II, 57: "What lapse of time is there that could consume a divine power?" But Jahl [so printed] and Mitscherlich, on Horace III, Ode VIII, 2 ff., and the recent editor König on Persius, Satire II, 5, interpret acerra as a square incense-box, generally of bronze and elegantly made, from which the incense was taken and thrown on the fire (das Weyhrauchkästchen, "the incense-box"), to be carefully distinguished from the censer, in which the incense was burned. If we follow this explanation, in our passage we shall certainly have to read conjiciatis. Orelli.

Quibus quotidie vos agunt, etc. Cum præcesserit agimus, Stewechius ad evitandam ingratam τοῦ agere repetitionem legendum putat vos subigunt vel, quod antiquius, subagunt; quid si legamus vos angunt? Nil mutandum: agunt, id est, agitant, inquietant. Ita Græci ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν. Orell.

By which they daily drive you, etc. Since agimus has gone before, Stewechius, to avoid an unpleasing repetition of agere, thinks one should read vos subigunt ("subdue you") or, what is older, subagunt; what if we read vos angunt ("distress you")? Nothing need be changed: agunt, that is, harass, disquiet. So the Greeks say ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν ("to drive and carry off"). Orelli.

Amissionem pignorum. Pignora non de liberis tantum, sed etiam de parentibus. Ita Tertullian., de Idololatr., cap. 12: Jam tunc demonstratum est nobis, et pignora et artificia, et negotia propter Dominum derelinquenda, cum Jacobus et Joannes, vocati a Domino, et patrem navemque reliquerint. Sermo nimirum de eo, qui patrem sepeliendi tempus neglexit, ut ad Christum accederet. Prior. — Quintilian. Inst. vi, cap. 1, § 21. Affert in his momentum et ætas, et sexus, et pignora; liberi dico et parentes et propinqui. Orell.

The loss of pledges. Pignora is used not of children only, but also of parents. So Tertullian, On Idolatry, chapter 12: "Even then it was shown to us that both pledges and crafts and business must be forsaken for the Lord's sake, when James and John, called by the Lord, left both their father and their ship." The reference, to be sure, is to him who neglected the time for burying his father in order to come to Christ. Prior. — Quintilian, Institutes VI, chapter 1, § 21: "Age too, and sex, and pledges carry weight in these matters; I mean children and parents and kinsfolk." Orelli.

In carunculæ hujus folliculo constitutis. Nonius: Folliculum Lucilius posuit pro corpore (lib. xxvi). Ego si quis sum, et quo folliculo sum indutus, non queo. Arnob., in Psalm. 149: In extensione follis nostri corporei. Tertullian., Apolog., cap. ult.: Tunde, tunde Anaxarchi follem. Elmenh.—Stoicorum familiari locutio. Vide Gataker ad Antonin. Comment., viii, § 37, p. 309 sq., ed. Lond. et Bottiger. V. Cl., in Sabina, p. 318. Orell. Sic Græci θύλακον usurpant. Theodoretus, de Martyrib., lib. viii: οὐδέ γε Ἀνάξαρχος ἐκεῖνος, ὃς ὑπέροις πτισσόμενος σιδηροῖς ἔλεγεν, ὥς φασιν, Πτίσσε Ἀναξάρχου θύλακον· Ἀάξαρχον γὰρ οὐ πτίσσεις. quod ex Diogene Laertio sumpsit, lib. ix, in Anaxarcho, ubi ita legitur: Πτύσσε τὸν Ἀναρξάρχου θύλακον, Ἀνάξαρχον γὰρ οὐ πλήττεις. Ad verbum expressit Tertullianus, Apologetico, cap. ult.: Anaxarchus, cum in exitium ptissanæ pilo contunderetur: Tunde, tunde, aiebat, Anaxarchi follem, Anaxarchum enim non tundis. Atque ut hi follem dixere, sic Varro corticem in Tithono περὶ γήρως. Sic invita matura anima corporeum corticem facile reliquit. Scaliger, ad Catalect. Virg., p. 301. Conf. Petav. ad Themist., orat. xvii, p. 724. Conf. inprimis C. A. Dukerus de latinitate Ictorum, p. 233, et C. Rittershus. ad Salvian., lib. iii, contra Avarit., § 497, p. 153. Orell.

