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Arnobii Afri Disputationum adversus gentes liber septimus

Editors' preface

Hoc in libro probat Arnobius, sive auctoritate, sive ratione, diis nulla esse sacrificia facienda. Non enim his sacrificiis nutriuntur : quando quidem, quidquid nutritur, mortale est. Cap. 1, 2, 3.

In this book Arnobius proves, whether by authority or by reason, that no sacrifices are to be made to the gods. For they are not nourished by these sacrifices: since indeed whatever is nourished is mortal. Chap. 1, 2, 3.

Neque etiam voluptatis causa diis hostiae caeduntur, mortalis quippe adhuc est, qui hujusmodi afficitur delectatione. Cap. 4.

Nor again are victims slain to the gods for the sake of pleasure, inasmuch as he is still mortal who is affected by delight of this kind. Chap. 4.

Vulgarem autem opinionem illam subruit Arnobius, quae sacrificiis deorum iram placari statuebat. Non irae motus diis indignus in immortalem animum cadere nequit. Cap. 5, 6, 7.

Moreover Arnobius overthrows that common opinion which held that the anger of the gods is appeased by sacrifices. For a movement of anger, unworthy of the gods, cannot fall upon an immortal mind. Chap. 5, 6, 7.

Praeterea nemini probabitur, eos pecude aliqua mactata et oblata iram ponere aut injuriarum suarum oblivisci : aut his sacrificiis, tanquam pacta mercede, peccatorum in se commissorum veniam largiri. Cap. 8, 9.

Besides, it will be approved to no one that when some beast has been slaughtered and offered they lay aside their anger or forget their injuries: or by these sacrifices, as though for a bargained hire, grant pardon for sins committed against them. Chap. 8, 9.

Neque est certe quod quis arguat, hostias diis immolari, ut res tribuant prosperas et adversas removeant. Nam missa interim illa philosophorum opinione, fato omnia regi, certe, si penes deos sit secunda et adversa tribuere hominibus, ingrato animo sinunt eos qui victimis aras illorum onerant, ad extremas redigi angustias. Cap. 10, 11.

Nor certainly is there any ground for anyone to argue that victims are immolated to the gods in order that they may bestow prosperous things and remove adverse ones. For setting aside meanwhile that opinion of the philosophers that all things are ruled by fate, certainly, if it lies in the power of the gods to bestow prosperous and adverse things upon men, with ungrateful mind they suffer those who load their altars with victims to be reduced to extreme straits. Chap. 10, 11.

Deinde vero dictu absurdum est deos sacrificiorum pretio beneficia sua vendere. Cap. 12.

Next indeed it is absurd to say that the gods sell their kindnesses for the price of sacrifices. Chap. 12.

Neque potiori ratione asseritur sacrificia diis honoris atque amplificandae illorum potentiae fieri. Cap. 13, 14.

Nor is it asserted with any better reason that sacrifices are made to the gods for the sake of honour and of amplifying their power. Chap. 13, 14.

Fatetur tamen Arnobius honorem habendum vero Deo, qui, sicut ira non ardescit, ita nec collato gaudet honore, nec negato indignatur, nec se fieri majorem alienis officiis existimat. Adde vero, nihil honoris diis accedere ex mactatis animalibus, quorum fumo simulacra ac sanguine et putore templa atque altaria coinquinantur. Cap. 15, 16.

Yet Arnobius confesses that honour is to be paid to the true God, who, just as He does not burn with anger, so neither rejoices in honour conferred, nor is indignant when it is denied, nor thinks that He becomes greater by the services of others. Add indeed that nothing of honour accrues to the gods from slaughtered animals, by whose smoke the images and by whose blood and stench the temples and altars are befouled. Chap. 15, 16.

Quod si hoc animalium cruore deos honorari contendas, cur eis non immolantur elephanti, cameli, leones aliaque animalia longe plurima. Neque dicas, iis tantum deos honestari, quae ad victum nobis benigne suppeditant : nam et cuminum, nasturtium, rapas et caetera, quae nostro sunt usui, iisdem diis litari debebunt. Cap. 16, 17.

But if you contend that the gods are honoured by this blood of animals, why are not elephants, camels, lions, and very many other animals immolated to them? Nor may you say that the gods are honoured only by those things which they kindly supply to us for food: for cummin also, cress, turnips, and the other things which are for our use will have to be offered to the same gods. Chap. 16, 17.

Urget insuper Arnobius, deorum sicut unum genus ita unam esse debere sententiam : Cur ego, inquit, uni una, altera alteri hostia immolatur ? Cap. 18-21.

Arnobius urges besides that just as there is one race of the gods, so there ought to be one mind: Why then, says he, is one victim immolated to one, and another to another? Chap. 18-21.

Neque respondere juvat, antiquitate ac longa consuetudine diversis diis victimas diversas mactari. Non enim inquiritur, utrum homines, sed utrum dii sanciverint, aliquam hostiam uni Deo magis quam alteri convenire. Cap. 21, 22.

Nor does it avail to reply that by antiquity and long custom different victims are slaughtered to different gods. For the inquiry is not whether men, but whether the gods have ordained that some victim suits one god more than another. Chap. 21, 22.

Objicientibus ethnicis, diis bonis, ut prosint, et malis, ne

When the pagans object that sacrifice must be offered to good gods that they may do good, and to bad gods lest

Editors' notes and page, col. 1217

Editors' prose

LIBER SEPTIMUS.

BOOK SEVEN.

INDEX CAPITUM.

INDEX OF CHAPTERS.

Hoc in libro probat Arnobius, sive auctoritate, sive ratione, diis nulla esse sacrificia facienda. Non enim his sacrificiis nutriuntur: quando quidem, quidquid nutritur, mortale est. Cap. 1, 2, 3.

In this book Arnobius proves, whether by authority or by reason, that no sacrifices ought to be made to the gods. For they are not nourished by these sacrifices, since whatever is nourished is mortal. Chs. 1, 2, 3.

Neque etiam voluptatis causa diis hostiae caeduntur, mortalis quippe adhuc est, qui hujusmodi afficitur delectatione. Cap. 4.

Nor again are victims slain to the gods for the sake of their pleasure, for he who is affected by a delight of this kind is still mortal. Ch. 4.

Vulgarem autem opinionem illam subruit Arnobius, quae sacrificiis deorum iram placari statuebat. Non irae motus diis indignus in immortalem animum cadere nequit. Cap. 5, 6, 7.

Arnobius moreover overthrows that common opinion which held that the anger of the gods is appeased by sacrifices. Not [sic] can the motion of anger, unworthy of the gods, befall an immortal mind. Chs. 5, 6, 7.

Praeterea nemini probabitur, eos pecude aliqua mactata et oblata iram ponere aut injuriarum suarum oblivisci: aut his sacrificiis, tanquam pacta mercede, peccatorum in se commissorum veniam largiri. Cap. 8, 9.

Furthermore, no one will be persuaded that, when some beast has been slain and offered, they lay aside their anger or forget the wrongs done them; or that for these sacrifices, as for an agreed fee, they grant pardon for sins committed against them. Chs. 8, 9.

Nor indeed is there ground for anyone to argue that victims are sacrificed to the gods so that they may grant prosperity and remove adversity. For, setting aside for the moment that opinion of the philosophers that all things are ruled by fate, certainly, if it lies with the gods to bestow prosperity and adversity on men, they ungratefully allow those who load their altars with victims to be reduced to the utmost straits. Chs. 10, 11.

Deinde vero dictu absurdum est deos sacrificiorum pretio beneficia sua vendere. Cap. 12.

Then again it is absurd to say that the gods sell their benefits for the price of sacrifices. Ch. 12.

Neque potiori ratione asseritur sacrificia diis honoris atque amplificandae illorum potentiae fieri. Cap. 13, 14.

Nor with better reason is it asserted that sacrifices are made to the gods for the sake of honour and of increasing their power. Chs. 13, 14.

Arnobius nevertheless acknowledges that honour is to be paid to the true God, who, as He does not blaze with anger, so neither rejoices in honour bestowed nor is indignant at its being refused, nor thinks Himself made greater by the services of others. Add moreover that no honour accrues to the gods from slain animals, by whose smoke the images, and by whose blood and stench the temples and altars, are defiled. Chs. 15, 16.

Quod si hoc animalium cruore deos honorari contendas, cur eis non immolantur elephanti, cameli, leones aliaque animalia longe plurima. Neque dicas, iis tantum deos honestari, quae ad victum nobis benigne suppeditant: nam et cuminum, nasturtium, rapas et caetera, quae nostro sunt usui, iisdem diis litari debebunt. Cap. 16, 17.

But if you contend that the gods are honoured by this blood of animals, why are elephants, camels, lions and very many other animals not sacrificed to them? Nor may you say that the gods are honoured only by those things which they kindly supply to us for food; for then cummin, cress, turnips and the rest that are of use to us will have to be offered to the same gods. Chs. 16, 17.

Urget insuper Arnobius, deorum sicut unum genus ita unam esse debere sententiam: Cur ego, inquit, uni una, altera alteri hostia immolatur? Cap. 18-21.

Arnobius further presses that, as the gods are of one kind, so they ought to be of one mind: "Why then," he says, "is one victim sacrificed to one, another to another?" Chs. 18–21.

Nor does it help to answer that by antiquity and long custom different victims are slain to different gods. For the question is not whether men, but whether the gods, have ordained that some victim befits one god more than another. Chs. 21, 22.

Objicientibus ethnicis, diis bonis, ut prosint, et malis, ne

When the heathen object that one must sacrifice to the good gods, that they may help, and to the evil, lest

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noceant, sacrificandum, respondet Arnobius, deos omnes natura sua bonos esse debere, adeoque, licet nullo honore ab hominibus afficiantur, illis tamen idcirco nocere nequibunt; praeterea, si vera sit haec ethnicorum opinio, ex ea sequitur, bonum deum, si debita illi hostia non mactetur, malum fieri : contra vero deum malum fieri bonum, sacrificio peracto. Cap. 23.

they do harm, Arnobius replies that all the gods must by their nature be good, and therefore, although they be affected with no honour by men, yet they will not on that account be able to harm them; besides, if this opinion of the pagans be true, it follows from it that a good god, if the victim due to him be not slaughtered, becomes bad; and on the contrary that a bad god becomes good when a sacrifice has been performed. Chap. 23.

Caeterum quamvis fas fieri posset, ut tauri aliaque animalia diis immolarentur, quid eis conducere valebant farciminum, pultium liborumque genera, quae in ethnicorum mysteriis adhibebantur ? Cap. 24, 25.

For the rest, although it could become lawful that bulls and other animals should be immolated to the gods, what could the kinds of sausages, pottages, and cakes avail to profit them, which were employed in the mysteries of the pagans? Chap. 24, 25.

Turis quoque eorum aris adolendi non melior est ratio. Recens quippe est ritus ille ac temporibus ignotus antiquis. Quamobrem aut inutilis censeri debet, aut peccavere prisci homines, quibus numquam usu venisse constat. Cap. 26, 27.

Nor is the reason for burning frankincense also upon their altars any better. Inasmuch as that rite is recent and unknown to ancient times. Wherefore either it must be deemed useless, or the men of old sinned, among whom it is established that it never came into use. Chap. 26, 27.

Quid vero quod ture dato diis honoris aliquid tribui jactitatur. Nihil quippe tus est aliud nisi viscus ex quibusdam corticibus profluens. Cur ego ex aliis arboribus coalescens ipsis similiter non incenditur ? An quia non ita suavis est odoris? Ergone diis, quemadmodum hominibus, alii odores grati sunt, insuaves alii atque injucundi ? At, fatentibus philosophis, incorporei sunt dii adeoque haud possunt ullo turis aut odore alio mulceri. Cap. 27, 28.

What moreover of the boast that when frankincense is given some honour is paid to the gods? Inasmuch as frankincense is nothing else than a gum flowing forth from certain barks. Why then is that which congeals from other trees not burned to them in like manner? Is it because it is not of so sweet an odour? Are then some odours pleasing to the gods, just as to men, and others unpleasant and disagreeable? Yet, as the philosophers confess, the gods are incorporeal, and therefore cannot be soothed by any odour of frankincense or any other. Chap. 27, 28.

Frustra etiam ac nulla pariter adducti ratione merum in sacris suis turis socium libabant. Diis enimvero nec siti sicut nec fame laborantibus, inutilis plane vini usus. Illud autem fundi aut in deorum honorem, aut ut propitii fierent, perperam quoque opinabantur ethnici. Cap. 29, 30.

In vain also and led by no reason alike did they pour unmixed wine in their sacred rites as the companion of frankincense. For to the gods, labouring neither with thirst nor with hunger, the use of wine is plainly useless. And that it is poured either in honour of the gods, or that they might become propitious, the pagans also wrongly supposed. Chap. 29, 30.

Quid enim magis insulsum quam certis verbis vini aliquid libari, ne quodlibet aliud vinum fiat sacrum atque humanis usibus eripiatur ? Cap. 31.

For what is more absurd than that a little wine should be poured with set words, lest all the rest of the wine should become sacred and be snatched away from human uses? Chap. 31.

Nec minus ridiculum esse ostendit Arnobius deos sertis, coronis, cymbalis, tympanis ac symphoniis oblectari. Ad haec dies eorum festos irridet ac ludos in ipsorum honorem institutos exagitat. Cap. 32.

Arnobius shows that it is no less ridiculous that the gods should be delighted with garlands, crowns, cymbals, timbrels, and symphonies. In addition to these things he mocks their festival days and assails the games instituted in their honour. Chap. 32.

Nihil etiam a recta ratione magis alienum esse convincit, quam existimare, turpibus, quae tum agebantur, comoediis ac tragoediis, deos delectari atque animos ponere. Cap. 33.

He proves also that nothing is more foreign to right reason than to think that the gods are delighted and lay aside their anger by the shameful comedies and tragedies which were then acted. Chap. 33.

Demonstrat vero, tot tantaque opinionum portenta inde orta esse, quia ethnici nesciebant quae sit veri Dei natura, sibique falso persuadebant, deos suos ejusdem secum esse substantiae. Cap. 34.

And he demonstrates that so many and so great monsters of opinions arose thence, because the pagans did not know what the nature of the true God is, and falsely persuaded themselves that their gods were of the same substance with themselves. Chap. 34.

Ad evertendum deinceps accedit ultimum illudque, ut putabatur,

Next he proceeds to overturn that last and, as was supposed,

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validius ethnicorum propugnaculum, quo ii ex variis prodigiorum, sicut aiebant, historiis probare nitebantur, deos peccatis hominum offensos ira exarsisse, sed eorum satisfactione postea placatos, et primum quidem ludorum Circensium restitutionem in Jovis honorem excutit ; qua rite peracta lues cessasse ferebatur. C. 35, 36, 37.

stronger bulwark of the pagans, whereby from various histories of prodigies, as they said, they strove to prove that the gods, offended by the sins of men, had blazed forth in anger, but were afterwards appeased by their satisfaction; and first indeed he examines the renewal of the Circensian games in honour of Jove, upon the due performance of which the pestilence was said to have ceased. Chap. 35, 36, 37.

Transit deinde ad historiam Capitolii fulmine icti et simulacri Jovis de sede sua deturbati ; quo demum ex haruspicum responsis altiore in loco ad orientem solem collocato tum patuisse res abditas existimabant, hisque relatis palam facit, nihil posse umquam excogitari, quod summa deorum amplitudine atque etiam nomine sit magis indignum. Cap. 37-41.

Then he passes to the history of the Capitol struck by lightning and the image of Jove hurled down from its seat; which at length, according to the responses of the soothsayers, having been set up in a higher place towards the rising sun, they thought that hidden things had then been laid open; and having related these things he makes it plain that nothing can ever be devised which is more unworthy of the supreme grandeur and even the name of the gods. Chap. 37-41.

Deinceps ad examen revocat narrationem de Aesculapii simulacro in insulam Tiberinam translato : unde subito sedatam esse putabant diram luem, quae iniquis reipublicae temporibus grassabatur. Cap. 41-45.

Next he calls to examination the narrative concerning the image of Aesculapius transferred to the Island of the Tiber: whence they supposed that a dread pestilence, which was raging in evil times of the republic, had suddenly been allayed. Chap. 41-45.

Sermonem instituit de simulacro Matris deum ex Phrygio Pessinunte Romam advecto : quo tempore hostem ab Italia pulsum, decus urbis pristinum restitutum, fines imperii longe lateque propagatos aliaque in Romanam gentem collata beneficia dictitabant. Quibus in medium adductis demonstrat Arnobius, nihil esse aut fingi posse, quod veritati magis repugnet quodque fidem minus mereatur. Cap. 46-48.

He institutes a discourse concerning the image of the Mother of the gods brought to Rome from Phrygian Pessinus: at which time they repeated that the enemy was driven from Italy, the ancient glory of the city restored, the bounds of the empire extended far and wide, and other benefits conferred upon the Roman nation. Having brought these things forward into the midst, Arnobius demonstrates that nothing is or can be feigned which is more repugnant to truth and which less deserves belief. Chap. 46-48.

Postremo secum comparat ac sibi invicem opponit ethnicorum Christianorumque opiniones, atque hinc concludit, Christianos pios esse, gentiles vero dementis impietatis, quam illi exprobrabant, reos esse revera ac conscios. Cap. 49, 50, 51.

Lastly he compares together and sets in opposition to one another the opinions of the pagans and of the Christians, and hence concludes that the Christians are pious, whereas the Gentiles are in truth guilty and conscious of the mad impiety with which they reproached them. Chap. 49, 50, 51.

I. Quid ergo, dixerit quispiam, sacrificia censetis nulla esse omnino facienda ? Ut vobis non nostra, sed Varronis vestri sententia respondeamus, nulla.

I. What then, someone may say, do you judge that no sacrifices at all are to be made? To answer you not with our own opinion, but with that of your Varro: none.

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Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

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(1) ‹Varronis vestri sententia› · lemma, § I, col 1219

I. — Varronis vestri sententia. Qui docuit haec e Stoicorum placitis. Huc pertinet praestantissimus ille Persii locus Sat. II. 71 seq.: Quin damus id superis, de magna quod dare lance / Non possit magni Messalae lippa propago, / Compositum jus fasque animo, sanctosque recessus / Mentis, et incoctum generoso pectus honesto. / Haec cedo, ut admoveam templis, et farre litabo. Ubi novissimus editor Koenig in eamdem sententiam laudat Plat. in Alcib. II, tom. V, pag. 99, ed. Bip.; Horat. III, od. XXIII, 17, seq.; Virgil., Aen. VIII, 102; Propert., III, El. III, 17; Ovid., I Trist., II, 75; ex Ponto IV, Ep. VIII, 29; Valer. Max., lib. II, cap. V, 5. Add. Lucret., lib. V, vs. 1197, seq. Plura vide ap. Elmenhorst, et Jo. Saubertum, de Sacrificiis, cap. I, pag. 3. seqq, ed. Crenii. ORELL.

I. — "The opinion of your own Varro." He taught this from the tenets of the Stoics. To this belongs that most excellent passage of Persius, Sat. 2.71 ff.: "Why not give the gods what the blear-eyed offspring of great Messala could not give from his great dish: a right and justice ordered in the soul, the holy recesses of the mind, and a breast steeped in noble honour? Let me bring these to the temples, and I will make acceptable offering with meal." Where the latest editor, Koenig, cites to the same effect Plato, Alcibiades II, vol. 5, p. 99, Bipontine edition; Horace, Odes 3.23.17 ff.; Virgil, Aeneid 8.102; Propertius 3, Elegy 3.17; Ovid, Tristia 1.2.75, and Ex Ponto 4, Epistle 8.29; Valerius Maximus, book 2, ch. 5.5. Add Lucretius, book 5, line 1197 ff. See more in Elmenhorst, and in Johann Saubert, On Sacrifices, ch. 1, p. 3 ff., Crenius's edition. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Integrior, verior› · lemma, § I, col 1219–1220

Integrior, verior. Ita Meursius et ed. Lugd. Bat. e ms. Alii omittunt postremam vocem. ORELL.

"More whole, more true." So Meursius and the Leiden edition, from the manuscript. Others omit the last word. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Scaevus› · lemma, § I, col 1219–1220

Scaevus. Ita legendum, non saevus. Scaevus, σκαιός, ἐπαρίστερος, qui res accipit tarde et praepostere. Athenaeus, lib. IV, ἀγροῖκον et ἐπαρίστερον copulat, proque eodem accipit. HERALD.

"Scaevus" (perverse). So it is to be read, not "saevus" (cruel). Scaevus, Greek skaios, eparisteros: one who takes things in slowly and back to front. Athenaeus, book 4, couples agroikos ("boorish") and eparisteros ("left-handed, awkward"), and takes them as the same. HERALD.

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(4) ‹Et difficillimus occupare› · lemma, § I, col 1219–1220

Et difficillimus occupare. Occupare pro simplici capere. Difficilis autem ἐνεργητικῶς, qui res difficulter capit: vel simpliciter, cui res, et si vero simillimae difficulter persuadentur, quique non facile manus dat. HERALD.

"And most difficult to take hold." "Occupare" for the simple "capere" (to grasp). "Difficilis" in the active sense: one who grasps things with difficulty; or simply, one who is persuaded only with difficulty of things, even those most like the truth, and who does not easily give in. HERALD.

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(5) ‹Quis est enim pectoris tam obtusi› · lemma, § I, col 1219–1220

Quis est enim pectoris tam obtusi. Ita Lactantius, Inst., lib. II, cap. 5, § 4: Quidam hebetis obtusique cordis. Opp. cordati, sapientes. Vide Bünemann., pag. 375. ORELL.

"For who is of so dull a breast." So Lactantius, Institutes, book 2, ch. 5, § 4: "Certain men of dull and blunted heart." The opposite is "cordati", the wise. See Bünemann, p. 375. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Disjugati› · lemma, § I, col 1219–1220

Disjugati. Idem quod disjuncti. ἅπαξ λεγόμενον. Vide C. Barth., in Adversar., lib. XLV, cap. 8, pag. 2071. ORELL.

"Disjugati" (unyoked). The same as "disjuncti" (disjoined). A word found only once. See C. Barth, Adversaria, book 45, ch. 8, p. 2071. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Et nominum in serie computari› · lemma, § II, col 1220

II. — Et nominum in serie computari. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii: Numinum in serie. Fulv. Ursinus: In seriem computari. ORELL.

II. — "And to be reckoned in a series of names." So the Leiden edition. Others: "in a series of divinities." Fulvio Orsini: "to be reckoned into a series." ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Ut Terentius credit› · lemma, § II, col 1220

Ut Terentius credit. M. Terentius Varro.

"As Terentius believes." Marcus Terentius Varro.

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(9) ‹In eo quo Deus est› · lemma, § II, col 1220

In eo quo Deus est. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. ex ms. Alii: In eo quod Deus est. ORELL.

"In that by which he is God." So the Leiden edition, from the manuscript. Others: "in that he is God." ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Terrenas ex materiae opibus voluptates› · lemma, § II, col 1220

Terrenas ex materiae opibus voluptates. Ita Lugd. Bat., ex editione Rom. Alii: Terrenae ex materiae, etc. ORELL.

"Earthly pleasures from the resources of matter." So the Leiden edition, from the Roman edition. Others: "from earthly matter", etc. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Atque in eorum commoditate subsidat› · lemma, § III, col 1220

III. — Atque in eorum commoditate subsidat. Alii: subsideat. Stewechius corrigit: in eorum commoditates subsidat, explicans: perveniat ad numinum substantiam. Sed equidem sequi malui lectionem Salmasii. Ablativum enim pro accusativo poni ab Arnobio supra jam aliquoties vidimus. Eodem sensu verbo subsido utitur Virgilius Aen. XII, 835: Commixti corpore tanto / Subsident Teucri. Id est remanebunt, latebunt, ut explicat Servius. Proprie de iis, quae in commixtione infimum locum occupant. Itaque dicere vult Arnobius: Quaero, quidnam lucri perpetuaeque ac permanentis commoditatis ex hisce sacrificiis affluat ad Deos. ORELL.

III. — "And settles in their advantage." Others: "subsideat". Stewech corrects to "settles into their advantages", explaining: "reaches the substance of the divinities." But I have preferred to follow Salmasius's reading, for we have already seen above, several times, Arnobius putting the ablative for the accusative. Virgil uses the verb "subsido" in the same sense, Aeneid 12.835: "Mingled in body only, the Teucrians will sink down" — that is, will remain, will lie hidden, as Servius explains: said properly of things that take the lowest place in a mixture. So Arnobius means: I ask what gain, what lasting and permanent advantage, flows to the gods from these sacrifices. ORELLI.

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Quid ita ? Quia, inquit, dii veri neque desiderant ea, neque deposcunt : ex aere autem facti, testa, gypso, vel marmore multo minus haec curant ; carent enim sensu : neque ulla contrahitur, si ea non feceris, culpa : neque ulla, si feceris, gratia. Sententia reperiri nulla potest integrior, verior, et quam quivis possit, quamvis ille sit scaevus et difficillimus, occupare. Quis est enim pectoris tam obtusi, qui aut rebus nullum habentibus sensum hostias caedat et victimas, aut eis existimet dandas, qui sunt ab his longe natura et beatitudine disjugati ?

Why so? Because, says he, the true gods neither desire them nor demand them: while those made of bronze, potsherd, gypsum, or marble care for these things much less, for they lack sense: nor is any blame contracted if you do not perform them, nor any favour if you do perform them. No sounder or truer opinion can be found, or one which anyone, however perverse and most difficult he may be, could more readily grasp. For who is of so dull a breast as either to slay victims and sacrifices to things having no sense, or to think that they should be given to those who are far removed from them in nature and blessedness?

II. Qui sunt, inquitis, dii veri ? Ut communi vobis et simplici respondeamus verbo, non scimus. Quos enim vidimus numquam, qui sint, scire quemadmodum possumus ? Ex vobis audire consuevimus, deos esse quam plurimos, et nominum in serie computari : qui si sunt, ut dicitis, uspiam, verique, ut Terentius credit, eos esse consequitur sui consimiles nominis, id est tales, quales eos universi debere esse conspicimus, et nominis hujus appellatione dicendos. Quinimmo, ut breviter finiam, qualis dominus rerum est, atque omnipotens ipse, quem dicere nos omnes Deum scimus atque intelligimus verum, cum ad ejus nominis accessimus mentionem. Deus enim ab altero in eo, quo Deus est, nulla in re differt : nec quod unum est genere, suis esse in partibus minus aut plus potest, qualitatis propriae uniformitate servata. Quod cum dubium non sit, sequitur, ut geniti numquam, perpetuique ut debeant esse, extrinsecus appetentes nihil, nec carpentes aliquas terrenas ex materiae opibus voluptates.

II. Who are, you say, the true gods? To answer you in a common and simple word, we do not know. For how can we know who those are whom we have never seen? From you we have been accustomed to hear that there are very many gods, and that they are reckoned in a series of names: who if they exist anywhere, as you say, and are true, as Terentius believes, it follows that they are like their own name, that is, such as we all see they ought to be and to be called by the appellation of this name. Nay rather, to conclude briefly, such as the Lord of things is, and the Almighty Himself, whom we all know and understand that we call the true God when we come to the mention of His name. For one God differs in nothing from another in that whereby he is God: nor can that which is one in kind be less or more in its parts while the uniformity of its proper quality is preserved. Since this is not doubtful, it follows that they must be never begotten, and everlasting, desiring nothing from without, nor plucking any earthly pleasures from the resources of matter.

III. Ergo si haec ita sunt, primum illud a vobis expetimus noscere, quae sit causa, quae ratio, sacrificia ut ista faciatis : quid deinde ex hoc lucri ad deos ipsos perveniat, atque in eorum commoditate subsidat.

III. Therefore if these things are so, we first desire to learn this from you, what is the cause, what the reason, that you perform those sacrifices: next, what gain from this reaches the gods themselves, and settles in their advantage.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1220

Page

running head: II ADVERSUS GENTES 1220
marginal letters: A Quid ita ?; B esse quam plurimos; C ex materiae opibus
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: full-width heading COMMENTARIUS. and commentary at foot not set

PL 5:1221

Quidquid enim geritur, debet habere causam sui : neque ita esse ab ratione sejunctum, ut in operibus feratur cassis, et in vacuis ludat inanitatis erroribus. Numquid forte dii coelestes aluntur his sacris, et ad eorum compaginem retinendam nonnullius opus est suffectione materiae ? Et quis ita est hominum, deus prorsus qui sit, ignorans, ut eos existimet contineri alicujus alimonii genere ; et cibi esse munus, quod eos faciat vivere, et immensa in perpetuitate durare ? Quidquid enim causis et rebus fulcitur extraneis necesse est esse mortale, et habere ad periculum viam pronam, ubi aliquid coeperit deesse, quo vivitur. Tum quod ex his rebus, quae admoventur altaribus, nihil videmus accedere, atque ad numinum substantias pervenire. Aut enim thus datur, et liquefactum carbonibus disperit : aut animalis est hostia, et ab canibus abliguritur sanguis : aut si aliquod viscus aris fuerit traditum, ratione ardescit pari, et dissolutum in cinerem labitur ; nisi forte hostiarum deus animas devorat, aut ex aris ardentibus nidorem consectatur et fumos, pasciturque de cnissis, quas evomunt ardentia viscera, adhuc uda de sanguine, et prioribus humecta de succis. Sed si Deus, ut dicitur, nullius est corporis, omnique est incontiguus tactu, qui fieri potis est, ut corporalibus rebus nutriatur incorporeum, quod mortale est, ut immortale sustineat, subdatque salutem

For whatever is done ought to have a cause of itself, and not be so severed from reason that it is borne along in empty works and plays in the void errors of vanity. Are the heavenly gods perchance nourished by these sacred rites, and for maintaining their frame is there need of the supply of some matter? And who among men is so ignorant of what a god is at all, as to think that they are sustained by some kind of nourishment, and that it is the gift of food which makes them live and endure in immense perpetuity? For whatever is propped up by external causes and things must needs be mortal, and have a downward path to peril when anything begins to be lacking whereby it lives. Moreover, from these things which are brought to the altars we see nothing accrue and reach the substances of the divinities. For either frankincense is given, and melted on the coals it perishes; or the victim is an animal, and its blood is licked up by dogs; or if any entrail has been delivered to the altars, it blazes up in like manner, and dissolved into ashes falls away; unless perchance the god devours the souls of the victims, or pursues the steam and smoke from the burning altars, and feeds upon the burnt-savours which the burning entrails belch forth, still wet with blood and moist with their former juices. But if God, as is said, is of no body, and is untouchable by any contact, how is it possible that an incorporeal thing should be nourished by corporeal things, that what is mortal should sustain the immortal, and supply health

Editors' notes and page, col. 1221

Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

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(1) ‹Et habere ad periculum viam pronam› · lemma, col 1221

Et habere ad periculum viam pronam. Periculum hoc loco pro interitu, ut supra lib. I, cap. 5: Nutant usque ad periculum civitates, ubi vide notam Meursii. ORELL.

"And to have a downhill road to peril." "Peril" here stands for destruction, as above, book 1, ch. 5: "Cities totter even to peril"; see Meursius's note there. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Aut enim thus datur› · lemma, col 1221

Aut enim thus datur. Habes heic sacrificiorum divisionem. Et sane ita est. Diis offeruntur aut animales hostiae aut inanimales. De his agit prius quam de aliis: quia creduntur esse antiquiores, ut ex Theophrasto, Porphyrio et aliis docet Eusebius. Thus datur signata locutio. Ovidius: Et pia thura dedi pro te, cumque omnibus unus / Ipse quoque adjuvi publica vota meis. Thus igitur dabant quandoque simpliciter, nulla animali hostia adjecta. Certe vix precabantur Deos, quin, si facultas esset, iisdem thus incenderent. Ovid., lib. IV, de Ponto: His ego do toties cum thure precantia verba, / Eoo quoties surgit ab orbe dies. HERALD.

"For either incense is given." Here you have a division of sacrifices, and so indeed it is: to the gods are offered either animate victims or inanimate ones. He treats the latter before the others because they are believed to be older, as Eusebius shows from Theophrastus, Porphyry and others. "Incense is given" is a set expression. Ovid: "And I gave pious incense for you, and, one among all, I too aided the public vows with my own." So they sometimes gave incense alone, with no animal victim added. Certainly they scarcely prayed to the gods without burning incense to them, if they had the means. Ovid, Ex Ponto book 4: "To these I give words of prayer with incense, as often as the day rises from the eastern world." HERALD.

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(3) ‹Aut animalis est hostia› · lemma, col 1221

Aut animalis est hostia. Aliter Macrobius animalem hostiam eam esse dicit, cujus sola anima Deo consecratur, quae quidem observatio non caret vanitate. HERALD.

"Or the victim is animal." Macrobius, otherwise, says an animal victim is one whose soul alone is consecrated to God — an observation not free of emptiness. HERALD.

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(4) ‹Dissolutum in cinerem labitur› · lemma, col 1221

Dissolutum in cinerem labitur. Vide Bunemann ad Lactant. de Ira Dei, cap. 13, pag. 1061. ORELL.

"Dissolved, it sinks into ash." See Bünemann on Lactantius, On the Wrath of God, ch. 13, p. 1061. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Pasciturque de cnissis› · lemma, col 1221

Pasciturque de cnissis. Glossae: κνίσσα, nidor. Κνίσσα vel κνίσα ustura est carnium et fumus in sacrificio. Usus Homerus, Il. A, 66. Plurima graeca vocabula usurpavit in hoc opere Arnobius, quae ille et Latio et urbe donare gaudet. Hinc plani pro sycophantis, lib. II, et lib. VI, dixit simulacra grosphis rasa, et lib. VII, tibicines appellavit salpinctas (ubi nos legimus salapittas). Similia per se eruditus lector in eo facile observet. STEWECH. — Conf. Lindenbroch. ad Priapei. Epigr. LXXII, in Antholog. Lat. P. Burmanni, tom. II, pag. 542. ORELL.

"And feeds on the savours." The Glossaries: knissa, "nidor" (the reek of burnt fat). Knissa or knisa is the burning of flesh and the smoke in a sacrifice; Homer uses it, Iliad 1.66. Arnobius has used a great many Greek words in this work, which he delights to bestow on Latium and the City. Hence "plani" for tricksters, in book 2; in book 6 he spoke of images "scraped with grosphi" (chisels); and in book 7 he called the flute-players "salpinctae" (where we read "salapittae"). The learned reader will easily notice similar things in him for himself. STEWECH. — Compare Lindenbrog on the Priapea, Epigram 72, in P. Burman's Latin Anthology, vol. 2, p. 542. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Quas evomunt ardentia viscera› · lemma, col 1221

Quas evomunt ardentia viscera. Amat hoc verbum Arnobius sensu metaphorico. Ita lib. VI, cap. 3: Sidereos evomant variata interstinctione fulgores. ORELL.

"Which the burning entrails vomit forth." Arnobius loves this verb in a figurative sense. So book 6, ch. 3: "Let them vomit forth starry flashes in varied interspersion." ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Adhuc uda de sanguine› · lemma, col 1221

Adhuc uda de sanguine. Editio princeps: Adhuc suda de sanguine, quod revocavit Salmasius, et bene habet, si sudus, a, accipiamus pro subudus, ut explicat Servius ad Aen. VIII, vs. 529. Equidem nihil definio. ORELL.

"Still wet with blood." The first edition: "adhuc suda de sanguine", which Salmasius restored; and it is sound if we take "sudus, -a" for "subudus" (damp), as Servius explains on Aeneid 8.529. For my part I decide nothing. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Et prioribus humecta de succis› · lemma, col 1221

Et prioribus humecta de succis. Forte: Et cruoris humecta de succis. Temere tamen mutare nolim. MEURSIUS, pag. 205.

"And moist from earlier juices." Perhaps: "and moist from the juices of gore." Yet I would not rashly change it. MEURSIUS, p. 205.

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(9) ‹Qui fieri potis est› · lemma, col 1221

Qui fieri potis est. Ita ms. Alii: pote est. ORELL.

"How can it be." So the manuscript. Others: "pote est". ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Haec ratio› · lemma, col 1221–1222

Haec ratio. Ms. hic, non male. MEURS.

"This reason." The manuscript has "hic", not badly. MEURSIUS.

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(11) ‹Potis est› · lemma, col 1221–1222

Potis est. Ita ms. MEURS.

"Potis est." So the manuscript. MEURSIUS.

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(12) ‹Et eorum sustineantur e pastu› · lemma, col 1221–1222

Et eorum sustineantur e pastu. e addidit ex ms. Stewechius. Solita apud nostrum praepositionum abundantia. ORELL.

"And be sustained by feeding on them." Stewech added "e" from the manuscript: the abundance of prepositions usual in our author. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Et succensis adjiciuntur altaribus› · lemma, § IV, col 1222

IV. — Et succensis adjiciuntur altaribus. Stewechius legendum suspicatur: Et succensis adjiciuntur thura altaribus. ORELL.

IV. — "And are laid on the kindled altars." Stewech suspects one should read: "and incense is laid on the kindled altars." ORELLI.

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(14) ‹Dulcedinis labilis› · lemma, § IV, col 1222

Dulcedinis labilis. Dulcedo labilis, quae cito perit, evanescit. Glossae: Labile, ..... εὐόλισθον. Ammianus Marcellin., lib. XXVII, cap. 10: Labilis limus. OUDENDORP., in Apulei. Met. IV, p. 243.

"Of a slipping sweetness." A slipping sweetness is one that quickly perishes and vanishes. The Glossaries: "labile ... euolisthon" (easily slipping). Ammianus Marcellinus, book 27, ch. 10: "slippery mud." OUDENDORP, on Apuleius, Metamorphoses 4, p. 243.

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(15) ‹Quod enim voluptate dissolvitur› · lemma, § IV, col 1222

Quod enim voluptate dissolvitur, etc. Boethius de Consol. Philos., lib. II, Metr. VII: Habet omnis haec voluptas: / Stimulis agit fervemteis, / Apiumque par volantum, / Ubi grata mella fudit, / Figit, et nimis tenaci / Ferit icta corda morsu. ELMENH.

"For what is dissolved by pleasure," etc. Boethius, Consolation of Philosophy, book 2 [as printed], Metre 7: "Every pleasure has this: it drives with burning goads, and like the flying bees, when it has poured out its pleasant honey, it flees, and strikes the smitten hearts with a sting that clings too long." ELMENHORST.

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(16) ‹Quod laetitia trepidat› · lemma, § IV, col 1222

Quod laetitia trepidat. Persius, sat. I, 20: Ingentes trepidare Titos, etc. Ita exprimit Arnobius motum effusiorem et constanti homine indignum. Quare laetitiam dicit potius quam gaudium. HERALD. — Conf. Casauboni ad Persii. l. l., et Barth. in Statii Theb., II, 476, t. II, p. 522. ORELL.

"That it quivers with gladness." Persius, Satire 1.20: "the huge Tituses quivering," etc. So Arnobius expresses a too unrestrained movement, unworthy of a steady man; that is why he says "laetitia" (gladness) rather than "gaudium" (joy). HERALD. — Compare Casaubon on Persius at the place cited, and Barth on Statius, Thebaid 2.476, vol. 2, p. 522. ORELLI.

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(17) ‹Levitatibus extollitur gaudiorum› · lemma, § IV, col 1222

Levitatibus extollitur gaudiorum. Non dicit gaudii, quia hoc πάθος lenius. Recte item extollitur. Laetitiam enim et gaudium elationem esse dixerunt Stoici, ἔπαρσιν: sed laetitiam elationem ἄλογον, gaudium elationem μετὰ λόγου. Vid. Cic., IV Tusc., c. 6; et Augustin., in ep. ad Galat., c. 5. HERALD.

"Is lifted up by the levities of joys." He does not say "of joy", because that passion is milder. "Is lifted up" is likewise right: the Stoics said that gladness and joy are an elation, eparsis — but gladness an irrational elation, joy an elation with reason. See Cicero, Tusculans 4, ch. 6; and Augustine on the Epistle to the Galatians, ch. 5. HERALD.

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Page

running head: 1221 LIBER SEPTIMUS
marginal letters: A Quidquid enim geritur; B nibus disperit; C usque ad periculum (in commentary); D cratur, quae quidem (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: full-width heading COMMENTARIUS and commentary at foot not set

PL 5:1222

rei, quam contingere nequeat, et motus subministrare vitales ? Cessat ergo, ut apparet, sacrorum haec ratio ; neque dici a quopiam potis est, ea causa sacrificia celebrari, quod alantur his numina, et eorum sustineantur e pastu.

and furnish vital movements to a thing which it cannot touch? This reason for sacred rites therefore ceases, as is apparent; nor can it be said by anyone that sacrifices are celebrated for this cause, that the divinities are nourished by them and are sustained from their feeding.