Set in the little bag of this bit of flesh. Nonius: "Lucilius used folliculus for the body (book XXVI): 'If I am anyone, and with whatever little bag I am clothed, I cannot.'" Arnobius, on Psalm 149: "In the stretching of our bodily bag." Tertullian, Apology, last chapter: "Pound, pound the bag of Anaxarchus." Elmenhorst. — A phrase familiar to the Stoics. See Gataker on Antoninus, Commentary, VIII, § 37, p. 309 f., London edition, and the distinguished Böttiger, in Sabina, p. 318. Orelli. So the Greeks use θύλακον ("bag"). Theodoret, On the Martyrs, book VIII: "Nor indeed that famous Anaxarchus, who, while being pounded with iron pestles, said, as they report: Pound the bag of Anaxarchus; for Anaxarchus [misprinted Ἀάξαρχον] you do not pound." This he took from Diogenes Laertius, book IX, on Anaxarchus, where it reads thus: "Pound [printed Πτύσσε] the bag of Anaxarchus [misprinted Ἀναρξάρχου], for Anaxarchus you do not strike." Tertullian rendered it word for word in the Apology, last chapter: "Anaxarchus, when he was being pounded to death with the pestle like barley-groats, said: Pound, pound the bag of Anaxarchus, for Anaxarchus you do not pound." And as these said bag, so Varro said bark in his Tithonus, On Old Age: "So the ripe soul, unwilling, easily left the bodily bark." Scaliger, on the Virgilian Catalecta, p. 301. Compare Petau on Themistius, oration XVII, p. 724. Compare above all C. A. Duker, On the Latinity of the Jurists, p. 233, and C. Rittershusius on Salvian, book III, Against Avarice, § 497, p. 153. Orelli.

Quinimmo edocti sumus minas omnes, quæcumque sunt, parvi ducere, atque æstimare Fortunæ. Locus sanissimus, quem frustra interpolare voluerunt. Nam

Nay rather, we have been taught to hold all threats, whatever they are, of small account, and to reckon them as Fortune's. A perfectly sound passage, which they have tried in vain to tamper with. For

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vos agunt exitiabiles multiplicesque fortunae? Cur, inquam, dii vestri cessant a vobis avertere tot morborum et valetudinum genera, naufragia, ruinas, incendia, pestilentias, sterilitatem, amissionem pignorum, et proscriptionem bonorum, discordias, bella, simultates, captivitates urbium, et, sublatis ingenuitatibus, servitutes? Sed et nobis in hujusmodi casibus minime auxiliatur Deus. Prompta et manifesta causa est. Nihil enim est nobis promissum ad hanc vitam, nec in carunculae hujus folliculo constitutis, opis aliquid sponsum est, auxiliique decretum: quinimmo edocti sumus minas omnes, quaecumque sunt, parvi ducere, atque aestimare fortunae. Ac si

destructive and manifold fortunes harass you? Why, I say, do your gods fail to turn away from you so many kinds of diseases and infirmities, shipwrecks, collapses of buildings, fires, pestilences, barrenness, loss of dear ones, and confiscation of goods, discords, wars, feuds, captures of cities, and, when free birth has been taken away, slaveries? Yet us also in disasters of this sort God by no means helps. The cause is ready and manifest. For nothing has been promised to us for this life, nor to us set in the little skin-bag of this bit of flesh has any help been pledged or aid decreed; nay rather, we have been taught to count of small value and lightly esteem all threats of fortune, whatsoever they are; and if

Editors' notes and page, col. 934

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quando ingruerit vis quaepiam gravior, quam finem necesse sit consequi, eam non timere, nec fugere quo facilius exui corporalibus possimus e vinculis, et tenebrosam evadere caecitatem.

ever any heavier violence shall assail us, which it is necessary that the end should follow, neither to fear nor to flee from it, that we may the more easily be stripped of bodily bonds, and escape the darksome blindness.