IV. Numquid, si forte hoc non est, voluptatis alicujus, animique, ut dicitur, causa, caeduntur diis hostiae, et succensis adjiciuntur altaribus? Et quisquam est hominum, qui deos sibi persuadeat voluptatum diffusione mollescere, gestire in libidinis gaudium, et velut animal vile blandis sensibus affici, et dulcedinis labilis volucri titillatione mulceri? Quod enim voluptate dissolvitur, id contraria necesse est tristitia contrahatur : nec immune existere ab anxietate moeroris, quod laetitia trepidat, et levitatibus extollitur gaudiorum. Utroque autem affectu debent esse dii liberi, si eos esse perpetuos, et mortalium volumus fragilitate privatos. Quid quod omnis voluptas quasi quaedam est adulatio corporis, notisque illis sensibus assumitur quinque : quam si superi sentiunt, et eorum necesse est esse participes corporum, per quae via est sensibus, et accipiendis voluptatibus janua. Postremo quod gaudium est, innoxiorum animantium mactatione laetari : miserabiles saepe exaudire mugitus, rivos sanguinis cernere, animas cum cruore fugientes, patefactisque secretis provolvi et intestina

IV. If perchance it is not this, are victims slain to the gods and laid upon kindled altars for the sake of some pleasure and, as is said, amusement? And is there anyone among men who would persuade himself that the gods grow soft with the diffusion of pleasures, leap for joy into the delight of lust, and like a base animal are affected by flattering sensations, and soothed by the fleeting tickling of a transitory sweetness? For what is relaxed by pleasure must needs be contracted by the opposite sadness; nor can that exist free from the anxiety of grief which quivers with gladness and is lifted up by the lightnesses of joys. Now from both affections the gods ought to be free, if we wish them to be everlasting and deprived of the frailty of mortals. What of the fact that all pleasure is as it were a certain flattery of the body, and is received through those five well-known senses: which if the gods above feel, they also must needs be partakers of those bodies through which there is a way for the senses and a door for receiving pleasures. Lastly, what joy is it to rejoice in the slaughter of harmless animals: oftentimes to hear pitiable lowings, to behold rivers of blood, lives fleeing with the gore, and when the hidden parts are laid open the entrails also rolling forth

Editors' notes and page, col. 1222

Page

running head: BER SEPTIMUS. 1222
marginal letters: A rei, quam contingere; B litur gaudiorum.; C habet, si sudus, a (in commentary); D Consol. Philos., lib. II (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: full-width heading COMMENTARIUS. and commentary at foot not set

PL 5:1223

cum stercore, et ex residuo spiritu exultantia adhuc corda, tremebundasque palpitantes in visceribus venas ? Semiferi nos homines, quinimo, potius ut pronuntiemus, quod est verius atque apertius dictu, feri, quos infelix necessitas, et malus usus edocuit cibos ex his carpere : miseratione interdum commovemur illorum : arguimus nos ipsi, penitusque re visa atque inspecta damnamus : quod, humanitatis jure deposito, naturalis initii consortia ruperimus. Deos aliquis credit pios, beneficos, mites, caede pecorum delectari, diffundique laetitia, si quando sub his concidunt, et spiritum miserabiliter ponunt? Et voluptatis, ut cernimus, nulla est in sacrificiis causa, nec cur fiant, ratio est : quoniam nec voluptas est ulla, ac si forte est aliqua, in deos eam cadere nulla posse ratione monstratum est.

with the dung, and hearts still leaping from the remaining breath, and trembling veins throbbing in the viscera? We half-savage men—nay rather, to pronounce what is truer and plainer to say, savage—whom unhappy necessity and evil custom have taught to pluck food from these, are sometimes moved with pity for them; we accuse ourselves, and when the matter is thoroughly seen and looked into we condemn ourselves, because, having laid aside the law of humanity, we have broken the fellowships of our natural origin. Does anyone believe that the gods, pious, beneficent, mild, are delighted with the slaughter of cattle, and are overspread with gladness whenever they fall beneath them and pitiably lay down their breath? Both of pleasure, as we see, there is no cause in sacrifices, nor is there any reason why they should be made: since neither is there any pleasure, and if perchance there is any, it has been shown that by no reason can it fall upon the gods.

V. Sequitur, ut illam quoque inspiciamus partem, quam jactari audimus vulgo, et populari in persuasione versari : sacrificia superis ea fieri diis causa, ut iras atque animos ponant, reddanturque mites et placidi, fervidorum pectorum indignatione sedata.

V. It follows that we should examine that part also which we hear commonly boasted and current in popular persuasion: that sacrifices are made to the gods above for this cause, that they may lay aside their angers and passions, and be rendered mild and gentle, the indignation of their glowing breasts being calmed.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1223

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 614)

(a) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1223

Reperimus Sab. Male.

"Reperimus" (we find), Sabaeus. Wrongly.

(printed under page 614)

(b) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1223

Diffindique Sab.

"Diffindique" (and to be split), Sabaeus.

(printed under page 614)

Una Sab.

"Una" (one), Sabaeus.

(printed under page 614)

(1) ‹Provolvi et intestina cum stercore› · lemma, col 1223

Provolvi et intestina cum stercore. Proba lectio: nam haec copula et abundat saepe reapse apud hos scriptores et involute construitur. HERALD. — Male itaque Fulv. Ursinus inducit et. ORELL.

"That the intestines too are rolled out with the dung." A sound reading: for this copula "et" is in fact often redundant in these writers and is construed obscurely. HERALD. — So Fulvio Orsini wrongly strikes out "et". ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Tremebundasque palpitantes in visceribus venas› · lemma, col 1223

Tremebundasque palpitantes in visceribus venas. Neque heic quidquam mutandum. Nam συνώνυμα ita copulare amat Arnobius, ut antea observabamus. HERALD. — Fulv. Ursinus et Stewechius conj.: tremebundis. ORELL.

"And the trembling veins throbbing in the vitals." Nothing should be changed here either: Arnobius loves to couple synonyms in this way, as we observed before. HERALD. — Fulvio Orsini and Stewech conjecture "tremebundis". ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Potius ut pronuntiemus› · lemma, col 1223

Potius ut pronuntiemus. Ita Salmasius. Antea prius. Editio princeps apertius. ORELL.

"That we should rather declare." So Salmasius. Formerly "prius" (first). The first edition: "apertius" (more openly). ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Quod, humanitatis jure deposito, naturalis initii consortia ruperimus› · lemma, col 1223

Quod, humanitatis jure deposito, naturalis initii consortia ruperimus. Philosophice admodum haec ab Arnobio dicta sunt. Quoniam enim nulla proprie juris communio hominibus cum animantibus brutis, non dicit simpliciter Arnobius jure rupto aut quid simile, sed humanitatis jure deposito. Humanitatis jure scil. quia homo, natura mite animal, a caeteris animantibus abstinere debuisse videtur, quae pythagoreorum et aliorum postea nonnullorum sententia fuit. Hanc humanitatem Graeci appellant χρηστότητα: fatentur enim, nulla juris communione homines cum brutis sociari, sed esse aiunt quamdam χρηστότητα, quae adversus infirmiora ista animalia justitiae loco est. Plutarchus in Catone majore, ubi censorium illum senem reprehendit, quod servos debiles atque aetate confectos vendendos censeret: Καί τοι, inquit, τὴν χρηστότητα τῆς δικαιοσύνης πλατύτερον τόπον ὁρῶμεν ἐπιλαμβάνουσαν, νόμῳ μὲν γὰρ καὶ τῷ δικαίῳ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους μόνον χρῆσθαι πεφύκαμεν· πρὸς εὐεργεσίας δὲ καὶ χάριτας ἔστιν ὅτε καὶ μέχρις ἀλόγων ζώων. Vide sis quae sequuntur ibidem. HERALD.

"That, setting aside the law of humanity, we have broken the fellowship of our natural origin." This is said very philosophically by Arnobius. Since there is properly no community of law between men and brute animals, Arnobius does not say simply "the law being broken" or the like, but "the law of humanity being set aside" — the law of humanity, that is, because man, by nature a gentle animal, seems to have been bound to abstain from the other animals, which was the opinion of the Pythagoreans and, later, of some others. This humanity the Greeks call chrestotes (kindness): they admit that men are joined to brutes by no community of law, but say there is a certain kindness which takes the place of justice towards those weaker animals. Plutarch, in the Elder Cato, where he blames that censorious old man for judging that slaves weak and worn with age should be sold: "And yet," he says, "we see kindness occupying a wider field than justice; for by nature we use law and justice towards men only, but kindnesses and favours sometimes reach even to irrational animals." See, please, what follows there. HERALD.

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(5) ‹Deos aliquis credit pios› · lemma, col 1223–1224

Deos aliquis credit pios. Appellat deos pios, clementes, ut docebamus ad l. I, c. 49. Notanda in hanc sententiam B. Augustini observatio, quam proponit, l. X de Civit. Dei, c. 1: Pietas quoque proprie dei cultus intelligi solet, quam Graeci εὐσέβειαν vocant. Haec tamen et erga parentes officiose haberi dicitur. More autem vulgi hoc nomen etiam in operibus misericordiae frequentatur: quod ideo arbitror evenisse, quia haec fieri praecipue Deus mandat, eaque sibi vel pro sacrificiis, vel prae sacrificiis placere testatur. Ex qua loquendi consuetudine factum est, ut et Deus ipse dicatur pius: quem sane Graeci nullo suo sermonis usu εὐσεβῆ vocant; quamvis εὐσέβειαν pro misericordia illorum etiam vulgus usurpet. Unde in quibusdam Scripturarum locis, ut distinctio certior appareret, non εὐσέβειαν, quod ex bono cultu; sed θεοσέβειαν, quod ex Dei cultu resonat, dicere maluerunt. Graeci tamen, sed recentiores, et θεὸν εὐσεβῆ quandoque dixerunt. Sic Themistius Euphrades Orat. V: οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ἐπικλήσεσι τοῦ Θεοῦ τὸν νικητὴν, ἤτοι θριαμβευτὴν ἀνακαλεῖται, ἢ τὸν Γερμανικὸν, ἢ τὸν Σκυθικὸν, ἀλλὰ τὸν φιλάνθρωπον, καὶ τὸν εὐσεβῆ, καὶ τὸν σωτῆρα. Ergo Deus heic εὐσεβής est pius et φιλάνθρωπος, qua voce pium exprimere volebat Themistius. HERALD.

"Someone believes the gods are 'pii'." He calls the gods "pii", that is, merciful, as we showed on book 1, ch. 49. Note on this point the observation of blessed Augustine, City of God 10.1: "Piety too is usually understood properly as the worship of God, which the Greeks call eusebeia. Yet it is said to be dutifully shown towards parents as well. And in common usage the word is also frequent for works of mercy; which I think has come about because God especially commands these to be done and declares that they please him instead of sacrifices, or more than sacrifices. From this way of speaking it has come that God himself is called 'pius' — whom the Greeks in no usage of their language call eusebes, though their common people too use eusebeia for mercy. Hence in some places of Scripture, so that the distinction might appear more clearly, they preferred to say not eusebeia, which sounds of good worship, but theosebeia, which sounds of the worship of God." Yet the Greeks, though the later ones, did sometimes say "theos eusebes". So Themistius Euphrades, Oration 5: "For no one in his invocations of God calls on him as the Victor or the Triumpher, or the Germanicus, or the Scythicus, but as the Lover of men, the Pious, and the Saviour." So here God as eusebes is "pius" and philanthropos, by which word Themistius meant to express "pius". HERALD.

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(6) ‹Beneficos› · lemma, col 1224

Beneficos. Εὐεργέτας, σωτῆρας saepe conjungebant. HERALD.

"Beneficent." They often joined euergetai (benefactors) and soteres (saviours). HERALD.

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(7) ‹Si quando sub his concidunt› · lemma, col 1224

Si quando sub his concidunt. Id est, sub eorum oculis atque altaribus, ut loquitur infra. Quare mutandum nihil. HERALD

"If ever they fall beneath them." That is, beneath their eyes and altars, as he says below. So nothing should be changed. HERALD.

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(8) ‹Et voluptatis ergo, ut cernimus, nulla est in sacrificiis causa› · lemma, col 1224

Et voluptatis ergo, ut cernimus, nulla est in sacrificiis causa. Sic edidit et interpunxit Salmasius, rectissime. Antea ita legebatur: et voluptate. Ergo, etc. ORELL.

"And so, as we see, there is no ground of pleasure in sacrifices." So Salmasius printed and punctuated it, most rightly. Formerly it read: "and by pleasure. Therefore," etc. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Ut iras atque animos ponant› · lemma, § V, col 1224

V. — Ut iras atque animos ponant. Vide supra, ad l. V, c. 2, extr. ORELL.

V. — "That they may lay aside their anger and passions." See above, on book 5, ch. 2, at the end. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Definitionem› · lemma, § V, col 1224

Definitionem. Alii: diffinitionem, quae saepissime permutata a librariis. Ita designare et dissignare. ORELL.

"Definition." Others: "diffinitionem", forms very often interchanged by the copyists; so too "designare" and "dissignare". ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Quam pertinaciter meminisse convenit nos semper› · lemma, § V, col 1224

Quam pertinaciter meminisse convenit nos semper. Pertinaciter hoc loco in bonam partem pro constanter. Ita Lactantius, Inst., l. IV, c. 18, § 16. Item de silentio ejus (Christi), quod usque ad mortem pertinaciter tenuit, Esaias iterum sic locutus est, etc.: ubi vid. Bünemann., p. 509. Conf. Pitisc. ad Curt. V, c. 9, 4. Ita contumax pro constans ap. Prudent. Peristeph. X, 714, et Mamertin. in Genethliac., c. 11. Ubi vid. Schwarz., p. 185, t. II, ed. Jaeger. ORELL.

"Which it befits us always to remember tenaciously." "Tenaciously" here in a good sense, for "steadfastly". So Lactantius, Institutes 4.18.16: "Likewise of his (Christ's) silence, which he held tenaciously even to death, Isaiah again spoke thus," etc.; see Bünemann there, p. 509. Compare Pitiscus on Curtius 5.9.4. So "contumax" (stubborn) for "constans" in Prudentius, Peristephanon 10.714, and in Mamertinus, Genethliacus, ch. 11; see Schwarz there, p. 185, vol. 2, Jaeger's edition. ORELLI.

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(12) ‹Consectaneum est credere› · lemma, § V, col 1224

Consectaneum est credere. Ita Stewechius et Salmasius ex ms. pro consentaneum. ORELL.

"It is consequent to believe." So Stewech and Salmasius from the manuscript, for "consentaneum" (agreeable). ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Ad periculum interitionis inducit› · lemma, § V, col 1224

Ad periculum interitionis inducit. Interitio vox antiqua. Vid. Nonius, supra, lib. II, c. 62: Multum postea poenitebit fuisse irrisui, cum ad sensum coeperit interitionis accedi. ORELL.

"Leads to the peril of perishing." "Interitio" is an old word. See Nonius; above, book 2, ch. 62: "It will much repent them afterwards to have been a laughing-stock, when they begin to come to the sense of perishing." ORELLI.

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(14) ‹Quidquid enim vexatur› · lemma, § V, col 1224

Quidquid enim vexatur, etc., etc. Eodem modo argumentatur, supra, l. I, c. 18. ORELL.

"For whatever is troubled," etc. He argues in the same way above, book 1, ch. 18. ORELLI.

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(15) ‹Placandaeque ejus causa› · lemma, § VI, col 1224

VI. — Placandaeque ejus causa. Sic edidi cum Meursio pro placandique ejus causa. ORELL.

VI. — "And for the sake of appeasing it." So I have printed with Meursius, for "placandique ejus causa". ORELLI.

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At si definitionem teneamus illam, quam pertinaciter meminisse convenit nos semper, universos animorum affectus ignotos diis esse, consectaneum est credere, numquam deos irasci : quinimmo nullum affectum magis esse ab his longe, quam qui feris et belluis proximus, turbat tempestatibus patientes, et ad periculum interitionis inducit. Quidquid enim vexatur rei alicujus e motu, passibile esse constat et fragile : quod passioni fragilitatique subjectum est, id necesse est esse mortale : ira autem vexat, et patientes se solvit : ergo esse mortale dicendum est, quod passionibus subjectum est irae. At quin deos scimus esse oportere perpetuos, et naturam immortalitatis tenere : quod si constat, et liquidum est, ira ab his longe et ab eorum conditione disjuncta est. Nullis ergo rationibus convenit, id in superis velle placare, quod posse non videas in eorum beatitudinem convenire.

Yet if we hold fast that definition which it befits us always steadfastly to remember, that all affections of minds are unknown to the gods, it is consistent to believe that the gods are never angry: nay rather, that no affection is further removed from them than that which, nearest to wild beasts and brutes, disturbs with tempests those who suffer it, and leads them into peril of destruction. For whatever is harassed by the movement of anything is agreed to be passible and frail; what is subject to passion and frailty must needs be mortal; now anger harasses, and dissolves those who suffer it; therefore that must be said to be mortal which is subject to the passions of anger. Yet indeed we know that the gods must be everlasting, and possess the nature of immortality: which if it is established and clear, anger is far from them and dissevered from their condition. By no reasons therefore is it fitting to wish to appease in the gods above that which you see cannot suit with their blessedness.

VI. Sed concedamus, ut vultis, perturbationem hujusmodi familiarem diis esse, placandaeque ejus causa res divinas fieri, et sacrorum solemnia celebrari : quando ergo conveniat adhiberi haec munia,

VI. But let us grant, as you wish, that disturbance of this kind is familiar to the gods, and that for the sake of appeasing it divine rites are performed and the solemnities of sacred ceremonies celebrated: when therefore is it fitting that these services should be employed,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1224

Footnotes

(d) ‹At si definitionem› · call in col 1224

Et, quod recipit Ed. Lugd. B.

"Et" (and), which the Leiden edition adopts.

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(e) ‹quando ergo conveniat› · call in col 1224

Ita Sab. Alii: conveniet.

So Sabaeus. Others: "conveniet" (will be fitting).

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

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vel in tempore quo dari ? antequam sunt irati et perciti? an cum fuerint moti, ipsisque in indignationibus constituti ? Si, ne sumant animos, occurendum est his ante : feras nobis proponitis, non deos, quibus, ne saeviant concitatae, et cavearum discutiant claustra, objectari moris est escas, in quas rabidae saeviant, et cupidinem vexationis inclinent. Sin autem jam fervidis atque indignatione flagrantibus satisfactio ista sacrificiorum oggeritur : non inquiro, non exigo, an illa laeta et sublimis magnanimitas numinum, homunculorum offensione moveatur ; habeatque pro vulnere si quid animal caecum, atque in nubibus semper ignorationis incedens, dissignaverit, dixerit, quo illorum minueretur auctoritas.

or at what time that they should be given? Before they are angry and roused? Or when they have been moved, and set in the very indignations? If, lest they take passion, they must be met beforehand: you set before us wild beasts, not gods, to which, lest when stirred up they rage and shatter the bars of their cages, it is the custom to throw baits, upon which in their fury they may rage and turn the desire of doing harm. But if that satisfaction of sacrifices is offered to them when already glowing and blazing with indignation: I do not inquire, I do not demand, whether that joyful and sublime greatness of soul of the divinities is moved by the offence of puny men, and counts it as a wound if a blind animal, walking always in the clouds of ignorance, has committed or said anything whereby their authority might be diminished.

VII. Sed neque illud dici, aut audire deposco, quas irarum in homines habeant dii causas, ut sacrificiis debeant contracta offensione mulceri : numquid aliquas leges aliquando sanxere mortalibus, constitutumque est ab his umquam, quid eos agere conveniret, vel quid non : quid consectari, quid fugere, vel coli se saltem quibus rationibus cuperent, ut aliter, quam imperaverant gesta ultionibus persequerentur

VII. But neither do I demand that this be said or heard, what causes of anger against men the gods have, that when offence has been contracted they must be soothed by sacrifices: have they ever ordained any laws for mortals, and has it ever been established by them what it befitted them to do, or what not: what to pursue, what to shun, or at least by what methods they desired that they themselves should be worshipped, so that they might pursue with revenges of their anger things done otherwise than they had commanded;

Editors' notes and page, col. 1225

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

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(1) ‹An illa laeta et sublimis magnanimitas› · lemma, col 1225

An illa laeta et sublimis magnanimitas. Rescribi volunt (Fulv. Ursinus) lauta. Non placet. Legendum existimo elata. Sic interpretatur μεγαλοφροσύνην. Atque ita negat convenire deorum μεγαλοφροσύνῃ exactam offensionem vindictam. Et revera μέγα μέρος μεγαλοψυχίας ἀνεξικακία, quod ait in Pelopida Plutarchus. Hinc Lactantius, libro in Ira Dei, c. V: Favorabilis ac popularis oratio, non cadere in Deum hanc animi pusillitatem, ut ab illo se laesum putet, qui laedi non potest. HERALD. — Nihil omnino mutandum. Respicit Arnobius ad deorum vitam perpetuis agitatam laetitiis. ORELL.

"Or that glad and lofty magnanimity." They would have it rewritten (Fulvio Orsini) "lauta" (splendid). I do not agree. I think one should read "elata" (exalted); so he renders megalophrosyne (greatness of mind), and so he denies that vengeance exacted for an offence befits the gods' greatness of mind. And truly "forbearance is a great part of magnanimity", as Plutarch says in the Pelopidas. Hence Lactantius, in the book On the Wrath of God, ch. 5: "A popular and well-received saying: that this smallness of soul does not befall God, that he should think himself injured by one who cannot be injured." HERALD. — Nothing at all should be changed. Arnobius has in view the life of the gods, spent in unbroken gladness. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Habeatque pro vulnere› · lemma, col 1225

Habeatque pro vulnere. Id est, pro offensione, injuria gravissima. Sic Eutropius, l. X, c. 16: Fuerunt enim nonnulli, qui vulnera gloriae ejus inferrent. Vide, qui de hac locutione multus est, C. Barth. ad Claudian. Mamert. de Statu animae, p. 302, seq. Possis etiam interpretari habeatque pro scelere, delicto, quo sensu vulnus passim occurrit apud scriptores ecclesiasticos, verbi causa, Juvenc., Hist. evangel. IV, 114: Haec inter si quis protectum a vulnere pectus / Ad finem servare queat, sublimia lucis / Aeternis vitae sertis redimitus abibit. et ibid., II, 434, seq.: ...... Non septem crimina tantum, / Sed decuplata super donentur vulnera fratri. Ubi vid. Omeis., p. 305, ed. Reusch. ORELL.

"And should count it a wound." That is, an offence, a most grievous injury. So Eutropius, 10.16: "For there were some who dealt wounds to his glory." See C. Barth, who says much on this phrase, on Claudianus Mamertus, On the State of the Soul, p. 302 f. You could also render "and should count it a crime, a fault", the sense in which "vulnus" occurs everywhere in the church writers — for example Juvencus, Gospel History 4.114: "Among these things, if anyone can keep his breast protected from a wound to the end, he will depart to the heights of light, crowned with the garlands of eternal life"; and ibid. 2.434 f.: "... not seven offences only, but let wounds multiplied tenfold be forgiven a brother." See Omeis there, p. 305, Reusch's edition. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Dissignaverit› · lemma, col 1225

Dissignaverit. Alii, designaverit. Vide supra, ad l. I, c. 63. ORELL.

"Dissignaverit" (has contrived). Others: "designaverit". See above, on book 1, ch. 63. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Quas irarum in homines habeant dii causas› · lemma, § VII, col 1225

VII. Quas irarum in homines habeant dii causas. Ita Gelenius, acute. Editio princeps, qua si parum, etc. HERALD.

VII. "What causes of anger against men the gods have." So Gelenius, acutely. The first edition: "qua si parum", etc. HERALD.

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(5) ‹Neque, si sunt ulli, apertissima potuit cognitione dignosci› · lemma, § VII, col 1225

Neque, si sunt ulli, apertissima potuit cognitione dignosci. Ita codex ms., teste Stewechio, quam lectionem equidem temere mutare nolim. Meursius ita distinguit: Neque, si sunt, ulli apertissima, etc. Editiones omnes: Neque, si sunt visi. Si pro an, ut saepissime. ORELL.

"Nor could it be discerned by the clearest knowledge whether there are any." So the manuscript, on Stewech's testimony, a reading I would not rashly change. Meursius punctuates thus: "Nor, if they exist, ... most plain to anyone," etc. All the editions: "Nor, if they have been seen." "Si" for "an" (whether), as very often. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Quibus neque se esse› · lemma, § VII, col 1225–1226

Quibus neque se esse, etc. Esse addidit Stewechius ex msto. Alii: quibus neque sese monstrare. se pro sese est ex emendatione Salmasii. ORELL.

"To whom neither that they themselves exist," etc. Stewech added "esse" from the manuscript. Others: "to whom neither to show themselves". "Se" for "sese" is Salmasius's emendation. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Silentio patiar abire donatum› · lemma, § VIII, col 1226

VIII. — Silentio patiar abire donatum. Cod. ms. et editio princeps habent obire, quod tuetur Heraldus more antiquorum praepositiones ab et ob saepissime permutantium. Hinc fortassis enata significatio τοῦ obire pro mori. ORELL.

VIII. — "I will let it go, granted to silence." The manuscript and the first edition have "obire", which Herald defends by the ancients' habit of very often interchanging the prepositions "ab" and "ob". Perhaps from this arose the meaning of "obire" as "to die". ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Si gallinulam, vitulum sub illius oculis atque altaribus concremaro› · lemma, § VIII, col 1226

Si gallinulam, vitulum sub illius oculis atque altaribus concremaro. Infra: Quod est istud honoris genus, vervecem, arietem, taurum dei sub ore connectere conspectuque in ejus occidere? Stabant enim ad aras simulacra, et ad eorum faciem hostiae conversae mactabantur. Lucretius, II, 352: Nam saepe ante deum vitulus delubra decora / Thuricremas propter mactatus concidit aras. Hinc θεῶν δεξίμηλα ἀγάλματα appellat Euripides in Phoenissis παρὰ τὸ δέχεσθαι τὰ μῆλα: quemadmodum δεξίμηλον δόμον et δεξίμηλον ἐσχάραν appellat in Andromacha. HERALD. — Pro vitulum, vel pullum legend. conj. F. Ursinus. ORELL.

"If I burn a pullet, a calf, under his eyes and at his altars." Below: "What kind of honour is this, to bind a wether, a ram, a bull before the face of a god, and to kill it in his sight?" For the images stood at the altars, and the victims were slaughtered turned towards their faces. Lucretius 2.352: "For often before the beautiful shrines of the gods a calf falls slain beside the incense-burning altars." Hence Euripides in the Phoenissae calls the images of the gods "dexímela" (receivers of sheep), from receiving the sheep; just as in the Andromache he speaks of a "sheep-receiving house" and a "sheep-receiving hearth". HERALD. — For "vitulum", F. Orsini conjectures one should read "vel pullum" (or a chick). ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Pavus› · lemma, § VIII, col 1226

Pavus. Haec est forma antiquior, usurpata Varroni ap. Gellium, lib. VII, cap. 16, pro qua aureae latinitatis scriptores dixerunt pavo, pavonis. Antiquam formam praeter nostrum, habet etiam Tertullianus de Anima cap. XXXIII: pulcherrimus pavus, et quo velit colore cultissimus. ORELL.

"Pavus" (peacock). This is the older form, used by Varro in Gellius, book 7, ch. 16; for it writers of the golden Latinity said "pavo, pavonis". Besides our author, Tertullian too has the old form, On the Soul, ch. 33: "a most beautiful peacock, adorned in whatever colour it likes." ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Atque ut parvuli pusiones, ut animis parcant abstineantque ploratibus› · lemma, § VIII, col 1226

Atque ut parvuli pusiones, ut animis parcant abstineantque ploratibus. Sic emendavit Heraldus. Editio princeps: atque ut parvuli pusiones animis parcant, etc. Gelenius: atque ut parvuli pusiones, quo animis parcant, etc. Editio Lugd. bat.: ut animosis parcant, etc. Colvius ad Apulei. Metam. VIII, pag. 448, ed. Oudendorp. putat legendum: Quo lacrymis parcant, vel, quo animos pascant. Male. Animis parcere idem est quod supra dixerat iras atque animo ponere, quod bene monet G. J. Vossius. de Idolol., lib. III, cap. 98, pag. 464. ORELL.

"And, like little boys, that they may spare their tempers and leave off their wailing." So Herald emended it. The first edition: "and like little boys they spare their tempers", etc. Gelenius: "and like little boys, so that they may spare their tempers", etc. The Leiden edition: "that they may spare the spirited ones", etc. Colvius, on Apuleius, Metamorphoses 8, p. 448, Oudendorp's edition, thinks one should read: "so that they may spare their tears", or "so that they may feed their tempers." Wrongly. "To spare their tempers" is the same as what he had said above, "to lay aside their anger and temper [as printed: animo]", as G. J. Vossius rightly points out, On Idolatry, book 3, ch. 98, p. 464. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Passerculos, pupulas, equuleos, panes accipiunt› · lemma, § VIII, col 1226

Passerculos, pupulas, equuleos, panes accipiunt, etc. Talia puerulorum ludicra memorant etiam Plinius lib. IV, epist. 2, et Apuleius Met., lib. VIII, pag. 448. ORELL.

"Little sparrows, dolls, little horses, loaves they receive," etc. Pliny too mentions such playthings of little boys, book 4, letter 2, and Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book 8, p. 448. ORELLI.

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(12) ‹Pupulas› · lemma, § VIII, col 1226

Pupulas. Pupus et pupa pro pusionibus, puerulis (continues)

"Pupulas." "Pupus" and "pupa" for little boys, small children (continues)

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irarum ; contemptique se vellent de audacibus et transgressoribus vindicare ? Ut opinor, ab his numquam neque constitutum est aliquid, neque sanctum: quoniam nec visi aliquando, neque si sunt ulli, apertissima potuit cognitione dignosci. Quaenam est ergo justitia, ut eis ob aliquas causas irascantur dii coelites, quibus neque se esse monstrare aliquando dignati sunt, neque ullas dederint, aut imposuerint leges, quas coli ab his vellent, et inviolabili obsecutione servari ?

and when despised wish to avenge themselves upon the bold and transgressors? As I think, neither has anything ever been established nor ordained by them: since neither have they ever been seen, nor, if there are any, has it been able to be discerned by the clearest knowledge. What justice therefore is there, that on account of some causes the heavenly gods should be angry with those to whom they have neither ever deigned to show that they exist, nor given or imposed any laws which they wished to be revered by them and observed with inviolable obedience?

VIII. Sed hoc, ut dixi, praetereo, et silentio patior abire donatum : unum illud prae omnibus quaero, quae causa est, ut si ego porcum occidero, deus mutet affectum, animosque et rabiem ponat : si gallinulam, vitulum, sub illius oculis atque altaribus concremaro, oblivionem inducat injuriae, et ab sensu penitus offensionis abscedat? Quid ad ejus dolorem ex opere hoc migrat, aut remedii cujus est anser, caper, aut pavus ut ex ejus cruore medicina adhibeatur, irato ? Ergone injurias suas dii vendunt, atque, ut parvuli pusiones, ut animis parcant, abstineantque ploratibus, passerculos, pupulos, equuleos, panes accipiunt,

VIII. But this, as I have said, I pass over, and suffer to go by granted in silence: this one thing above all I ask, what is the cause that if I kill a pig, the god changes his disposition, and lays aside his passions and rage; if I burn a pullet or a calf beneath his eyes and upon his altars, he brings in forgetfulness of the injury, and departs wholly from the feeling of offence? What passes over from this work to his grief, or of what remedy is a goose, a goat, or a peacock, that from its blood medicine should be applied to him when angry? Do the gods then sell their injuries, and like tiny little boys, that they may spare their passions and refrain from weepings, receive little sparrows, dolls, little horses, and cakes,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1226

Footnotes

(a) ‹passerculos, pupulos› · call in col 1226

Scribe: pupulas. Vid. Not.

Write "pupulas" (little dolls). See the Note.

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

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marginal letters: A irarum ; contemptique; B oblivionem inducat; C raldus more antiquorum (in commentary); D mam praeter nostrum (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: acci- split at column break; full-width headings TIONES VARIANTES. and OMMENTARIUS. and apparatus/commentary at foot not set
other: the word accipiunt, was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1227

PL 5:1227

quibus avocare se possint : ita dii immortales placamenta ista sumunt, quibus iras atque animos ponant, et in gratiam suis cum offensoribus redeant ? Atquin ego rebar deos, si modo rectum est credere, quod motibus exagitentur irarum, sine ullis praemiis, nullisque mercedibus, iras atque animos ponere, et peccatoribus delicta donare. Hoc est enim proprium numinum, liberales venias, et concessiones habere gratuitas. Quod si fieri non potest, sapientius multo est, pertinaciter eos in offensione durare, quam munerum corruptione mitescere. Crescit enim multitudo peccantium, cum redimendi peccati spes datur: et facile itur ad culpas, ubi est venalis ignoscentium gratia.

wherewith they may divert themselves: do the immortal gods thus take those appeasements wherewith they may lay aside their angers and passions, and return into favour with their offenders? Yet indeed I supposed that the gods—if only it is right to believe that they are tossed about by movements of anger—without any rewards and with no hires lay aside their angers and passions, and forgive sins to sinners. For this is the proper nature of divinities, to have generous pardons and free grants. Which if it cannot be done, it is much wiser that they should steadfastly harden in offence, than grow mild by the bribery of gifts. For the multitude of sinners increases when hope of buying off sin is given; and men easily go on to faults where the favour of those who pardon is for sale.

IX. Ecce si bos aliquis, aut quodlibet ex his animal, quod ad placandas caeditur mitigandasque numinum furias, vocem hominis sumat, eloquaturque his verbis : Ergone, o Jupiter, aut quis alius deus es, humanum est istud et rectum, aut aequitatis alicujus in aestimatione ponendum, ut cum alius peccaverit, ego occidar, et de meo sanguine fieri tibi patiaris satis, qui numquam te laeserim, numquam sciens aut nesciens tuum numen majestatemque violarim, animal, ut scis, mutum, naturae meae simplicitatem

IX. Behold, if some ox, or any animal you please of these which are slain to appease and mitigate the furies of the divinities, should take the voice of a man, and speak out in these words: Is this then, O Jupiter, or whatever other god you are, humane and right, or to be set in the reckoning of any equity, that when another has sinned I should be killed, and that from my blood you should suffer satisfaction to be made to you—I who have never harmed you, never knowingly or unknowingly violated your divinity and majesty, a dumb animal, as you know, following the simplicity of my nature,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1227

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 616)

(a) ‹mitigandasque› · call in col 1227

Mitigandasque ad sic ms.

"Mitigandasque ad": so the manuscript.

(printed under page 616)

(b) ‹tuum numen› · call in col 1227

Nomen Sab.

"Nomen" (name), Sabaeus.

(printed under page 616)

Ut scitis ms.

"Ut scitis" (as you [plural] know), manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

(printed under page 616)

(1) ‹Pupulas› · lemma, § VIII, col 1226

(continued) et puellulis nota. Varro, lib. VI pusam vocat. Ab his pupis pupulus et pupula eadem ratione deminuta sunt Catullo, Apuleio et aliis. Ea nomina antiquitus etiam εἰκόνια sigillaria seu imagunculas, quae hodieque in usu nutricibus ac pueris, designabant: a quibus etiamnum nostrate idiomatismo denominantur Puppen; de quibus est Persianum illud, sat. II, 70. ...... Veneri donatae a virgine puppae. Scribendum itaque duobus vel unico p, si lubet. Varro Aborig.: Magna pars in desiderium puparum et sigillorum veniebat. STEWECH.

(printed under page 616)

(2) ‹Panes› · lemma, § VIII, col 1226

Panes. Intelligendi, ut rectissime observat Heraldus, non ἄρτων κλάσματα, sed sigillariola formata ad imaginem paniscorum quae erant puerorum ludicra, ut puellarum pupae, quas etiam νύμφας appellabant. Quare scripsi Panes littera majore. ORELL.

"Panes." What is meant, as Herald most rightly observes, is not broken pieces of bread but little figures shaped like little Pans, which were boys' playthings, as dolls were girls' — these they also called nymphai. So I have written "Panes" with a capital letter. ORELLI.

(printed under page 616)

(3) ‹Concessiones habere gratuitas› · lemma, § VIII, col 1226

Concessiones habere gratuitas. Fulv. Ursinus conj.: concessiones tribuere gratuitas. Sed nil mutandum. Sensus est: habere Deos, quae gratuito concedant. ORELL.

"To have free concessions." Fulvio Orsini conjectures: "to grant free concessions." But nothing should be changed. The sense is: that the gods have things which they grant freely. ORELLI.

(printed under page 616)

(4) ‹Ecce si bos aliquis› · lemma, § IX, col 1227

IX. — Ecce si bos aliquis, etc. Sequitur jam allocutio victimae ad Jovem, qui locus est pulcherrimus. ORELL.

IX. — "See, if some ox," etc. Now follows the victim's address to Jupiter, a most beautiful passage. ORELLI.

(printed under page 616)

(5) ‹Quod ad placandas caeditur mitigandasque ad numinum furias› · lemma, § IX, col 1227

Quod ad placandas caeditur mitigandasque ad numinum furias. Eodem sensu furiae supra lib. IV, cap. ult.: Sin autem ab hujusmodi furiis deorum genus est immune. ORELL.

"Which is slain to appease and to soothe the furies of the divinities." "Furiae" in the same sense above, book 4, last chapter: "But if the race of the gods is free of such furies." ORELLI.

(printed under page 616)

(6) ‹Qui numquam te laeserim› · lemma, § IX, col 1227

Qui numquam te laeserim. Suavior ad aures haec veteris Codicis lectio, quam quod ediderunt: quod numquam te laeserim. STEWECH. — Alii: cum nunquam, male. ORELL.

"Who have never harmed you." This reading of the old manuscript is pleasanter to the ear than what they printed: "in that I have never harmed you." STEWECH. — Others: "cum nunquam" (since never), wrongly. ORELLI.

(printed under page 616)

(7) ‹Numquid aliquem praesulem, tuum numen qui offenderet, ante te traduxi› · lemma, § IX, col 1227

Numquid aliquem praesulem, tuum numen qui offenderet, ante te traduxi, Sic emendavit Stewechius, verissime. Codex ms. habet: ante traduxi, pro quo Gelenius: aut te traduxi. Tangit scil. Arnobius historiam servuli furciferi per circi aream mediam traducti, quam narrat infra cap. 36, editionis nostrae. ORELL.

"Did I lead some leading dancer before you, to offend your divinity?" So Stewech emended it, most truly. The manuscript has "ante traduxi", for which Gelenius has "or did I parade you". Arnobius is touching, that is, on the story of the slave under the fork led through the middle of the circus arena, which he tells below, ch. 36 of our edition. ORELLI.

(printed under page 616)

(8) ‹Numquid erui sacratissimos lucos?› · lemma, § IX, col 1227–1228

Numquid erui sacratissimos lucos? Quo quidem facinore ac plusquam sacrilegio deorum iras atque offensas inexpiabiles contrahi existimabant. Quare caesariani milites, quum Massiliensem lucum antiquae religionis horrore sanctissimum ad bellica tormenta et caetera obsidionis instrumenta caedere juberentur; rem agressuri pavide substiterunt, veriti ne in se suae secures resilirent. Hanc militum superstitionem vivis coloribus exprimit Lucanus libro III: Hanc jubet immisso silvam procumbere ferro: / Nam vicina operi, belloque intacta priore / Inter nudatos stabat densissima montes. / Sed fortes tremuere manus: motique verenda / Majestate loci, si robora sacra ferirent, / In sua credebant redituras membra secures. / Implicitas magno Caesar torpore cohortes / Ut vidit: primus raptam vibrare bipennem / Ausus et aëriam ferro proscindere quercum, etc. HERALD.

"Did I root up the most sacred groves?" By such a deed, indeed more than sacrilege, they thought the gods' anger and inexpiable displeasure were incurred. So Caesar's soldiers, when they were ordered to cut down the grove at Massilia, most holy with the awe of ancient religion, for engines of war and the other gear of a siege, stopped in fear as they were about to set to it, afraid their axes would rebound on themselves. Lucan paints this superstition of the soldiers in vivid colours, book 3: "He orders this wood to fall before the swung iron; for it stood near the works, untouched by the earlier war, thickest among the bared hills. But the strong hands trembled; moved by the awful majesty of the place, they believed that if they struck the sacred oaks the axes would come back upon their own limbs. When Caesar saw his cohorts bound in great numbness, he was the first to dare to snatch and swing an axe and cleave a sky-high oak with the iron," etc. HERALD.

(printed under page 616)

(9) ‹Substructionibus pollui profanarique privatis› · lemma, § IX, col 1228

Substructionibus pollui profanarique privatis. Lucos diis consecratos, quemadmodum caetera omnia loca θεοῖς ἀνειμένα, substructionibus aut alio usu profano polluere grande piaculum erat. HERALD. — Eodem sensu Cicero dixit (pro Milone): Vos, Albani tumuli atque luci, vos, inquam, imploro atque obtestor. Vosque, Albanorum obrutae arae, sacrorum populi rom. sociae et aequales, quas ille praeceps amentia, caesis prostratisque sanctissimis lucis, substructionum insanis molibus oppresserat: vestrae tum arae, vestrae religiones viguerunt, vestra vis valuit, quam ille omni scelere polluerat. NOURR., p. 567.

"To be polluted and profaned by private buildings." To defile groves consecrated to the gods, like all other places dedicated to the gods, with buildings or any other profane use was a grave sacrilege. HERALD. — Cicero spoke in the same sense (For Milo): "You, Alban mounds and groves, you, I say, I implore and adjure; and you, buried altars of the Albans, partners and equals of the rites of the Roman people, which he in headlong madness, having cut down and laid low the most holy groves, had crushed beneath the insane masses of his buildings: then your altars, your sanctities prevailed, your power had force — which he had polluted with every crime." NOURRY, p. 567.

(printed under page 616)

(10) ‹Meo luatur e sanguine› · lemma, § IX, col 1228

Meo luatur e sanguine. Fulvius Ursinus praepositionem e inducit, male. ORELL.

"Be atoned for with my blood." Fulvio Orsini strikes out the preposition "e", wrongly. ORELLI.

(printed under page 616)

(11) ‹Producatur› · lemma, § IX, col 1228

Producatur. Ita editor Lugd. Bat. e ms. Alii: perducatur. ORELL.

"Be prolonged." So the Leiden editor, from the manuscript. Others: "perducatur" (be carried through). ORELLI.

(printed under page 616)

(12) ‹Articulatas expromunt voces› · lemma, § IX, col 1228

Articulatas expromunt voces. Sic edidi e correctione Fr. Oudendorpii ad Apulei. Met., lib. X, p. 711. Alii: exprimunt. Sed exprimere vocem est sive alteri extorquere, sive imitatione fingere et sic declarare, quod a nostro loco alienum est. ORELL.

"They bring forth articulate words." So I have printed, from Fr. Oudendorp's correction on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book 10, p. 711. Others: "exprimunt" (express). But "exprimere vocem" is either to wring a word from another or to form it by imitation and so utter it, which is foreign to our passage. ORELLI.

(printed under page 616)

(13) ‹Et unde illis notum est› · lemma, § IX, col 1228

Et unde illis notum est, etc., etc. Veteres philosophos, Stoicos imprimis, statuisse, rationem et orationem imperfecte animalibus cum homine esse com- (continues)

"And how do they know," etc. That the ancient philosophers, the Stoics above all, held that reason and speech are imperfectly shared by the animals with man (continues)

(printed under page 616)

Page

running head: 1227 ARNOBII ADVERSU
marginal letters: A piunt, quibus avocare; B mal, quod ad placandas; C pupis pupulus et pupula (in commentary); D cutio victimae ad Jovem (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: begins with fragment piunt; full-width headings LECTIONES VARIA and COMMENTARIU and apparatus/commentary at foot not set

PL 5:1228

sequens, nec multiformium morum varietatibus lubricum? Numquid aliquando tuos ludos minus sancte diligenterque perfeci ? numquid aliquem praesulem, tuum numen qui offenderet, ante te traduxi? numquid juravi per te falso? numquid sacrilegis furtis tua rapui, spoliavique donaria ? numquid erui sacratissimos lucos, aut religiosa quaedam loca substructionibus pollui profanavique privatis? Qaenam est ergo causa, ut alienum crimen meo luatur e sanguine, et in nefas extraneum mea vita et innocentia perducatur ? An quod animal vile sum, nec rationis, nec concilii particeps? quemadmodum pronunciant isti, qui se homines nominant, et ferocitate transiliunt belluas. Nonne primordiis iisdem eadem et me genuit informavitque natura? Nonne spiritus unus est, qui et illos et me regit? Non consimili ratione respiro, et video, et caeteris afficior sensibus? Habent jecora, pulmones, corda, intestina, ventriculos : et mihi membrorum non idem est numerus attributus? Amant suos foetus, et gignendis conveniunt liberis : non et mihi prolis, et subrogandae est cura, et dulcedo, cum fuerit procreata ? Sed rationales illi sunt, et articulatas expromunt voces : et unde illis notum est, an et ego, quod facio, meis rationibus faciam, et vox ista,

nor slippery with the varieties of manifold morals? Did I ever perform your games less holily and diligently? Did I ever lead before you some dancer who offended your divinity? Did I ever swear falsely by you? Did I ever with sacrilegious thefts seize and despoil your votive offerings? Did I ever uproot most sacred groves, or pollute and profane certain religious places with private foundations? What therefore is the cause that another's crime should be expiated by my blood, and that my life and innocence should be brought into a foreign guilt? Is it because I am a base animal, and partaker neither of reason nor of counsel, as those pronounce who call themselves men, and in ferocity surpass wild beasts? Did not the same nature beget and fashion me also from the same first beginnings? Is there not one breath which rules both them and me? Do I not breathe and see in like manner, and am I not affected by the other senses? They have livers, lungs, hearts, intestines, bellies: and has not the same number of members been assigned to me? They love their offspring, and come together for begetting children: have not I also both care for offspring and for supplying its place, and sweetness when it has been begotten? But they are rational, and utter articulate voices: and whence is it known to them whether I also do what I do by my own reasons, and whether that voice

Editors' notes and page, col. 1228

Page

running head: OBII ADVERSUS GENTES 1228
marginal letters: A sequens, nec multiformium; B illos et me regit?; C religionis horrore (in commentary); D que luci, vos, inquam (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: full-width headings TIONES VARIANTES. and COMMENTARIUS. and apparatus/commentary at foot not set

PL 5:1229

quam promo, mei generis verba sint, et solis intelligantur a nobis? Interroga pietatem, utrumne sit aequius me occidi, me confici, ah hominem venia, et commissorum impunitate donari? Quis in gladium formavit ferrum ? non homo? Quis cladem gentibus, quis nationibus imposuit servitutem ? non homo ? Quis parentibus, fratribus, quis uxoribus, quis amicis mortiferas subdidit, commiscuitque potiones ? non homo? Quis maleficia reperit, aut commentatus est tanta, quanta vix explicari decem millibus queant vel annalium, vel dierum ? non homo? Ita istud non ferum, non immane, non saevum est? non tibi, o Jupiter, injustum videtur et barbarum, me occidi, me caedi, ut fias tu placidus, et ut scelerosis contingat impunitas ? Ergo ob hanc causam, id est, numina ut placentur irata, inaniter fieri sacrificia constitit, cum docuerit nos ratio neque deos irasci aliquando, neque alterum velle pro altero confici, caedi, nec innoxii sanguine abolitionem dissignationibus comparari.

which I utter is the words of my own kind, and understood by us alone? Ask piety whether it is more just that I should be killed, that I should be slain, or that man should be presented with pardon and impunity for his offences! Who shaped iron into a sword? Was it not man? Who brought slaughter upon nations, who imposed slavery upon peoples? Was it not man? Who secretly gave and mixed deadly draughts for parents, brothers, who for wives, who for friends? Was it not man? Who devised or contrived evil deeds so great that they could scarcely be unfolded in ten thousand annals or days? Was it not man? Is not this then savage, is it not monstrous, is it not cruel? Does it not seem to you, O Jupiter, unjust and barbarous that I should be killed, that I should be slaughtered, in order that you may become gentle, and that impunity may befall the wicked? Therefore for this cause, that is, that angry divinities may be appeased, it has been established that sacrifices are made in vain, since reason has taught us both that the gods are never angry, and that they do not wish one to be slain and slaughtered in place of another, nor that by the blood of the harmless remission should be procured for wickednesses.

X. Sed fortasse aliquis dicet : idcirco diis hostias, et caetera impendimus munera, ut familiares quodammodo nostris supplicationibus facti, res tribuant prosperas, avertantque a nobis mala, cum gaudiis faciant agere nos semper, tristitias vero propellant, et ex casibus imminentia fortuitis. Non exiguam curam locus iste desiderat, nec quod dicitur facile, tam consuetum est vel audiri, vel credi. Advolabit enim continuo universus ille doctissimorum chorus, qui asseverans et comprobans, fato fieri quaecumque fiunt : eripiat vobis e manibus opinionem istam, et inanibus vos urgeat persuasionibus fidere. Quidquid in mundo, inquiet, gestum est, geritur, et geretur, olim definitum et fixum est; habetque immobiles causas, per quas sibi

X. But perhaps someone will say: For this reason we expend victims and other gifts upon the gods, that having become in a manner familiar through our supplications, they may bestow prosperous things, and turn away evils from us, cause us always to live with joys, and drive away sorrows and things threatening from chance accidents. Not a small care does this point require, nor is that which is easily said so accustomed either to be heard or to be believed. For forthwith that whole chorus of most learned men will fly hither, who, asserting and proving that whatever things happen happen by fate, would snatch that opinion out of your hands, and press upon you that you trust in empty persuasions. Whatever in the world, it will say, has been done, is being done, and will be done, has long ago been defined and fixed; and has immovable causes, through which things linked to one another

Editors' notes and page, col. 1229

Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

(printed under page 617)

(1) ‹Et unde illis notum est› · lemma, § IX, col 1228

(continued) munes, pluribus docet Arbr. Willet ad Galen. Protrept. ad Artes, cap. I, pag. 60, seq. ORELL.

(printed under page 617)

(2) ‹Quis in gladium formavit ferrum› · lemma, § IX, col 1229

Quis in gladium formavit ferrum, etc. Juvenalis Sat. XV, vs. 160: Ast homini ferrum lethale incude nefanda / Produxisse parum est, cum rastra et sarcula tantum / Assueti coquere, et marris et vomere lassi / Nescierint primi gladios extendere fabri. ELMENH.

"Who shaped iron into a sword," etc. Juvenal, Satire 15.160: "But for man it is too little to have drawn out the deadly iron on the accursed anvil, though the first smiths, used to forging only rakes and hoes, and wearied with mattocks and ploughshares, did not know how to hammer out swords." ELMENHORST.

(printed under page 617)

(3) ‹Commiscuitque potiones› · lemma, § IX, col 1229

Commiscuitque potiones. Ovidius, Met. I. 147: Lurida terribiles miscent aconita novercae. HERALD.

"And mixed potions." Ovid, Metamorphoses 1.147: "Terrible stepmothers mix the lurid aconite." HERALD.

(printed under page 617)

(4) ‹Commentatus est tanta› · lemma, § IX, col 1229

Commentatus est tanta. Fulv. Ursinus mavult: commentus est tanta, a comminiscor. ORELL.

"Has devised so many things." Fulvio Orsini prefers "commentus est", from "comminiscor" (to invent). ORELLI.

(printed under page 617)

(5) ‹Quanta vix explicari decem millibus queant vel annalium vel dierum› · lemma, § IX, col 1229

Quanta vix explicari decem millibus queant vel annalium vel dierum. Id est μυριάσιν. Sed quod ephemeridas appellat dies, novum est, et vereor, ut nothum. HERALD. — J. G. Graevius, in epistola 258, ad N. Heinsium Syllog. Burmann. tom. IV, p. 332, corrigit: vel diurnorum, intelligens acta diurna urbana, in quibus annotabantur crimina et maleficia. Posset defendi vulgata lectio loco simillimo lib. V, cap. 15: Esse illam in diebus et a vobis in commentariis relatam. Sed hic diebus fluxisse videtur ex interpolatione Fulvii Ursini, non e Codice ms. Itaque nihil definio. Pro queant Gelenius ed. nequeant, constructione Graeca vehementius negante. ORELL.

"So many that they could scarcely be set out in ten thousand of annals or of days." That is, in myriads. But calling day-books "days" is new, and I fear spurious. HERALD. — J. G. Graevius, in letter 258 to N. Heinsius, in Burman's Sylloge, vol. 4, p. 332, corrects to "vel diurnorum" (or of the daily records), meaning the city's daily gazette, in which crimes and misdeeds were recorded. The common reading could be defended by a very similar passage, book 5, ch. 15: "that it is in the days, and recorded by you in your commentaries." But here "diebus" seems to have flowed from an interpolation of Fulvio Orsini, not from the manuscript. So I decide nothing. For "queant" Gelenius printed "nequeant", the Greek construction making the negation stronger. ORELLI.

(printed under page 617)

(6) ‹Dissignationibus› · lemma, § IX, col 1229

Dissignationibus. Ita ms. Alii: designationibus, eodem sensu. Vide Notam amicissimi Ochsneri ad lib. I, c. 63, dissignationibus, scil. victimarum. ORELL.

"By contrivances." So the manuscript. Others: "designationibus", in the same sense. See the note of my very dear friend Ochsner on book 1, ch. 63, "dissignationibus", that is, of victims. ORELLI.

(printed under page 617)

(7) ‹Cum gaudiis ..... agere› · lemma, § X, col 1229

X. — Cum gaudiis ..... agere. χαίρειν, εὖ πράττειν. Purus putus Graecismus. ORELL.

X. — "To live in joys": chairein, eu prattein (to rejoice, to fare well). A pure and simple Graecism. ORELLI.

(printed under page 617)

(8) ‹Et ex casibus› · lemma, § X, col 1229

Et ex casibus, etc. Abest et in ms., probante Meursio, tamquam concisum loquendi genus. ORELL.

"And from chances," etc. "Et" is absent in the manuscript, with Meursius's approval, as a clipped manner of speaking. ORELLI.

(printed under page 617)

(9) ‹Si voluerint› · lemma, § X, col 1229–1230

Si voluerint. Ita Gelenius, sensu flagitante. Editio princeps,: si noluerint, vitiose. ORELL.

"If they will." So Gelenius, as the sense demands. The first edition: "if they will not", faultily. ORELLI.

(printed under page 617)

(10) ‹Ut etiam ipsos deos frustra dicant a vobis coli› · lemma, § X, col 1229–1230

Ut etiam ipsos deos frustra dicant a vobis coli. Hoc argumentum pluribus nodis nectit Lucianus in Jove Tragoedo. HERALD.

"So that they say even the gods themselves are worshipped by you in vain." Lucian ties this argument in many knots in Zeus Tragoedus. HERALD.

(printed under page 617)

(11) ‹Postremo si tristia atque importuna dii pellunt› · lemma, § XI, col 1230

XI. — Postremo si tristia atque importuna dii pellunt. Temere sollicitavit Meursius lectionem hanc verissimam, conjiciens atque infortunia. ORELL.

XI. — "Lastly, if the gods drive away sad and grievous things." Meursius rashly tampered with this most true reading, conjecturing "and misfortunes". ORELLI.

(printed under page 617)

(12) ‹Vitam in extrema sorte ducentes› · lemma, § XI, col 1230

Vitam in extrema sorte ducentes. Notissimam phrasin vitam ducere multis illustrat Bunemann. ad Lactant. lib. VII, c. 9, pag. 909, seqq. ORELL.

"Leading life in the lowest lot." Bünemann illustrates the very well-known phrase "vitam ducere" at length on Lactantius, book 7, ch. 9, p. 909 ff. ORELLI.

(printed under page 617)

(13) ‹Inquiunt› · lemma, § XI, col 1230

Inquiunt. Fulv. Ursinus: inquient. ORELL.

"They say." Fulvio Orsini: "inquient" (they will say). ORELLI.

(printed under page 617)

(14) ‹Obrui, mergi, confici› · lemma, § XI, col 1230

Obrui, mergi, confici. Sic ordinavit haec verba Stewechius, sequente Salmasio. Alii: mergi, obrui, confici. ORELL.

"To be overwhelmed, sunk, destroyed." Stewech arranged these words thus, and Salmasius followed. Others: "sunk, overwhelmed, destroyed". ORELLI.

(printed under page 617)

(15) ‹Patrimoniis ab ingentibus evolutos› · lemma, § XI, col 1230

Patrimoniis ab ingentibus evolutos. Evolutos id est dejectos, deturbatos. Sic Tacitus Annal. XIII, 15: Ille constanter exorsus est carmen, quo evolutum eum sede patria rebusque summis significabatur. Et Seneca Epistol. 75: Occurrent acti in exilium et bonis evoluti. ORELL.

"Thrown out of huge patrimonies." "Evoluti", that is, cast down, ousted. So Tacitus, Annals 13.15: "He steadily began a song in which he was signified as thrust out of his father's seat and the highest power." And Seneca, Letter 75: "There will meet you men driven into exile and thrown out of their goods." ORELLI.

(printed under page 617)

(16) ‹Stipes emendicare supremas› · lemma, § XI, col 1230

Stipes emendicare supremas. Quae est suprema et extrema miseria. Jul. Firmicus Astron. lib. V, cap. 8: Ad tantam venient aliquando rerum inopiam, ut ab aliis cogantur necessaria vitae subsidia miserabiliter postulare. ELMENH.

"To beg the last of alms." Which is the last and extreme misery. Julius Firmicus, Astronomy, book 5, ch. 8: "They will come at some time to such want of things that they are forced to beg pitiably from others the necessary supports of life." ELMENHORST.

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res nexae inexpugnabilem conserant praeteritorum cum imminentibus necessitatem. Si definitum et fixum est, quid obtingere singulis mali debeat bonive, jam certum est. Quod si certum est et fixum, vacant omnia deorum auxilia, vacant odia, vacant benignitates. Tam enim praestare non possunt, id quod non postest fieri, quam prohibere, ne fiat id quod necesse est evenire : nisi quod validius premere opinionem istam si voluerint, quibunt : ut etiam ipsos deos frustra dicant a vobis coli, et supervacaneis supplicationibus adorari. Cum enim ordinem vertere, et fatalia nequeant constituta mutare ; quid rei, quid causae est fatigare, et obtundere eorum aures velle, quorum auxiliis nequeas supremis in necessitatibus fidere?

weave an impregnable necessity of things past with things impending. If it is defined and fixed what evil or good ought to befall each one, it is already certain. And if it is certain and fixed, all aids of the gods are vain, vain are their hatreds, vain their kindnesses. For they are just as unable to furnish that which cannot happen, as to prevent that from happening which must needs come to pass: except that if they wish to press that opinion more strongly, they will be able even to say that the gods themselves are worshipped by you in vain, and adored with superfluous supplications. For since they cannot turn the order of things, nor change the appointments of fate, what business, what cause is there to wish to weary and deafen the ears of those in whose aids you cannot trust in extreme necessities?

XI. Postremo si tristia atque importuna dii pellunt : si ea, quae sunt laeta atque amica, largiuntur : unde sunt mundo tanti, tamque innumerabiles miseri ? unde tot infelices lacrymabilem vitam in extrema sorte ducentes? cur immunes a calamitatibus non sunt, qui momenta per singula, qui per puncta sacrificiis onerant atque accumulant aras? Nonne alios, inquiunt, videmus ex illis domicilia esse morborum ; extinctis luminibus, atque auribus obseratis, pedum carere processu, truncos sine manibus degere, incendiis, naufragiis, et ruinis mergi, obrui, confici : patrimoniis ab ingentibus evolutos mercenario sese labore fulcire : stipes emendicare supremas, exterminari, proscribi, semper esse in luctibus liberorum orbitatibus fractos : vexari per infortunia caetera, quorum species et formas nulla potest enumeratio definire? Quod utique non fieret, si propulsare, si flectere mala ista dii possent sacrorum meritis obligati.

XI. Lastly, if the gods drive away sad and untoward things, if they lavish those things which are joyful and friendly: whence are there in the world so many and so innumerable wretched men? Whence so many unhappy ones leading a tearful life in the lowest lot? Why are those not free from calamities who every single moment, every instant, load and heap the altars with sacrifices? Do we not see, say they, some of them to be the dwellings of diseases; with eyes quenched and ears barred up, lacking the advance of feet, living as trunks without hands, plunged, overwhelmed, and destroyed in fires, shipwrecks, and collapses of buildings; rolled forth from vast patrimonies, supporting themselves by hired labour; begging the last pence, banished, proscribed, always broken in mournings by the bereavements of children; harassed through all other misfortunes, whose kinds and forms no enumeration can define? Which certainly would not happen if the gods, bound by the merits of sacred rites, could ward off and turn aside those evils.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1230

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Nunc vero quia casibus nullus est in his locus, sed ineluctabili omnia necessitate confiunt, agit sese ordo praescriptus, et quod semel decretum est, perficit.

Now however, because there is no place for chances in these things, but all things are brought about by an inescapable necessity, the prescribed order carries itself on, and accomplishes what has once been decreed.

XII. Aut ingrati esse dicendi sunt coelites, si cum habeant jura prohibendi, patiuntur infelix genus tot poenis et calamitatibus implicari. Et fortasse aliquid dicant magnum, nec quod auribus debeat frustratoriis, levibus, et contemnentibus sumi. Quas tamen nos partes, quia res nimium longi est multique sermonis, inexplicatas transcurrimus atque intactas : solum illud posuisse contenti, inhonestas vos famas adjungere diis vestris, si eos aliter negatis praestare quae bona sunt, atque inimica transvertere, nisi prius empti capellarum fuerint atque ovium sanguine, et caeteris quae admoventur altaribus. Indignum enim primum est, ut illa vis numinum sublimitasqne coelestium beneficia credatur sua habere venalia, prius sumere, atque ita praestare. Tum, quod foedius multo est, nisi acceperint, prodesse nulli, perpetique miserrimos discriminum subire fortunas, cum prohibere possint ac subvenire. Si ex duobus facientibus res sacras honestus unus et locuples, alter angusto lare, sed innocentia fuerit et probitate laudabilis : centum ille caedat boves, totidemque cum agniculis suis matres, thus pauper exiguum, et odoris alicujus unam concremet glebulam : nonne erit consequens, ut debeat credi, si modo nihil numina, nisi praemiis antecedentibus praestant, ut favorem suum et auxilium commodent locupleti, avertant a pauperculo lumina, quem restrictum non animus, sed familiaris rei necessitas fecit? Ubi enim venalis et mercenarius dator est, ibi necesse est gratiam pro magnitudine muneris tribui, et eo inclinare suffragium, unde ad eum, qui praestat, mercedis plus multo, et indecorae

XII. Or else the heavenly ones must be said to be ungrateful, if, although they have the rights of preventing, they suffer an unhappy race to be entangled in so many punishments and calamities. And perhaps they may say something great, and not such as ought to be received with mocking, light, and disdainful ears. Which parts, however, because the matter is one of too long and much discourse, we pass over unexplained and untouched: content to have laid down this alone, that you attach dishonourable reports to your gods, if you deny that they otherwise furnish the things which are good and turn aside hostile things, unless they have first been bought with the blood of she-goats and sheep, and with the other things which are brought to the altars. For first it is an unworthy thing that that power of the divinities and sublimity of the heavenly ones should be believed to have its kindnesses for sale, first to take, and so to furnish. Next, what is much more foul, unless they have received, to profit no one, and to suffer the most wretched men to undergo the fortunes of perils when they could prevent and succour them. If of two men performing sacred rites the one be honourable and wealthy, the other of a narrow household, but praiseworthy in innocence and probity; should the former slay a hundred oxen and as many ewes with their little lambs, and the poor man burn a little frankincense and a single little clod of some perfume: will it not follow that it must be believed—if only the divinities furnish nothing except for preceding rewards—that they lend their favour and aid to the wealthy man, and turn away their eyes from the poor man, whom not his mind, but the necessity of his private means has made sparing? For where the giver is venal and mercenary, there favour must needs be bestowed in proportion to the greatness of the gift, and the vote incline thither whence to him who furnishes it much more of hire and of unseemly

Editors' notes and page, col. 1231

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 618)

(a) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1231

Perscriptus Sab.

"Perscriptus" (written out), Sabaeus.

(printed under page 618)

(1) ‹Sed ineluctabili omnia necessitate confiunt› · lemma, § XI, col 1231

Sed ineluctabili omnia necessitate confiunt. Ita Canterus. Sab.: conficiunt. Fulv. Ursinus: conficiant. Confieri verbum Arnobio frequentatissimum, ut observavimus supra. ORELL.

"But all things come about by inescapable necessity." So Canter. Sabaeus: "conficiunt" (they accomplish). Fulvio Orsini: "conficiant". "Confieri" is a verb Arnobius uses very often, as we observed above. ORELLI.

(printed under page 618)

(2) ‹Agit sese› · lemma, § XI, col 1231

Agit sese. Fulv. Ursinus leg.: aut agit, haec cum sequentibus: Aut ingrati esse, etc. conjungens. Non male. ORELL.

"It conducts itself." Fulvio Orsini reads "aut agit", joining this with what follows: "Or to be ungrateful," etc. Not badly. ORELLI.

(printed under page 618)

(3) ‹Si cum habeant jus prohibendi› · lemma, § XII, col 1231

XII. — Si cum habeant jus prohibendi. Id est, ἐξουσίαν, ut observabamus ad librum I. HERALD.

XII. — "If, when they have the right to prevent." That is, the power (exousia), as we observed on book 1. HERALD.

(printed under page 618)

(4) ‹Honestus unus et locuples› · lemma, § XII, col 1231

Honestus unus et locuples. Ita honestus a jurisconsultis dicitur locuples et opponitur egeno l. LII, § 15. D. de furtis. Opponitur vulgari personae l. V. D. de legit. tutor. HERALD. — Honestus hoc loco est bono loco et parentibus natus honestis. Ita enim honestatem et honestum observabam humilitatis et humilis ἀντίθετα fere conlocari solita, deficiente praesertim latini sermonis puritate. Justinianus Imperator: Poenam autem (inquit) eadem lex irrogat stupratoribus, si honesti sunt, publicationem partis dimidiae bonorum: si humiles, corporis coercitionem cum relegatione. Honestum pro viro honorato Cicero non una epistola usurpat, et Vegetius, lib. I, Rei Milit. cap. VII. STEWECH.

"One respectable and rich." So the jurists call a rich man "honestus", and oppose him to the needy, law 52, § 15, Digest, On Thefts; he is opposed to the common person, law 5, Digest, On Legal Guardians. HERALD. — "Honestus" here is one born in a good station and of respectable parents. For I used to observe that "honestas" and "honestus" are commonly set as opposites of "humilitas" and "humilis", especially when the purity of the Latin tongue was failing. The Emperor Justinian: "The same law," he says, "imposes on seducers, if they are of rank, the confiscation of half their goods; if humble, corporal punishment with banishment." Cicero uses "honestus" for a man of rank in more than one letter, and so does Vegetius, Military Matters, book 1, ch. 7. STEWECH.

(printed under page 618)

(5) ‹Haesitare, defigi› · lemma, § XII, col 1231–1232

Haesitare, defigi. Defigi expressissime de iis, qui immobiles stant, in neutram partem se inclinant. Hinc figere, defigere, Graece πῆξαι, pro devincire, ligare, immobilem praestare. Et stupore defigi dicuntur, qui prae admiratione in stuporem dati in vestigio haerent. Conf., qui de hoc verbo multus est, Salmas. in Solin., p. 765. ORELL.

"To hesitate, to be fixed." "Defigi" is said most expressly of those who stand motionless, leaning to neither side. Hence "figere", "defigere", Greek pexai, for to bind fast, tie, make immovable. And those are said to be "fixed with amazement" who, thrown into a stupor by wonder, stick where they stand. Compare Salmasius, who says much on this word, on Solinus, p. 765. ORELLI.

(printed under page 618)

(6) ‹Si modo dii veri sunt, atque in nominis hujus exceptione ponendi› · lemma, § XII, col 1232

Si modo dii veri sunt, atque in nominis hujus exceptione ponendi. Id est, si digni sunt hac exceptione verorum deorum. Qui igitur rescribi volunt acceptione (v. c. Fulv. Ursinus), falluntur. HERALD.

"If only they are true gods, and to be placed under the reservation of this name." That is, if they are worthy of this reservation, "true gods". Those, then, who would have it rewritten "acceptione" (for example Fulvio Orsini) are mistaken. HERALD.

(printed under page 618)

(7) ‹Et ambitionis et gratiae nullus locus in diis est› · lemma, § XII, col 1232

Et ambitionis et gratiae nullus locus in diis est. Ambitio hic pro gratia et favore, quod minime notarem, nisi id viderem homines, qui optimos scriptores emendare audent, turpissime ignorare. Cornel. Tacitus initio Agricolae: Ita celeberrimus quisque ingenio ad prodendam virtutis memoriam, sine gratia et ambitione, bonae tantum conscientiae pretio ducebatur, id est, οὐδενὶ χαριζόμενος, καὶ μηδεμίαν αὐτὸς χάριν μνώμενος. Sic ambitio dicitur nimia ἀρέσκεια, qua aurae populari velificamur, et apud omnes ordines gratiosi esse volumus. T. Livius lib. XLIII: Exercitum consulis infrequentem commeatibus vulgo datis per ambitionem esse. Ibidem: Non consulibus, sed ambitiosis consulibus dilectum difficilem esse. Alibi: Carminaque a militibus ea in Imperatorem dicta, ut appareret, in ducem indulgentem ambitiosumque ea dici. Et decreta ambitiosa, id est, gratiosa. L. III. D. de Minorib. HERALD.

"And there is no place in the gods for ambition and favour." "Ambitio" here stands for partiality and favour — which I would hardly note, did I not see that men who dare to emend the best writers are most shamefully ignorant of it. Cornelius Tacitus at the start of the Agricola: "So every man most famous for talent was led to hand down the memory of virtue without partiality or ambition, for the reward of a good conscience alone" — that is, doing no one a favour, and seeking no favour himself. So "ambitio" is called excessive obsequiousness, by which we set our sails to the popular breeze and wish to be in favour with all ranks. Livy, book 43: "that the consul's army was thinned by leaves given freely through ambitio." In the same place: "that the levy was difficult not for consuls, but for ambitious consuls." Elsewhere: "and the songs sung by the soldiers against the commander, so that it was plain they were said of an indulgent and ambitious general." And "decreta ambitiosa", that is, decrees of favour, law 3, Digest, On Minors. HERALD.

(printed under page 618)

(8) ‹Frustra diis immortalibus hostias rebus cum consequentibus admoveri› · lemma, § XIII, col 1232

XIII. — Frustra diis immortalibus hostias rebus cum consequentibus admoveri. Proprie. Supra: Nisi prius empti capellarum fuerint atque ovium sanguine, (continues)

XIII. — "That victims are brought to the immortal gods in vain, with their consequences." Properly said. Above: "unless they have first been bought with the blood of she-goats and sheep," (continues)

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corruptionis affluxerit. Quid si populi rursus duo hostilibus dissidentes armis, sacrificiis paribus superorum locupletaverint aras, alterque in alterum postulent vires sibi atque auxilium commodari : nonne iterum necesse est credi, si praemiis sollicitentur, ut prosint, eos partes inter utrasque haesitare, defigi, nec reperire quid faciant, cum suas intelligant gratias sacrorum acceptionibus obligatas ? Aut enim auxilia hinc et inde praestabunt, id quod fieri non potest : pugnabunt enim contra ipsos se ipsi, contra suas gratias, voluntatesque nitentur : aut ambobus populis opem subministrare cessabunt, id quod sceleris magni est, post impensam acceptamque mercedem. Itaque ergo ab diis longe infamia est ista tota pellenda : neque est omnino dicendum, praemiis eos ac mercedibus allici, bonas ut res conferant, dimoveantque contrarias, si modo dii veri sunt, atque in nominis hujus exceptione ponendi. Aut enim fato fiunt, quaecumque fiunt, et ambitionis et gratiae nullus locus in diis est : aut si excluditur et ejicitur fatum, non est superae dignitatis, boni operis favorem et collatas munificentias venditare.

bribery has flowed in. What if again two peoples at variance in hostile arms should enrich the altars of the gods above with equal sacrifices, and demand that strength and aid be lent to themselves the one against the other: must it not again be believed, if they are solicited by rewards to do good, that they hesitate between both sides, stand fast bound, and do not find what to do, when they understand that their favours are bound by the acceptances of the sacred rites? For either they will furnish aid on this side and on that, which cannot be done—for they themselves will fight against themselves, and will strive against their own favours and wills—or they will cease to supply help to both peoples, which is a matter of great wickedness, after the hire has been expended and received. Therefore all that infamy must be driven far away from the gods: nor must it be said at all that they are allured by rewards and hires to confer good things and remove opposite ones, if only they are true gods, and to be set in the reception of this name. For either whatever things happen happen by fate, and there is no place in the gods for partiality and favour; or if fate is shut out and cast forth, it is not of supreme dignity to sell the favour of a good work and conferred bounties.

XIII. Satis, ut opinor, ostendimus, frustra diis immortalibus hostias rebus cum consequentibus admoveri : quod neque alantur his, neque ullam percipiant voluptatem, neque iras aut animos ponant, neque ut res tribuant faustas, neque ut abigant averruncentque contrarias. Sequitur, ut illam quoque inspiciamus partem, quae ab nonnullis consueta est asseri, et causis cerimonialibus applicari. Aiunt enim sacra haec honorandis esse instituta coelestibus, et ea, quod faciant, honoris ergo facere, et his numinum potentias auctitare. Quid si similiter

XIII. Sufficiently, as I think, have we shown that victims with the accompanying things are brought to the immortal gods in vain: because neither are they nourished by them, nor do they perceive any pleasure, nor do they lay aside angers or passions, nor do they do so that they may bestow prosperous things, nor that they may drive away and avert opposite ones. It follows that we should examine that part also which is accustomed to be asserted by some, and applied to ceremonial causes. For they say that these sacred rites were instituted for honouring the heavenly ones, and that what they do they do for the sake of honour, and by these things increase the powers of the divinities. What if in like manner

Editors' notes and page, col. 1232

Footnotes

(b) ‹boni operis favorem› · call in col 1232

Favores ms.

"Favores" (favours), manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

(printed under page 618)

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dicant evigilare sese, atque dormire, deambulare, subsistere, conscribere aliquid et lectitare, ut honorem diis habeant, et dignitatibus eos faciant ampliores ? Quid enim cruore de pecorum? Quid sacrorum confectione de caetera superadditur his rei? quid apponitur atque adjicitur potestatis? Etenim honos omnis, qui haberi ab aliquo dicitur, et reverentiae potioris attribui, relativi est ad alterum generis, et constans partibus duabus, ex concessione tribuentis, et amplificatione sumentis. Ut si quispiam viso potentissimi nominis atque auctoritatis viro, via decedat, assurgat, caput revelet, vehiculoque desiliat : tum deinde salutet acclinis : ancillatum servuli pavibunda trepidatione imitatus : video, quid agatur in hujusmodi venerationis officio : summissione alterius datur alteri plurimum : efficiturque, ut videatur magnus, quem suspectio minoris extulerit, et suis anteposuerit rebus.

they should say that they wake and sleep, walk about, stand still, write something and read, in order that they may pay honour to the gods, and make them ampler in dignities? For what of substance is superadded to them from the blood of cattle, what from the rest of the performance of sacred rites? What of power is added and joined to them? For all honour which is said to be paid by anyone, and attributed out of higher reverence, is of a kind relative to another, and consisting of two parts, of the concession of him who bestows, and the amplification of him who receives. As if someone, having seen a man of most powerful name and authority, should step out of the way, rise up, uncover his head, and leap down from his carriage; and then bowing low should salute him, imitating the slavish service of a little slave with fearful trepidation: I see what is done in a service of veneration of this kind: by the submission of the one very much is given to the other, and it is brought about that he seems great whom the looking up of an inferior has exalted and preferred to his own affairs.

XIV. Sed concessio haec omnis, et honoris, de qua loquimur, attributio, solis habet in hominibus sedem : quos naturalis infirmitas, et amor in altioribus standi docet gaudere de fastibus, et aliorum comparationibus anteponi. At quaero, in superis ubi est honoris locus, vel quas eis eminentias accedere

XIV. But all this concession, and attribution of honour of which we speak, has its seat in men alone: whom natural weakness, and the love of standing in higher places, teaches to rejoice in proud honours, and to be preferred by comparisons with others. But I ask, among the gods above where is there a place for honour, or what eminences is it found that there accrue to them

Editors' notes and page, col. 1233

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 619)

(a) ‹At quaero› · call in col 1233

Ita Ms. et Sab. Alii: At vero.

So the manuscript and Sabaeus. Others: "At vero" (but truly).

(printed under page 619)

(b) ‹est honoris locus› · call in col 1233

Ita Sab. Alii: honori.

So Sabaeus. Others: "honori" (for honour).

(printed under page 619)

Addere Fulv.

"Addere" (to add), Fulvio Orsini.

(printed under page 619)

(d) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1233–1234

Concipiunt ms. Male.

"Concipiunt" (they conceive), manuscript. Wrongly.

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

(printed under page 619)

(1) ‹Frustra diis immortalibus hostias rebus cum consequentibus admoveri› · lemma, § XIII, col 1232

(continued) et caeteris, quae admoventur altaribus. Lucanus (I, 608.): Sacris tunc admovet aris / Erecta cervice marem. Θυσίαν βωμῷ προσάγειν Graeci dicunt. HERALD.

(printed under page 619)

(2) ‹Evigilare› · lemma, § XIII, col 1233

Evigilare. Oudendorpius ad Sueton. Vespas. cap. 21. p. 559, legendum suspicatur vigilare. Sed composita pro simplicibus nostrum aliquando usurpare supra vidimus. ORELL.

"To wake up." Oudendorp, on Suetonius, Vespasian, ch. 21, p. 559, suspects one should read "vigilare" (to be awake). But we have seen above that our author sometimes uses compounds for simple verbs. ORELLI.

(printed under page 619)

(3) ‹Ut si quisquam viso potentissimi nominis viro via decedat, assurgat, caput revelet, vehiculoque desiliat› · lemma, § XIII, col 1233

Ut si quisquam viso potentissimi nominis viro via decedat, assurgat, caput revelet, vehiculoque desiliat, etc. Sallustius apud Nonium: Quibus de causis Syllam in victoria dictatorem, sibi equo descendere, surgere de sella, caput aperire solitum. HERALD. Moris scil. erat venienti magistratui vel principi assurgere, caput aperire, equo aut curru descendere, sive soli, sive cum uxoribus sederent, ferrum ponere, et quam equo verberando virgam gestabant, eam e dextra in manum laevam transferre. Vid. Senec., epist. LXX, Apulei. Florid. III, et quos citat Stewechius ad h. l., et, qui hac de re multus est, Justus Lipsius Elect., lib. I, cap. 23. Op. Tom. I, pag. 725, ed. Vesal. Peculiaris de veterum salutationibus liber est Jac. Claudii editus Ultraject. 1702. forma min. ORELL.

"As if someone, on seeing a man of the mightiest name, should step out of the road, rise, uncover his head, and leap down from his carriage," etc. Sallust in Nonius: "For which reasons Sulla, dictator in his victory, was accustomed to dismount from his horse, rise from his seat and uncover his head for him." HERALD. It was the custom, that is, to rise for a magistrate or prince as he came, to uncover the head, to get down from horse or carriage, whether men sat alone or with their wives, to lay down a weapon, and to move from the right hand to the left the switch they carried for whipping the horse. See Seneca, Letter 70; Apuleius, Florida 3; those whom Stewech cites on this place; and Justus Lipsius, who says much on the matter, Electa, book 1, ch. 23, Works vol. 1, p. 725, Wesel edition. There is a special book on the salutations of the ancients by Jac. Claudius, published at Utrecht, 1702, small format. ORELLI.

(printed under page 619)

(4) ‹Assurgat› · lemma, § XIII, col 1233

Assurgat. Virgil., Georg. II, v. 97, seq.: Sunt et amineae vites, firmissima vina, / Tmolus et assurgit quibus, et rex ipse Phanaeus. Servius hic: Tractum est a sedentibus, qui in honorem Alicujus assurgere consueverunt. ORELL.

"Should rise." Virgil, Georgics 2.97 f.: "There are Aminean vines too, the sturdiest of wines, to which Tmolus rises, and the Phanaean king himself." Servius here: "It is drawn from people seated, who were accustomed to rise in someone's honour." ORELLI.

(printed under page 619)

(5) ‹Tum deinde salutet acclinis› · lemma, § XIII, col 1233

Tum deinde salutet acclinis. Sic e codice msto correxit Stewechius pro acclivis, quod antea edebatur. accclinis i. q. pronus, subnixus in genua. ORELL.

"Then greet him bowing." So Stewech corrected from the manuscript, for "acclivis" (sloping upward), which was printed before. "Acclinis" means the same as bent forward, sinking on the knees. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Ancillatum servuli pavibunda trepidatione imitatus› · lemma, § XIII, col 1233–1234

Ancillatum servuli pavibunda trepidatione imitatus. Secutus sum emendationem hanc verissimam Tib. Hemsterhusii ad Luciani Timon., cap. 5, tom. I, pag. 344, ed. Bipont., et Gesneri in Thesauro v. ancillatrum. Cod. ms. et editio princeps habent: Ancillarum servuli pavundas trepidationes imitatus, ex quo Gelenius, solita mutandi licentia, fecit: ancillae aut servuli pavibundas trepidationes imitatus. Salmasius in ed. Lugd. Bat. et ad Solin., p. 804, sic edidit: Ancillatrum servuli pavibundis trepidationibus imitatus, v. ancillatrum explicans ancillationem, ab ancillor, ari. Sed vellem hujus formae nobis exempla dedisset. Quamobrem praetuli ancillatum, quod ἐμφατικῶς dicit Arnobius indicans statum, conditionem ancillarum, quae erat humilior et abjectior, quam servorum conditio. ORELL.

"Imitating a slave's servility with fearful trembling." I have followed this most true emendation of Tib. Hemsterhuis on Lucian's Timon, ch. 5, vol. 1, p. 344, Bipontine edition, and of Gesner in his Thesaurus under "ancillatrum". The manuscript and the first edition have: "imitating the fearful tremblings of handmaids, of a slave", from which Gelenius, with his usual licence in changing, made: "imitating the fearful tremblings of a handmaid or slave". Salmasius, in the Leiden edition and on Solinus, p. 804, printed thus: "imitating with fearful tremblings the ancillatrum of a slave", explaining the word "ancillatrum" as servile service, from "ancillor, -ari". But I wish he had given us examples of this form. So I have preferred "ancillatum", which Arnobius says emphatically, indicating the state, the condition of handmaids, which was lower and more abject than the condition of slaves. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Pavibunda trepidatione› · lemma, § XIII, col 1233

Pavibunda trepidatione. Eleganter. Sic τὸ ἀθαρσὲς καὶ καταπεπληγμένον dicit Plutarchus in Nicia: ὑποδηλοῖ δὲ καὶ Φρύνιχος τὸ ἀθαρσὲς αὐτοῦ καὶ καταπεπληγμένον ἐν τούτοις· Ἦν γὰρ πολίτης ἀγαθὸς ὡς, εὖ οἶδ' ἐγώ, / Κοὐχ ὑποταγεὶς ἐβάδιζεν ὥσπερ Νικίας. HERALD.

"With fearful trembling." Elegantly said. So Plutarch speaks in the Nicias of "timidity and dismay": "Phrynichus too hints at his timidity and dismay in these lines: 'For he was a good citizen, as I well know, and did not walk cowering like Nicias.'" HERALD.

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(8) ‹Quem suspectio› · lemma, § XIII, col 1233

Quem suspectio. Ita Salmasius ex emendatione Meursii, rectissime. Nam suspicere in veneratione proprium. Alii: quem susceptio. ORELL.

"Whom the looking-up." So Salmasius, from Meursius's emendation, most rightly; for "suspicere" (to look up to) is the proper word of veneration. Others: "quem susceptio" (whom the taking-up). ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Gaudere de fastibus› · lemma, § XIV, col 1233

XIV. — Gaudere de fastibus. De abundat, ut saepissime ap. nostrum. ORELL.

XIV. — "To rejoice in haughtiness." "De" is redundant, as very often in our author. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Vel quas eis eminentias accedere› · lemma, § XIV, col 1233

Vel quas eis eminentias accedere. Ita Fulv. Ursinus. Alii: addere, male. ORELL.