LXXVII. Itaque ista, quam dicitis, persecutionis asperitas liberatio nostra est, non persecutio; nec poenam vexatio inferet, sed ad lucem libertatis educet: ut si aliquis brutus ac stolidus in carcerem hominem datum, quaestionum numquam afficere se gravibus atque immanibus existimet poenis, nisi in ipsum saeviat carcerem, materiam ejus comminuat, atque urat tectum, parietem, januas, partesque alias operis renudet, dejiciat, affligat, nesciens hoc facto ei, cui videatur officere, dari ab se lucem et sceleratam eripi caecitatem; itidem et vos flammis, exiliis, cruciatibus, belluis, quibus corpora lancinatis et divexatis nostra, non vitam eripitis nobis, sed pelliculis relevatis et cutibus nos; nescii quod quantum instatis et pergitis in effigies has nostras speciesque

LXXVII. And so that harshness of persecution of which you speak is our deliverance, not persecution; nor will the troubling bring punishment, but will lead us forth to the light of freedom: just as if some brutish and stolid man should think that he never inflicts heavy and monstrous punishments of torture upon a man cast into prison unless he rages against the prison itself, shatters its timber, and burns its roof, wall, and doors, and strips bare, throws down, and batters to pieces the other parts of the structure, not knowing that by this deed light is given by him to the man whom he seems to injure, and accursed blindness is snatched away; in like manner you also, by the flames, banishments, tortures, and beasts wherewith you mangle and rend our bodies, do not snatch away life from us, but relieve us of our little skins and hides, not knowing that the more you press on and persist in raging against these shapes and forms of ours,

Editors' notes and page, col. 935

Footnotes

(printed under page 470) (L1) ‹anchor: lemma "Quinimmo edocti sumus minas omnes" (p. 469)› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 935

(continued) [...] hoc ait Arnobius : Quinimmo edocti sumus minas omnes Fortunae, quaecumque tandem illae minae sint, parvi ducere et aestimare. Hujus igitur loci obscuritatem peperit dictionis trajectio, Fortunae scil., unde sequentium verborum depravatio secuta est. HERALD. — Meursius sic distinguit : parvi ducere atque aestimare. Fortunae ac si quando. Male. ORELL.

(printed under page 470) (L2) ‹anchor: lemma "Ac si quando ingruerit vis quaepiam gravior"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 935 Ac si quando ingruerit vis quaepiam gravior, quam finem necesse sit consequi eam nec timere nec fugere, quo facilius, etc. Ita locum optime disposuit Heraldus, qui in editionibus prioribus vitiosissime ita legitur : ..... Consequi adscribere infortunio; voluptatem nec timere nec fugere; Ubi verba adscribere infortunio dubio procul orta sunt a librario verba praecedentia aestimare fortunae in margine male interpretante, et in tertio casu accipiente, cum sit secundus, ad sequentia dein verba, nec poenam vexatio inferet, adscribente in eodem margine : sed voluptatem. Editor Lugd. Bat. refingit : Qua finem necesse sit consequi vitae, eam nec timere, etc. Sed finis absolute idem quod mors, ut saepissime. Sensus itaque est : Si quando ingruerit vis quaepiam gravior, quam finem (id est mortem) sequi vel excipere necesse sit. ORELL.

"And if ever some heavier violence falls upon us, which an end must follow, neither to fear nor to flee it, so that the more easily," etc. So Herald arranged the passage excellently; in the earlier editions it is read most corruptly thus: "..... to follow, to ascribe to misfortune; pleasure neither to fear nor to flee." Here the words "to ascribe to misfortune" doubtless arose from a copyist who wrongly glossed the preceding words "to value as Fortune's" in the margin, taking the case as dative when it is genitive, and who then, for the following words "nor will harassment inflict punishment," wrote in the same margin "but pleasure." The Leiden editor remodels it: "by which the end of life must follow, neither to fear it," etc. But "end" used absolutely is the same as death, as very often. The sense therefore is: "if ever some heavier violence falls upon us, which an end (that is, death) must follow or succeed." ORELLI.