"Or what eminences accrue to them." So Fulvio Orsini. Others: "addere" (to add), wrongly. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Sacrorum ex confectionibus› · lemma, § XIV, col 1233–1234

Sacrorum ex confectionibus. Haec est emendatio Meursii verissima et proxime accedens ad scripturam codicis: conjectionibus. Alii: collationibus. Scriverius ap. Meurs. in Append. mavult collectionibus. ORELL.

"From the performances of the rites." This is Meursius's most true emendation, coming very close to the manuscript's writing, "conjectionibus". Others: "collationibus" (contributions). Scriverius, in Meursius's Appendix, prefers "collectionibus". ORELLI.

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(12) ‹Muneris alicujus oblatione mactari› · lemma, § XIV, col 1233–1234

Muneris alicujus oblatione mactari. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 41. ORELL.

"To be honoured with the offering of some gift." See above, on book 1, ch. 41. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Homo vero sublimior› · lemma, § XIV, col 1233–1234

Homo vero sublimior, etc. Haec e ms. reg. addidit Meursius. ORELL.

"But a man more exalted," etc. Meursius added these words from the royal manuscript. ORELLI.

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(14) ‹Cum etiam colere homines potentioribus acceperimus imperiis› · lemma, § XV, col 1234

XV. — Cum etiam colere homines potentioribus acceperimus imperiis. Fulv. Ursinus mavult: Cum etiam colere homines potentioris acceperimus imperii. Male. Sensus est: cum nos (Christiani) potentioribus imperiis (hoc est imperio, jussu potentioris, dei scil. vel Christi) acceperimus, homines quoscumque colendos esse. ORELL.

XV. — "Since we have received, by mightier commands, to honour even men." Fulvio Orsini prefers: "since we have received to honour even men of mightier rule." Wrongly. The sense is: since we (Christians) have received by mightier commands (that is, by the command, the order, of one mightier — of God, namely, or of Christ) that all men whatever are to be honoured. ORELLI.

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sacrorum ex confectionibus invenitur ? Augustiores, potentiores mactatis pecudibus fiunt : additur illis ex hoc quidquam, aut esse dii magis divinitate incipiunt ampliata ? Atqui ego contumeliae proximum, quinimmo esse plenam contumeliam judico, cum honorari ab homine deus dicitur, et muneris alicujus oblatione mactari. Etenim si honos auget, ejusque accumulat dignitatem, cui fuerit attributus, sequitur, ut auctior deus fiat ab homine, a quo fuerit munere et honoris collatione donatus : atque ita perducitur res eo, ut inferior deus sit, qui honoribus mactatur humanis ; homo vero sublimior, qui auget potentiam numinis.

from the performances of sacred rites? Do they become more august, more powerful when cattle have been slaughtered; is anything added to them from this, or do they begin to be more gods with their divinity enlarged? Nay, I judge it to be next to an insult, nay rather to be a full insult, when a god is said to be honoured by a man, and to be magnified by the offering of some gift. For if honour increases and heaps up the dignity of him to whom it has been attributed, it follows that the god becomes greater through the man by whom he has been presented with a gift and the bestowal of honour: and thus the matter is brought to such a pass that the god is inferior, who is magnified by human honours, while the man is higher, who increases the power of the divinity.

XV. Quid ergo, inquiet aliquis, honorem diis dandum nullum esse omnino censetis ? Si deos nobis proponitis tales, quales, si sunt, debent esse, quosque dicere nos omnes in istius nominis praedicatione sentimus, quemadmodum possumus honorem his non habere vel maximum ; cum etiam colere homines potentioribus acceperimus imperiis, cujuscunque ordinis fuerint, cujuscumque fortunae? Quisnam iste est maximus ? Officiosior multo, quam habetur a vobis, et potentiore in genere constitutus. Dicite, inquitis, quae sit opinio de diis digna, recta, et honesta, nec

XV. What then, someone will say, do you judge that no honour at all is to be given to the gods? If you set before us gods such as, if they exist, they ought to be, and such as we all feel that we mean in the proclamation of that name, how can we not pay them even the greatest honour, since by more powerful commands we have received orders to honour even men, of whatever rank they may be, of whatever fortune? What is that greatest honour? One much more dutiful than is paid by you, and established in a more powerful kind. Tell us, you say, what opinion concerning the gods is worthy, right, and honourable, nor

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turpitudinis alicujus deformitate culpabilis. Primum ut neque illos credas quidquam hominis habere consimile, nec quidquam expectare, quod sit ab se foris, atque extrinsecus veniens: tum quod saepius dictum est, non ardescere irarum flammis, non gestire corporea voluptate, non exambiri ut prosint, non praemiis ne noceant proritari, benignitatem et gratiam non habere venalem, non gaudere honore collato, non indignari et affici non dato; sed, quod rei divinae est proprium, sua se vi nosse, nec se alienis adulationibus aestimare. Et tamen, ut videamus istud, quod dicitur, quale sit, quod est istud honoris genus, vervecem, arietem, taurum dei sub ore connectere conspectuque in ejus occidere? Quod est honoris genus, deum invitare ad sanguinem, quem cum canibus videas eum sumere, atque habere communem?

blameworthy by the deformity of any baseness: first, that you should neither believe that they have anything like unto man, nor look for anything that is outside of themselves and coming from without; then, what has quite often been said, that they do not blaze with the flames of wrath, do not exult with bodily pleasure, are not courted by entreaties that they may do good, are not bribed by rewards lest they do harm, do not hold their kindness and favour for sale, do not rejoice in honour bestowed, are not indignant and moved when it is not given; but, what is proper to a divine thing, know themselves by their own power, and do not value themselves by the flatteries of others. And yet, that we may see of what sort that is which is said, what kind of honour is that, to bind a wether, a ram, a bull beneath the face of a god and slay it in his sight? What kind of honour is it to invite a god to blood which you see him take and hold in common with dogs?

Editors' notes and page, col. 1235

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

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(a) ‹tum› · call in col 1235

Tunc Sab.

"Tunc" (then), Sabaeus.

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(1) ‹Dicite, inquitis, quae sit opinio de diis digna› · lemma, § XV, col 1234–1235

Dicite, inquitis, quae sit opinio de diis digna, recta et honesta, nec turpitudinis alicujus deformitate culpabilis. Primum, ut neque illos credas. Ita locum hunc lacunosum et vitiatum ad vestigia codicis msti optime restituit editor Lugd. Bat. Editio princeps et Gelenii habent: dicite, inquitis. Ne sit opinio de his deformitate culpabilis, ut neque etc., codex ms.: Dicite, inquitis. Ne sit opinio de his primum digna, recta et honesta, nec turpitudinis alicujus deformitate culpabilis, ut neque etc. Quam lectionem defendit Meursius in Appendice, ne sit accipiens pro sitne, ut saepius apud hos scriptores. Stewechius ita legit et disposuit haec verba: Quae sit opinio de his primum digna, recta et honesta, nec turpitudinis alicujus deformitate culpabilis, ut neque illos, etc. ORELL.

"Tell us, you say, what opinion of the gods is worthy, right and honourable, and not blameworthy for the ugliness of any baseness. First, that you should not believe that they either..." The Leiden editor restored this gapped and corrupt passage excellently, following the traces of the manuscript. The first edition and Gelenius's have: "Tell us, you say. Let not the opinion of them be blameworthy for ugliness, so that neither," etc.; the manuscript: "Tell us, you say. Let not the opinion of them first be worthy, right and honourable, nor blameworthy for the ugliness of any baseness, so that neither," etc. Meursius defends this reading in his Appendix, taking "ne sit" for "sitne" (is it?), as quite often in these writers. Stewech reads and arranges the words thus: "What opinion of them is first worthy, right and honourable, and not blameworthy for the ugliness of any baseness, so that neither them," etc. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Quod sit ab se foris, atque extrinsecus veniens› · lemma, § XV, col 1235

Quod sit ab se foris, atque extrinsecus veniens. Bene interpungitur commate post foris, quod minime conjungendum cum sequenti veniens. Quod est foris a nobis sunt res extraneae, dona fortunae, τὰ οὐκ ἐφ' ἡμῖν ex Stoicorum sententia. ORELL.

"What is outside itself, and coming from without." A comma is rightly placed after "foris", which must by no means be joined with the following "veniens". What is outside us are things foreign to us, the gifts of fortune — "the things not in our power", in the Stoics' teaching. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Non praemiis ne noceant proritari› · lemma, § XV, col 1235

Non praemiis ne noceant proritari. Recepi in textum correctionem hanc Th. Canteri maxime probabilem. Alii: non praemiis ut noceant proritari, quod significaret: non praemiis proritari, ut noceant, scil. hostibus, inimicis nostris. ORELL.

"Not to be provoked by rewards not to do harm." I have taken into the text this most probable correction of Th. Canter. Others: "not to be provoked by rewards to do harm", which would mean: not to be provoked by rewards to harm, that is, our foes and enemies. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Et affici non dato› · lemma, § XV, col 1235

Et affici non dato. Fulvius Ursinus legendum putat: et affligi, male. Affici est in gen. mutari, moveri. ORELL.

"And to be affected when it is not given." Fulvio Orsini thinks one should read "et affligi" (and to be struck down), wrongly. "Affici" means in general to be altered, to be moved. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Rei divinae› · lemma, § XV, col 1235

Rei divinae. Fulv. Ursinus legendum suspicatur: naturae divinae, cum res divina alias dicatur pro sacrificio. Sed videtur ita Arnobius interpretatus fuisse τὸ θεῖον Graecorum. ORELL.

"Of the divine thing." Fulvio Orsini suspects one should read "of the divine nature", since "res divina" is elsewhere said for a sacrifice. But Arnobius seems to have rendered thus the Greeks' "to theion" (the divine). ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Dei sub ore connectere› · lemma, § XV, col 1235

Dei sub ore connectere. Meursius mavult convertere, hoc est, ore ad coelum convertere, resupinare, quod Homerus αὖ ἐρύειν dicit Il. A, 459. Equidem nihil definio, cum, an victimae fuerint ante aras ligatae quandoque, adhuc sub judice lis sit inter viros doctos. Vide Saubert. de Sacrif., cap. XIX, p. 404, seqq. ed. Cron. Possit fortassis et explicari: vittis, infulis, sertis redimiri, quibus ornari solebant hostiae. Vide eumdem Saubert. cap. XVIII, pag. 385. Sed desidero exempla verbi connectere hac significatione absolute positi. ORELL.

"To bind before the face of a god." Meursius prefers "convertere", that is, to turn the face to the sky, to bend back — what Homer calls "drawing back", Iliad 1.459. For my part I decide nothing, since whether victims were ever bound before the altars is still a case under judgement among learned men. See Saubert, On Sacrifices, ch. 19, p. 404 ff., Crenius's edition. It could perhaps also be explained as: to be wreathed with the fillets, headbands and garlands with which victims used to be adorned. See the same Saubert, ch. 18, p. 385. But I want examples of the verb "connectere" used absolutely in this sense. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Lignorum struicibus incensis› · lemma, § XV, col 1235

Lignorum struicibus incensis. Ita Meursius et ed. Lugd. Bat. ms.: structibus. Alii: struitibus. Sed rescribendum struicibus a struix, icis. Ita instruix ab instruere legitur ap. Solin. cap. XXVIII. Ubi vid. Salmas., p. 208. ORELL.

"With the piles of wood kindled." So Meursius and the Leiden edition. Manuscript: "structibus". Others: "struitibus". But one must write "struicibus", from "struix, -icis" (a heap). So "instruix", from "instruere", is read in Solinus, ch. 28; see Salmasius there, p. 208. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Ustrinae› · lemma, § XV, col 1235–1236

Ustrinae. Glossae: ustrina, καύστρα νεκρῶν. Servius ad Aen. III, 22: Apparatus mortuorum funus dici solet, extructio lignorum rogus, subjectio ignis pyra, crematio cadaveris bustum, locus ustrina. ELMENH. — Ustrinae — Ubi combustus quis tantummodo, alibi vero est sepultus, is locus ab urendo ustrina vocatur. Fest. v. Bustum. Quae significatio hic apud Arnobium obtinet. NOURR. pag. 570.

"Of the burning-place." The Glossaries: "ustrina", burning-place of the dead. Servius on Aeneid 3.22: "The furnishing of the dead is usually called 'funus', the building of the wood 'rogus', the setting of the fire 'pyra', the burning of the corpse 'bustum', the place 'ustrina'." ELMENHORST. — "Ustrinae": "Where someone is only burned, but buried elsewhere, that place is called 'ustrina', from burning." Festus, under "Bustum". This is the meaning that holds here in Arnobius. NOURRY, p. 570.

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(9) ‹Busticeta› · lemma, § XV, col 1236

Busticeta. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 41. ORELL.

"Burial grounds." See above, on book 1, ch. 41. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Atque in sedem fabricata foetorum› · lemma, § XV, col 1236

Atque in sedem fabricata foetorum. Meursius, pag. 207, legendum suspicatur: atque in sedem fabricata pecorum. Sed ipse mox retractat conjecturam hanc minime necessariam. ORELL.

"And built into a seat of stenches." Meursius, p. 207, suspects one should read: "and built into a seat of cattle." But he himself soon withdraws this wholly unnecessary conjecture. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Ex agnorum lanitiis› · lemma, § XVI, col 1236

XVI. — Ex agnorum lanitiis. Lanitium designat cum ipsam lanam, ut h. l., tum lanatum pecus, ut lib. I, cap. 11: Numquid in culpa natura est, quod lanitiis extulit importunissimam belluam? Et cap. 21: Lanitia curent vestra numerosis foetibus multiplicari. Vid. Turneb., Adversar., lib. XV, cap. 21, et Taubmann., ad Virgil., Georg. III, 384. ORELL.

XVI. — "From the fleeces of lambs." "Lanitium" means both the wool itself, as in this place, and the woolly flock, as in book 1, ch. 11: "Is nature to blame because it brought forth to the fleecy flocks a most savage beast?" And ch. 21: "Let them see that your flocks are multiplied with numerous young." See Turnebus, Adversaria, book 15, ch. 21, and Taubmann on Virgil, Georgics 3.384. ORELLI.

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(12) ‹Mactanturque hoc illi› · lemma, § XVI, col 1236

Mactanturque hoc illi. Vide ad lib. I, cap. 41. ORELL.

"And they are honoured with this." See on book 1, ch. 41. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Ab omni vos labe puros, lautos, castissimosque praestatis› · lemma, § XVI, col 1236

Ab omni vos labe puros, lautos, castissimosque praestatis. Etiam labe corporis. Purus et castus conjunguntur, proque re una et eadem saepe usurpantur: et quod castum dicitur appellatur alibi purum; καὶ ἐξ ἀντιστρέφοντος. Et puri, casti ac lauti. Quare et λελουμένοι sacrorum causa dicuntur etiam Graecis ἁγνοί. Ut igitur castos, puros Latini copulant sic Graeci ἁγνούς, καθαρούς. Iique idem sunt loti, λελουμένοι, etc. HERALD. — Tangit Arnobius in verbis illis morem veterum, qui templa accessuri et vota facturi se lavabant. Insignis super eo locus apud Justinum martyrem, Apolog. II: Τὸ λουτρὸν δὴ τοῦτο ἀκούσαντες οἱ δαίμονες διὰ τοῦ προφήτου κεκηρυγμένον, ἐνήργησαν καὶ ῥαντίζειν ἑαυτοὺς τοὺς εἰς τὰ ἱερὰ αὐτῶν ἐπιβαίνοντας, καὶ προσιέναι αὐτοῖς μέλλοντας, λοιβὰς καὶ κνίσας ἀποτελοῦντας. Τέλεον δὲ καὶ λούεσθαι ἀπιόντας, πρὶν ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ ἱερὰ, ἔνθεν ἵδρυνται, ἐνεργοῦσι. Apud Lactantium quoque lib. V, cap. 20: At illi infelices, nec ex sceleribus suis intelligunt, quam malum sit, quod colunt, quandoquidem flagitiis omnibus inquinati veniunt ad precandum: et se pie sacrificasse opinantur, si autem laverint, tamquam libidines infra pectus inclusas ulli amnes abluant, aut ulla maria purificent. Et passim. MEURS., pag. 207, seq. Conf. Brisson. de Form. lib. I, p. 6 et 7. ELMENH.

"You present yourselves pure, washed and most chaste from every stain." Even from stain of the body. "Pure" and "chaste" are joined and often used for one and the same thing: what is called chaste is elsewhere called pure, and conversely. And "pure, chaste and washed". So those who have washed for the sake of the rites are also called by the Greeks hagnoi (holy). As the Latins couple "chaste, pure", so the Greeks "hagnous, katharous"; and these same are "washed", leloumenoi, etc. HERALD. — In these words Arnobius touches on the custom of the ancients, who washed themselves when about to approach the temples and make vows. There is a notable passage on it in Justin Martyr, Apology 2: "When the demons heard of this washing proclaimed by the prophet, they contrived that those who go up into their temples and are about to approach them with libations and burnt-offerings should sprinkle themselves; and they bring it about that they wash themselves entirely as they go, before they come to the temples where they are set up." In Lactantius also, book 5, ch. 20: "But those unhappy men do not understand even from their own crimes how evil is what they worship, since they come to pray defiled with every vice; and they think they have sacrificed piously if they have washed — as though any rivers could wash away, or any seas purify, the lusts shut up within the breast." And elsewhere. MEURSIUS, p. 207 f. Compare Brisson, On Formulas, book 1, pp. 6 and 7. ELMENHORST.

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(14) ‹Coinquinatius, infelicius, spurcius› · lemma, § XVI, col 1236

Coinquinatius, infelicius, spurcius. Meursius conj.: coinquinatius, foetidius, spurcius. Sed recte Heraldus infelicius explicat pejoris ominis. ORELL.

"More defiled, more ill-starred, fouler." Meursius conjectures: "more defiled, more stinking, fouler." But Herald rightly explains "infelicius" as "of worse omen". ORELLI.

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(15) ‹Quam si ita facti sunt sui natura› · lemma, § XVI, col 1236

Quam si ita facti sunt sui natura. Sic ediderunt ex emendatione Fulv. Ursini. Editio princeps habet: quam si ita facti sunt sensus natura. Quam lectionem, (continues)

"Than if they are so made by their own nature." So they printed it, from Fulvio Orsini's emendation. The first edition has: "than if they are so made, the senses by nature." This reading, (continues)

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Quod est honoris genus, lignorum struicibus incensis coelum fumo subtexere, et effigies numinum nigrore offuscare ferali? Quod si ea, quae fiunt, propria vi pendere, non ante sumptis placet aestimationibus aestimare, arae istae, quas dicitis, altariaque haec pulchra infelicissimi animalium generis ustrinae, rogi sunt, et busticeta in opus structa foedissimum, atque in sedem fabricata foetorum.

What kind of honour is it, when heaps of wood have been kindled, to overspread the sky with smoke, and to darken the images of the deities with funereal blackness? But if one is pleased to weigh the things that are done by their own force, and not to value them by preconceived estimates, those altars of which you speak and these fair shrines are the burning-places of the most wretched race of animals, funeral pyres, and burial-mounds built for a most foul work, and fashioned into an abode of stenches.

XVI. Quid dicitis, o isti! ergone ille putor, qui ex coriis tollitur atque expirat ardentibus, qui ex ossibus, qui ex setis, ex agnorum lanitiis, gallinarumque de plumis, dei munus et honor est? mactaturque hoc illis, quorum templa cum adire disponitis, ab omni vos labe puros, lautos, castissimosque praestatis? Et quid esse his potest coinquinatius, infelicius, spurcius, quam si ita facti sunt sensus sui natura, ut in

XVI. What say you, O you men! Is then that stench which rises and breathes forth from burning hides, from bones, from bristles, from the fleeces of lambs, and from the feathers of hens, a gift and honour to a god? And is this sacrificed to those whose temples, when you arrange to approach them, you present yourselves pure from every stain, washed, and most chaste? And what can be more defiled, more ill-omened, more filthy than these gods, if they are so made by the nature of their own sense that

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(b) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1236

Aestimari ms.

"Aestimari" (to be valued), manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

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amoribus habeant tam saeva, sintque illis in voluptate putores: quos neque ipsi sacrificantes ferre, nec ingenuae sustinere tractos valeant per spiritum nares? Quod si animantium cruore honorari, et affici superiorum animos existimatis, cur non eis et mulos, et elephantos mactatis, et asinos? cur non et canes, ursos, et vulpes, et camelos, et belbas, et leones? et quoniam volucres bestiarum quoque in numeris ponitis, cur non vulturios, aquilas, ciconias, immussulos, buteones, corvos, accipitres, noctuas, cumque illis salamandras, natrices, viperas, solifugas? Nempe subest et his sanguis, et consimili ratione vitali agitantur spiritu? Quid in illis majoris est operis, aut solertiae in his minus, ut ista non augeant, superorum illa amplificent dignitatem? Quia rebus ex his,

they hold such savage things in their affections, and stenches are a pleasure to them—stenches which neither the sacrificers themselves can bear, nor gentle nostrils endure when drawn in by the breath? But if you think that the minds of the higher gods are honoured and moved by the blood of living creatures, why do you not sacrifice to them mules also, and elephants, and asses? Why not dogs also, bears, and foxes, and camels, and hyenas, and lions? And since you place birds also in the numbers of beasts, why not vultures, eagles, storks, ossifrages, buzzards, ravens, hawks, night-owls, and with them salamanders, water-snakes, vipers, solpugas? Assuredly blood is present in these also, and in like manner they are stirred by vital breath? What is there of greater workmanship in those, or of less skill in these, that the latter should not increase, while the former enlarge, the dignity of the gods above? Because it is from these things,

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Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

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(1) ‹Quam si ita facti sunt sui natura› · lemma, § XVI, col 1236

(continued) si e codice msto fluxit, temere eliminare nolim, sensus, scil. deorum. ORELL.

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(2) ‹Cur non eis et mulos et elephantos mactatis et asinos?› · lemma, § XVI, col 1237

Cur non eis et mulos et elephantos mactatis et asinos? Atqui immolabant mulos Romani in consualibus Conso deo sacris. Vide Plutarch. Problemat. XLVIII, ibique Boxhorn. Asinis litabatur Priapo, teste Ovid. Fast., lib. I, vers. 391. Elephanti etiam quandoque immolabantur. Vide Juvenal., sat. XII, vers. 111, et Jo. Saubert., de Sacrificiis, cap. 23, pag. 513, seqq. ORELL.

"Why do you not sacrifice to them mules and elephants and asses too?" But the Romans did sacrifice mules at the Consualia, the rites sacred to the god Consus. See Plutarch, Roman Questions 48, and Boxhorn there. Asses were offered to Priapus, as Ovid witnesses, Fasti, book 1, line 391. Elephants too were sometimes sacrificed. See Juvenal, Satire 12, line 111, and Jo. Saubert, On Sacrifices, ch. 23, p. 513 ff. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Cur non et canes et ursos, et vulpes et camelos?› · lemma, § XVI, col 1237

Cur non et canes et ursos, et vulpes et camelos? « Certe canem immolatum fuisse Hecatae in Samothracia, in sacris expiatoriis ap. Graecos, Romae in Lupercis, mense Februario, qui a februando, id est purgando, est dictus, Genitae Manae, generationis praesidi deae, et denique in lustrationibus, ex Lycophrone, Plutarcho, Plinio, Livio et aliis docuerunt Bochartus, lib. II, Hierozoic., cap. 56, et Reinesius, Var. Lect., lib. I, cap. 15. Quibus addi potest Suidas in vv. Ζηρυνθία, Ἀλλ' εἴ τις, Σαμοθρᾴκη et Ἱππαρικόν, necnon Ovidius, lib. I, Fast., vers. 389: Exta canum vidi Triviae libare Sapaeos, / Et quicumque tuas accolit, Haeme, nives. « Verum cum sacra illa non tam superos, quam inferos respiciant, Arnobius possit videri vera docuisse, maxime quia Plutarchus in Quaest. rom. scribit, veteres putasse hoc animal nullo modo purificasse, ac proinde Ὀλυμπίων οὐδενὶ θεῶν fuisse immolatum. Certe duodecim diis majoribus rarissime vel nusquam inveniemus apud Graecos et Romanos canem fuisse immolatum. » Haec et plura alia Gisb. Cuperus, qui de hac re multus est in Harpocrate, p. 67, seqq. Camelos pingues et saginatos Arabes in ara Dei ignoti sacrificasse, docet Gyraldus, Synt. XVII, p. 493. ORELL.

"Why not dogs too, and bears, and foxes and camels?" "That a dog was certainly sacrificed to Hecate in Samothrace, in rites of expiation among the Greeks, at Rome at the Lupercalia in the month of February (named from 'februare', that is, to purify), to Genita Mana, the goddess presiding over birth, and finally in lustrations, Bochart, Hierozoicon, book 2, ch. 56, and Reinesius, Variae Lectiones, book 1, ch. 15, have shown from Lycophron, Plutarch, Pliny, Livy and others. To these may be added Suidas under the words Zerynthia, All' ei tis, Samothrace and Hipparikon, and also Ovid, Fasti, book 1, line 389: 'I have seen the Sapaei offer the entrails of dogs to Trivia, and whoever dwells by your snows, Haemus.' But since those rites concern not so much the gods above as those below, Arnobius may be thought to have taught the truth, especially as Plutarch writes in the Roman Questions that the ancients thought this animal in no way purified, and that it was therefore sacrificed to none of the Olympian gods. Certainly we shall find very rarely or nowhere among the Greeks and Romans that a dog was sacrificed to the twelve greater gods." So, with much more, Gisbert Cuper, who says much on this matter, in his Harpocrates, p. 67 ff. That the Arabs sacrificed fat and fattened camels on the altar of the Unknown God, Gyraldus shows, Syntagma 17, p. 493. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Et belbas› · lemma, § XVI, col 1237–1238

Et belbas. Sic edidi cum editore Lugd. Bat. Alii: et belluas, quod absolute positum proprie et κατ' ἐξοχὴν dicitur de elephantis. Vid. Graev. ad Flor., lib. II, cap. 6, p. 348, ed. Dukeri. Tamen hoc loco alienum est, cum elephantorum modo facta sit mentio. Scribendum itaque belbas vel belvas cum l simplici. Glossae: ὕαινα, ζῶον, bellua. Scribe belva vel belba. Dicunt autem utrumque, belbus et belba, ut merulus et merula, luscinius et luscinia, simius et simia, ferus et fera. Julius Capitolinus in Gordian., c. 33: Fuerunt sub Gordiano Romae elephanti triginta et duo, quorum ipse duodecim miserat, Alexander decem, alces decem, tigros decem, leones mansueti sexaginta, leopardi mansueti triginta, belbi (id est hyaenae,) decem, etc., ubi vide Salmas., qui de hac v. multus est in Script. Hist. Aug., tom. II, p. 133, benuas vocat Clemens Romanus Recognit., lib. VIII, p. 124: Sed ne, ut putant homines, viderentur haec naturae quodam ordine et non dispensatione fieri conditoris, pauca quaedam ad indicium et documentum providentiae suae, mutato ordine, genus servare jussit in terris, verbi gratia, ut per os conciperet corvus, et per aurem mustela generaret; ut aves nonnullae, sicut gallinae, interdum ova vel vento, vel pulvere concepta parerent: alia quaedam animalia marem vicibus alternis in foeminam verterent, et sexum per annos singulos commutarent, ut lepores et hianae, quas benuas vocant. Quem locum citavit Elmenhorstius. A belbus vel belba, belva, videntur fluxisse recentiorum linguarum vocabula lupum significantia, v. c. Anglosax. hwelp, hwylp, Franc. welf, Angl. whelp, Suec. hwalp, German. Wolf. Vide Wachter. Glossar. Germ. v. Wolf. De varia vocis scriptura, belba, benua, conf. Schneider. V. Cl. ad Aristotel. Hist. Animal., lib. VIII, c. 7, t. 2, p. 605. ORELL.

"And hyenas." So I have printed with the Leiden editor. Others: "and beasts" ("belluas"), which, set absolutely, is said properly and pre-eminently of elephants. See Graevius on Florus, book 2, ch. 6, p. 348, Duker's edition. Yet that is out of place here, since elephants have just been mentioned. So one should write "belbas" or "belvas" with a single l. The Glossaries: hyaina, an animal, "bellua". Write "belva" or "belba". They say both "belbus" and "belba", as "merulus" and "merula", "luscinius" and "luscinia", "simius" and "simia", "ferus" and "fera". Julius Capitolinus, Gordian, ch. 33: "There were at Rome under Gordian thirty-two elephants, of which he himself had sent twelve and Alexander ten; ten elks, ten tigers, sixty tame lions, thirty tame leopards, ten 'belbi' (that is, hyenas)," etc.; see Salmasius there, who says much on this word, in the Writers of the Augustan History, vol. 2, p. 133. Clement of Rome calls them "benuae", Recognitions, book 8, p. 124: "But lest, as men think, these things should seem to happen by a certain order of nature and not by the dispensation of the Creator, he ordered a few kinds on earth, with the order changed, to be kept as a sign and proof of his providence: for example, that the raven should conceive through the mouth and the weasel bring forth through the ear; that some birds, such as hens, should sometimes lay eggs conceived either by wind or by dust; that certain other animals should turn male into female by turns and change sex every year, as hares and hyenas, which they call 'benuae'." Elmenhorst cited this passage. From "belbus" or "belba", "belva", seem to have flowed words in the more recent languages meaning wolf, for example Anglo-Saxon hwelp, hwylp, Frankish welf, English whelp, Swedish hwalp, German Wolf. See Wachter, German Glossary, under "Wolf". On the varied spelling of the word, "belba", "benua", compare the most distinguished Schneider on Aristotle, History of Animals, book 8, ch. 7, vol. 2, p. 605. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Et leones› · lemma, § XVI, col 1238

Et leones. Tales enim a Maximino sacrificatos, testatur Jul. Capitolinus in ejus vita. Vide Saubert., de Sacrif., XXIII, p. 515. De ursis autem et vulpibus sacrificatis nihil compertum habemus. ORELL.

"And lions." For Julius Capitolinus testifies in his Life that such were sacrificed by Maximinus. See Saubert, On Sacrifices, 23, p. 515. Of bears and foxes being sacrificed, however, we have found nothing. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Immussulos, buteones› · lemma, § XVI, col 1238

Immussulos, buteones. Vide supra ad lib. II, cap. 59. Buteo Dianae sacer, sed an etiam immolatus quandoque, non constat. ORELL.

"Ospreys, buzzards." See above, on book 2, ch. 59. The buzzard was sacred to Diana, but whether it was also ever sacrificed is not established. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Solifugas› · lemma, § XVI, col 1238

Solifugas. Vide ad lib. II, cap. 23. ORELL.

"Sun-fleeing spiders." See on book 2, ch. 23. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Carduos› · lemma, § XVI, col 1238

Carduos. Sativos scil. Artischoken. Vide ad lib. II, cap. 23. ORELL.

"Thistles." Cultivated ones, that is, artichokes. See on book 2, ch. 23. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Radices› · lemma, § XVI, col 1238

Radices. Ita κατ' ἐξοχὴν dicitur raphanus. RETTIG. Vid. Schneider. Lex. Rei rust. ORELL.

"Roots." So the radish is called pre-eminently. RETTIG. See Schneider, Lexicon of Agriculture. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Ocimum› · lemma, § XVI, col 1238

Ocimum. Herba odoris acris, quam et βασίλειον Graeci dixerunt. Vide Casaubon. ad Pers. Sat. IV, 22; Gesner. et Schneider., ad Varron., de Re rust., lib. I, cap. 31, et in Lexico rustico, h. v. ORELL.

"Basil." A herb of pungent smell, which the Greeks also called "basileion". See Casaubon on Persius, Satire 4.22; Gesner and Schneider on Varro, On Agriculture, book 1, ch. 31, and in the Agricultural Lexicon under this word. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Porrum sectivum› · lemma, § XVI, col 1238

Porrum sectivum. Id est porrum, quod in culinae usum secatur. (SCHNITTLATTICH.) Juvenal., sat. XIV, 133: Filaque sectivi numerata includere porri. Vide sis Plinium, Hist. nat., lib. XIX, cap. 6. et Columell., de Re rust., lib. I, cap. 3, et, quid porrum sectivum a capitato differat, intelligas. NOUR., pag. 561.

"Cut leek." That is, leek that is cut for kitchen use (German: Schnittlattich). Juvenal, Satire 14.133: "and to shut up the counted threads of cut leek." See, please, Pliny, Natural History, book 19, ch. 6, and Columella, On Agriculture, book 1, ch. 3, and you will understand how cut leek differs from headed leek. NOURRY, p. 561.

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(12) ‹Iidem› · lemma, § XVI, col 1238

Iidem. Ita Gelenius, rectissime. Editio rom: idem. ORELL.

"The same (plural)." So Gelenius, most rightly. The Roman edition: "idem". ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Rebusque his omnibus cunilam superspergere bubulam› · lemma, § XVI, col 1238

Rebusque his omnibus cunilam superspergere bubulam. Cunila bubula, id est origanum sylvestre, bubula dicta, quod boves a scabie sanos praestaret. Vide Bodaeus a Stapel ad Theophrast. Hist. Plant., lib. VI, cap. 2, p. 564; Schneider, V. C. ad Columell., lib. VI, c. 31, p. 355; et in Lexico rust. Ast. ad Theophrast., charact. 10, pag. 115, et prae caeteris Salmas. ad Solin., cap. 56, p. 900, seq. qui de hac planta multus est. Nostri appellant Wohlgemuth. ORELL.

"And to sprinkle ox-marjoram over all these things." "Cunila bubula", that is wild marjoram, called "bubula" (of oxen) because it kept oxen free of scab. See Bodaeus a Stapel on Theophrastus, History of Plants, book 6, ch. 2, p. 564; the distinguished Schneider on Columella, book 6, ch. 31, p. 355, and in the Agricultural Lexicon; Ast on Theophrastus, Characters 10, p. 115; and above all Salmasius on Solinus, ch. 56, p. 900 f., who says much on this plant. Our people call it "Wohlgemuth". ORELLI.

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(14) ‹Si hirundines garrulae› · lemma, § XVII, col 1238

XVII. — Si hirundines garrulae. Virgilius Georg., IV, 307: .........Ante / Garrula quam tignis nidum suspendat hirundo. Graecorum proverbium est: χελιδόνος λαλίστερος. HERALD.

XVII. — "If chattering swallows." Virgil, Georgics 4.307: "... before the chattering swallow hangs her nest from the rafters." A proverb of the Greeks: "more talkative than a swallow." HERALD.

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inquit, par est honorare coelestes, quibus ipsi alimur, sustentamur, et vivimus, et quas nobis ad victum sui numinis tribuere benignitate dignati sunt. Sed et cuminum, nasturtium, rapa, bulbos, apium, carduos, radices, cucurbitas, rutam, mentam, ocimum, pulejum, porrumque sectivum, iidem tribuere dii vobis, esseque in usibus vestris alimoniarum in parte jusserunt. Quid ergo cessatis altaribus et haec dare, rebusque his omnibus cunilam superspergere bubulam, et acrimonias intermiscere ceparum?

he says, that it is fitting to honour the heavenly ones—the things whereby we ourselves are fed, sustained, and live, and which by the kindness of their deity they have deigned to bestow upon us for our livelihood. Yet cumin also, cress, turnips, bulbs, celery, thistles, radishes, gourds, rue, mint, basil, pennyroyal, and cut leek have the same gods bestowed upon you, and ordered to be in your uses as part of your nourishment. Why then do you delay to give these things also to the altars, and over all these things to sprinkle wild marjoram, and to mingle the pungencies of onions?

XVII. Ecce si vos canes, necesse est enim quaedam fingi, perspici ut liquidius res possint, si, inquam, canes et asini, si motacillae cum his simul, si hirundines garrulae; pariterque cum his porci sensu aliquo humanitatis accepto, deos putarent atque existimarent

XVII. Behold, if dogs—for it is necessary that certain things be feigned, that matters may be more clearly perceived—if, I say, dogs and asses, if wagtails together with them, if chattering swallows, and likewise with them pigs, having received some sense of human understanding, should think and judge that you

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vos esse: sacraque vobis intenderent honoris ergo facere, non ex materiis aliis, aliisque de rebus, sed quibus ali moris est illis, et naturali appositione fulciri: audire a vobis exposcimus, utrumne hunc honorem, an contumeliam potius esse judicaretis amplissimam: cum hirundines vobis muscas, motacillae caederent consecrarentque formiculas: cum altaribus vestris darent asini foenum, paleasque libarent: cum imponerent canes ossa, et humani stercoris proluviem concremarent: cum ad ultimum porculi coenum vobis profunderent ex volutabris horrentibus, lutosis et voraginibus sumptum? Ita ergo non despui vestras inflammaremini dignitates, stercoribusque vos accipi inter atroces computaretis injurias? Sed taurorum corporibus honoratis vos deos, et aliorum animantium caedibus: et quid hoc ab illo differt, cum et ipsa si nondum, mox tamen futura sunt stercora, et exigui temporis contracta interjectione putescant? Denique desinite supponere aris ignem, jam profecto cernetis viscera illa taurorum sacra, quibus honor a vobis auctificatur deorum, fervescere vermibus et fluctuare, vitiare et corrumpere statum coeli, et ex odoribus morbidis regiones consauciare vicinas: quae

were gods, and should purpose to offer sacrifices to you for the sake of honour, not from other materials and from other things, but from those whereby it is their custom to be fed and supported by natural application: we demand to hear from you whether you would judge this to be an honour, or rather a most ample insult, when swallows should slay and consecrate flies to you, and wagtails little ants; when asses should give hay to your altars, and make libation of chaff; when dogs should lay on bones, and burn up the filth of human dung; when finally little pigs should pour out mire to you, taken from bristling wallowing-places and muddy cesspools? Would you not then be inflamed with anger that your dignities were spat upon, and reckon your being entertained with dung among atrocious injuries? Yet you honour the gods with the bodies of bulls and with the slaughters of other living creatures: and how does this differ from that, since even these very things, if they are not yet dung, will nevertheless soon be so, and rot away after the brief interval of a short time? In fine, cease to put fire under the altars, and you will assuredly soon see those sacred entrails of bulls, whereby the honour of the gods is enlarged by you, boiling and heaving with worms, tainting and corrupting the state of the sky, and wounding the neighbouring regions with pestilential smells: which things,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1239

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

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(1) ‹Sacraque vobis intenderent honoris ergo facere› · lemma, § XVII, col 1238–1239

Sacraque vobis intenderent honoris ergo facere. Sic emendavit acutissimus Guilielmus (in Quaest. Plautin. in Curcul. cap. V. in Lampade Gruteri, tom. III, parte II, pag. 367), lectionem veterem corruptissimam: Sacraque vobis intenderent honores ergo facerent. Honoreis, inquit ille, Arnobius hic quoque scripserat gignendi casu, quod inscientes librarii accusandi acceperunt, ideoque immutarunt, ut convenirent caetera. Nihil usitatius hac formula: honoris ergo sacra facere, non item: sacra intendere, honores facere, quae ne Latina quidem. Cato in Libro de Re rust. Jano ait: Ejusdem rei ergo macte vino inferio esto; et noster infra ait: Honoris ergo Dis vinum dare. STEWECH.

"And would urge you to perform rites for the sake of honour." So the most acute Guilielmus (Plautine Questions, on the Curculio, ch. 5, in Gruter's Lampas, vol. 3, part 2, p. 367) emended the old, most corrupt reading: "And would urge you to rites; therefore they would perform honours." Arnobius, he says, had written "honoreis" here too, in the genitive case, which ignorant copyists took as accusative and therefore changed so that the rest would agree. Nothing is more usual than this formula, "to perform rites for the sake of honour"; not so "to urge rites, to perform honours", which is not even Latin. Cato, in the book On Agriculture, says to Janus: "For the sake of the same thing, be honoured with the wine of offering"; and our author says below: "to give wine to the gods for the sake of honour." STEWECH.

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(2) ‹Naturali appositione› · lemma, § XVII, col 1239

Naturali appositione. Fulv. Ursinus: naturali appetitione. ORELL.

"By natural placement." Fulvio Orsini: "by natural appetite." ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Caederent› · lemma, § XVII, col 1239

Caederent. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Gelenius: cederent. O.

"They would slay." So the Leiden edition. Gelenius: "cederent" (they would yield). O[RELLI].

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(4) ‹Cum altaribus vestris darent asini foenum paleasque libarent› · lemma, § XVII, col 1239

Cum altaribus vestris darent asini foenum paleasque libarent. Proprium asinorum pabulum. Unde Philemon in Excerptis Athenaei: ὄνος βαδίζεις εἰς ἄχυρα τραγημάτων, de lurcone, qui non magis verberibus absterreri potest a bellariis, quam asinus a paleis et pastu. Nam proverbium erat apud Graecos: ὄνος εἰς ἀχυρῶνας ἀπέδρα. HERALD.

"When asses would give hay to your altars and offer chaff." The proper fodder of asses. Hence Philemon in Athenaeus's excerpts: "You go like an ass to a chaff-heap of sweetmeats", of a glutton who can no more be frightened off dainties by blows than an ass from chaff and pasture. For there was a proverb among the Greeks: "The ass has run off to the chaff-barns." HERALD.

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(5) ‹Stercoribusque vos accipi inter atroces computaretis injurias› · lemma, § XVII, col 1239

Stercoribusque vos accipi inter atroces computaretis injurias. Juriscons. l. 1. Digest. de extraord. crim.: Fit injuria contra bonos mores, veluti, si quis fimo corrupto aliquem perfuderit. Adde l. XXVII, § 17. D. ad leg. Aquil. Sic populi Romani, legatos a Tarentinis lotio respersos per obscoenam turpemque dictu contumeliam dicit Florus. Atque haec contumelia malis ingentibus postea fuit expiata. Eamdem Achaici belli, quo urbs nobilissima et florentissima Corinthus eversa est, causam fuisse scribit Strabo. HERALD. Conf. Valer. Max., lib. II, cap. 2; Livius, lib. XII; Dionysius Halicarn., in excerpt. de Legat., p. 21. ELMENH. De verbo accipere vide supra ad lib. III, cap. 15, et C. Barth, Advers., lib. XIX, cap. 15. ORELL.

"And you would count it among atrocious injuries to be treated with dung." The jurist, law 1, Digest, On Extraordinary Crimes: "An injury is done against good morals, as if someone has drenched another with putrid dung." Add law 27, § 17, Digest, On the Aquilian Law. So Florus says that envoys of the Roman people were spattered with urine by the Tarentines, "an insult obscene and foul to speak of". And this insult was afterwards atoned for with huge disasters. Strabo writes that the same was the cause of the Achaean war, in which the most noble and flourishing city of Corinth was overthrown. HERALD. Compare Valerius Maximus, book 2, ch. 2; Livy, book 12 [as printed]; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Excerpts on Embassies, p. 21. ELMENHORST. On the verb "accipere" see above, on book 3, ch. 15, and C. Barth, Adversaria, book 19, ch. 15. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Putescant› · lemma, § XVII, col 1239

Putescant. Ita ms. Sabaeus et Salmasius. Gelenius et alii: putrescant. Sed, ut bene observat Stewechius, putesco est inchoativum a puteo. Vide supra ad lib. V, cap. 12. ORELL.

"They grow foul." So the manuscript, Sabaeus and Salmasius. Gelenius and others: "putrescant" (they rot). But, as Stewech rightly observes, "putesco" is the inchoative of "puteo" (to stink). See above, on book 5, ch. 12. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Cernetis› · lemma, § XVII, col 1239

Cernetis. Alii: cernitis. ORELL.

"You will see." Others: "cernitis" (you see). ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Auctificari› · lemma, § XVII, col 1239–1240

Auctificari. Auctificare vel, ut Nonius habet, augificare, i. q. augere, verbum antiquum et obsoletum. Ennius Andromeda: Quid sit? Seditio tabetne, an numeros augificat suos? Et auctificus apud Lucret., II, 571: Nec porro rerum genitales auctificique / Motus perpetuo possunt servare creata. NOURR., p. 551.

"To be increased." "Auctificare", or, as Nonius has it, "augificare", means the same as "augere" (to increase), an old and obsolete verb. Ennius, Andromeda: "What may it be? Does sedition waste away, or does it increase its numbers?" And "auctificus" in Lucretius 2.571: "Nor again can the begetting and increasing motions of things preserve for ever what has been created." NOURRY, p. 551.

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(9) ‹Quae si vobis praecipiant dii curam in vestram, in valetudinem vertere› · lemma, § XVII, col 1240

Quae si vobis praecipiant dii curam in vestram, in valetudinem vertere. Haec est emendatio Salmasii egregia, et ut mihi quidem videtur unice vera. Antiqua lectio est: quam si vobis praecipiant dii curam, vestram in valetudinem vertere, sed v. curam in praecedentibus non habet, ad quod referatur: optime contra quae, id est, viscera illa vitiata. Fulv. Ursinus corrigit: quam si nobis praecipiant dii culturam vestram in voluptatem vertere: audacius, quam verius. ORELL.

"Which, if the gods should bid you turn to your care, to your health." This is Salmasius's excellent emendation, and, as it seems to me at least, the only true one. The old reading is: "the care which, if the gods should bid you, [to] turn to your health"; but the word "curam" has nothing in what precedes to which it could refer, whereas "quae" does very well — that is, those spoiled entrails. Fulvio Orsini corrects: "if the gods should bid us turn your worship into pleasure" — more boldly than truly. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Nidoribus cohonestatis et succis› · lemma, § XVII, col 1240

Nidoribus cohonestatis et succis. Meursius, pag. 208, legendum suspicatur: nidoribus cohonestatis et fumis, cum antea dixerit Arnobius: aut ex aris ardentibus consectatur et fumos. At nil mutandum. Succi sunt vapores carnium tostarum. ORELL.

"Honoured with savours and juices." Meursius, p. 208, suspects one should read "honoured with savours and smokes", since Arnobius said before: "or chases the smokes from the burning altars." But nothing should be changed. The "juices" are the vapours of roasted flesh. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Ea quae vos alunt› · lemma, § XVII, col 1240

Ea quae vos alunt. Ita Meursius et reliqui eum secuti. Antea edebatur: eaque vos alunt, quod retinuit etiam Oberthürius, male. ORELL.

"The things that feed you." So Meursius, and the rest followed him. Formerly it was printed "and they feed you", which Oberthür too kept, wrongly. ORELLI.

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(12) ‹Alludere porrigentibus saepius› · lemma, § XVII, col 1240

Alludere porrigentibus saepius. Alludere est adblandiri blanditiis captare, προσπαίζειν, et de canibus σαίνειν Homer., Odyss. K. 216 sq.: Ἀμφὶ ἄνακτα κύνες..... σαίνωσ'. quod Scholia interpretantur κολακεύωσιν. Nost. wedeln. Ita Lactantius, Inst., lib. III, cap. 10: Summum igitur bonum hominis in sola religione est. Nam caetera, etiam quae putantur homini esse propria, in caeteris quoque animalibus reperiuntur. Cum enim suas voces propriis inter se notis discernunt atque dignoscunt, colloqui videntur; ridendi quoque ratio apparet in his aliqua, cum demulsis auribus, contractoque rictu, et oculis in lasciviam resolutis aut homini adludunt, aut suis quisque conjugibus aut foetibus propriis. ubi vid. Bünemann., pag. 319. et 1021. ORELL.

"To fawn more often on those who hold out food." "Alludere" is to fawn, to court with blandishments — prospaizein, and of dogs sainein, Homer, Odyssey 10.216 f.: "As dogs ... fawn around their master", which the Scholia explain as "flatter". Our word is "wedeln" (to wag the tail). So Lactantius, Institutes, book 3, ch. 10: "Man's highest good therefore lies in religion alone. For the other things, even those thought proper to man, are found in the other animals as well. For when they distinguish and recognize their own voices by marks peculiar among themselves, they seem to converse; some manner of laughing also appears in them, when, with ears laid back, mouth drawn in and eyes softened into playfulness, they fawn on man, or each on its own mate or young." See Bünemann there, pp. 319 and 1021. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Ut ille tauris deus› · lemma, § XVIII, col 1240

XVIII. — Ut ille tauris deus. Deus h. l. collective de diis et deabus. ORELL.

XVIII. — "That that god with bulls." "God" in this place collectively, of gods and goddesses. ORELLI.

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(14) ‹Hic virginibus buculis› · lemma, § XVIII, col 1240

Hic virginibus buculis. Ita Fulvius Ursinus. Editio princeps: bubulis. Stewechius scribendum censet vitulis, cum Arnobius infra cap. 22, dicat: Minervae (continues)

"This one with virgin heifers." So Fulvio Orsini. The first edition: "bubulis" (with oxen). Stewech thinks one should write "vitulis" (calves), since Arnobius says below, ch. 22: "to Minerva (continues)

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si vobis praecipiant dii curam in vestram, in valetudinem vertere; prandia inde, vel coenas solemni ex more conficere, longe fugiatis, execratique odoris genus veniam poscatis a superis, facturosque vos eis numquam talia sacra juretis. Ita istud non ludere est, non confiteri, non pandere, quid sit deus nescire, nec cui potentiae debeat nominis hujus vis subdi, appellatioque supponi? Cibis novis auctificatis deos, nidoribus cohonestatis et succis: et quia vobis jucunda et grata sunt ea, quae vos alunt, deos etiam creditis in eorum affluere voluptates, latratorum et canum ritu ossis saevitias ponere, atque alludere porrigentibus saepius?

if the gods should command you to turn to your own care and health, and to prepare luncheons or dinners therefrom after the wonted custom, you would flee far away, and cursing the kind of smell would beg pardon from the gods above, and swear that you would never offer such sacrifices to them. Is not this, then, to mock, is it not to confess, to publish abroad, that you know not what God is, nor to what power the force of this name ought to be subjected and the appellation applied? With fresh meats you enlarge the gods, with fumes of burnt fat and juices you honour them: and because those things which nourish you are pleasant and agreeable to you, do you believe that the gods also overflow into the pleasures of them, lay aside their fierceness for a bone after the manner of barkers and dogs, and fawn quite often upon those who hold it out to them?

XVIII. Et quoniam nobis in manibus hostiarum sermo versatur: quae causa, quae ratio est, ut cum dii immortales, sint enim et per nos licet, quicumque esse creduntur, sint unius sententiae, vel unius debeant esse naturae, generis, et qualitatis unius, non omnibus omnes hostiis, sed quibusdam quidam sacrorum mulceantur legibus? Quae est enim causa, requiram, ut eadem rursus ut ille tauris deus, haedis alius honoretur, aut ovibus: hic lactentibus porculis, alter intonsis agnis: hic virginibus buculis, capris

XVIII. And since discourse concerning victims is in our hands: what is the cause, what the reason, that whereas the immortal gods—for let them be so as far as we are concerned, whoever they are believed to be—are of one mind, or ought to be of one nature, of one race and quality, not all are appeased by all victims, but certain ones by certain victims according to the laws of sacred rites? For what is the cause, let me ask, to repeat the same things again, that one god is honoured with bulls, another with kids, or with sheep; this one with sucking pigs, another with unshorn lambs; this one with virgin heifers,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1240

Footnotes

(a) ‹sacrorum mulceantur legibus› · call in col 1240

E legibus ms.

"E legibus" (from the laws), manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

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ille cornutis: hic sterilibus vacculis, at ille incientibus scrofis: hic albentibus, ille tetris, alter feminei generis, alter vero animantibus masculinis? Si enim honoris et reverentiae causa mactantur diis hostiae, quid refert aut interest, cujus animalis e capite luatur hoc debitum, cujus ira offensioque ponatur? An numquid alterius alteri minus gratior et jucundior sanguis est? alter vero alterius voluptatem infundit et gaudium? aut, ut fieri moris est, observationis alicujus et religionis metu ille caprina abstinet se earne, porcinum alius execratur attactum, huic ovilia foetulenta sunt viscera; ac, ne stomachum fatiget invalidum, hic bubulam duritiem vitat, et lactentium lenitatem, quo digerat expeditius, sumit?

another with horned she-goats; this one with barren cows, and that one with pregnant sows; this one with white, that one with dark, one with creatures of the female sex, and another with male animals? For if victims are sacrificed to the gods for the sake of honour and reverence, what does it matter or make a difference from the head of what animal this debt is paid, or by which one anger and offence are laid aside? Or is the blood of one animal less pleasing and agreeable to one god, while one pours pleasure and joy into another? Or, as is the custom to happen, through fear of some observance and religious scruple does that one abstain from goat's flesh, another abominate the touch of pork, to this one the entrails of sheep are rank-smelling, and, lest he weary a weak stomach, this one avoids the toughness of beef, and takes the tenderness of sucklings so that he may digest more readily?

XIX. Sed erras, inquit, et laberis: nam diis feminis feminas, mares maribus hostias immolare, abstrusa et interior ratio est, vulgique a cognitione dimota. Non inquiro, non exigo, quid sacrorum praecipiant, vel quid contineant leges; sed si vicerit ratio, atque obtinuerit veritas, differentiam generum nullam in diis esse, neque ullis sexibus eos esse

XIX. But you err, he says, and slip: for to sacrifice female victims to female gods, and males to males, is an abstruse and inner reason, and removed from the knowledge of the common herd. I do not inquire, I do not demand, what the laws of sacred rites enjoin, or what they contain; but if reason shall prevail, and truth hold good, that there is no difference of sexes in the gods, and that they are not parted by any sexes:

Editors' notes and page, col. 1241

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

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(a) ‹call letter not printed in the foot image; anchor not visible› · col 1241–1242

Ita Fulv. Sab. Perscribunt.

So Fulvio Orsini. Sabaeus: "perscribunt" (they write out in full).

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

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(1) ‹Hic virginibus buculis› · lemma, § XVIII, col 1240

(continued) virgini virgo caeditur vitula, nullis unquam stimulis, nullius operis exercitata contacta. ORELL.

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(2) ‹Incientibus scrophis› · lemma, § XVIII, col 1241

Incientibus scrophis. Egregia haec emendatio et lectio unice vera debetur Fulv. Ursino et Scriverio ap. Meursium. Incientes scrophae sunt parturientes. Infra cap. 22.: Telluri, inquiunt, matri scropha inciens immolatur et forda. Festus in gravida: inciens propinqua partui, quod incitatus sit foetus ejus. Conf. Schneider. V. Cl. ad Varron., de Re rust., lib. II, cap. 2, pag. 408, et Lex. Rust. h. v. Editio princeps habet: ingentibus scrophis. ORELL.

"With sows in farrow." This excellent emendation, the only true reading, is owed to Fulvio Orsini and to Scriverius in Meursius. "Incientes scrophae" are sows about to give birth. Below, ch. 22: "To Mother Earth, they say, a sow in farrow is sacrificed, and a cow in calf." Festus under "gravida": "inciens: near to giving birth, because her young is set in motion." Compare the distinguished Schneider on Varro, On Agriculture, book 2, ch. 2, p. 408, and the Agricultural Lexicon under this word. The first edition has "with huge sows". ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Ille tetris› · lemma, § XVIII, col 1241

Ille tetris. Ita ms. bene. Sic paulo post cap. 20: Cur non omnia caetera, quae illorum inferre sacrificii: moris est, sint nigra et fumigata tetreque ut colorata, curatis? Alii: ille atris. MEURS.

"That one with foul ones." So the manuscript, well. So a little later, ch. 20: "Why do you not take care that all the other things which it is the custom of their sacrifice to bring are black and smoked and foully coloured?" Others: "that one with black ones". MEURSIUS.

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(4) ‹An numquid alterius alteri minus gratior et jucundior sanguis est› · lemma, § XVIII, col 1241

An numquid alterius alteri minus gratior et jucundior sanguis est. Secutus sum emendationem hanc Gelenii verissimam. Alii: an numquid alterius alteri animalis gratior et jucundior sanguis est, quod cum sequentibus verbis, alteri vero alterius voluptatem infundit, etc., meram efficeret tautologiam. Animalis, quod rectissime aberat in codice ms., addidit Fulvius Ursinus. ORELL.

"Or is the blood of one less more pleasing and delightful to another." I have followed this most true emendation of Gelenius. Others: "Or is the blood of one animal more pleasing and delightful to another," which with the following words, "but to another that of another gives pleasure," etc., would make sheer tautology. "Animalis", which was quite rightly absent in the manuscript, was added by Fulvio Orsini. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Minus gratior› · lemma, § XVIII, col 1241

Minus gratior. Particulae magis et minus redundant saepissime apud hos scriptores. Sic lib. I, cap. 19: ratio magis fortior, et lib. IV: magis ignominiosus. Zeno veronensis sermone I, de Psalmo CXXX: Deus noster, Fratres, humilis corde est; et ineffabilis vis illa sapientiae, ac virtutis potestas intra hominem susceptum jacet magis admirabilior, quia tantus est et talis. Et sermone de Pudicitia: Si ergo exultat gloria ejus saepe in gentibus, quanto magis debet esse gloriosior in populo Christiano? Sed exempla hujus pleonasmi apud veteres non infrequentia. Plautus in Sticho (Act. V. Scen. IV, vers. 21): Immo enim hic magis est dulcius; et saepius. Apud Graecos μᾶλλον saepissime πλεονάζει hoc modo: ut μᾶλλον ὀλβιώτερος apud Aristophanem et similia. HERALD. — Plura exempla affert Vechnerus in Hellenolex, pag. 166 seq. Sic minus abundat ap. Florum, lib. IV, cap. 2, § 47: Nec minus admirabilior hujus exitus belli. ubi vid. Duker. et Freinshem. in Ind. et Mercer. ad Nonium Marcellum, pag. 88. ORELL.

"Less more pleasing." The particles "magis" and "minus" are very often redundant in these writers. So book 1, ch. 19: "a reason more stronger", and book 4: "more shameful". Zeno of Verona, Sermon 1, on Psalm 130: "Our God, brethren, is humble of heart; and that ineffable force of wisdom and power of virtue lies within the man he assumed more more admirable, because he is so great and such." And in the sermon on Chastity: "If then his glory often exults among the nations, how much more ought it to be more glorious in a Christian people?" Examples of this pleonasm are not infrequent among the ancients. Plautus, Stichus (Act 5, Scene 4, line 21): "Nay, this is more sweeter"; and more often. Among the Greeks "mallon" is very often redundant in this way, as "mallon olbioteros" (more happier) in Aristophanes, and the like. HERALD. — Vechner gives more examples in his Hellenolexia, p. 166 f. So "minus" is redundant in Florus, book 4, ch. 2, § 47: "Nor less more wonderful was the end of this war"; see Duker there, Freinsheim in the Index, and Mercier on Nonius Marcellus, p. 88. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Observationis alicujus aut religionis metu ille caprina abstinet se carne› · lemma, § XVIII, col 1241–1242

Observationis alicujus aut religionis metu ille caprina abstinet se carne. Spartianus in Didio Juliano: Nam Julianus tantae parcimoniae fuisse perhibetur, ut per triduum porcellum, per triduum leporem divideret, si quis ei forte misisset, saepe autem nulla existente religione, oleribus leguminibusque contentus, sine carne coenaverit. Proprie ergo hic religio. De observatione dicebamus ad lib. I (cap. XLIII). HERALD.

"From fear of some observance or religious scruple, that man abstains from goat's flesh." Spartianus, Didius Julianus: "For Julianus is said to have been so frugal that he would make a sucking-pig last three days, a hare three days, if anyone happened to send him one; and often, though there was no religious scruple, he dined without meat, content with greens and pulse." So "religio" is used here in its proper sense. On "observatio" we spoke on book 1 (ch. 43). HERALD.

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(7) ‹Si vicerit ratio› · lemma, § XIX, col 1241

XIX. — Si vicerit ratio. Ita ms. Sabaeus: jusserit. Fulv. Ursinus: evicerit. ORELL.

XIX. — "If reason prevails." So the manuscript. Sabaeus: "jusserit" (commands). Fulvio Orsini: "evicerit" (wins out). ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Comprobari, inveniri› · lemma, § XIX, col 1241–1242

Comprobari, inveniri. Fulv. Ursinus pro inveniri mavult iniri. ORELL.

"To be proved, to be found." For "inveniri" Fulvio Orsini prefers "iniri" (to be entered upon). ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Quae in coloribus ratio est, ut merito his albas, illis atras conveniat nigerrimasque mactari› · lemma, § XIX, col 1242

Quae in coloribus ratio est, ut merito his albas, illis atras conveniat nigerrimasque mactari. Aperte distinguit hostias nigras, atras, albas, candidas. Servius ad Virgil. Aen. III, 118: Ratio enim victimarum sit pro qualitate numinum. Nam aut hae immolantur, quae obsunt eorum muneribus, ut porcus Cereri, quia obest frugibus: hircus Libero, quia vitibus nocet: aut certe a similitudine, ut inferis nigras pecudes, superis albas immolent: item tempestatis atras, candidas serenitati. Quare C. Barthius ad Stat. Theb., IV, 445, tom. II, pag. 1086, legendum suspicatur: his albas, illis atras conveniat nigrasque aliis mactare. Attamen equidem non ausim mutare lectionem vulgatam, cum Arnobio familiare sit talia congerere idem significantia, et paulo post cap. seq. legamus: Ut tetrae his hostiae nigerrimique admoveantur coloris. ORELL.

"What reason is there in colours, that it is rightly fitting to slay white victims to these, black and blackest to those?" He plainly distinguishes victims as black, dark, white and bright. Servius on Virgil, Aeneid 3.118: "For the choice of victims follows the nature of the divinities. Either those are sacrificed which hinder their gifts — as a pig to Ceres, because it harms the crops; a he-goat to Liber, because it damages the vines — or at least by likeness, as they sacrifice black beasts to the gods below and white to those above; likewise dark ones to the storm, white to fair weather." So C. Barth, on Statius, Thebaid 4.445, vol. 2, p. 1086, suspects one should read: "that it is fitting to slay white victims to these, dark to those, and black to others." Yet I would not dare to change the common reading, since it is usual for Arnobius to heap up such words of the same meaning, and a little later, in the next chapter, we read: "that foul victims of the blackest colour should be brought to these." ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Atque ominum dexteritate pollentibus› · lemma, § XIX, col 1242

Atque ominum dexteritate pollentibus. Docuerunt pridem eruditi homines (Meursius, Grotius, Canterus), ita esse scribendum pro: atque hominum etc. HERALD. — A superis enim fausta omina ac prospera, hoc est dextra, sumebant: inferos et manes rebus infaustis et laevis praesidere credebant. Porro quid omen ab augurio distet, docemur a Festo: Omen velut oremen, quod fit ore; augurium, quod avibus, aliove modo fit. De hostiis atris adeundus Macrobius Saturn. lib. III, cap. 4, et Festus in voce furvum. STEWECH.

"And mighty in the favourableness of omens." Learned men (Meursius, Grotius, Canter) showed long ago that it must be written so, for "and of men", etc. HERALD. — For they took lucky and prosperous omens — that is, "right-hand" ones — from the gods above, and believed that the gods below and the shades preside over unlucky and "left-hand" things. Further, how an omen differs from an augury Festus teaches us: "Omen is as it were 'oremen', what comes by the mouth; augury, what comes by birds or in some other way." On black victims Macrobius should be consulted, Saturnalia, book 3, ch. 4, and Festus under the word "furvum". STEWECH.

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(11) ‹Diis laevis› · lemma, § XIX, col 1242

Diis laevis. Vide supra ad lib. IV, cap. 5. Conf. A. Gell., lib. V, cap. 12. ORELL.

"To the left-hand gods." See above, on book 4, ch. 5. Compare Aulus Gellius, book 5, ch. 12. ORELLI.

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(12) ‹Color furvus› · lemma, § XIX, col 1242

Color furvus. Valerius Max., lib. II, cap. 4, 5: Hostiae nigrae antiquitus furvae dicebantur. Perpetuum epitheton rerum inferarum. Vid. Broukhus., ad Propert., lib. IV, Eleg. I, 5, pag. 477, et Mitscherlich., ad Horat., lib. II, Od. XIII, 17. ORELL.

"A dusky colour." Valerius Maximus, book 2, ch. 4.5: "Black victims were anciently called 'furvae'." A standing epithet of things below. See Broukhusius on Propertius, book 4, Elegy 1.5, p. 477, and Mitscherlich on Horace, book 2, Ode 13.17. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Neque ulla sub terris regna esse domiciliaque Plutonia› · lemma, § XIX, col 1242

Neque ulla sub terris regna esse domiciliaque Plutonia, Juvenalis Sat. II, vs. 149: Esse aliquos manes et subterranea regna, / Nec pueri credunt, nisi qui nondum aere lavantur. ELMENH.

"And that there are no kingdoms under the earth, no dwellings of Pluto." Juvenal, Satire 2, line 149: "That there are any shades and kingdoms under the earth, not even boys believe, except those not yet washed for a copper." ELMENHORST.

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discretos: nonne solvi necesse est rationes has omnes, et stultissimis creditas opinationibus comprobari, inveniri? Sapientium virorum non advocabo sententias, qui risum nequeunt continere, cum discrimina sexuum diis audiunt immortalibus attributa: unoquoque ab hominum quaero, an ipse apud se credat, sibique ipse persuadeat, distinctum esse deorum genus, mares ac feminas hos esse, et ad generandos foetus convenientium membrorum dispositione formatos? Sed si sexibus sexus pares, id est feminas feminis, mares autem hostias diis maribus immolari sacrificiorum jura praescribant: quae in coloribus ratio est, ut merito his albas, illis tetras conveniat nigerrimasque mactari? Quia superis diis, inquit, atque ominum dexteritate pollentibus color laetus acceptus est, ac felix hilaritate candoris. At vero diis laevis, sedesque habitantibus inferas color furvus est gratior, et tristibus suffectus e fucis. Sed si rursus obtinuerit ratio, inferorum penitus cassum esse nomen et vacuum, neque ulla sub terris regna esse domiciliaque Plutonia, opinionem necesse est id

must not all these reasons necessarily be dissolved, and be proved and found to have been believed through the most foolish opinions? I will not call in the judgements of wise men, who cannot restrain their laughter when they hear distinctions of sexes attributed to the immortal gods: of each single man I ask whether he himself believes within himself, and persuades himself, that the race of the gods is divided, that these are males and females, and formed with an arrangement of fitting members for begetting offspring? But if the laws of sacrifices prescribe that like sexes be sacrificed to like sexes, that is, females to females, and male victims to male gods: what is the reason in colours, that it should deservedly be fitting for white victims to be sacrificed to these, and dark and very black ones to those? Because to the gods above, he says, and those potent in the propitiousness of omens, a cheerful colour is acceptable, and auspicious with the brightness of whiteness; whereas to the unpropitious gods, and those inhabiting the lower abodes, a dusky colour is more pleasing, and dyed with gloomy hues. Yet if again reason shall hold good, that the name of the lower world is utterly empty and void, and that there are no kingdoms beneath the earth nor Plutonian dwellings, it is necessary that this also frustrate the opinion

Editors' notes and page, col. 1242

Page

running head: IBER SEPTIMUS. 1242
marginal letters: A discretos: nonne solvi; B laetus acceptus est,
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: clipped L in LIBER in running head; margins C and D are in the Commentarius at foot

PL 5:1243

quoque frustrari, quam super atris pecudibus habetis, divisque subterreis. Quod si inferi nulli sunt, deos etiam Manium necesse est esse nullos. Fieri enim qui potest, ut cum loca sint nulla, eorum, quae non sunt, ulli perhibeantur esse cultores?

which you hold concerning black cattle and subterranean deities. For if there is no lower world, the gods of the Manes also must needs be none. For how can it come to pass that when the places are none, any should be asserted to be inhabitants of those places which do not exist?

XX. Sed assentiamur, ut vultis, et esse inferos, et esse manes, et habitare nescio quos in his deos hominibus minus faustos, et tristioribus praepositos rebus; et quae causa, quae ratio est, ut tetrae his hostiae, nigerrimique admoveantur coloris? quia nigra nigris conveniunt, et tristia consimilibus grata sunt. Quid ergo? non videtis, ut vobiscum et nos stolide similiterque laudamus, albas esse hostiarum carnes, ossa, dentes, pinguitias, omenta cum cerebris, mollesque in ossibus medullas? Sed vellera nigra sunt, nigraeque animantium setae. Solas ergo immolate diis lanas, vulsasque ex hostiis setulas, relinquite infelicissimas pecudes spoliatas licet ac tonsas, coeli animam ducere, et pastibus innocentissimas incubare. Quod si grata numinibus inferis ea, quae sunt nigra, furvique existimatis coloris; cur non omnia caetera, quae illorum inferre sacrificiis moris est, sint nigra et fumigata, tetreque ut colorata curatis? Inficite thura, si dantur: salsas fruges, atque universa libamina, lacti, oleo, sanguini, hic ponat ut purpureum colorem, illa ut sint lurida, fuliginem infundite cum favillis. Quod si vobis religio nulla est, alba quaedam

XX. Yet let us assent, as you wish, both that the lower world exists, and that the shades exist, and that some gods or other dwell in them, less auspicious to men and set over gloomier affairs; and what is the cause, what the reason, that dark victims and those of a very black colour are brought to them? Because black things suit black ones, and gloomy things are pleasing to their like. What then? Do you not see—that we also may foolishly and similarly sport with you—that the flesh of the victims is white, the bones, the teeth, the fat, the cauls with the brains, and the soft marrow in the bones? Yet the fleeces are black, and black the bristles of the living creatures. Sacrifice therefore to the gods the wool alone, and the little bristles plucked from the victims; leave the most wretched cattle, stripped though they be and shorn, to draw the breath of heaven, and in full innocence to lie upon their pastures. But if you think that those things which are black and of a dusky colour are pleasing to the deities below, why do you not take care that all the other things which it is the custom to bring to their sacrifices be black and smoked, and darkly coloured? Dye the frankincense, if it is given, the salted meal, and all the libations; into the milk, the oil, the blood, that the last may lay aside its purple colour and the former may be wan, pour soot with ashes. But if you have no religious scruple in bringing certain white things,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1243

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 624)

(a) ‹coeli animam ducere› · call in col 1243

Coelo Meurs.

"Coelo" (from the sky), Meursius.

(printed under page 624)

(b) ‹furvique existimatis coloris› · call in col 1243

Nigri furvique aestimatis Fulv.

"Nigri furvique aestimatis" (you value [things] of black and dusky [colour]), Fulvio Orsini.

(printed under page 624)

(1) ‹Nigerrimique admoveantur coloris› · lemma, § XX, col 1243

XX. — Nigerrimique admoveantur coloris. Ita Meursius et caeteri eum secuti. Ante edebatur: colores. ORELL.

XX. — "And that [victims] of the blackest colour be brought." So Meursius, and the rest followed him. Before, "colores" (colours) was printed. ORELLI.

(printed under page 624)

(2) ‹Quid ergo? non videtis› · lemma, § XX, col 1243

Quid ergo? non videtis. Stewechius interpungit: Quid? Ergo non videtis. ORELL.

"What then? Do you not see?" Stewech punctuates: "What? Then do you not see?" ORELLI.

(printed under page 624)

(3) ‹Pastibus incubare› · lemma, § XX, col 1243

Pastibus incubare. Pastus h. l. pro ipsis pascuis, ut apud Tacit. Annal., lib. IV, cap. 25: Praepeditis Numidarum equis, aut diversos pastus pererrantibus: et Solin. cap. 29: Si recta ad pastus ora dirigunt. OUDENDORP., ad Apulei., lib. V, pag. 353.

"To lie upon the pastures." "Pastus" here for the pastures themselves, as in Tacitus, Annals, book 4, ch. 25: "the Numidians' horses being hobbled or wandering over scattered pastures"; and Solinus, ch. 29: "if they turn their mouths straight to the pastures." OUDENDORP, on Apuleius, book 5, p. 353.

(printed under page 624)

(4) ‹Tetreque ut colorata› · lemma, § XX, col 1243

Tetreque ut colorata. Sic egregie emendavit Salmasius. Antea: tetraque et colorata. ORELL.

"And foully coloured." So Salmasius excellently emended. Before: "and foul and coloured". ORELLI.

(printed under page 624)

(5) ‹Illa ut sint lurida, fuliginem infundite cum favillis› · lemma, § XX, col 1243

Illa ut sint lurida, fuliginem infundite cum favillis. Meursius lurida mutat in furva, pessime. Nam luridus proprius color cadaverum putrescentium optime opponitur sanorum sanguini purpureo. ORELL.

"That those may be lurid, pour in soot with embers." Meursius changes "lurida" to "furva" (dusky), very badly. For "luridus", the proper colour of rotting corpses, is excellently opposed to the purple blood of the healthy. ORELLI.

(printed under page 624)

(6) ‹Quod si vobis religio nulla est alba quaedam ferre› · lemma, § XX, col 1243–1244

Quod si vobis religio nulla est alba quaedam ferre. Ita ms. Qui legi volunt inferre (Fulvius Ursinus et Stewechius), falluntur. Usi enim sunt simplici ferre hac in re optimi scriptores. Sic thura ferre ap. Ovid. de Ponto lib. I, epist. V: Thuraque Caesaribus cum conjuge Caesare digna / Dis veris memini debita ferre manu. et lib. II, epist. IX: Irrita Neptuno cur ego thura feram? Lib. III, eleg. I: Thura fer ad magnos vinaque pura deos. Lib. IV, eleg. VIII: Denique thura feram rapidis solemnia flammis. Sic preces ferre. Virgilius, Aen. VIII, 60: Junoni fer rite preces; irasque minasque / Supplicibus supera votis. ubi Servius: Sic fer preces, quemadmodum sacra ferri dicimus. HERALD.

"But if you have no scruple against bringing some white things." So the manuscript. Those who want "inferre" read (Fulvio Orsini and Stewech) are mistaken, for the best writers used the simple "ferre" in this matter. So "to bring incense" in Ovid, Ex Ponto, book 1, letter 5: "I remember bringing with my hand the incense due to the Caesars, true gods, with Caesar's worthy consort"; and book 2, letter 9: "Why should I bring vain incense to Neptune?" Book 3, elegy 1: "Bring incense and pure wine to the great gods." Book 4, elegy 8: "Lastly I will bring the customary incense to the devouring flames." So "to bring prayers". Virgil, Aeneid 8.60: "Bring prayers duly to Juno, and overcome her anger and threats with suppliant vows"; where Servius: "'Bring prayers', just as we say rites are brought." HERALD.

(printed under page 624)

(7) ‹Quem patri solemne est Libero, Mercurio mactari› · lemma, § XXI, col 1244

XXI. — Quem patri solemne est Libero, Mercurio mactari. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. e ms. Non necessaria itaque Gelenii correctio: Mercurioque. Nam Arnobium nostrum amare omittere copulam jam aliquoties observavimus. De capris Libero mactatis res notissima. Sed Mercurio etiam κατ' ἐξοχὴν sacratos apud alios legisse non memini. ORELL.

XXI. — "Which it is customary to slay to father Liber, to Mercury." So the Leiden edition, from the manuscript. Gelenius's correction "and to Mercury" is therefore unnecessary, for we have already observed several times that our Arnobius loves to leave out the copula. That goats were slain to Liber is very well known; but I do not remember reading in other writers of goats consecrated pre-eminently to Mercury too. ORELLI.

(printed under page 624)

(8) ‹Unxiae› · lemma, § XXI, col 1244

Unxiae. Vide supra ad lib. III, cap. 25. ORELL.

"Unxia" (goddess of anointing). See above, on book 3, ch. 25. ORELLI.

(printed under page 624)

(9) ‹Honorarium istud debitum› · lemma, § XXI, col 1244

Honorarium istud debitum. Lib IV: Si quando res sacras ceremoniarum conficitis debitis. ELMENH.

"That honorary debt." Book 4: "If ever you perform sacred things with the due ceremonies." ELMENHORST.

(printed under page 624)

(10) ‹Officia rituum procurationemque miscere› · lemma, § XXI, col 1244

Officia rituum procurationemque miscere. Meo animo rectius futurum est procurationumque. Neque enim eadem semper et ubique procuratio, id est expiatio: neque in unum solum finem. Verba senatusconsulti romani sunt apud Agellium: Consul hostiis majoribus Jovi et Marti procuraret. Lib. IV, Noctium, cap. 6, ubi vide plura. Perinde procurationem fulminis pro expiatione constituit Arnobius saepe in uno libro V, et inibi illius expiandi ritum publicat. STEWECH. — Cum Stewechio consentit etiam Meursius. ORELL.

"To confuse the duties of the rites and the procuration." To my mind "and of the procurations" will be more correct. For the procuration, that is the expiation, is not always and everywhere the same, nor directed to one end alone. The words of a decree of the Roman senate are in Gellius: "Let the consul make procuration with greater victims to Jupiter and Mars." Attic Nights, book 4, ch. 6, where see more. Likewise Arnobius often sets "the procuration of a thunderbolt" for its expiation, in book 5 alone, and in that same place makes public the rite of expiating it. STEWECH. — Meursius too agrees with Stewech. ORELLI.

(printed under page 624)

(11) ‹Certaque est supplicamenta praestari› · lemma, § XXI, col 1244

Certaque est supplicamenta praestari. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. ex ms. bene, nam abundanter ponit Arnobius non solum particulas, sed etiam verbum auxiliare. Alii: Certa et supplicamenta. Meursius: certaque supplicamenta praestari. ORELL.

"And it is [right] that fixed supplications be offered." So the Leiden edition from the manuscript, well; for Arnobius uses redundantly not only particles but also the auxiliary verb. Others: "fixed also the supplications." Meursius: "and that fixed supplications be offered." ORELLI.

(printed under page 624)

(12) ‹Aut coelo aliquid lapsum› · lemma, § XXI, col 1244

Aut coelo aliquid lapsum. Id est verissimum, et de quo nullus ambigere amplius possit. Lib. I: Neque enim de coelo aliquis deus lapsus est, aut suis res vestras commentatus est manibus. Lactantius, libro III, cap 19: Non enim descendit aliquis de coelo, qui sententiam de singulorum opinionibus ferat. ELMENH.

"Or something fallen from heaven." That is, something most true, about which no one could any longer doubt. Book 1: "For no god has fallen from heaven, or devised your affairs with his own hands." Lactantius, book 3, ch. 19: "For no one has come down from heaven to pass judgement on the opinions of each." ELMENHORST.

(printed under page 624)

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running head: 1243 ARNOBII ADVERSUS
marginal letters: A (in col. 1244); B (in col. 1244); C (in col. 1244)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: margin D is in the Commentarius at foot

PL 5:1244

ferre, et suos retinentia candores: ipsi vestras religiones rationesque dissolvitis, cum sacrorum in opere nihil unum, perpetuumque servatis.

and those retaining their own whiteness, you yourselves dissolve your own religious observances and reasons, since in the work of sacred rites you keep nothing uniform and perpetual.

XXI. Sed et illud hoc loco consentaneum est ex vobis addiscere: si caper caedatur Jovi, quem patri solemne est Libero, Mercurio mactari: aut bos si sterilis Unxiae, quam Proserpinae tribuitis, quo ritu atque observatione praecipitur: quid facinoris in hoc erit, quid malorum, scelerisve contractum; cum nihil intersit obsequii, cujus animalis e capite honorarium istud debitum compleatur? Confundi haec, inquit, fas non est nec piaculi parvi est, officia rituum procurationemque miscere. Causam oro edissere. Quia generis certi hostias certis jus est consecrare numinibus, certaque est supplicamenta praestari. Et quae iterum causa est, ut generis certi hostias certis jus sit consecrare numinibus, certaque et supplicamenta praestari? et hoc enim jus ipsum debet habere suam causam, certisque ab rationibus exoriri, duci. Antiquitatem, consuetudinemque dicturus es? Hominum mihi scita pronuntias, et caeci animalis inventa. Ego autem, cum postulo causam mihi depromi, audire desidero, aut coelo aliquid lapsum, aut quod magis res poscit, quid applicitum Jupiter ad tauri habeat sanguinem, ut ei debeat immolari, non debeat Mercurio, Libero? Aut natura quae capri est, ut his rursus accommoda, Jovialibus conveniens sacrificiis non sit? Animalium

XXI. Moreover, it is fitting in this place to learn this also from you: if a he-goat, which it is customary to sacrifice to Father Liber and to Mercury, should be slain to Jupiter; or if a barren cow, which you assign to Proserpina, should be slain to Unxia, by what rite and observance is this forbidden, or what crime will there be in this, what evil or wickedness contracted, since it makes no difference as to dutiful service from the head of what animal that honorary debt is fulfilled? For these things to be confounded, he says, is not lawful, nor is it a matter of small guilt to mingle the duties of rites and their administration. Set forth the cause, I pray. Because it is the law to consecrate victims of a fixed kind to fixed deities, and for fixed supplications to be offered. And what again is the cause that it should be the law to consecrate victims of a fixed kind to fixed deities, and for fixed supplications also to be offered? For this law itself also ought to have its own cause, and to arise and be drawn from fixed reasons. Are you about to speak of antiquity and custom? You declare to me the decrees of men, and the inventions of a blind creature. But I, when I demand that a cause be brought forth to me, desire to hear either something fallen from heaven, or, what the matter rather demands, what attachment Jupiter has to the blood of a bull, that it ought to be sacrificed to him, and ought not to Mercury or to Liber? Or what the nature of a he-goat is, that while suited to these in turn, it should not be fitting for the sacrifices of Jupiter? Has a division of animals

Editors' notes and page, col. 1244

Footnotes

Discere ms.

"Discere" (to learn), manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

(printed under page 624)

Page

running head: II ADVERSUS GENTES 1244
marginal letters: A ferre, et suos; B certaque est supplicamenta; C Jovialibus conveniens sacrificiis
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: clipped ARNOB in ARNOBII and missing period after GENTES in running head; margin D is in the Commentarius at foot

PL 5:1245

facta est inter deos divisio, transactionis alicujus pactione convenit, ut ille contineret ab hujus se hostia? hic ut usurpare desineret alieni sanguinis jura? an, ut zelotypi pusiones, communicare gustatum suarum pecudum nolunt? aut, ut gentibus fieri moris diversissimi fama est, quae habentur his esui, aliarum eadem rejiciuntur ab victibus?

been made among the gods, and has it been agreed by the compact of some settlement that that one should hold himself back from this one's victim, and that this one should cease to usurp the rights of another's blood? Or, like jealous lads, are they unwilling to share the tasting of their own cattle? Or, as the report is that the custom of most diverse nations is, are the same things that are held for food by these rejected from the diet of others?