(printed under page 470) (L3) ‹anchor: lemma "In carcerem hominem datum quaestionum"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 935 LXXVII. — In carcerem hominem datum quaestionum, etc. Ita correxit Fulv. Ursinus, optime. Cod. ms. : in carcerem hominem natum, ingressum quaestionum, etc. corrupte; nam ingressum manifestum glossema est. HERALD. Alii, verbi causa, Elmenhorst. in ed. Hanov., in carcere hominem damnatum. Ut Arnobius carcerem, ita corporis hanc, qua animam detinet, mansionem antrum dicit Empedocles, ap. Aeneam Gaz. in Theophrasto; vincula, δεσμά, Arrianus in Epict., lib. I, cap. 9 : tunicam aut indumentum, Nemesius, de Nat. hom., cap. III, etc. Vid. C. Barth., Adversar., lib. XLII, cap. 12, p. 1873, sq. ORELL.

77. — "Man, given into a prison of questionings," etc. So Fulvius Ursinus corrected it, excellently. The manuscript: "man, born into a prison, an entry of questionings," etc., corruptly; for "entry" is plainly a gloss. HERALD. Others, for example Elmenhorst in the Hanover edition: "man condemned in prison." As Arnobius says "prison," so Empedocles, in Aeneas of Gaza's Theophrastus, calls this dwelling of the body in which it holds the soul a "cave"; Arrian, on Epictetus, book I, ch. 9, "bonds" (desma); Nemesius, On the Nature of Man, ch. 3, "a tunic or garment," etc. See C. Barth, Adversaria, book XLII, ch. 12, p. 1873 f. ORELLI.

(printed under page 470) (L4) ‹anchor: lemma "Sceleratam caecitatem"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 935 Sceleratam caecitatem. Ita Virgil., Georg. II, 256. Sceleratum exquirere frigus, id est noxium, molestissimum. et Rutil. Itin., I, 53 : / Obruerint citius scelerata oblivia solem. / ubi vid. intpp. Conf. C. Barth., Advers., lib. XXV, cap. XV, p. 1246. ORELL.

"Accursed blindness." So Virgil, Georgics II, 256: "to search out the accursed cold," that is, harmful, most troublesome; and Rutilius, Itinerary, I, 53: / "Sooner would accursed oblivion overwhelm the sun." / See the interpreters there. Compare C. Barth, Adversaria, book XXV, ch. 15, p. 1246. ORELLI.

(printed under page 470) (L5) ‹anchor: lemma "Lancinatis et divexatis"› · lemma note, no call; begins in col 935, continues in col 936 Lancinatis et divexatis. Glossae : Lancino, θυννάζω. Papias : Lancinare, trucidare, lacerare. Prudent. περὶ Στεφάνων : / Hoc omne quod lancinamur non dolet. / ELMENH. [... top of col 936 above the crop ...] Vid. supr., ad cap. 8, et ad lib. I, cap. XLI. Pro divexatis, ed. Lugd. Bat., dedit diu vexatis ex msto. ORELL.

"Torn and harried." The Glosses: "Lancino, I cut up (like tunny)." Papias: "Lancinare, to butcher, to tear to pieces." Prudentius, On the Crowns [of the Martyrs]: / "All this tearing of us does not hurt." / ELMENHORST. [... top of col 936 above the crop ...] See above, on ch. 8, and on book I, ch. 41. For "harried" (divexatis) the Leiden edition gave "long harried" (diu vexatis) from the manuscript. ORELLI.

(printed under page 470) (L6) ‹anchor: lemma "Quantum instatis ..... tantum artis"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 936 Quantum instatis ..... tantum artis et gravibus relevatis nos vinculis. Stewech. leg. censet. : quanto instatis ..... tanto artis, id est tanto magis arctis. Magis, plus, melius, etc. saepius omittitur ap. Latinos ad consuetudinem Graecorum. Ita lib. I, cap. LVII : fidem vicinis et finitimis, quam spatiorum inesse longinquitate distantibus. Idem Stewechius pro vinculis legisse videtur telis. Quod si e cod. ms. fluxit, non plane rejiciendum arbitror, nimirum a tela, ae. Caeterum cum nostro loco bene comparat Elmenhorst., Cic. Tusc. I : Nos vero, si quid tale acciderit, ut a Deo denuntiatum videatur, ut exeamus a vita laeti, et agentes gratias pareamus, emittique nos e custodia, et levari vinculis arbitremur. ORELL.

"As much as you press on ..... so much do you relieve us of tight and heavy bonds." Stewechius thinks we should read: "the more you press on ..... the tighter," that is, by so much the tighter. "More," "rather," "better," etc., are quite often omitted by Latin writers after the custom of the Greeks. So book I, ch. 57: "credibility [belongs] to neighbours and borderers, rather than to those separated by length of distances." The same Stewechius seems to have read "webs" for "bonds." If this came from the manuscript, I think it should not be wholly rejected, namely from tela, -ae. For the rest, Elmenhorst aptly compares with our passage Cicero, Tusculans I: "But we, if anything of the kind should happen that seems announced by God, let us obey gladly and giving thanks, so as to go out from life, and let us consider that we are being released from custody and relieved of our bonds." ORELLI.

(printed under page 470) (L7) ‹anchor: lemma "Aliquid et sine ratione faciendum est"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 936 LXXVIII. — Aliquid et sine ratione faciendum est. Nempe, ubi ratio deficit, ibi sola fiducia in Deum reposita, et obsequio voluntati ejus ab ipso declaratae unice subjecto agendum est. Conf. Enchir., XXXII, 3, ubi Epictetus praecipit, de iis rebus Deum esse consulendum, ubi agendum nobis est, nec tamen, quid consilii capiamus, ulla ratione aut arte humana assequi valemus; ubi οὔτε ἐκ λόγου, οὔτε ἐκ τέχνης τινὸς ἄλλης, ἀφορμαὶ δίδονται πρὸς τὸ συνιδεῖν τὸ προκείμενον. SCHWEIGHAUSER, ad Epictet. Fragm., n. 181.

78. — "Something must be done even without reason." That is, where reason fails, there one must act with trust placed in God alone, and with an obedience wholly subject to his will as declared by himself. Compare the Enchiridion, 32, 3, where Epictetus teaches that God is to be consulted about those matters in which we must act and yet cannot reach by any human reasoning or art what course to take; where "neither from reason nor from any other art are means given for perceiving the matter in hand." SCHWEIGHÄUSER, on the Fragments of Epictetus, no. 181.

(printed under page 470) (L8) ‹anchor: lemma "Ut Epictetum dixisse approbat Arrianus"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 936 Ut Epictetum dixisse approbat Arrianus. Videtur respexisse Arnobius ad Commentariorum Arriani lib. I, c. 12, ubi Epictetus docet : Oportere hominem in omnibus Deum sequi, illiusque voluntati se submittere, etiamsi consilia ejus et utilitatem eorum, quae Deus praeceperit, non penitus perspecta habeat. ORELL.

"As Arrian shows that Epictetus said." Arnobius seems to have had in view Arrian's Discourses, book I, ch. 12, where Epictetus teaches that a man ought in all things to follow God and submit himself to his will, even if he has not fully seen into his counsels and the usefulness of what God has commanded. ORELLI.

(printed under page 470) (L9) ‹anchor: lemma "Nominis"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 936 Nominis. Fulv. Ursinus numinis, male. ORELL.

"Of the name." Fulvius Ursinus "of the deity," wrongly. ORELLI.