XXII. Ergo si haec cassa sunt, nec rationis alicujus habentia firmitatem, sacrificiorum et ipsa inanis est ratio. Etenim qui potis est habere idoneam id, quod sequitur, causam, cum ipsum illud primum, a quo defluit secundum, inanissimum esse reperiatur et vacuum, et nulla soliditate firmatum? Telluri, inquiunt, matri scrofa inciens immolatur et foeta, at Minervae virgini virgo caeditur vitula, nullis umquam stimulis, nullius operis exercitata conatu. Atquin nos arbitramur, nec virginem virgini oportuisse mactari, ne virginitas violaretur in pecude, qua dea plurimum pollet: nec Telluri gravidas atque foetas ob honorem foecunditatis ipsius, quam cuncti expetimus et optamus inextinguibili semper virginitate procedere. Nam si, quia virgo Tritonia est, idcirco ei convenit virgines hostias immolari: et quod Tellus est mater, consimiliter gravidis accipienda est scrofis; ergo et musicis Apollo, quod musicus: et quod medicus Aesculapius, medicis: et quod faber Vulcanus est, fabris: et quod Mercurius eloquens, eloquentibus debet disertissimisque mactari. Quod si dicere istud insanum est, aut, ut mediocriter pronuntiem, brutum: multo illud majoris amentiae est foetas jugulare Telluri, quod sit foetibus gravior: Minervae

XXII. Therefore, if these things are empty, and have the stability of no reason, the reason of sacrifices is itself also vain. For how is that which follows able to have a suitable cause, when that very first thing, from which the second flows down, is found to be most empty and void, and established by no solidity? To Mother Earth, they say, a pregnant and breeding sow is sacrificed, whereas to the virgin Minerva a virgin heifer is slain, tried by no goads ever, and by the effort of no work. And yet we judge that neither ought a virgin to have been sacrificed to a virgin, lest virginity, wherein the goddess is most potent, should be violated in the beast; nor to Earth pregnant and breeding victims on account of the honour of her fruitfulness, which we all seek after and wish to advance always in unquenchable virginity [so printed, perhaps for viriditate, vigour]. For if, because Tritonia is a virgin, on that account it is fitting for virgin victims to be sacrificed to her, and because Earth is a mother, she is similarly to be entertained with pregnant sows; then Apollo also, because he is a musician, ought to be honoured by the sacrifice of musicians; and because Aesculapius is a physician, of physicians; and because Vulcan is a smith, of smiths; and because Mercury is eloquent, of the eloquent and most fluent. But if to say this is insane, or, to speak moderately, brutish: that is of much greater madness, to slaughter breeding victims to Earth because she is heavy with offspring, and to Minerva

Editors' notes and page, col. 1245

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 625)

(a) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1245

Nos non posse. ms. Bene. Meurs.

"Nos non posse" (that we cannot), manuscript. Well. Meursius.

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

(printed under page 625)

(1) ‹Transactionis› · lemma, § XXI, col 1245

Transactionis. Transactio vocabulum forense de conventione, qua a lite jam mota vel movenda, aliquo dato, retento promisso receditur: ein Gütlicher Vergleich. Vid. Brisson., de Verb. Sign., hoc verbo et Heinecc. Antiquitt. Rom. ad Instit, lib. VI, tit. VI, tom. II, p. 217, seq. ORELL.

"Of the settlement." "Transactio" is a legal word for an agreement by which a suit already begun or about to be begun is abandoned, something being given, retained or promised: in German, "ein gütlicher Vergleich" (an amicable settlement). See Brisson, On the Meaning of Words, under this word, and Heineccius, Roman Antiquities on the Institutes, book 6, title 6, vol. 2, p. 217 f. ORELLI.

(printed under page 625)

(2) ‹Pactione convenit, ut› · lemma, § XXI, col 1245

Pactione convenit, ut, etc. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii distinguunt: pactione? Convenit, ut, etc. ORELL.

"It is agreed by compact that," etc. So the Leiden edition. Others punctuate: "by compact? It is agreed that," etc. ORELLI.

(printed under page 625)

(3) ‹Hic ut usurpare desineret alieni sanguinis jura› · lemma, § XXI, col 1245

Hic ut usurpare desineret alieni sanguinis jura. Ita Gelenius, probante Heraldo in Curis II. Alii desideret. ORELL.

"That this one should cease to claim rights over another's blood." So Gelenius, with Herald's approval in his Second Cares. Others: "desideret" (should desire). ORELLI.

(printed under page 625)

(4) ‹Sacrificiorum et ipsa inanis est ratio› · lemma, § XXII, col 1245

XXII. — Sacrificiorum et ipsa inanis est ratio. Codex ms. habet datio, quod probat Stewechius. ORELL.

XXII. — "The reasoning of the sacrifices is itself empty too." The manuscript has "datio" (the giving), which Stewech approves. ORELLI.

(printed under page 625)

(5) ‹Etenim qui potis est› · lemma, § XXII, col 1245

Etenim qui potis est. Ita ms. Alii: pote est. MEURS.

"For how can it be." So the manuscript. Others: "pote est". MEURSIUS.

(printed under page 625)

(6) ‹Telluri, inquiunt, matri scrofa inciens immolatur et foeta› · lemma, § XXII, col 1245

Telluri, inquiunt, matri scrofa inciens immolatur et foeta. Ita Salmasius et Vossius l. V. Instit. Orat. c. 2, Sect. 4. Alii omittunt et. ms.: ut foeta. Meursius in Appendice: ut foetae. Ant. Augustinus ad Fest. v. plena sue legendum suspicatur: Scrofa inciens immolatur et forda, scil. bos. Ovidius Fast., IV, 631: Forda ferens bos est fecundaque dicta ferendo. Caeterum causam, cur scrofa immolabatur Telluri, explicat Festus l. I: Plena sue Telluri matri sacrificabatur, quod pecudis id genus, cum seritur, satis inimicum, quia rostro semen fodiendo corrumperet. Pro inciens, quod debetur Fulv. Ursino, ms., Sabaeus et Gelenius habent ingens, quod defendit Heraldus loco Virgilii Eclog. I, 50: Non insueta graves tentabunt pabula foetas. Ubi Servius explicat foetas et gravidas et partu liberatas, sed male. Vide supra, ad c. 18. ORELL.

"To Mother Earth, they say, a sow in farrow is sacrificed, and a pregnant one." So Salmasius, and Vossius, Institutes of Oratory, book 5, ch. 2, sect. 4. Others omit "et". Manuscript: "ut foeta". Meursius in the Appendix: "ut foetae". Antonio Agustín, on Festus under "plena sue", suspects one should read: "a sow in farrow is sacrificed, and a cow in calf" — a cow, that is. Ovid, Fasti 4.631: "A cow carrying young and fruitful is 'forda', so named from 'ferendo' (carrying)." The reason a sow was sacrificed to Earth Festus explains, book 1: "A pregnant sow was sacrificed to Mother Earth, because that kind of beast is quite hostile to the crops when they are sown, since it spoils the seed by rooting with its snout." For "inciens", which is owed to Fulvio Orsini, the manuscript, Sabaeus and Gelenius have "ingens" (huge), which Herald defends with the line of Virgil, Eclogue 1.50: "No unfamiliar pastures will try the heavy breeding ewes." There Servius explains "foetae" both as pregnant and as delivered of their young, but wrongly. See above, on ch. 18. ORELLI.

(printed under page 625)

(7) ‹Gravidas atque foetas› · lemma, § XXII, col 1245

Gravidas atque foetas. Antonius Augustinus: gravidas atque fordas. Vide notam praecedentem. ORELL.

"Pregnant and breeding." Antonio Agustín: "pregnant and in calf." See the preceding note. ORELLI.

(printed under page 625)

(8) ‹Quam cuncti expetimus› · lemma, § XXII, col 1245

Quam cuncti expetimus. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. e ms. Alii: quoniam cuncti expetimus. ORELL.

"Which we all seek." So the Leiden edition, from the manuscript. Others: "since we all seek." ORELLI.

(printed under page 625)

(9) ‹Consimiliter gravidis accipienda est scrophis› · lemma, § XXII, col 1245

Consimiliter gravidis accipienda est scrophis. Vide supra ad l. III, c. 15. ORELL.

"Likewise she is to be welcomed with pregnant sows." See above, on book 3, ch. 15. ORELLI.

(printed under page 625)

(10) ‹Virginitatis intactae› · lemma, § XXII, col 1245–1246

Virginitatis intactae. Id est, integrae virginitatis. Euripidi virgines intactae sunt ἄζυγες κοῦραι. ELMENH. — Fulv. Ursinus conj.: Et virginitatis intactae. ORELL.

"Of untouched virginity." That is, of whole virginity. In Euripides untouched virgins are "unyoked maidens". ELMENHORST. — Fulvio Orsini conjectures: "And of untouched virginity." ORELLI.

(printed under page 625)

(11) ‹Placidumque natura, ab nocendi procul est usu› · lemma, § XXIII, col 1246

XXIII. — Placidumque natura, ab nocendi procul est usu. Sic e codice ms. restituit Canterus. Alii omittunt ab. ORELL.

XXIII. — "And gentle by nature, is far removed from the practice of harming." So Canter restored it from the manuscript. Others omit "ab". ORELLI.

(printed under page 625)

(12) ‹Hic contractus aculeum figat› · lemma, § XXIII, col 1246

Hic contractus aculeum figat. Haec est verissima lectio, quam Gelenius temere mutaverat. Scripserat enim contactus. At Fulv. Ursinus vocem istam prorsus tollendam existimat. Falluntur omnes egregie. Sane contractus scorpius aculeum figit. Graphice Tertullianus in Scorpiaco: Proinde scorpii series illa nodorum venenata intrinsecus venula subtilis, arcuato impetu insurgens, hamatile spiculum in summo tormenti ratione restringens. Unde et bellicam machinam retractu tela vegetantem de scorpio nominant. HERALD.

"The other, drawn together, may fix its sting." This is the truest reading, which Gelenius had rashly changed; for he had written "contactus" (touched). And Fulvio Orsini thinks the word should be removed altogether. They are all thoroughly mistaken. Truly the scorpion, drawn together, fixes its sting. Tertullian in the Scorpiace, vividly: "So that string of the scorpion's joints, poisonous within by a fine little vein, rising with an arched thrust, draws tight the hooked dart at its tip in the manner of an engine of war. Hence they also name after the scorpion the war-machine that drives its missiles by drawing back." HERALD.

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(13) ‹Nihilque illa prosit allusio› · lemma, § XXIII, col 1246

Nihilque illa prosit allusio. Qua alludebat scilicet et adulabatur feris illis bestiis. Tractum a canibus. Supra (c. 18): Latratorum et canum ritu offis saevitias ponere, atque alludere porrigentibus saepius. Quod igitur dixerat antea manu mulcere et blandiri, allusionis vocabulo nunc significat. Mulcere est πράως ἅπτεσθαι, ut inter- (continues)

"And that fawning may be of no use." That by which he fawned on and flattered those wild beasts. Drawn from dogs. Above (ch. 18): "after the manner of barkers and dogs, to lay aside their savagery for morsels, and to fawn often on those who hold them out." So what he had said earlier, "to stroke with the hand and to coax", he now expresses by the word "allusio". "Mulcere" is to touch gently, as (continues)

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castas et virgines, quod, sit pura, virginitatis intactae.

chaste and virgin ones because she is pure and of untouched virginity.

XXIII. Nam quod dici a vobis accipimus, esse quosdam ex diis bonos, alios autem malos, et ad nocendi libidinem promptiores: illisque ut prosint, his verone noceant, sacrorum solemnia ministrari: quanam istud ratione dicatur, intelligere confitemur non posse. Nam deos benignissimos dicere, lenesque habere naturas, et sanctum, et religiosum, et verum est: malos autem et laevos, nequaquam sumendum est auribus, ideo quoniam divina illa vis ab nocendi procul est dimota et disjuncta natura. Quidquid autem potis est causam calamitatis inferre, quid sit primum videndum est, et ab dei nomine longissima debet differitate seponi. Itaque ut vobis commodemus assensum, dextrarum sinistrarumque rerum deos esse fautores: ulla nec sic ratio est cur alios alliciatis ad prospera, alios vero, ne noceant, sacrificiis, commulceatis et praemiis. Primum, quod dii boni male non queant facere, etiam si nullo fuerint honore mactati: quidquid enim mite est placidumque natura, ab nocendi procul est usu et cogitatione discretum: malus vero comprimere suam ferociam nescit, quamvis gre⟨g⟩ibus mille, et mille alliciatur altaribus: neque enim in dulcedinem vertere amaritudo se potest: aut ariditas in humorem, calor ignis in frigora: aut quod rei cuicumque contrarium est, id quod sibi contrarium est, in suam sumere, atque immutare naturam. Ut si manu viperam mulceas, venenato blandiaris aut scorpio⟨ni⟩: petat illa te morsu, hic contractus aculeum figat: nihilque illa prosit allusio, cum ad nocendum res ambae non

XXIII. For as to what we hear is said by you, that certain of the gods are good, while others are evil and more ready for the lust of harming, and that the solemnities of sacred rites are ministered to the former that they may do good, and to the latter that they may not do harm: in what way this is said, we confess that we are not able to understand. For to say that the gods are most kind, and have gentle natures, is both holy, and religious, and true: but that they are evil and unpropitious is by no means to be admitted to the ears, for the reason that that divine power is far removed and severed from the nature of harming. Whatever is able to bring in a cause of calamity must first be seen for what it is, and ought to be set apart by the longest difference from the name of God. And so, even to lend you our assent that the gods are the furtherers of prosperous and of adverse things, not even so is there any reason why you should entice some to prosperous things, and soothe others by sacrifices and rewards lest they do harm: first, because good gods cannot do ill, even if they have been honoured with no worship—for whatever is mild and peaceful by nature is far parted from the practice and thought of harming—whereas an evil one knows not how to restrain his fierceness, although he be enticed by a thousand flocks and a thousand altars; for neither can bitterness turn itself into sweetness, or dryness into moisture, or the heat of fire into cold, or that which is contrary to anything take that which is contrary to itself into its own nature and change it. Just as if you should stroke a viper with your hand, or coax a venomous scorpion, the former would assail you with its bite, the latter, drawing itself together, would fix its sting, and that fondling would avail nothing, since for harming both creatures

Editors' notes and page, col. 1246

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stimulis exagitantur irarum, sed quadam proprietate naturae. Ita nihil prodest promereri velle per hostias deos laevos, cum sive illud feceris, sive contra non feceris, agant suam naturam, et ad ea, quae facti sunt, ingenitis legibus, et quadam necessitate ducantur. Quid quod isto modo utrique dii desinunt esse suis in viribus, et suis in qualitatibus permanere. Nam si bonis ut prosint, res divina conficitur, aliis autem, ne noceant, iisdem rationibus supplicatur: sequitur, ut intelligi debeat, nihil dexteros profuturos, nulla si acceperint munera: malos autem si acceperint, nocendi posituros mentem, fierique ex hoc bonos: atque ita perducitur res eo, ut neque

are not goaded on by the stings of wrath, but by a certain property of nature. Thus it profits nothing to wish to win over unpropitious gods by victims, since whether you have done that, or on the contrary have not done it, they act out their own nature, and are led to those things for which they were made by inborn laws and a certain necessity. What of the fact that in this way both kinds of gods cease to be in their own powers, and to remain in their own qualities? For if divine service is performed to the good that they may do good, while supplication is made by the same means to the others lest they do harm, it follows that it must be understood that the propitious gods will profit nothing if they have received no gifts, while the evil, if they have received them, will lay aside the mind of harming, and thereby become good: and thus the matter is brought to such a pass that neither

Editors' notes and page, col. 1247

Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

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(1) ‹Nihilque illa prosit allusio› · lemma, § XXIII, col 1246

(continued) pretatur in Camillo Plutarchus. Unde et multare dictum; nempe mollire aliquem pugnis aut fustibus, quomodo ludunt Comici. Quare falluntur, qui mulcare scribendum putant. Sic enim a supino mulsum fit multo, ut a confusum fit confuto, et similia. HERALD.

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(2) ‹Cum ad nocendum res ambae non stimulis exagitantur irarum› · lemma, § XXIII, col 1247

Cum ad nocendum res ambae non stimulis exagitantur irarum. Haec est lectio vetus, quam in caeteris editionibus mutarunt, et exagitentur ediderunt. Sane particula ista hunc sibi modum quandoque assumpsit. Lucretius, l. VI, 129: Nec mirum, cum plena animae vesicula parva / Saepe ita dat pariter sonitum displosa repente. M. Tullius pro Quinctio: Quod cum ita est, ex edicto bona possessa non sunt. Tertullianus Apologet. c. IX: Cum propriis filiis Saturnus non pepercit, extraneis utique non parcendo perseverabat. Τῶν ἀλλοτρίων μηδὲν φειδόμενος διετέλει. Hellenismus est. Idem c. XXII: Cum ergo utraque pars concurrit in confessionem deos esse negans, agnoscite unum genus esse, etc. His omnibus locis cum est quoniam. Nihil igitur mutandum est hoc ejusdem scriptoris loco Apologet. c. II: Cum igitur in omnibus nos aliter disponitis. Ἡμᾶς ἄλλως διατίθεσθε. Neque reformandus igitur hic ejusdem Tertulliani locus l. de patientia, c. X: Ego rubori locum non facio, cum plus de detrimento ejus acquiro: cum ipse hominem quodammodo exhortatur, ne me respexeris dicens. HERALD.

"Since both creatures are not driven by the goads of anger to do harm." This is the old reading, which in the other editions they changed, printing "exagitentur" (subjunctive). Indeed this particle sometimes took this construction. Lucretius 6.129: "Nor is it a wonder, since a small bladder full of air often gives just such a sound when it suddenly bursts." Cicero, For Quinctius: "Since this is so, the goods were not possessed under the edict." Tertullian, Apology, ch. 9: "Since Saturn did not spare his own sons, he certainly persisted in not sparing strangers" — "he continued sparing nothing of others": it is a Hellenism. The same, ch. 22: "Since then both parties agree in confessing, denying that they are gods, recognize that they are one kind," etc. In all these places "cum" means "since". So nothing should be changed in this passage of the same writer, Apology ch. 2: "Since then in all things you treat us otherwise" — "you dispose yourselves otherwise towards us." Nor, therefore, should this passage of the same Tertullian be reformed, On Patience, ch. 10: "I do not give place to shame, since I gain more from his loss: since he himself in a way exhorts the man, saying, 'Do not look back at me.'" HERALD.

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(3) ‹Stimulis exagitantur irarum› · lemma, § XXIII, col 1247

Stimulis exagitantur irarum. Virgilius Aen. XI, 452: Arrectae stimulis haud mollibus irae. Et 728: Stimulis haud mollibus incitat iras. HERALD.

"Are driven by the goads of anger." Virgil, Aeneid 11.452: "their anger roused by no gentle goads." And 728: "He stirs their anger with no gentle goads." HERALD.

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(4) ‹Itaque nihil prodest promereri velle per hostias deos› · lemma, § XXIII, col 1247

Itaque nihil prodest promereri velle per hostias deos. Ita Lactantius, l. VI, c. 19 fin.: Huic Deo pareamus, huic devotissime serviamus, in eo promerendo actus omnis et cura et opera collocetur. Ubi vid. Bunemann. qui de hoc verbo multus est, p. 743. ORELL.

"So it is no use wishing to win the gods' favour by victims." So Lactantius, book 6, ch. 19, at the end: "Let us obey this God, let us serve him most devotedly; let all our action, care and work be set on winning his favour." See Bünemann there, who says much on this verb, p. 743. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Et ad ea quae facti sunt› · lemma, § XXIII, col 1247

Et ad ea quae facti sunt. Πρὸς ἃ ἐγεννήθησαν, πρὸς ἃ ἔφυσαν. Nam idcirco dixit agant suam naturam. Hellenismus igitur est et nihil mutandum. HERALD. — Canterus legendum suspicatur: ad ea quae facti sunt, quod equidem longe praefero. Nam durissima est constructio ad ea quae facti sunt pro ad ea, ad quae facti sunt, neque aliud simile exemplum in nostro auctore reperisse memini. ORELL.

"And to the things they were made [for]." "To what they were born for, to what they grew for." That is why he said "let them act out their nature". It is a Hellenism, then, and nothing should be changed. HERALD. — Canter suspects one should read: "to the things for which they were made" [as printed: identical to the lemma], which I much prefer. For "ad ea quae facti sunt" for "ad ea, ad quae facti sunt" is a very harsh construction, and I do not remember finding any other similar example in our author. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Sed si magnificum videtur atque amplum› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1247

XXIV. — Sed si magnificum videtur atque amplum. Id est, μεγαλοπρεπὲς καὶ μεγαλόψυχον. Sallustius Conjur. Catil.: In suppliciis deorum magnifici, domi parci. Atque in hoc deorum honore magnificentiam suam enitescere praecipue debere existimabant. Aristoteles, l. VI. Nicomach.: Καὶ ἔστιν ἀρετὴ ἔργου, μεγαλοπρέπεια ἐν μεγέθει· ἔστι δὲ τῶν δαπανημάτων, οἷα λέγομεν τὰ τίμια, οἷον τὰ περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς ἀναθήματα, καὶ κατασκευαὶ καὶ θυσίαι. HERALD.

XXIV. — "But if it seems magnificent and grand." That is, magnificent and great-souled. Sallust, Catiline: "Magnificent in their supplications to the gods, frugal at home." And they thought their magnificence ought above all to shine in this honouring of the gods. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, book 6 [as printed]: "And the excellence of a work is magnificence in greatness; and it belongs to those expenditures we call honourable, such as offerings to the gods, and their furnishings and sacrifices." HERALD.

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(7) ‹Si illibata, si solida concremari animantium viscera› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1247–1248

Si illibata, si solida concremari animantium viscera. Illibata, solida viscera sunt integra, quibus nihil detractum est ὁλόκαυστα. Opp. proficiae, θυμάτων ἀπαρχαί. Vid. Taubmann. ad Virgil., Aen. VI, p. 502; Salmas., ad Solin. p. 90, et P. Colv., ad Apulei. Met., lib. X, pag. 707, ed. Oudendorp. Viscera, carnes, proprie quidquid inter ossa et cutem est, quod notissimum. ORELL.

"If the flesh of living creatures is burned unbroached and whole." Unbroached, whole flesh is flesh entire, from which nothing has been taken: holocausts. The opposite is "proficiae", the first-offerings of victims. See Taubmann on Virgil, Aeneid 6, p. 502; Salmasius on Solinus, p. 90; and P. Colvius on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book 10, p. 707, Oudendorp's edition. "Viscera" are the flesh, properly whatever lies between the bones and the skin, which is very well known. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Quid sibi reliqua haec volunt magorum cohaerentia disciplinis› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1248

Quid sibi reliqua haec volunt magorum cohaerentia disciplinis. Reliqua haec, scil. proficiae variaque farciminum et liborum genera, quae diis solebant offerri et in ara comburi. Magorum disciplinis cohaerere dicit Arnobius, qui non solida et illibata taurorum viscera diis concremabant, sed omentorum tantum partem et proficias. At viri docti (Heraldus), ita verba Arnobii accipiunt, quasi proficiarum illa vocabula, quae in sequentibus enarrantur, tenebrosa et barbara essent, qualia erant ea, quibus Magi utebantur. Nihil tam menti Arnobii contrarium. Catullus, Carmine XC, de disciplina Magorum: Gnatus ut accepto veneretur carmine divos / Omentum in flamma pingue liquefaciens. Si pulchrum est, inquit Arnobius, et magnificum tauros diis immolare, et solidas eorum carnes iis concremare, quid sibi volunt reliqua haec, Magorum cohaerentia disciplinis, hae particulae nimirum extorum et viscerum, quas separatim diis offertis et in ara ponitis? SALMAS., ad Solin., p. 90

"What do these remaining things mean, which cling to the teachings of the Magi?" "These remaining things", that is the first-offerings and the various kinds of sausages and cakes that used to be offered to the gods and burned on the altar. Arnobius says they cling to the teachings of the Magi, who did not burn whole and unbroached the flesh of bulls to the gods, but only part of the caul and the first-offerings. But learned men (Herald) take Arnobius's words as if those names of the first-offerings, which are set out in what follows, were dark and barbarous, such as the Magi used. Nothing is so contrary to Arnobius's meaning. Catullus, Poem 90, on the teaching of the Magi: "so that the son may worship the gods with an acceptable chant, melting the fat caul in the flame." If it is fine and magnificent, says Arnobius, to sacrifice bulls to the gods and to burn their whole flesh to them, what do these remaining things mean, which cling to the teachings of the Magi — these little portions, namely, of entrails and flesh, which you offer to the gods separately and lay on the altar? SALMASIUS, on Solinus, p. 90.

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(9) ‹Apexanes› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1248

Apexanes. Sic edidit Salmasius. Cod. ms. habet apexabones. Alii: apexabo. Sed ut longanones (vide notam mox sequentem Elmenhorstii), ita et apexabones, apexaones, apexanes, ab apexabo. Varro de Ling. lat., lib. IV, pag. 32, ed. Bipont.: Hila ab hilo dicta, id est minimo...... Quod id hoc farcimine summo quiddam eminet: ab eo, quod ut in capite apex, apexabo dicta. ORELL.

"Apexanes" (a kind of sausage). So Salmasius printed. The manuscript has "apexabones". Others: "apexabo". But as "longanones" (see Elmenhorst's note just below), so too "apexabones", "apexaones", "apexanes", from "apexabo". Varro, On the Latin Language, book 4, p. 32, Bipontine edition: "'Hila' are named from 'hilum', that is the least thing ... Because in this sausage something stands out at the top, it is called 'apexabo', from its being like the 'apex' on a head." ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Hirciae› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1248

Hirciae. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. ex ms. Antea edebatur isicia, de quibus vide supra ad lib. II, cap. 42. Meursius in Appendice et Stewechius corrigunt hircei sive ircei.., genus farciminis in sacrificiis, interprete Festo. Sed hirciae tuetur Salmas. ad Solin., pag. 90, explicans ipsis Arnobii verbis sequentibus: genus farciminis hirquino sanguine inculcatum. Conf. N. Heinsii, Adversar., lib. IV, cap. 9, p. 621. ORELL.

"Hirciae" (goat-sausages). So the Leiden edition from the manuscript. Formerly "isicia" (forcemeats) was printed; on these see above, on book 2, ch. 42. Meursius in the Appendix and Stewech correct to "hircei" or "ircei", a kind of sausage used in sacrifices, as Festus explains. But Salmasius defends "hirciae", on Solinus, p. 90, explaining it by Arnobius's own following words: "a kind of sausage stuffed with goat's blood." Compare N. Heinsius, Adversaria, book 4, ch. 9, p. 621. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Silicernia› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1248

Silicernia. Glossae: silicernium — περίδειπνον. Festus: Silicernium erat genus farciminis, quo fletu familia purgabatur. (Ubi vide intpp.) ELMENH.

"Silicernia." The Glossaries: "silicernium" — funeral feast. Festus: "The silicernium was a kind of sausage by which the household was purified from mourning." (See the commentators there.) ELMENHORST.

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(12) ‹Longavi› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1248

Longavi. Ita Salmasius ad vestigia codicis msti, qui habet longaevi, nullo sensu. Gelenius: longavo. Alii: longabo; alii tandem: longano. Varie haec vox scribitur. Glossae: longano, κωλέντερον. Varro de Ling. lat. lib. IV: Tertium sartum est longabo, quod longius, quam duo hila. Apicius, lib. IV, cap. 2: longanones porcinos. Vegetius, de Mulemed., lib. I, cap. 14: Longanon intestinum vocatur, per quod stercus egeritur (ubi vid. Schneider, V. Cl. et in Lexico Rust.). Coelius Aurelianus, de tardis passionib. lib. II: Longa- (continues)

"Longavi" (long sausages). So Salmasius, following the traces of the manuscript, which has "longaevi", making no sense. Gelenius: "longavo". Others: "longabo"; others finally: "longano". This word is written in various ways. The Glossaries: "longano", the colon (large gut). Varro, On the Latin Language, book 4: "The third stuffed thing is the 'longabo', because it is longer than two 'hila'." Apicius, book 4, ch. 2: "pork longanones". Vegetius, On Veterinary Medicine, book 1, ch. 14: "The intestine through which dung is voided is called the 'longanon'" (see there the distinguished Schneider, and in the Agricultural Lexicon). Caelius Aurelianus, On Chronic Diseases, book 2: (continues)

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hi dexteri, neque illi sint laevi, aut quod fieri non potest utrique ipsi sint dexteri, et utrique iterum laevi.

are these propitious, nor those unpropitious, or—what cannot happen—both are themselves propitious, and both again unpropitious.

XXIV. Esto, concedatur infelicissimas pecudes non sine aliquo religionis officio divorum apud templa mactari, et quod ex usu consuetudinis factum est, rationis alicujus causam aliquam continere: sed si magnificum videtur, atque amplum, jugulare diis tauros, si illibata, si solida concremari animantium viscera, quid sibi reliqua haec volunt magorum cohaerentia disciplinis, quae in sacrorum reconditis legibus pontificalia restituere mysteria, et rebus inseruere divinis? Quid inquam, sibi haec volunt, apexanes, hirciae, silicernia, longavi? quae sunt nomina,

XXIV. Be it so, let it be granted that the most wretched cattle are sacrificed at the temples of the deities not without some duty of religion, and that what has been done from the practice of custom contains some cause of some reason: yet if it seems magnificent and grand to slaughter bulls to the gods, if the entrails of living creatures are burned unimpaired and whole, what do these remaining things mean, clinging to the disciplines of the Magi, which in the hidden laws of sacred rites have restored pontifical mysteries and foisted them into divine services? What, I say, do these things mean—apexanes, hirciae, silicernia, longavi? which are names

Editors' notes and page, col. 1248

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PL 5:1249

et farciminum genera, hirquino alia sanguine, comminutis alia inculcata pulmonibus. Quid taedae? quid naeniae? quid offae? non vulgi, sed quibus est nomen appellatioque penitae: ex quibus quod primum est, in exiguas arvina est miculas, catillaminum insecta de more: quod in secundo situm est, intestini est porrectio, per quam proluvies editur; succis perexsiccata vitalibus: offa autem penita est, cum particula visceris cauda pecoris amputata. Quid polimina? quid omenta? quid palasea, sive, ut quidam cognominant, plasea? ex quibus est nomen omenti pars quaedam; quo receptacula ventrium circumretita finiuntur. Bovis cauda est plasea, siligine et sanguine delibuta. Polimina porro sunt ea,

and kinds of sausages, some stuffed with goat's blood, others with minced lungs. What of taedae? what of naeniae? what of offae—not those of the common herd, but those which have the name and appellation of penitae? Of which that which is first is fat cut up into tiny crumbs after the manner of dainties; that which is set in the second place is the extension of the intestine through which filth is discharged, thoroughly dried of its vital juices; and the offa penita is the tail of a beast cut off together with a small piece of flesh. What of polimina? what of omenta? what of palasea, or, as some call it, plasea? Of which a certain part has the name of omentum, whereby the netted receptacles of the bellies are bounded. The tail of an ox is plasea, smeared with fine wheat-flour and blood. Moreover, polimina are those parts

Editors' notes and page, col. 1249

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

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(a) ‹porrectio› · call in col 1249

Prosectio. Petr. Daniel.

"Prosectio" (a cutting-off), Pierre Daniel.

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

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(1) ‹Longavi› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1248

(continued) none cum sphinctere atque podice. Et noster tandem format longavus, i. Conf. Jansson, Lexic, Coelian. et Martin., Lexic. Etymol. ORELL.

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(2) ‹Quid taedae› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1249

Quid taedae. Haec est lectio vetus, pro qua Gelenius tuceta, temere. Nam quorsum hic tuceta inter obscura vocabula et sacrorum propria? Quid autem pronuntiandum sit, necdum liquet. HERALD. Meursius in Appendice legendum conjicit: Quid codae? antique pro caudae. Salmasius ad Solin. p. I. refingit: Quid taxiae, quod ortum a vitiosa scriptura taeciae aut tacciae, unde taedae ab imperitis factae. Taxia vel taxea est arvina, vel lardum. Afranius in Prosa: Gallum sagatum pingui pastum taxia. ORELL.

"What of the 'taedae'?" This is the old reading, for which Gelenius has "tuceta" (savoury meats), rashly; for why "tuceta" here, among obscure words proper to the rites? But what should be read is not yet clear. HERALD. Meursius in the Appendix conjectures one should read "What of the 'codae'?", the old form of "caudae" (tails). Salmasius, on Solinus, p. 1 [as printed], reshapes it: "What of the 'taxiae'?", which arose from a faulty spelling "taeciae" or "tacciae", from which the unskilled made "taedae". "Taxia" or "taxea" is fat or lard. Afranius, in the Prosa: "a cloaked Gaul fed on fat lard." ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Quid naeniae› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1249

Quid naeniae. Festus h. v.: Quidam aiunt naeniae ductum nomen ab extremi intestini vocabulo, ad quod probandum testimonio utitur Plauti, Bacchid. IV, scen. VIII, 48: Qua quidem ego te reddam, ubi me irritaveris, / Confossionem soricina naenia. ubi autem Scaliger naeniam interpretatur de voce, quam emittit confossus sorex. Dacerius autem ad Fest. l. l. tuetur significationem intestini. Salmasius in ed. Lugd. Bat. dedit: quid taeniae. Sed cum ipse capite sequente in loco gemino ediderit: nisi sibi adoleri paratas conspexerint naenias, malui et hic retinere, et rem integram relinquo doctiorum judicio. ORELL.

"What of the 'naeniae'?" Festus under this word: "Some say the name 'naenia' is drawn from the word for the end of the intestine"; to prove which he uses the testimony of Plautus, Bacchides 4, scene 8, 48: "Which indeed I will make you, when you have provoked me: more pierced through [confossionem, as printed] than a shrew's naenia." There, however, Scaliger takes "naenia" of the sound a shrew makes when it is pierced; but Dacier, on Festus at the place cited, defends the meaning "intestine". Salmasius in the Leiden edition gave "quid taeniae" (what of the ribbons?). But since he himself printed in the next chapter, in a twin passage, "unless they see the 'naeniae' made ready to be burned for them", I have preferred to keep it here too, and I leave the question open to the judgement of the more learned. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Quid offae, non vulgi, sed quibus est nomen, appellatioque penitae› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1249

Quid offae, non vulgi, sed quibus est nomen, appellatioque penitae. Festus: Penem antiqui codam vocabant, a qua antiquitate etiamnum offa porcina cum cauda in coenis puris offa penita vocatur. Idem: Penitam offam Naevius appellat absegmen carnis cum coda. Antiqui enim codam vocabant abscissum globi forma, ut manu glomeratam pultem. Caeterum haec offa penita etiam extra sacrificia; quare a Plauto in milite inter convivii scitamenta numeratur. HERALD.

"What of the morsels — not of the common sort, but those whose name and title is 'penitae'?" Festus: "The ancients called the 'penis' a 'coda' (tail); from this antiquity even now a pork morsel with the tail, at the pure suppers, is called 'offa penita'." The same: "Naevius calls an 'offa penita' a cut of meat with the tail." For the ancients called a 'coda' a piece cut off in the shape of a ball, like porridge rolled by hand. This "offa penita" was, however, eaten outside sacrifices too, which is why Plautus in the Miles counts it among the dainties of a banquet. HERALD.

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(5) ‹In exiguas arvina est miculas catillaminum insecta de more› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1249

In exiguas arvina est miculas catillaminum insecta de more. Transpositio verborum nostro frequentissima pro: arvina in exiguas insecta miculas de more catillaminum. Catillamen a catillo, are, 1, q. ligurrire in genere cuppedia et deliciosa mattea. Sed propria ita videntur vocasse farcimina aut botulos minutis carnibus inculcatos, quod avide a catillonibus expeterentur (Salmas. ad Solin., pag. 90). Supra lib. II, cap. 42, vocavit catillamenta, ubi vide notas. Caeterum palmaria haec Meursii et Salmasii emendatio Codex ms. habet: in exiguas arvina est miculas catilla minuam insecta de more. Sabaeus: At illa minutim insecta de more. Gelenius: aut ilia minutim insecta de more. Heraldus: Aut hila minutim insecta: dein ordine quod in secundo situm. est ORELL.

"The fat is cut into tiny crumbs, in the manner of 'catillamina'." A transposition of words very frequent in our author, for: "the fat cut into tiny crumbs in the manner of 'catillamina'." "Catillamen" comes from "catillo, -are" (first conjugation), that is, to lick up dainties and delicate titbits in general. But they seem properly to have called by this name sausages or puddings stuffed with minced meat, because they were greedily sought by plate-lickers (Salmasius on Solinus, p. 90). Above, book 2, ch. 42, he called them "catillamenta"; see the notes there. This is the prize-winning emendation of Meursius and Salmasius. The manuscript has: "the fat is cut into tiny crumbs, catilla minuam, in the manner." Sabaeus: "But that cut up small in the customary way." Gelenius: "or the guts cut up small in the customary way." Herald: "Or the 'hila' cut up small; then, in order, what is placed in the second." ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Ex quibus est nomen omenti pars quaedam› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1250

Ex quibus est nomen omenti pars quaedam, etc. Id est, quibus nomen omenti est pars quaedam; sive, ut clarius dicam, (ex quorum numero omentum est pars quaedam. Hoc qui non intelligebant, mutare voluerunt. HERALD. — Potius ita interpretandum: ex quibus id quod nominavimus omentum, est pars quaedam. Male igitur Fulv. Ursinus inducit τὸ nomen. ORELL.

"Of which the 'omentum' by name is a certain part," etc. That is, of which that named "omentum" is a certain part; or, to put it more clearly, of whose number the omentum (caul) is a certain part. Those who did not understand this wanted to change it. HERALD. — It should rather be interpreted thus: "of which what we have named the omentum is a certain part." So Fulvio Orsini wrongly strikes out the word "nomen". ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Polimina porro sunt ea, quae nos proles verecundius diximus› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1250

Polimina porro sunt ea, quae nos proles verecundius diximus. Polimina ait Festus appellari porcorum testiculos, quos ita appellari existimo, non a poliendo, quod ei placet, sed a pelle. Nam poliones pro pelliones. Polimentorum porcorum meminit etiam Plautus in Milite. HERALD.

"'Polimina', moreover, are what we more modestly have called 'proles'." Festus says the testicles of pigs are called "polimina"; I think they are so called not from "polire" (to polish), as he holds, but from "pellis" (skin). For "poliones" stands for "pelliones" (furriers). Plautus too mentions pigs' "polimenta" in the Miles. HERALD.

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(8) ‹Quid fitilla, quid frumen, quid africia, quid gratilla, catumeum, conspolium, cubula?› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1250

Quid fitilla, quid frumen, quid africia, quid gratilla, catumeum, conspolium, cubula? De fitilla vide supra ad. lib. II, cap. 21. Pro frumen Meursius conjicit frama pro forma, quae erat puls ex melle et milio, teste Festo: quomodo Tharsomenos veteres multi pro Thasymenos dictitarunt, teste Quintilliano Instit. Orat., lib. I, c. V. et precula Tinra Placentinus pro pergula. Caetera nulli veterum memorata cum ipse Arnobius explicet, hoc Catone contenti erimus. Cubula dicta fortassis a forma cubica. ORELL.

"What of the 'fitilla', what of the 'frumen', what of the 'africia', what of the 'gratilla', the 'catumeum', the 'conspolium', the 'cubula'?" On "fitilla" see above, on book 2, ch. 21. For "frumen" Meursius conjectures "frama" for "forma", which was a porridge of honey and millet, as Festus witnesses — just as many of the ancients used to say "Tharsomenus" for "Thrasymenus" [as printed: Thasymenos], as Quintilian witnesses, Institutes of Oratory, book 1, ch. 5, and Tinga [as printed: Tinra] of Placentia said "precula" for "pergula". The rest are mentioned by none of the ancients; since Arnobius himself explains them, we shall be content with this Cato. "Cubula" is perhaps named from its cubic shape. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Carnem strebulam› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1250

Carnem strebulam. Caro strebula, κρέας στρεβλόν, circum coxendices in bobus, a curvatura et versura ita dicta. Στρεβλὸς enim curvus et pravus: unde stribligo, depravata oratio, ὁ σολοικισμός. Vide Varon., de Ling. lat., lib. VI, pag. 93, ed. Bipont. ibique Scaliger. Festus autem ait, Plautum in Frivolaria strebulas. Umbrorum lingua appellasse partes carnium sacrificatarum. ORELL.

"Strebula flesh." "Caro strebula", twisted flesh, around the haunches in oxen, so called from its curving and turning. For streblos means bent and crooked; hence "stribligo", a distorted way of speaking, solecism. See Varro, On the Latin Language, book 6, p. 93, Bipontine edition, and Scaliger there. Festus, however, says that Plautus in the Frivolaria called the parts of sacrificed flesh "strebulae", in the language of the Umbrians. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Pulpamenta› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1250

Pulpamenta. Pulpamentum h. l. idem quod pulpa, hoc est, caro sine ossibus, a palpitando dicta, mollis scil. ac tremula. Vide Casaubon. ad Persii Sat. II, vs. 63. ORELL.

"Pulpamenta." "Pulpamentum" here is the same as "pulpa", that is, boneless flesh, named from "palpitare", soft, that is, and quivering. See Casaubon on Persius, Satire 2, line 63. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Quae in verubus exta sunt› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1250

Quae in verubus exta sunt. Meursius legend. censet: non quae in verubus, etc. Repetitum non facile elabi potuit. ORELL.

"The entrails that are on the spits." Meursius thinks one should read: "not those that are on the spits," etc. A repeated "non" could easily slip out. ORELLI.

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(12) ‹Animata prius› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1250

Animata prius. Vide supra ad lib. II, cap. 68 et Semler., Ind. Lat ad Tertulian. h. v. ORELL.

"Formerly alive." See above, on book 2, ch. 68, and Semler, Latin Index to Tertullian, under this word. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Non similiter fendicas, quae et ipsae sunt hirae› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1250

Non similiter fendicas, quae et ipsae sunt hirae. Ita verissime emendarunt Scriverius, Meursius, Heraldus, Salmasius. Festus, hira, quae diminutive dicitur hilla, quam Graeci dicunt νῆστιν intestinum est, quod jejunum vocant. Vide supra ad lib. II, cap. 42, verba: suminatam cum his carnem. Antea legebatur: quae et ipse sunt dirae, nullo sensu. Fendicarum vocabulum alibi frustra quaesivi. Gesnerus in Thesauro derivat a findo, ere, quod e fissis carnibus fierent. ORELL.

"Not likewise the 'fendicae', which are themselves 'hirae'." So Scriverius, Meursius, Herald and Salmasius emended, most truly. Festus: "'Hira', called in the diminutive 'hilla', which the Greeks call nestis, is the intestine they call the jejunum." See above, on book 2, ch. 42, the words: "flesh with the sow's udder together with these." Formerly it read: "which are themselves dire", making no sense. I have looked in vain for the word "fendicae" elsewhere. Gesner in his Thesaurus derives it from "findo, -ere" (to split), because they were made from split flesh. ORELLI.

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(14) ‹Quas plebis oratio ilia solet, cum eloquitur, nuncupare› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1250

Quas plebis oratio ilia solet, cum eloquitur, nuncupare. Ita Scriverius, rectissime. Antea legebatur: quas plebis oratio illa solet, etc. Scaliger conj. illas (continues)

"Which the speech of the common people, when it speaks out, is wont to call 'ilia' (guts)." So Scriverius, most rightly. Formerly it read: "which that speech of the people is wont," etc. Scaliger conjectures "illas" (continues)

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Page

running head: 1249 LIBER SEPTIMUS
marginal letters: A (in col. 1250); B (in col. 1250)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: missing period after SEPTIMUS in running head; margins C and D are in the Commentarius at foot; word split from preceding column: mina (nomina)

PL 5:1250

quae nos proles verecundius dicimus: a vulgaribus autem assolent cognomine testium nuncupari. Quid fitilla, quid frumen, quid africia, quid gratilla, catumeum, conspolium, cubula? ex quibus duo, quae prima, sunt pultium nomina, sed genere et qualitate diversa. Series vero, quae sequitur, liborum significantias continet: et ipsis non est una eademque formatio. Non enim placet carnem strebulam nominare, quae taurorum e coxendicibus demitur, pulpamenta non assa, quae in verubus exta sunt, animata prius et torrefacta carbonibus: non salsamina denique, quae sunt una commixtio quadrinis copulata de frugibus. Non similiter fendicas, quae et ipsae sunt hirae, quas plebis oratio ilia solet, cum eloquitur, nuncupare.

which we more modestly call the reproductive organs, while by the common people they are wont to be called by the surname of testicles. What of fitilla, what of frumen, what of africia, what of gratilla, catumeum, conspolium, cubula? Of which the first two are names of pottages, but diverse in kind and quality; while the series that follows contains designations of cakes, and they themselves do not have one and the same shaping. For I do not care to name the strebula flesh, which is taken from the hips of bulls; nor the roasted meats, which are the entrails on spits, first quickened and toasted on the coals; nor finally the salted meal-offerings, which are a single mixture joined together from four kinds of grain; nor similarly the fendicae, which are themselves also the empty guts that the speech of the common folk, when it utters them, is wont to call ilia.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1250

Page

running head: BER SEPTIMUS. 1250
marginal letters: A quae nos proles; B plebis oratio ilia
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: clipped LI- in LIBER in running head; margins C and D are in the Commentarius at foot

PL 5:1251

Non ratione eadem aerumnas, quae sunt prima in gurgulionibus capita, quae dejicere cibos et referre natura est ruminatoribus saeculis. Non magmenta, non augmina, non mille species, vel farciminum, vel fitillarum, quibus nomina indidistis obscura, vulgoque ut essent augustiora, fecistis.

Nor in the same way the gullet-pouches, which are the first heads in the windpipes, whose nature in ruminating breeds of animals is to send down food and bring it back again. Nor the magmenta, nor the augmina, nor the thousand kinds either of sausages or of sacrificial gruels, to which you have given obscure names, and made them so that to the common herd they might be more august.

XXV. Si enim quaecumque ab hominibus fiunt, maximeque in re sacra, debent habere suas causas, nec sine ratione est quidquam in negotiis omnibus, atque in omni administratione faciendum; edissertate nobis, et dicite, quae sit causa, quae ratio, ut haec etiam diis dentur, sacrisque adoleantur altaribus? In hoc enim diutius loco huic causae vel maxime necessario immoramur, insistimus, inhaeremus, cupientes addiscere, quid cum pultibus Deo sit, quid cum

XXV. For if whatsoever things are done by men, and most of all in a sacred matter, ought to have their own causes, nor is anything to be done without reason in all affairs and in every administration: set forth to us, and say what is the cause, what the reason, that these things also are given to the gods, and burned on the sacred altars? For in this place, most necessary to this cause, we tarry, press on, and cleave the longer, desiring to learn what God has to do with pottages, what with

Editors' notes and page, col. 1251

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

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(a) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1251

Augmenta Fulv.

"Augmenta" (increments), Fulvio Orsini.

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(1) ‹Quas plebis oratio ilia solet, cum eloquitur, nuncupare› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1250

(continued) pro hillas, probante Heraldo. Sed hilla, deminutivum τοῦ hira, vocabulum est non vulgare, sed usitatum in sacris. Hillae sunt partes carnosae interiores farturae aptae, des Tripes. Vid. Oudendorp., ad Apulei., Met. II, 25, p. 102. ORELL.

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(2) ‹Aerumnas› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1251

Aerumnas. Ita ed. Lug. Bat. e Cod. ms. Canterus: rumas. Ruma eminens pars gutturis, per quam demissus cibus a certis revocatur animalibus, ut explicat Servius in Virgil. Eclog. VI, 54. Rumen vocatur a Festo et Isidoro Origg. lib. XI, cap. 1, et lib. XII, cap. 1. Conf. G. J. Voss. Etymol. Rom. Aerumnas hoc sensu alibi legisse non memini, nolim tamen propterea eliminare. Nam videtur hoc nomen fuisse obscurum et sacrum, ruma et rumen vulgare. ORELL.

"Aerumnas." So the Leiden edition, from the manuscript. Canter: "rumas". The "ruma" is the projecting part of the throat by which food once swallowed is brought back up by certain animals, as Servius explains on Virgil, Eclogue 6.54. It is called "rumen" by Festus and by Isidore, Etymologies, book 11, ch. 1, and book 12, ch. 1. Compare G. J. Vossius, Roman Etymologicon. I do not remember reading "aerumnae" in this sense elsewhere, yet I would not throw it out on that account; for this name seems to have been the obscure and sacred one, "ruma" and "rumen" the common. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Ruminatoribus saeculis› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1251

Ruminatoribus saeculis. Ita e Cod. ms. optime restituit L. Carrio, lib. II Emendd. cap. 17. Saecula ruminatores sunt animalia ruminantia. Nihil amplius. Hoc sensu saecula pro stirpe, genere, multitudine cujuscumque rei, γενεὰ, saepissime apud Lucretium, quem in toto hoc opere imitatur Arnobius. Ita, lib. V, vers. 864: Lanigerae simul pecudes et bucera saecla; et I, vers. 58: Inque brevi spatio mutantur saecla animantum. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 25. Stewech. h. l. et praecipue Vechner. Hellenolex. lib. II, cap. 5, pag 494. Abeat itaque Gelenius cum suis ruminatoribus vituli. ORELL.

"To the ruminating races." So L. Carrio excellently restored it from the manuscript, Emendations, book 2, ch. 17. "Ruminating races" are ruminant animals; nothing more. In this sense "saecula" for stock, kind, multitude of any thing (Greek genea) is very frequent in Lucretius, whom Arnobius imitates throughout this work. So book 5, line 864: "the woolly flocks too and the horned races"; and book 1, line 58 [as printed]: "and in a short space the races of living things are changed." See above, on book 1, ch. 25; Stewech on this place; and above all Vechner, Hellenolexia, book 2, ch. 5, p. 494. So away with Gelenius and his "ruminating calves". ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Non magmenta, non augmina› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1251

Non magmenta, non augmina. Vide ad caput sequens. ORELL.

"Not the 'magmenta', not the 'augmina'." See on the following chapter. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Non mille species vel farciminum vel fitillarum› · lemma, § XXIV, col 1251

Non mille species vel farciminum vel fitillarum. Secutus sum in loco obscurissimo et depravatissimo emendationem Salmasii. Antiqua lectio est: non mille species velamen sanguinum vel fitillarum; ubi Fulv. Ursinus distinctis vocibus legendum censet: non mille species vel amen sanguinum vel fitillarum. Amen sanguinum quid sibi velit, nescire se Meursius et Heraldus fatentur ingenue. Elmenhorstius intelligit liborum sive placentarum genus quoddam, citans Hesychium: Ἄμεν.... εἶδος πλακοῦντος. Gesnerus in Thesauro interpretatur, vinculum, nexum sanguinum, ab ἅμμα, ἅπτω, unde et amentum. Amen sanguinum esset itaque sanguis condensatus, coagulatus, qualis in botulis. Sed nominativus locum habere non potest ob praecedens species et sequentia vel fitillarum, quae genitivum aliquem flagitant. Lego itaque: vel farciminum, nisi malis: vel catillaminum vel fitillarum. Pro fitillarum Meursius et Scaliger legendum existimant fritillarum. ORELL.

"Not a thousand kinds either of sausages or of 'fitillae'." In a most obscure and corrupt passage I have followed Salmasius's emendation. The old reading is: "not a thousand kinds, velamen of bloods or of fitillae", where Fulvio Orsini, dividing the words, thinks one should read: "not a thousand kinds, either 'amen' of bloods or of fitillae." What "amen of bloods" might mean, Meursius and Herald frankly confess they do not know. Elmenhorst understands a kind of cake or flat-cake, citing Hesychius: "Amen ... a kind of cake." Gesner in his Thesaurus interprets it as a binding, a knot of bloods, from hamma, hapto (a knot, to fasten), whence also "amentum" (a thong). "Amen of bloods" would thus be thickened, clotted blood, such as is in black puddings. But a nominative cannot stand, because of the preceding "species" and the following "vel fitillarum", which demand some genitive. So I read "vel farciminum" (or of sausages), unless you prefer "vel catillaminum vel fitillarum". For "fitillarum" Meursius and Scaliger think one should read "fritillarum". ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Quid diversis cum fartibus› · lemma, § XXV, col 1251–1252

XXV. — Quid diversis cum fartibus. Ita edit. Lugd. Bat. Sabaeus habet fratribus, id est prolibus, testiculis, (vide supra ad lib. V) probante Heraldo. Fulv. Ursinus mavult frattibus, novum et inauditum vocabulum, a graeco φράττειν. ORELL.

XXV. — "What with the various stuffings?" So the Leiden edition. Sabaeus has "fratribus" (brothers), that is "prolibus", testicles (see above, on book 5), with Herald's approval. Fulvio Orsini prefers "frattibus", a new and unheard-of word, from the Greek phrattein (to stuff). ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Confectionis jure› · lemma, § XXV, col 1252

Confectionis jure. Oudendorpius in Apulei. Met. lib. II, pag. 103, mavult: consectionis jure. ORELL.

"By the law of preparation." Oudendorp, on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book 2, p. 103, prefers "consectionis jure" (by the law of cutting up). ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Impensarum varietate conditis› · lemma, § XXV, col 1252

Impensarum varietate conditis. Impensa quaevis stipatio et farctura. Quo sensu saepius usurpavit Apicius, ut: indes impensam praescriptam, id est farcturam. Palladius de Re rust., lib. I: Impensa puniceà farciri muros, id est stipari acerato ex pumice tuso. SCALIGER ad Varron., de Ling. Lat. IV, pag. 118, ed. Bipont. — Conf. intpp. ad Fest. v. Impensa. Theodorus autem Marcilius ad Horat. I, epist. 19 interpretatur condimentum ciborum, pag. 135. ORELL.

"Seasoned with a variety of fillings." "Impensa" is any packing and stuffing. In this sense Apicius often used it, as: "you will put in the prescribed 'impensa'", that is, stuffing. Palladius, On Agriculture, book 1: "walls are filled with a pumice 'impensa'", that is, packed with a mix of crushed pumice. SCALIGER on Varro, On the Latin Language 4, p. 118, Bipontine edition. — Compare the commentators on Festus under "Impensa". Theodore Marcile, however, on Horace, book 1, letter 19, interprets it as the seasoning of foods, p. 135. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Ut innumeras conveniat excogitare his dapes› · lemma, § XXV, col 1252

Ut innumeras conveniat excogitare his dapes. Codex ms.: ut numeras, etc. quod probat Stewechius explicans numeratas. ORELL.

"That it is fitting to devise countless dishes for them." The manuscript: "ut numeras", etc., which Stewech approves, explaining it as "numbered". ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Aversionibus stomachorum laborant› · lemma, § XXV, col 1252

Aversionibus stomachorum laborant. Similiter Petronius, cap. 141: Neque enim ulla caro per se placet, sed arte quadam corrumpitur et stomacho conciliatur averso. Ubi vid. Gonsal. de Sal., pag. 249, ed. Burmann. Aversionem illam stomachi ἀπεψίαν vocat Galenus de Composit. med., lib. VIII, cap. 3. ORELL.

"They suffer from aversions of the stomach." Similarly Petronius, ch. 141: "For no flesh pleases of itself, but it is spoiled by some art and reconciled to an averse stomach." See Gonsalez de Salas there, p. 249, Burman's edition. Galen calls that aversion of the stomach apepsia (indigestion), On the Composition of Medicines, book 8, ch. 3. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Quas prosicias dicitis› · lemma, § XXV, col 1252

Quas prosicias dicitis. Haec lectio assertione non eget. Dicit autem accipere dii amant, quia haec erant quae diis offerebantur. Quare leno Plautinus in Poenulo, quum se litare non posse videret, exta prosicari vetat, quippe deae, quam exorare et propitiam sibi reddere non poterat, iratus: Nam ego hodie infelix dis meis iratissimis / Sex agnos immolavi; nec potui tamen / Propitiam Venerem facere, uti esset mihi. / Quoniam litare nequeo; abii illinc illico / Iratus, vetui exta prosicarier, / Neque ea adspicere volui; quoniam illa non bona / Aruspex dixit, deam esse indignam credidi. HERALD. prosicias est ex emendatione Adr. Turnebi. Antea edebantur praesicias. Festus: prosicium, quod prosecatum projicitur, ubi vid. Dacer. et notam sequentem. Conf. Grot. ad Martian. Capell., lib. I, pag. 5. ORELL.

"Which you call 'prosiciae'." This reading needs no defence. He says "the gods love to receive" because these were what was offered to the gods. So the pimp in Plautus's Poenulus, seeing he could not obtain good omens, forbids the entrails to be cut for offering, angry, that is, with the goddess whom he could not entreat and make favourable to himself: "For today, unlucky man, with my gods most angry, I sacrificed six lambs, and still could not make Venus favourable to me. Since I cannot get good omens, I left the place at once in anger and forbade the entrails to be cut for offering, nor would I look at them; since the soothsayer said they were not good, I judged the goddess unworthy." HERALD. "Prosicias" is from the emendation of Adrien Turnèbe; before, "praesicias" was printed. Festus: "'Prosicium', what is cut off and thrown forward"; see Dacier there, and the following note. Compare Grotius on Martianus Capella, book 1, p. 5. ORELLI.

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(12) ‹Quae causa, quae ratio est, ut caro strebula separatim, ruma, cauda et plasea separatim, hirae solae omentumque solum augmentorum adjiciantur in causam?› · lemma, § XXV, col 1252

Quae causa, quae ratio est, ut caro strebula separatim, ruma, cauda et plasea separatim, hirae solae omentumque solum augmentorum adjiciantur in causam? Ita corrigendus locus ac distinguendus. Ergo et caro strebula et ruma et cauda et plasea et hirae et omentum in causam augmentorum altaribus superimponebantur cum jecore hostiae immolatae. Quas omnes partes ex hostia praesecatas vocaverunt prosicias vel etiam praesicias. Si quid plus adjiceretur, id magmentum appellabant, quasi majus augmentum: ut mactus est magis auctus. Varro, lib. IV de Ling. Lat.: Magmen- (continues)

"What cause, what reason is there that the strebula flesh separately, the ruma, the tail and the plasea separately, the hirae alone and the caul alone should be added by way of increments?" So the passage must be corrected and punctuated. So the strebula flesh, the ruma, the tail, the plasea, the hirae and the caul were laid on the altars by way of increments, together with the liver of the sacrificed victim. All these parts cut off from the victim they called "prosiciae" or also "praesiciae". If anything more was added, they called it "magmentum", as it were a greater increment — as "mactus" is "magis auctus" (more increased). Varro, On the Latin Language, book 4: "Magmen- (continues)

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libis, quid diversis cum fartibus, confectionis jure multiplici atque impensarum varietate conditis? Opiparis numina coenis afficiuntur, aut prandiis, ut innumeras conveniat excogitare his dapes? aversionibus stomachorum laborant, et ad expellenda fastidia saporum varietas quaeritur, ut modo his assa, modo cruda ponantur, semicocta modo et semicruda? Quod si omnes has partes, quas praesicias dicitis, accipere dii amant, suntque illis gratae, vel voluptatis alicujus vel dulcedinis sensu; quid intercedit, quid prohibet, ut non semel haec omnia totis cum animantibus inferatis? Quae causa, quae ratio est, ut caro strebula separatim, ruma, cauda et plassea separatim, hirae solae, omentum solum, augmentorum adjiciatur in causam? Pulmentorum varietatibus

cakes, what with diverse stuffings seasoned with manifold broth of preparation and variety of ingredients? Are the deities moved by sumptuous dinners or luncheons, so that it is fitting to devise countless feasts for them? Do they labour under aversions of the stomach, and to drive away loathings is a variety of flavours sought out, so that now roasted things, now raw, are set before them, now half-cooked and half-raw? But if the gods love to receive all these parts which you call praesiciae, and they are pleasing to them by the sense of some pleasure or sweetness, what stands in the way, what hinders you from bringing in all these things at once together with the whole animals? What is the cause, what the reason, that the strebula flesh separately, the gullet, the tail, and the plassea separately, the empty guts alone, the caul alone, should be added by way of augmenta? Are the heavenly gods moved by varieties of relishes,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1252

Footnotes

(b) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1252

Jure et multiplici ms. inepte.

"Jure et multiplici" (by right and manifold), manuscript; absurdly.

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

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PL 5:1253

afficiuntur dii coelites, ut fieri mos est post coenarum ditium et locupletium saginas frustilla haec parvula pro suavibus mateolis sumunt, non quibus famem sedeant; sed ut palati admoneant otium, seque ipsos plenae appetitu voracitatis instigent? O deorum magnitudo mirabilis, o nullis hominum comprehensa, nullis intellecta naturis! siquidem ut prosint, testiculis pecudum redimuntur et rumis, neque prius iras atque animos ponunt, nisi sibi adoleri paratas conspexerint naenias, offasque redemptas.

and, as the custom is after the cramming of rich and sumptuous dinners, do they take these tiny little scraps for sweet dainties, not wherewith to appease hunger, but that they may stir up the sluggishness of the palate, and goad themselves on with the appetite of a full voracity? O wonderful greatness of the gods, O greatness comprehended by no natures of men, understood by none! seeing that, to do good, they are bought off with the testicles and gullets of cattle, and do not lay aside their wraths and passions before they have beheld tail-guts prepared to be burned for them, and purchased bits of tail-flesh.

XXVI. Sequitur, ut de thure, deque mero aliquid sine ulla nimietate dicamus. Copulata enim, et mixta sunt cerimoniarum et haec genera, cultumque adhibentur in plurimum. Ac primum illud a vobis isto ipso quaerimus percontamurque de thure; unde aut quo tempore nosse illud aut scire potueritis, ut merito existimetis aut esse diis dandum, aut eorum

XXVI. It follows that we should say something without any excess concerning frankincense and concerning unmixed wine. For these kinds of ceremonies also are joined and mingled with them, and are employed in worship to the greatest extent. And first we ask and inquire this of you concerning that very frankincense: whence or at what time you could have come to know or learn of it, so that you deservedly think either that it is to be given to the gods, or that it is

Editors' notes and page, col. 1253

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

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(a) ‹anchor not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1253

Ac Fulv.

"Ac" (and), Fulvio Orsini.

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

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(1) ‹Quae causa, quae ratio est, ut caro strebula separatim … augmentorum adjiciantur in causam?› · lemma, § XXV, col 1252

(continued) tum a magis: quod ad religionem magis pertinet. Ita propter hoc magmentaria cana (id est canistra) constituta locis certis, quod id imponeretur. SALMAS., ad Solin., pag. 91. — Scaliger autem ad Varron. l. I, et ad Fest. h. v. magmentum interpretatur dapem, quae profanabatur a rusticis Jano, Sylvano, Marti, Jovi dapali, quae tamen significatio aliena est a nostro loco. Pro cauda codex ms. habet coda antique. Pro omentum solum augmentorum etc. in editione Lugd. Bat. legitur: nomenque solum augmentorum. Meursius conjicit: omenque solum. Omen pro omentum. Nic. Heinsius in Adversar. lib. IV, cap. 10, pag. 620: abdomenque solum. « Hunc autem sacrificii morem a Prometheo originem duxisse volunt, quo partem hostiae in ignem conjicere soliti sunt, partem ad suum victum abuti, quum antea tota hostiarum et illibata viscera igne consumerentur. Partem igitur extorum prosicatam arae superimponebant, et diis adolebant, parte vescebantur, qui sacrificio intererant. Et exta quidem prius mandebant, quam reliquam carnem. Unde illud de pinariis, qui in sacrificio Herculis, extis jam adesis, ad caeteram venerunt dapem. Vide Livium. Quapropter institutum, ut Pinarii deinceps arcerentur extorum communione, et ad reliquam admitterentur viscerationem. » Haec Salmasius p. I. ORELL.

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(2) ‹Frustilla haec parvula pro suavibus mateolis sumunt› · lemma, § XXV, col 1253

Frustilla haec parvula pro suavibus mateolis sumunt. Fulv. Ursinus: frustilla ac parvula, etc. Mateola, macteola, mattea, mactea, Graece ματτύα, omne scitamentum, lautumque ac pretiosum edulium. Vide intpp. ad Varron., pag. 78, seq., ed. Bipont.; Bentley ad Aristophan. Nubb., vs. 450; et Turneb. Adversar., lib. XXII, cap. 6. ORELL.

"They take these tiny morsels for sweet dainties." Fulvio Orsini: "morsels and tiny things," etc. "Mateola", "macteola", "mattea", "mactea", Greek mattya, is any delicacy, an elegant and costly dish. See the commentators on Varro, p. 78 f., Bipontine edition; Bentley on Aristophanes, Clouds, line 450; and Turnebus, Adversaria, book 22, ch. 6. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Sed ut palati admoneant otium› · lemma, § XXV, col 1253

Sed ut palati admoneant otium. Ita emendavimus ex codice regio. Editur in vulgatis: Ut palatis admoveant otium, nullo sensu. Admonere pro instigare vel monere cum aculeo et sensu quodam doloris. Ita Martialis: Admonere flagello equos. SALMAS., ad Solin., pag. 21. Conf. Cortium ad Rutil. Itin., lib. I, vers. 20, et Gronov. Diatrib. ad Stat. Silv., lib. V, Od. II, pag. 322, seq. Ita Lucanus, IV, 241: Admonitaeque tument gustato sanguine fauces. Et Cicero in Verr., lib. I, cap. 24: Ut eum suae libidines flagitiosae facere admonuerant, ubi alii Codices male legunt admovebant. Non igitur opus habemus correctione Heraldi, in Curis II: Ut palati amoveant otium, nec Passeratii: Ut palatis admoveant orexim. ORELL.

"But that they may prod the idleness of the palate." So we have emended from the royal manuscript. The common editions print "that they may bring idleness to the palates", making no sense. "Admonere" for to goad, to prompt with a sting and a certain sense of pain. So Martial: "to prod horses with the whip." SALMASIUS on Solinus, p. 21. Compare Cortius on Rutilius, Itinerary, book 1, line 20, and Gronovius, Diatribe on Statius, Silvae, book 5, Ode 2, p. 322 f. So Lucan 4.241: "and their jaws, prodded by the taste of blood, swell." And Cicero, Against Verres, book 1, ch. 24: "as his shameful lusts had prompted him to do", where other manuscripts wrongly read "admovebant". So we have no need of Herald's correction in his Second Cares, "that they may remove the idleness of the palate", nor of Passerat's, "that they may bring appetite to the palates". ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Instigent› · lemma, § XXV, col 1253

Instigent. Stewechius conj. Infligant vel infligent. Male. ORELL.

"They may goad." Stewech conjectures "infligant" or "infligent" (strike upon). Wrongly. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Et rumis› · lemma, § XXV, col 1253–1254

Et rumis. Stewechius rumas mammas interpretatur e Nonio. Sed vide caput praecedens. ORELL.

"And with the 'rumae'." Stewech, from Nonius, interprets "rumae" as teats. But see the preceding chapter. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Naenias› · lemma, § XXV, col 1253–1254

Naenias. Et hic Scaliger reposuit taenias. ORELL.

"Naeniae." Here too Scaliger restored "taenias". ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Offasque redemptas› · lemma, § XXV, col 1253–1254

Offasque redemptas. Offasque penitas. HERALD.

"And bought-off morsels." [Read] "and tail-morsels" ("offas penitas"). HERALD.

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(8) ‹Salsamina› · lemma, § XXV, col 1253–1254

Salsamina. Intelligendae sunt, ut ipse Arnobius explicat in proxime sequentibus verbis, salsae fruges vel mola salsa, quam in sacrificiis adhibebant, non autem, quod alias significat h. v., carnes vel pisces sale conditi, τάριχοι. ORELL.

"Salsamina." What is meant, as Arnobius himself explains in the words immediately following, is salted grain or salted meal, which they used in sacrifices — not what the word means elsewhere, meat or fish preserved in salt, tarichoi. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Mixta sunt› · lemma, § XXVI, col 1253–1254

XXVI. — Mixta sunt. Sic emendavit Meursius. Antea: Mixta fiunt. ORELL.

XXVI. — "Are mixed." So Meursius emended. Before: "become mixed". ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Potueritis› · lemma, § XXVI, col 1253–1254

Potueritis. Ita Fulvius. Antea poteritis, quod defendit Heraldus et Meursius per archaismum. Ita moneris dixit Pacuvius, tetinero Plautus. Sic voleris in vetere formula in auspiciis usitata: Sponsis bene beneque voleris. ORELL.

"You may have been able." So Fulvio Orsini. Before: "poteritis" (you will be able), which Herald and Meursius defend as an archaism. So Pacuvius said "moneris", Plautus "tetinero". So "voleris" in the old formula used in the auspices: "If you will well and kindly towards the betrothed." ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Temporibus..... heroicis› · lemma, § XXVI, col 1254

Temporibus..... heroicis. Iliacis temporibus, ut et apud Romanos temporibus Romuli et Numae, thuris usum incognitum fuisse, et pium far, id est far tostum et sale sparsum, ejus loco fuisse, docent praeter nostrum Festus in mola, in ador, in immolare, et Plinius Hist. Nat. lib. XIII, cap. 1. STEW. — Idem testatur Plinius Hist. Nat., lib. XIII, cap. 1: Quis primus (unguenta) invenerit, non traditur, neque Iliacis temporibus ture supplicabatur. Et Theophrastus ap. Porphyr. de Abstinent., lib. II, et Euseb., lib. I Praeparat. Evangel., cap. 9: Ἀνάριθμος μέν τις ἔοικεν εἶναι χρόνος, ἀφ' οὗ γε τό γε πάντων λογιώτατον γένος, ὥς φησι Θεόφραστος, καὶ τὴν ἱερωτάτην ὑπὸ τοῦ Νείλου κτισθεῖσαν χώραν κατοικοῦν, ἤρξατο πρῶτον ἐφ' ἑστίας τοῖς οὐρανίοις θεοῖς θύειν, οὐ σμύρνης, οὐδὲ κασίας καὶ λιβανωτοῦ κρόκῳ μιχθέντων ἀπαρχάς· πολλαῖς γὰρ γενεαῖς ὕστερον παρελήφθη καὶ ταῦτα, καὶ πλάνης ἐρευνητὴς μαστὴρ ὁ ἄνθρωπος γιγνόμενος, τῆς ἀναγκαίας ζωῆς, μετὰ πολλῶν πόνων, καὶ δακρύων, σταγόνας ἀπήρξατο τοῖς θεοῖς οὐ τούτων οὖν ἔθυον πρότερον, ἀλλὰ χλόης, οἱονεί τινα τῆς γονίμου φύσεως χνοῦν ταῖς χερσὶν ἀράμενοι. NOURR. pag. 518.

"In the ... heroic times." That in the times of Troy, as also among the Romans in the times of Romulus and Numa, the use of incense was unknown, and that "pious spelt", that is, spelt parched and sprinkled with salt, took its place, is taught, besides our author, by Festus under "mola", "ador" and "immolare", and by Pliny, Natural History, book 13, ch. 1. STEWECH. — Pliny witnesses the same, Natural History, book 13, ch. 1: "Who first invented them (unguents) is not recorded; and in the times of Troy men did not make supplication with incense." And Theophrastus in Porphyry, On Abstinence, book 2, and Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, book 1, ch. 9: "A countless time seems to have passed since the most learned of all races, as Theophrastus says, the one inhabiting the most sacred land founded by the Nile, first began to sacrifice on hearths to the heavenly gods — not first-fruits of myrrh, nor of cassia and frankincense mixed with saffron; for these were taken up many generations later, when man, becoming a wanderer and a seeker after the necessaries of life, with many toils and tears offered drops of them to the gods. So it was not these they sacrificed before, but green herbage, taking up in their hands, as it were, the down of fruitful nature." NOURRY, p. 518.

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(12) ‹Genetrix et mater superstitionis Etruria› · lemma, § XXVI, col 1254

Genetrix et mater superstitionis Etruria. Ex Etruria enim acciti primi haruspices, et qui portenta feliciter interpretarentur. Cicero de Divinat., lib. I, de Harusp. Respons.; Tertullianus de Spectaculis cap. IV; Dionys. Halicarn., lib. IX; Livius, lib. I. ELMENH.

"Etruria, begetter and mother of superstition." For the first soothsayers were summoned from Etruria, and men to interpret portents successfully. Cicero, On Divination, book 1, and On the Soothsayers' Responses; Tertullian, On the Spectacles, ch. 4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book 9; Livy, book 1. ELMENHORST.

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(13) ‹Pium far› · lemma, § XXVI, col 1254

Pium far. Virgilius, Aen., V. 744: Pergameumque Larem et canae penetralia Vestae / Farre pio et plena supplex veneratur acerra. ELMENH. Horatius III, Od. XXIII, 19: Non sumptuosa blandior hostia (continues)

"Pious spelt." Virgil, Aeneid 5.744: "and as a suppliant he worships the Pergamene Lar and the shrine of hoary Vesta with pious spelt and a full incense-box." ELMENHORST. Horace, Odes 3.23.19: "not more persuasive with a costly victim (continues)

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acceptissimum voluntati. Novella enim propemodum res est, neque annorum inexplicabilis series, ex quo ejus notitia profluxit in has partes, et delubris meruit interesse divinis. Nam neque temporibus, quemadmodum creditur et perhibetur, heroicis, quidnam esset thus, scitum est, scriptoribus ut comprobatur a priscis, quorum in libris nulla posita ejus mentio reperitur; neque genitrix et mater superstitionis Hetruria opinionem ejus novit aut famam; sacellorum ut indicant ritus; neque quadringentis annis, quibus Albana res viguit, in usum cuiquam venit, sacra cum res fieret; neque ipse Romulus, aut religionibus artifex in comminiscendis Numa; aut esse seivit, aut nasci; ut pium far monstrat; quo peragi mos fuit sacrificiorum solemnium munia. Unde igitur coepta est usurpatio ejus assumi; aut in antiquam et veterem consuetudinem quaenam irruit novitas, ut quod tempestatibus

most acceptable to their will? For the thing is almost new, nor is it an inexplicable series of years since the knowledge of it flowed forth into these parts, and deserved to take part in the shrines of the gods. For neither in the heroic times, as is believed and asserted, was it known what frankincense was, as is proved by the ancient writers, in whose books no mention of it is found set down; nor did Etruria, the begetter and mother of superstition, know the report or fame of it, as the rites of the chapels show; nor in the four hundred years during which the Alban state flourished did it come into use for anyone when a sacred rite was performed; nor did Romulus himself, or Numa, the craftsman in devising religious observances, know either that it existed or that it grew, as the pious spelt shows, wherewith the custom was for the duties of solemn sacrifices to be performed. Whence then did the use of it begin to be taken up, or what novelty rushed in upon ancient and old custom, that what in

Editors' notes and page, col. 1254

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tantis necessarium non fuit, locum sumeret in cerimoniis primum? Nam si sine thure religionis officium claudicat, necessariaque vis ejus est, quae propitios faciat mitesque hominibus coelites, peccatum est ab antiquis, quinimmo piaculis plena vita omnis illorum fuit, qui, quod maxime conveniens deorum fuerat voluptati, per incuriam neglexere libare. Sin autem temporibus priscis neque homines, neque dii hujus thuris expetivere materiam, comprobatur et hodie frustra illud inaniterque praestari, quod neque antiquitas necessarium credidit, et sine ullis novitas rationibus appetivit.

such great ages was not necessary should take the first place in ceremonies? For if without frankincense the duty of religion limps, and its power is necessary to make the heavenly ones propitious and mild to men, a sin was committed by the ancients—nay rather, the whole life of those men was full of guilt, who through carelessness neglected to offer what had been most suited to the pleasure of the gods. But if on the other hand in ancient times neither men nor gods sought after the substance of this frankincense, it is proved that today also that is offered in vain and idly which neither antiquity believed to be necessary, and novelty has desired without any reasons.

XXVII. Denique ut illam semper regulam definitionemque teneamus, qua demonstratum et fixum est, quidquid fiat ab homine, habere oportere suas causas, et in ista quoque retinebimus parte, ut requiramus ex vobis, quae sit causa, quae ratio, ut ante ipsa numinum signa thura injiciantur altaribus, et ex eorum incendio familiaria fieri existimentur et mitia: quid ex hujus modi facto acquiritur his rei aut eorum ad animos quid accedit, ut merito judicemus recte ista dependi, et non frustra atque inaniter concremari? Ut enim vos debetis ostendere, cur thura diis detis, sic et deos sequitur ut debeatis expromere habere aliquam causam, cur ea non respuant, quinimo cur ea tam familiariter concupiscant. Honoramus, inquiet aliquis fortasse, his deos. Sed nos non vestrum, sed numinum requirimus sensum: nec quid fiat a vobis, sed pendatur ab his quanti, quod in praemium datur favoris interrogamus. Sed tamen o pietas, quantus iste est honor, aut qualis, qui ex ignis odore conficitur, et resina ex arboris comparatur? Nam ne forte ignoretis, quid aut unde sit thus istud: viscum est ex corticibus profluens, ita ut ex amygdalo, ceraso, lachrymabili

XXVII. Finally, that we may always hold fast that rule and definition whereby it has been demonstrated and fixed that whatever is done by man ought to have its own causes, in this part also we shall retain it, so as to inquire of you what is the cause, what the reason, that before the very images of the deities frankincense is cast upon the altars, and from the burning of it they are thought to become friendly and mild: what gain is acquired for them from a deed of this kind, or what is added to their minds, that we may deservedly judge that those things are rightly expended, and not burned in vain and idly? For just as you ought to show why you give frankincense to the gods, so also it follows that you ought to set forth that the gods have some cause why they do not spurn it, nay rather why they so fondly covet it. We honour the gods with these things, someone perhaps will say. Yet we do not ask for your feeling, but that of the deities; nor do we inquire what is done by you, but at what value that which is given as a reward for favour is weighed by them. And yet, O piety, how great is that honour, or of what sort, which is made from the smell of fire, and procured from the resin of a tree? For lest perchance you should be ignorant what or whence that frankincense is: it is a gum flowing forth from bark, just as from the almond-tree or the cherry-tree,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1255

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

VARIANT READINGS.

(printed under page 630)

(a) ‹qui ex ignis odore conficitur› · call in col 1255

Ardore Fulv.

"Ardore" (from the burning [of fire]), Fulvio Orsini.

COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

(printed under page 630)

(1) ‹Pium far› · lemma, § XXVI, col 1254

(continued) Mollivit aversos Penatis. / Farre pio et saliente mica. HERALD.

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(2) ‹Locum sumeret in cerimoniis primum› · lemma, § XXVI, col 1255

Locum sumeret in cerimoniis primum. Ita res est. Ignem accendebant; tum in aram thus ingerebant; victimas postea mactabant. Seneca in Oedipode: M.: Opima sanctas victima ante aras stetit. T.: Invita superos, voce sublimi voca, / Arasque dono thuris Eoi exstrue. M.: Jam thura sacris coelitum ingessi focis, etc. HERALD.

"Should take the first place in the ceremonies." So it is. They lit the fire; then heaped incense on the altar; afterwards they slew the victims. Seneca in the Oedipus: M[anto]: "A rich victim has stood before the holy altars." T[iresias]: "Invite the gods above, call them with lofty voice, and heap the altars with the gift of eastern incense." M[anto]: "I have already heaped incense on the sacred hearths of the heavenly ones," etc. HERALD.

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(3) ‹Aut ad eorum animos quid accedit› · lemma, § XXVII, col 1255

XXVII. — Aut ad eorum animos quid accedit. Ita Gelenius, bene. Editio princeps: Accidit. ORELL.

XXVII. — "Or what is added to their minds." So Gelenius, well. The first edition: "accidit" (happens). ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Cur ea tam familiariter concupiscant› · lemma, § XXVII, col 1255

Cur ea tam familiariter concupiscant. Annon legendum: Cur ea tam ferventer concupiscant, vel etiam famelice concupiscant, aut simile quid? ORELL.

"Why they desire them so familiarly." Should one not read: "why they desire them so ardently", or even "desire them so hungrily", or something similar? ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Lacrymabili destillatione coalescens› · lemma, § XXVII, col 1255–1256

Lacrymabili destillatione coalescens. Id est, coalescens humoribus vel succis destillantibus lacrymarum adinstar. Ita plantarum lacrymae, vitis, papaveris, etc. Lacrymae de succo, quem exsudant hae plantae. Et Tertullianus Apologet., cap. 30: Grana thuris unius assis, Arabicae arboris lacrymas, ubi vide Havercamp., pag. 278. ORELL.

"Thickening by a tear-like dripping." That is, thickening from moistures or juices that drip like tears. So the "tears" of plants — of the vine, of the poppy, etc.: "tears" from the juice which these plants sweat out. And Tertullian, Apology, ch. 30: "grains of incense worth one as, the tears of an Arabian tree"; see Havercamp there, p. 278. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Panchaicas sibi ardere resinulas› · lemma, § XXVII, col 1256

Panchaicas sibi ardere resinulas. Lucretius, lib. II, vers 417: Araque Panchaeos exhalat propter odores. Servius ad Virgil., Georg. II, 115: Panchaia Sabaeorum gens est, apud quam thus nascitur. ELMENH. A Panchaea videlicet, Arabiae Troglodytanae parte, quae ostio sinus Arabici adjacet. De illa Servius in suis ad Virgilii II Georg., vers 115, commentariis: Panchaia, inquit, Sabaeorum gens est, apud quam thus nascitur, ut: Solis est thurea virga Sabaeis, itemque: Totaque thuriferis Panchaia pinguis arenis. Similiter Ovidius, lib. X Metam., fab. 9: Sudataque ligno / Thura ferat floresque alios Panchaia tellus. et Lucretius, lib. II, vers 417: Araque Panchaeos exhalat propter odores. Consule adhuc, si velis, Tibull., lib. III, Eleg. 2, et Claudian., de tert. conf. Hon. in fin. NOURR., p. 517.

"Little Panchaean resins burning for them." Lucretius, book 2, line 417: "and the altar near by breathes out Panchaean scents." Servius on Virgil, Georgics 2.115: "Panchaia is a people of the Sabaeans, among whom incense grows." ELMENHORST. From Panchaea, that is, a part of Troglodytic Arabia lying by the mouth of the Arabian Gulf. On it Servius, in his commentary on Virgil, Georgics 2, line 115: "Panchaia," he says, "is a people of the Sabaeans, among whom incense grows, as in: 'To the Sabaeans alone belongs the incense-bough'; and likewise: 'and all Panchaia rich with its incense-bearing sands.'" Similarly Ovid, Metamorphoses, book 10, fable 9: "let the land of Panchaia bear incense sweated from the wood, and other flowers." And Lucretius, book 2, line 417: "and the altar near by breathes out Panchaean scents." Consult further, if you wish, Tibullus, book 3, Elegy 2, and Claudian, On the Third Consulship of Honorius, at the end. NOURRY, p. 517.

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(7) ‹Suffitionibus› · lemma, § XXVIII, col 1256

XXVIII. — Suffitionibus. Codex ms.: suffectionibus. Male. ORELL.

XXVIII. — "By fumigations." The manuscript: "suffectionibus" (substitutions). Wrongly. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Cum enim deorum sint sententiae dispares› · lemma, § XXVIII, col 1256

Cum enim deorum sint sententiae dispares. Fulvius Ursinus delet τὸ deorum. Male. ORELL.

"For since the gods' opinions differ." Fulvio Orsini deletes the word "deorum". Wrongly. ORELLI.

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old-edition numerals: (none)
other: margin D is in the Commentarius at foot; word split from preceding column: pestatibus (tempestatibus); word split at end of column: lachry- (lachrymabili)
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destillatione coalescens. Hoccine ergo superas honorat et auctificat dignitates, aut offensa si aliquando contracta est, thuris vapore dissolvitur, et temperata indignatione sopitur? Quid ergo cessatis, cujuslibet arboris viscum sine ulla passim differitate comburere? Nam si honorantur hoc numina, nec indigne sustinent Panchaicas sibi ardere resinulas: quid interest, unde fumus altaribus conficiatur in sanctis; vel ex visci quo genere nubes suffitionis exaestuent?

hardening by a tear-like dropping. Does this, then, honour and enlarge the supreme dignities, or if an offence has at any time been contracted, is it dissolved by the vapour of frankincense, and lulled to sleep when indignation has been tempered? Why then do you delay to burn everywhere without any difference the gum of any tree you please? For if the deities are honoured by this, and do not take it amiss that Panchaean bits of resin blaze for them: what does it matter whence smoke is made on the holy altars, or from what kind of gum the clouds of fumigation billow up?