(printed under page 470) (L10) ‹anchor: lemma "Esse nolimus atque adnitimur verum"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 936 Esse nolimus atque adnitimur verum. Ed. Lugd. Bat. : Esse nolimus atque abnuemus verum. Sed nil mutandum. Adnitimur, scil. non esse, quod ex praecedente esse nolimus subintelligendum. Talis anacoluthiae exempla apud nostrum supra jam observata. Sed praestat legere obnitimur cum Gesnero in Thesauro, qui hoc Arnobii exemplum tanquam ἅπαξ λεγόμενον citat. ORELL.

"We would not have it be, and strive that it be true." The Leiden edition: "we would not have it be, and shall deny it true." But nothing should be changed. "We strive," that is, that it not be, to be understood from the preceding "we would not have it be." Examples of such anacoluthon in our author have already been noted above. But it is better to read "we strive against," with Gesner in his Thesaurus, who cites this example from Arnobius as a word found only once. ORELLI.

(printed under page 470) (L11) ‹anchor: lemma "Inimicae mortis reperiamur in faucibus"› · lemma note, no call; printed in col 936 Inimicae mortis reperiamur in faucibus. Vid. supra ad hujus libri, c. 53, in fine et C. Barth. ad Stat. Achilleid. II, vers. 176, vol. III, pag. 1729. ORELL.

"That we be found in the jaws of hostile death." See above on ch. 53 of this book, at the end, and C. Barth on Statius, Achilleid II, line 176, vol. III, p. 1729. ORELLI.

(printed under page 470)

Page

running head: 935 ARNOBII ADVERSUS G
marginal letters: A (in col. 936); B (in col. 936)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: ENTES cut off at right in running head; margins C and D are in the Commentarius at foot

PL 5:936

saevire, tantum arctis et gravibus relevatis nos vinculis, et ad lumen efficitis circumcisis nexibus evolare.

the more you relieve us of close and heavy bonds, and cause us, with our fastenings cut away, to fly forth to the light.

LXXVIII. Quare homines abstinete quaestionibus vacuis impedire spes vestras; nec, si aliter quam vos putatis, aliquid se habet, vestris potius opinionibus credere, quam rei debetis augustae. Urgent tempora periculis plena, et exitiabiles imminent poenae, confugiamus ad salutarem Deum, nec rationem muneris exigamus oblati. Cum de animarum agatur salute, ac de respectu nostri, aliquid et sine ratione faciendum est, ut Epictetum dixisse approbat Arrianus. Dubitamus, ambigimus, nec esse quod dicitur plenum fidei suspicamur; committamus nos Deo, nec plus apud nos valeat incredulitas nostra, quam illius nominis et potentiae magnitudo; ne dum ipsis nobis argumenta conquirimus, quibus esse videatur falsum id, quod esse nolimus atque adnitimur verum, obrepat dies extremus et inimicae mortis reperiamur in faucibus.

LXXVIII. Wherefore, O men, abstain from hindering your own hopes by empty questions; nor, if anything is otherwise than you suppose, ought you to believe your own opinions rather than an august reality. Times full of dangers press upon us, and destructive punishments impend: let us flee for refuge to the saving God, and not demand an account of the offered gift. When the salvation of souls and regard for our own selves are at stake, something must be done even without a reason, as Arrian approves that Epictetus said. We doubt, we hesitate, and we suspect that what is said is not full of credit; let us commit ourselves to God, and let not our unbelief prevail more with us than the greatness of His name and power, lest while we seek out arguments for our own selves whereby that may seem to be false which we are unwilling and strive against being true, the last day steal upon us and we be found in the jaws of hostile death.

Editors' notes and page, col. 936

Footnotes

(printed under page 470)

Tanto ms.

"Tanto" (so much the more): the manuscript.

(printed under page 470)

(d) ‹anchor: "agatur" (before "salute")› · Lectiones variantes, call d; printed in col 936

Agitur alii.

"Agitur" (is at stake, indicative): others.

(printed under page 470)