XXVIII. At numquid aliquis dicet, idcirco superis thus dari, quod odoratus habeat suaves et narium commulceat sensum; reliqua vero sint aspera, et ob causam offensionis exclusa? Habent enim dii nares, quibus ducant aerios spiritus, accipiunt auras, et remittunt: ut penetrare illos possint nidorum differentium qualitates? Quod si damus ut fiat, mortalitatis eos adjungimus legi, et excludimus divinitatis a finibus. Quidquid enim spirat, et reciprocos halitus auris commeabilibus ducit, id necesse est mortale, quia coeli sustinetur e pastu. Quidquid autem coeli sustinetur e pastu, si recursus abstuleris, quibus alternatio redditur abstrahiturque vitalis, oblidi ejus necesse est animam, et rationem subrui atque interire vivendi. Ergo si et dii spirant, odoremque ad se attrahunt auris comitantibus involutum, non est ab re dicere et alienis eos suffitionibus vivere, et interclusis posse spiraminibus interire. Et unde novissime scitis, an si odorum suavitate capiuntur, eadem sint eis jucunda, quae vobis, et parili sensu vestras mulceant afficiantque naturas? Nonne fieri potis est, ut quae vobis afferunt voluptatem, contra illis aspera videantur et tristia? Cum enim deorum sint sententiae dispares, substantiaeque non unae: quibus effici

XXVIII. But will someone perchance say that on this account frankincense is given to the gods above, because it has sweet smells and soothes the sense of the nostrils, whereas other things are harsh, and shut out on account of offence? Have the gods then nostrils wherewith to draw airy breaths, do they take in breezes and send them back, so that the qualities of differing fumes can penetrate them? Yet if we grant that this happens, we join them to the law of mortality, and shut them out from the bounds of divinity. For whatever breathes, and draws alternate breaths by breezes passing to and fro, must needs be mortal, because it is sustained from the nourishment of the air. And whatever is sustained from the nourishment of the air, if you take away the returnings whereby the vital alternation is given back and drawn away, must needs have its life crushed out, and its means of living overthrown and destroyed. Therefore, if the gods also breathe, and draw to themselves odour wrapped in accompanying breezes, it is not out of place to say both that they live by the fumigations of others, and that when their breathing-passages are blocked up they can perish. And finally, whence do you know whether, if they are captivated by the sweetness of odours, the same things are pleasant to them as to you, and soothe and affect your natures with a like sense? Can it not come to pass that the things which bring pleasure to you seem on the contrary harsh and gloomy to them? For since the minds of the gods are unlike, and their substances not one: by what reasons can it be brought about

Editors' notes and page, col. 1256

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marginal letters: A mabili destillatione coalescens.; B quibus ducant aerios; C ceant afficiantque naturas?
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other: missing ARNO- and missing period after GENTES in running head; margin D is in the Commentarius at foot; word split from preceding column: mabili (lachrymabili)

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rationibus potest, ut quod qualitate diversum est, unum sentiat accipiatque contactum? An non quotidie cernimus et inter animantia terris orta, esse aliis eadem vel amara vel dulcia: mortifera his esse, quae illis nata in perniciem non sunt: ut quae alios mulceant odoribus laetis, eadem pestiferos halitus aliorum corporibus spirent? Sed hoc ut fiat et accidat, non in rebus est causa, quae simul esse mortiferae simul salutares, simul dulces nequeunt, simulque amarae consistere; sed, ut quisque est factus ad extrinsecus rei venientis attactum, ita afficitur: qualitatem non accipit ex rerum impulsionibus natam, sed ex sui sensus contagiique natura. Verum omnis haec ratio longe est ab diis sita, nec exigui limitis interjectione discreta. Nam si verum est, ut ab sapientibus creditur, incorporales hos esse, neque validitatis alicujus eminentia sublevari, inanis apud hos odor est, nec sensibiliter commovere aura eos potis est nidoris alicujus: non si mille tu pondera masculi thuris accendas, coelumque hoc totum redundantium vaporum nebulositate cludatur. Quod enim non habet robur et substantiam corporalem, contrectari a substantia non potest corporali: odor autem corpus est, tactis sicut naribus indicatur: a deo ergo sentiri ratione non potest ulla, qui

that what is diverse in quality should feel and receive one and the same touch? Or do we not daily see, even among living creatures sprung from the earth, that the same things are to some either bitter or sweet; that those things are deadly to these which were not born for the destruction of those; so that the same things which soothe some with gladsome odours breathe pestilential exhalations upon the bodies of others? Yet that this happens and befalls, the cause is not in the things, which cannot at the same time be deadly and at the same time wholesome, at the same time sweet and at the same time stand bitter; but as each one is made towards the touch of a thing coming from without, so is he affected: he does not receive a quality born from the impacts of things, but from the nature of his own sense and contact. Yet all this reasoning is set far from the gods, and parted by the intervention of no small boundary. For if it is true, as is believed by wise men, that they are incorporeal, and are not supported by the projection of any solidity, odour is vain among them, nor is the breeze of any fume able sensibly to move them: not if you should kindle a thousand weights of male frankincense, and this whole sky should be shut in by the cloudiness of overflowing vapours. For that which does not have strength and bodily substance cannot be handled by a bodily substance; now odour is a body, as is shown when the nostrils are touched; by no means therefore can it be perceived by a god, who

Editors' notes and page, col. 1257

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 631)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1257

Compagiique Fulv.

Compagiique ("and of the joining"): Fulvius.

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(b) ‹neque› · call in col 1257

Nec Sab.

Nec: Sabaeus.

COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹Ut quae alios› · col 1257 Ut quae alios. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Editio princeps : et quae alios, quod defendi posset enallage generum et modorum his scriptoribus haud infrequenti. Gelenius : ut quae illos. Orell.

Ut quae alios ("as things which [affect] others"). So the Leiden edition. The first edition: et quae alios, which could be defended by the change of genders and moods not infrequent in these writers. Gelenius: ut quae illos. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Sed ut quisque est factus› · col 1257 Sed ut quisque est factus ad extrinsecus rei venientis attactum, ita afficitur. Sic ediderunt Gelenius et Salmasius, rectissime. Editio princeps : attactum ita efficit, nullo sensu. Orell.

"But as each is made for the touch of a thing coming from outside, so is it affected." So Gelenius and Salmasius printed it, most rightly. The first edition: attactum ita efficit, which makes no sense. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Nec validitatis alicujus eminentia sublevari› · col 1257 Nec validitatis alicujus eminentia sublevari. Haec est lectio vetus, pro qua Gelenius : nec soliditatis alicujus, etc. male. Mox : Quod enim non habet robur et substantiam corporalem, etc., Herald.—Alii : nec oliditatis alicujus eminentia. Orell.

"Nor are they raised up by the excellence of any strength." This is the old reading, for which Gelenius has nec soliditatis alicujus ("of any solidity"), etc., wrongly. Next: "For what has not bodily strength and substance," etc. Hérault. — Others: nec oliditatis alicujus eminentia ("by the excellence of any smell"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Non si mille tu pondera masculi thuris incendas› · col 1257 Non si mille tu pondera masculi thuris incendas. Virgilius Eclog. viii, 65.: Verbenasque adole pingues et mascula thura. Herald. Masculum thus vocabant veteres optimum ac praestantissimum : idem stagonias appellatum, in guttae speciem rotundum, ut constat ex Dioscoride et Plinio Hist. Nat. lib. xii, cap. 14. Religioni tributum, ne sexus alter usurparetur. Vid. Heyn. V. S. et Voss. ad Virgilii l. l. Orell.

"Not if you burn a thousand pounds of male frankincense." Virgil, Eclogue 8.65: "And burn rich vervain and male frankincense." Hérault. The ancients called the best and most excellent frankincense "male"; the same was called stagonias, rounded in the shape of a drop, as is clear from Dioscorides and Pliny, Natural History book 12, ch. 14. It was so named out of religious scruple, lest the other sex be used. See Heyne, V. S., and Voss on the passage of Virgil cited. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹XXIX. — Merum thuris est socium› · col 1257 XXIX. — Merum thuris est socium. Ita est : injecto in aram accensam thure, vinum statim ingerebatur et infundebatur. Ovidius lib. v Trist., Eclog. 5 : Da mihi thura, puer, pingues facientia flammas, Quodque pio fusum stridat in igne merum. Herald. Solebant scil. vinum in thus flammis datum profundere, vel, sicut loquitur Lactantius, odorati ac veteris vini profusione madefacere focos. Quo de ritu Horatius, lib. i, Od. xix : Verbenas, pueri, ponite thuraque, Bimi cum patera meri Mactata veniet lenior hostia. Nourr.

XXIX. — "Neat wine is the companion of frankincense." So it is: when frankincense had been thrown on the lit altar, wine was at once brought and poured on. Ovid, Tristia book 5, elegy 5: "Give me incense, boy, that makes rich flames, and wine to hiss when poured on the holy fire." Hérault. That is, they used to pour wine over the incense given to the flames, or, as Lactantius says, to soak the hearths with a libation of fragrant old wine. Of this rite Horace, book 1, Ode 19: "Set here vervain, boys, and incense, with a bowl of two-year wine: the victim slain, she will come more gently." Le Nourry.

(comm.) ‹Cur ei superfundatur incensioni› · cols 1257–1258 Cur ei superfundatur incensioni. Meursius, pag. 213 conj. : cur ejus superfundatur incensioni. Non male. Orell.

"Why it is poured over its burning." Meursius, p. 213, conjectures: cur ejus superfundatur incensioni ("why it is poured over the burning of it"). Not badly. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Siccitates› · col 1258 Siccitates. Fulv. Ursinus siccitatem. Orell.

Siccitates ("drynesses"). Fulvius Ursinus: siccitatem ("dryness"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Post solidos victus liborum et pultium› · col 1258 Post solidos victus liborum et pultium. Solidos pro solitos, quod antea legebatur, restituerunt Meursius et Stewechius e Cod. msto, rectissime. Sed fallitur Stewechius putans, Arnobium his verbis respicere ad opinionem illam veterum, qua ex libis, pultibus caeterisque eduliis oblatis nihil debebat superesse. Atqui cibi solidi sunt firmi, feste, nahrhafte Speisen. Nihil amplius. Orell.

"After solid meals of cakes and porridge." Meursius and Stewech restored solidos for solitos ("usual"), which was read before, from a manuscript, most rightly. But Stewech is mistaken in thinking that Arnobius alludes in these words to the ancients' belief that nothing was to be left over of the cakes, porridge and other foods offered. Rather, "solid foods" are firm ones, feste, nahrhafte Speisen ("solid, nourishing foods"). Nothing more. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Hostiarumque caesarum› · col 1258 Hostiarumque caesarum. Vinum enim fundebant non tantum initio sacrificii, accensa ara et thure imposito, sed mactatis etiam atque illatis victimis. Homerus, Il. iii.: Ἤ, καὶ ἀπὸ στομάχους ἀρνῶν τάμε νηλέϊ χαλκῷ, Καὶ τοὺς μὲν κατέθηκεν ἐπὶ χθονὸς ἀσπαίροντας, Θυμοῦ δευομένους, ἀπὸ γὰρ μένος εἵλετο χαλκός· Οἶνον δ' ἐκ κρητῆρος ἀφυσσόμενοι δεπάεσσιν Ἔκχεον, ἠδ' εὔχοντο θεοῖς αἰειγενέτῃσιν. Herald.

"And of slain victims." For they poured wine not only at the beginning of the sacrifice, when the altar was lit and the incense laid on, but also when the victims had been slain and brought in. Homer, Iliad 3: "He spoke, and cut the lambs' throats with the pitiless bronze, and laid them on the ground gasping, lacking breath, for the bronze had taken their strength; and drawing wine from the mixing bowl in cups they poured it out, and prayed to the gods who are for ever." Hérault.

(comm.) ‹Brias› · col 1258 Brias. Glossae : bria..... εἶδος ἀγγείου. Herald. — Bria erat quoddam mensurae liquidorum, seu vasis et poculi genus. Vetus Glossarium latino-graecum : Bria, εἶδος ἀγγείου, mensura quaedam. Vide sis Lexicon Martinii et Cangii Glossarium. Nourr. pag. 521. — Ab hoc vocabulo derivant grammatici τὸ ebrius et sobrius. Vide Gesner. In Thesaur. Orell.

Brias. The glosses: bria ..... "a kind of vessel." Hérault. — The bria was a certain measure of liquids, or a kind of vessel and cup. The old Latin-Greek glossary: "Bria, a kind of vessel, a certain measure." See, if you please, Martinius's Lexicon and Du Cange's Glossary. Le Nourry, p. 521. — From this word the grammarians derive ebrius ("drunk") and sobrius ("sober"). See Gesner in his Thesaurus. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Sympuviaque› · col 1258 Sympuviaque. Ms.: sympubiaque. Sabaeus sympiniaque. Vide supra, ad lib. iv, cap. 31. Orell.

Sympuviaque ("and libation bowls"). The manuscript: sympubiaque. Sabaeus: sympiniaque. See above, on book 4, ch. 31. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Ne quod in stomachi tramite male transvoratum substiterit viscus› · col 1258 Ne quod in stomachi tramite male transvoratum substiterit viscus. Pessime C. Barthius, in Adversar., lib. iv, cap. 1, pag. 2576. Viscus intelligit de glutinosa materia, humore moroso, tenaci, qualis occludit meatus. Atqui distinguendum viscus, i, vel viscum, i, significans proprie gummi quoddam et glutinum aucupum, a viscus, eris, tertiae declinationis; quod est caro, quidquid est inter ossa et cutem, unde viscera in plurali. Vide Oudendorp., qui de his vocibus multus est, ad Apulei., Met. ii, pag. 103. Orell.

"Lest some piece of flesh, badly swallowed, stick in the passage of the stomach." Very badly C. Barth, Adversaria, book 4, ch. 1, p. 2576: he understands viscus of a glutinous matter, a stubborn, sticky humour such as blocks the passages. But one must distinguish viscus, -i, or viscum, -i, which properly means a kind of gum and fowlers' birdlime, from viscus, -eris, of the third declension, which is flesh, whatever lies between the bones and the skin; whence viscera in the plural. See Oudendorp, who says much on these words, on Apuleius, Metamorphoses 2, p. 103. Orelli.

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caret re corporis, atque omni sensu et cogitatione privatus est.

lacks bodily reality, and is deprived of all sense and thought.

XXIX. Merum thuris est socium, quod explanari consimiliter poscimus, cur ei superfundatur incensioni. Si enim ratio, cur fiat, non ostendetur, nec habebit expositam sui causam, non jam istud errori objiciendum est ludicro, sed, ut dicatur expressius, insaniae, dementiae, caecitati. Ut enim jam saepius dictum est, debet omne, quod geritur causam sui habere perspicuam, nec caliginis alicujus obscuritate contectam. Si ergo fiditis facto, aperite, monstrate, liquor iste cur detur, id est, vinum superfundatur altaribus. Numquid enim numinum corpora sitim sentiunt aridam, et eorum necesse est siccitates humore aliquo temperari? Numquid nobis ut mortalibus mos est, coenis intermiscere potiones: pari etiam more post solidos victus liborum, et pultium, hostiarumque caesarum, quo putrefiat facilius et percoquatur cibus, frequentissimo irrigant accipiuntque se vino? Date quaeso immortalibus diis bibant, scyphos, brias, pateras, sympuviaque depromite: et quoniam tauris pinguibusque se dapibus, atque opimis inferciunt escis: ne quod in stomachi tramite male transvoratum substerit viscus: succurrite, properate, Jovi optimo maximo merum, ne praefocetur, date: cupit,

XXIX. Unmixed wine is the companion of frankincense, concerning which we similarly demand that it be explained why it is poured upon the burning thereof. For if the reason why it is done shall not be shown, and it shall not have its cause set forth, this is no longer to be laid to the charge of a sportive error, but, to speak more plainly, of madness, folly, and blindness. For as has already quite often been said, everything that is done ought to have its cause manifest, and not covered over by the darkness of any mist. If therefore you trust in the deed, open, point out why that liquid is given, that is, why wine is poured upon the altars. Do the bodies of the deities perchance feel parching thirst, and must their drynesses needs be tempered by some moisture? As the custom is for us mortals to mingle draughts with our dinners, do they also in like manner, after the solid nourishment of cakes, and pottages, and slaughtered victims, in order that the food may more easily be dissolved and digested, drench and entertain themselves with very frequent wine? Give, I pray, to the immortal gods to drink; bring forth goblets, wine-vessels, bowls, and sacrificial cups; and since they cram themselves with bulls and fat feasts and rich meats, lest some piece of flesh badly swallowed stick fast in the passage of the stomach, run to their aid, hasten, give unmixed wine to Jupiter Best and Greatest, lest he be choked! He desires

Editors' notes and page, col. 1258

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PL 5:1259

eructare, nec potis est: ac ni illa labatur et dissolvatur obstructio, periculum maximum est, ne oblisus interrumpatur spiritus, et viduatum remaneat sine suis administratoribus coelum.

to belch, and is not able; and unless that obstruction slip down and be dissolved, there is the greatest danger lest his breath be crushed and broken off, and heaven remain bereft without its administrators.

XXX. Sed frustra, inquit, inequitas nobis: non enim nos superis ob eas profundimus merum causas, tamquam illos existimemus aut sitire, aut bibere, aut suavitatis ejus affectione laetari. Honoris eis ergo datur, quo fiat illorum elatior, amplior, augustiorque sublimitas, altaria super ipsa libamus, et venerabiles muscos carbonibus excitamus extinctis et quae gravior infligi contumelia diis potest, quam si eos credas accepto mero propitios fieri: aut honorem existimes habitum his magnum, si modo vini exigui rores super vividam jeceris atque instillaveris prunam? Non nobis est sermo cum hominibus rationis expertibus, neque quibus non sit communis intelligentiae veritas: inest et vobis sapientia, inest sensus, verumque nos dicere apud vos ipsi interiori judicio scitis. Sed quid facere possumus considerare nolentibus penitus res ipsas, secumque ipsos loqui? Facitis

XXX. Yet in vain, he says, do you rail at us: for we do not pour out unmixed wine to the gods above for those causes, as though we thought that they either thirst, or drink, or rejoice in the feeling of its sweetness. It is given to them for the sake of honour, that their loftiness may become higher, fuller, and more august; we pour libation upon the very altars, and raise up venerable fragrances from the quenched coals. And what heavier insult can be inflicted upon the gods than if you should believe that they are made propitious when unmixed wine has been received, or should think that great honour has been paid to them if only you have cast and dropped the dews of a little wine upon a glowing live coal? Our discourse is not with men devoid of reason, nor with those who do not have the truth of common understanding: there is in you also wisdom, there is sense, and by an inner judgement within yourselves you know that we speak the truth. Yet what can we do with men who are unwilling to consider the things themselves thoroughly, and to speak with themselves? For you do

Editors' notes and page, col. 1259

Footnotes

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COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹Sine suis administratoribus coelum› · col 1259 Sine suis administratoribus coelum. Stewechius legendum suspicatur : sine suis administratibus coelum, quia de solius Jovis obstructione sive oblisione tractetur, qui unus coelis administrator est. Administratus, us, quidem nusquam comparet in lexicis : sed apud nostrum tales formationes haud infrequentes. Vide ad lib. ii, cap. 20. Orell.

"Heaven without its administrators." Stewech suspects one should read sine suis administratibus coelum ("heaven without its administrations"), because the subject is the choking or crushing of Jupiter alone, who is the one administrator of the heavens. Administratus, -us, indeed appears nowhere in the lexicons; but in our author such formations are not infrequent. See on book 2, ch. 20. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹XXX. — Et venerabiles muscos carbonibus excitamus exstinctis› · cols 1259–1260 XXX. — Et venerabiles muscos carbonibus excitamus exstinctis. Dedi locum ex emendatione Salmasii, cujus ipse rationem reddit in Commentariis in Solinum pag. 232, his verbis : Liber Regius habet et venerabiles miscus, unde fecerunt venerabile miscus, quod quid sit, velim mihi quis explicet. Extra controversiam est legi debere : venerabiles muscos carbonibus excitamus exstinctis. Ubi muscus εὐωδία est et flagrantia. Pro quo scriptum erat miscus ut Thile pro Thule, Bitiae pro Bituae, Titinus pro Tutunus. Glossae nostrae : muscus, εὐωδία. Aliae Glossae : muscus, βρύον, φῦκος, μόσχος. Per μόσχον intelligit quod diximus. Graecolatinae Glossae : μόσχος, muscus. Apuleius, multo antiquior Arnobio, etiam ea voce usus est. Verba ejus ita legenda sunt ex x Milesia : Et hercule Orchium bigam pertersum mysci flagrantis et Chiae rosaceae lotionibus expurgavit. Male in florentinis, unde illa addidit Elmenhorstius legitur hyaci pro mysci (Oudendorpius, pag. 717, emendat Lyaei). Cum hic et Arnobius, ne de Hieronymo dicam, muscum pro flagrantia usurparit, satis inde constat, cognitum veteribus animal fuisse, quod muscum fert : si non ipsum animal, certe odoramentum novisse eos oportet. Μόσχον vocant Aetius et Paulus, unde et μοσχᾶτα, compositiones, quae ex eo fiunt. Placet viris doctissimis muscum, cujus inter odores meminit D. Hieronymus non esse animalis illius ἄρωμα ; sed odoratum muscum, quod Graeci βρύον vocant et βρύον ἀρωματικόν. Ita censet Hermolaus in corollario suo. Si verum est, quod ille opinatur, quis non et apud Arnobium et Apuleium de hoc musco censeat accipiendum ? Verba Hieronymi haec sunt ex lib. ii adversus Jovinianum : odoris autem suavitas, et diversa thymiamata, et amomum, et cyphi, et oenanthe, et muscus, et peregrini muris pellicula. Plinius, Hist. Nat., lib. xii, cap. 28, species aromaticas enumerans, ex quibus unguenta conficiuntur : Eodem et bryon pertinet, uva populi albae, optima circa Cnidum, aut Cariam, in sitientibus, aut siccis asperisque ; secunda in Lyciae cedro. Eodem et oenanthe pertinet. Βρύον latine est muscus. Glossae : Muscus, βρύον, φῦκος. Ergo oenanthe et muscus similiter apud Hieronymum conjunguntur, ut apud Plinium bryon et oenanthe. Dioscorides βρύον addi unguentis βαλανίνοις tradit, et odoribus ad vaporandum, quae θυμιάματα Graeci appellant. Non tamen muscus in illis auctorum locis est βρύον, sed μόσχος vel μοῦσχος, odoramentum extractum ab animali gazellae simili in India. Quia id fragrantissimum idcirco et muscum pro quolibet fragrantia vel odoris suavitate posuerunt Arnobius et Apuleius, etc., etc. » Haec Salmasius. Gelenius edidit : et venerabiles cnissas, etc. sequentibus reliquis omnibus (excepto Salmasio), probante etiam Stewechio. Orell.

XXX. — "And we stir up venerable musks on extinguished coals." I have given the passage by Salmasius's emendation, for which he himself gives the reason in his Commentary on Solinus, p. 232, in these words: "The Royal book has et venerabiles miscus, from which they made venerabile miscus; I should like someone to explain to me what that is. It is beyond dispute that one must read: 'we stir up venerable musks on extinguished coals,' where muscus is fragrance and scent. For it miscus had been written, as Thile for Thule, Bitiae for Bituae, Titinus for Tutunus. Our glosses: muscus, 'fragrance.' Other glosses: muscus, 'moss, seaweed, musk.' By μόσχος he means what we have said. The Greek-Latin glosses: μόσχος, muscus. Apuleius, much older than Arnobius, also used this word. His words in the tenth Milesian tale should be read thus: 'And, by Hercules, he cleansed Orchius's (?) pair, wiped down, with washings of fragrant musk and Chian rose-oil.' Wrongly in the Florentine manuscripts, from which Elmenhorst added these readings, hyaci is read for mysci (Oudendorp, p. 717, emends to Lyaei). Since both he and Arnobius, not to speak of Jerome, used muscus for fragrance, it is clear enough from this that the animal which bears musk was known to the ancients: if not the animal itself, they must certainly have known the perfume. Aetius and Paul call it μόσχος, whence also μοσχᾶτα, preparations made from it. Very learned men hold that the muscus which St Jerome mentions among perfumes is not that animal's aromatic, but scented moss, which the Greeks call βρύον and aromatic βρύον. So Hermolaus judges in his Corollary. If what he thinks is true, who would not judge that in Arnobius and Apuleius too this moss is meant? Jerome's words, from book 2 against Jovinian, are these: 'and the sweetness of smell, and various incenses, and amomum, and cyphi, and oenanthe, and musk, and the little skin of a foreign mouse.' Pliny, Natural History book 12, ch. 28, listing the aromatic kinds from which unguents are made: 'To the same class belongs bryon, the cluster of the white poplar, best about Cnidus or Caria, in thirsty or dry and rough places; second, on the cedar of Lycia. To the same class belongs oenanthe.' Βρύον in Latin is muscus. The glosses: muscus, 'moss, seaweed.' So oenanthe and muscus are joined in Jerome just as bryon and oenanthe are in Pliny. Dioscorides records that βρύον is added to ben-nut unguents, and to perfumes for fumigating, which the Greeks call θυμιάματα. Yet muscus in those authors' passages is not βρύον but μόσχος or μοῦσχος, a perfume drawn from an animal like a gazelle in India. Because it is most fragrant, Arnobius and Apuleius therefore put muscus for any fragrance or sweetness of smell, etc., etc." So Salmasius. Gelenius printed et venerabiles cnissas ("and venerable savours"), etc., followed by all the rest (except Salmasius), with Stewech also approving. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Vini exigui rores› · col 1260 Vini exigui rores. Gelenius : rorem. Orell.

"Dews of a little wine." Gelenius: rorem ("dew"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Nimirum quia apud vos plus valet› · col 1260 Nimirum quia apud vos plus valet. Ita Gelenius et caeteri. Editio princeps : primum quia, etc. plus deest in ms., probante Stewechio. Orell.

"Doubtless because with you it is worth more." So Gelenius and the rest. The first edition: primum quia ("first because"), etc.; plus is missing in the manuscript, which Stewech approves. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Venereis re proxima› · col 1260 Venereis re proxima. Ita editio princeps, quam lectionem sanissimam mutarunt perperam alii : Veneri re proxima, alii : Veneris re proxima, ed. Lugd. Bat. : Veneri is re proxima, ubi quid τὸ is sibi velit, equidem nescire me fateor cum ignarissimis. Atqui optime vinum appellat Arnobius rem proximam Venereis, id est, τοῖς ἀφροδισίοις. In eamdem sententiam Valerius Maximus, lib. ii, cap. 1 : Vini usus olim Romanis feminis interdictus fuit, ne scilicet in aliquod dedecus prolaberentur, quia proximus a Libero patre intemperantiae gradus ad inconcessam Venerem esse consuevit. Quem locum apposite citavit Elmenhorstius. Orell.

"A thing closest to venereal matters." So the first edition, a perfectly sound reading which others wrongly changed: some to Veneri re proxima, others to Veneris re proxima; the Leiden edition: Veneri is re proxima, where I confess, with the most ignorant, that I do not know what the is means. But Arnobius very well calls wine the thing closest to venereal matters, that is, to the pleasures of love. To the same effect Valerius Maximus, book 2, ch. 1: "The use of wine was once forbidden to Roman women, lest they slip into some disgrace, because the next step of intemperance from Father Liber is usually to forbidden love." Elmenhorst cited this passage aptly. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Exauctorare› · col 1260 Exauctorare. Id est auctoritatem diis adimere vel eripere. Nourr., pag. 553. — Annon legendum exauctorari ? Ridet scil. Arnobius deos ebrios et maledictis se incessentes. Orell.

Exauctorare ("to discharge"). That is, to take away or snatch their authority from the gods. Le Nourry, p. 553. — Should one not read exauctorari ("to be discharged")? Arnobius, of course, is mocking drunken gods assailing one another with abuse. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Et perditi conviciam› · col 1260 Et perditi conviciam. Recte dicit perditi. Nam idcirco ἄσωτοι Graecis dicti, quod spei sunt deploratae. Aristoteles ἄσωτον ait perire, eo quod ejus facultates pereant. Sic ille Nicomach., l. iv : Βούλεται γὰρ ἄσωτος εἶναι, ὁ ἕν τι κακὸν ἔχων, φθείρειν τὴν οὐσίαν. ἄσωτος γὰρ ὁ δι' αὐτὸν ἀπολλύμενος. Herald.

"And of a lost man['s] abuse." He rightly says perditi ("lost"). For this is why such men are called ἄσωτοι ("unsaved, prodigal") by the Greeks, because they are beyond hope. Aristotle says the prodigal perishes, because his means perish. So he says, Nicomachean Ethics book 4: "For the prodigal means the man who has one particular vice, the wasting of his substance; for the prodigal is one who is being ruined by his own fault." Hérault.

(comm.) ‹XXXI. — Mactus hoc vino inferio esto› · col 1260 XXXI. — Mactus hoc vino inferio esto. Vide supra ad l. iv, c. 16. [Geof.?], qui de hac formula multus est (continues)

XXXI. — "Be honoured with this wine of offering." See above on book 4, ch. 16. [Name uncertain in the scan], who says much about this formula (continues)

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enim, quod fieri cernitis, non quod fieri oportere confiditis: nimirum quia apud vos plus valet nullam habens consuetudo rationem, quam rerum inspecta natura veritatis examinatione ponderata. Quid est enim Deo cum vino, aut in ejus materia vis qualis, aut quanta est, quod cum effusum fuerit, sublimitas ejus augescat, et honorata existimetur auctoritas? Quid, inquam, Deo cum vino est, Venereis re proxima, nervos omnium debilitante virtutum, verecundiae, pudoris, et castitatis inimica? quod in insanias et furores mentes saepius praecipitavit excitas, ipsosque illos deos maledictis compulit exauctorare dementibus. Itane istud non nefas et plenum sacrilegii crimen est, honori hoc dare, quod si tu id avidius sumpseris, quid facias, nescias: quid loquaris, ignores: ad extremum tumulenti, luxuriosi, et perditi convitium infamiamque merearis?

what you see done, not what you trust ought to be done: doubtless because with you custom, having no reason, prevails more than the examined nature of things weighed by the scrutiny of truth. For what has God to do with wine, or what sort of power, or how great, is there in its substance, that when it has been poured out, His loftiness should grow, and His authority be thought honoured? What, I say, has God to do with wine, a thing closest to lasciviousness, weakening the sinews of all virtues, hostile to modesty, shame, and chastity? which quite often has cast excited minds headlong into madnesses and frenzies, and compelled men to degrade those very gods with mad curses. Is not this a wicked thing and a crime full of sacrilege, to give for an honour that which, if you yourself have taken it too greedily, you know not what you do, you are ignorant of what you say, and finally you earn the reproach and infamy of a drunken, dissolute, and abandoned man?

XXXI. Operae pretium est, etiam verba ipsa depromere, quibus, cum vinum datur, uti ac supplicare consuetudo est: Mactus hoc vino inferio esto. inferio,

XXXI. It is worth while to bring forth the very words also which, when wine is given, it is the custom to use and to make supplication with: Be enlarged by this sacrificial wine. Sacrificial,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1260

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inquit Trebatius, verbum ea causa est additum, eaque ratione profertur; ne vinum omne omnino, quod in cellis atque apothecis est conditum, ex quibus illud, quod effunditur, promptum est, esse sacrum incipiat, et ex usibus eripiatur humanis. Addito ergo hoc verbo solum erit, quod inferetur, sacrum, nec religione obligabitur caeterum. Qualis ergo hic honor est, in quo imponitur quasi lex deo, ne plus quaerat, quam datum est? aut cujus ipse est aviditatis deus, qui nisi verbi fuerit praescriptione submotus, cupiditatem suam protendat ulterius, et apothecis suis supplicem privet? Mactus hoc vino inferio esto: injuria est ista, non honor. Quid enim si divus amplius hoc volet, neque erit contentus illato? nonne insigniter dicendum est laedi, qui honorem accipere cum conditione cogatur? Nam si exceptione non addita sacrum necesse est fieri omne omnino, quod in cellis est, vinum, manifestum est et deo contumeliam fieri, cui modus constituatur invito: et vos ipsos in re sacra caeremoniarum officia violare, qui non tantum tribuitis vini, quantum deum videtis sibi velle praestari. Mactus hoc vino inferio esto: quid est aliud quam dicere, tantum esto mactus, quantum volo: tantum amplificatus, quantum jubeo: tantum honoris assumito, quantum te habere decerno, et verborum circumscriptione definio. O deorum sublimitas praepotens,

says Trebatius, is a word added for this cause, and brought forth for this reason, lest all the wine altogether that is stored up in cellars and storehouses, out of which that which is poured out has been broached, should begin to be sacred, and be snatched away from human uses. When therefore this word has been added, that alone which shall be brought in will be sacred, and the rest will not be bound by religious scruple. What sort of honour, then, is this, wherein a law, as it were, is laid upon a god, that he seek no more than has been given? Or of what greediness is the god himself, who, unless he has been warded off by the limitation of a word, would stretch his desire further, and deprive the suppliant of his storehouses? Be enlarged by this sacrificial wine: that is an injury, not an honour. For what if the deity shall wish more than this, and shall not be content with what is brought in? Must it not be said that he is signally wronged, who is compelled to receive honour under a condition? For if, when the exception has not been added, all the wine altogether that is in the cellars must needs become sacred, it is manifest both that an insult is done to the god, for whom a limit is appointed against his will, and that you yourselves in a sacred matter violate the duties of ceremonies, who do not bestow so much wine as you see the god wishes to be offered to himself. Be enlarged by this sacrificial wine: what else is it than to say, Be enlarged so much as I wish; so much amplified as I command; take to yourself so much honour as I decree that you have, and define by the limitation of words? O surpassingly powerful loftiness of the gods,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1261

Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹XXXI. — Mactus hoc vino inferio esto› · col 1261

(continued) Cujacius Obss. Jur., l. ii, c. 12, p. 52, seqq. Orell.

(comm.) ‹Trebatius› · col 1261 Trebatius. Incertae aetatis scriptor. Libri ejus x religionum citantur a Macrobio. Vide G. J. Voss., de Hist. lat., l. iii, hoc verbo. Orell.

Trebatius. A writer of uncertain date. His ten books "On religions" are cited by Macrobius. See G. J. Voss, De historicis latinis, book 3, under this name. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Nec religione obligabitur caeterum› · col 1261 Nec religione obligabitur caeterum. Qualis ergo, etc. Ita rectissime interpunxit Gelenius et caeteri eum secuti. Antea legebatur : Nec religione obligabitur. Caeterum qualis ergo. Orell.

"Nor will the rest be bound by religious obligation. Of what kind, then," etc. So Gelenius punctuated, most rightly, and the others followed him. Before, it was read: "Nor will it be bound by religious obligation. But of what kind, then." Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Qui honorem accipere cum conditione cogatur› · col 1261 Qui honorem accipere cum conditione cogatur. Veteres cum aliquid consecrabant, caute et accurate loquebantur legesque semper et conditiones expresse addebant, ne qua se tacita religione obligarent ; quod ex pluribus inscriptionibus patet, verbi causa : JUPITER. OPTIME. MAXIME. QUANDOQUE. TIBI. HODIE. HANC. ARAM. DABO. DEDICABOQUE. OLLIS. LEGIBUS. OLLISQUE. REGIONIBUS. DABO. DEDICABOQUE. QUAS. HIC. HODIE. PALAM. DIXERO. Herald.

"Who is forced to receive an honour with a condition." When the ancients consecrated anything, they spoke cautiously and precisely, and always added laws and conditions expressly, so as not to bind themselves by any unspoken religious obligation; this is clear from many inscriptions, for example: "Jupiter Best and Greatest, when I give and dedicate this altar to you today, I shall give and dedicate it under those laws and those bounds which I shall here today openly declare." Hérault.

(comm.) ‹XXXII. — Etiamne diis sertis, coronis adficiuntur et floribus› · col 1261 XXXII. — Etiamne diis sertis, coronis adficiuntur et floribus. Deos coronis, sertis et floribus fuisse ornatos, passiva observatio est. Fiebat id proprie, quum prosperum aliquid acciderat aut malum aliquod depulsum fuerat : aut in magnis et festivis solemnitatibus. Lactantius, l. ii, c. 1 : Postquam metus deseruit, et pericula recesserunt ; tum vero alacres ad deorum templa concurrunt : his libant, his sacrificant, hos coronant. Hinc Artemidorus, l. ii ; Oneirocrit., c. 34 : Στεφανοῦν θεοὺς ἄνθεσι καὶ κλάδοις τοῖς προσήκουσι καὶ νενομισμένοις, σημαίνει ἀγαθὸν πᾶσιν οὐκ ἄνευ μὲν φροντίδων ἀποβησόμενον. At ne hoc nomine damnatae olim christianis coronae. Herald.

XXXII. — "Are the gods also treated with garlands, crowns and flowers?" That the gods were adorned with crowns, garlands and flowers is a widespread observance. It was done properly when something fortunate had happened or some evil had been averted, or at great and festal solemnities. Lactantius, book 2, ch. 1: "When fear has left them and the dangers have withdrawn, then indeed they run eagerly to the temples of the gods: to these they pour libations, to these they sacrifice, these they crown." Hence Artemidorus, Oneirocritica book 2, ch. 34: "To crown the gods with the flowers and branches proper and customary to them signifies good for all, which will come about, though not without cares." And it was on this account that crowns were once condemned by Christians. Hérault.

(comm.) ‹Etiamne aeris tinnitibus› · col 1261 Etiamne aeris tinnitibus. In sacris Isidis praecipue cymbala, tympana, et ejusmodi organa. Herald

"Also with the ringing of bronze?" In the rites of Isis especially, cymbals, drums and instruments of that kind. Hérault.

(comm.) ‹Etiamne aeris tinnitibus et quassationibus cymbalorum? etiamne tympanis?› · cols 1261–1262 Etiamne aeris tinnitibus et quassationibus cymbalorum? etiamne tympanis? Haec conjungit etiam Lucretius, ii, 618, seqq. : Tympana tenta tonant palmis, et cymbala circum Concava raucisono minantur cornua cantu, Et Phrygio stimulat numero cava tibia mentes. Et Ovidius, l. iv Fast. : Ibunt semimares et inania tympana tundent Aeraque tinnitus aere repulsa dabunt. Nourr., p. 525.

"Also with the ringing of bronze and the clashing of cymbals? Also with drums?" Lucretius also joins these, 2.618 and following: "Taut drums thunder under the palms, and hollow cymbals all round; horns threaten with harsh-sounding song, and the hollow pipe goads minds with Phrygian measure." And Ovid, Fasti book 4: "The half-men will go and beat the hollow drums, and bronze struck on bronze will give its ringing." Le Nourry, p. 525.

(comm.) ‹Quid efficiunt crepitus scabillorum› · col 1262 Quid efficiunt crepitus scabillorum. Vide supra, ad l. ii, c. 42. Orell.

"What do the clappers' rattlings achieve?" See above, on book 2, ch. 42. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Tibiarum stridore mulcentur› · col 1262 Tibiarum stridore mulcentur. Quum diis sacrificia offerentur, et preces conciperentur, tibiae et varia instrumenta musica simul perstrepebant : sed tibiae praecentoriae proprie et fides, quas deorum pulvinaribus praecinere solitas, nemo, opinor, ignorat. Unde etiam tibias a christianis olim reprobatas docebamus ad librum ii, c. 42. Herald.

"They are soothed by the shrilling of pipes." When sacrifices were offered to the gods and prayers framed, pipes and various musical instruments sounded together; but properly the precentors' pipes and the strings, which, as no one, I think, is unaware, used to play before the couches of the gods. Hence too we showed on book 2, ch. 42, that pipes were once condemned by Christians. Hérault.

(comm.) ‹Quid sibi volunt excitationes illae› · col 1262 Quid sibi volunt excitationes illae, etc. Ejusmodi excitationes maxime usitatae in sacris Isidis et Serapidis. Prima hora sacerdotes Isidis templum aperiebant, idque apertio vocabatur, deinde salutabant deam, quod salutationem et excitationem vocabant, post totum diem stipem emendicabant : inde ad octavam redibant, deam componebant, templumque claudebant. Testes Apuleius Miles., l. xi (ubi vid. Oudendorp.), p. 795, Porphyrius, de Abstinentia ab animalibus. Plura collegerunt Jos. Scaliger., ad Tibull., l. i, Eleg. iii, v. 31, et J. Lipsius, in Electis, l. ii, c. 18. Orell.

"What do those awakenings mean?" etc. Awakenings of this kind were especially common in the rites of Isis and Serapis. At the first hour the priests of Isis opened the temple, and this was called the opening; then they greeted the goddess, which they called the greeting and the awakening; through the whole day they begged alms; then at the eighth hour they returned, laid the goddess to rest, and closed the temple. Witnesses: Apuleius, Milesian Tales (Metamorphoses) book 11 (see Oudendorp there), p. 795; Porphyry, On Abstinence from Animals. Joseph Scaliger gathered more on Tibullus book 1, elegy 3, line 31, and J. Lipsius in his Electa, book 2, ch. 18. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Dormitiones› · col 1262 Dormitiones. Ita codex ms. et editio princeps. Gelenius edidit domuitiones, quod probant Canterus et Stewechius tamquam vocem antiquam et probissimae notae, qua usi Pacuvius, Lucilius, Plautus, Apuleius, etiam Cicero, l. i, de Divinat. : Classi propinquum reditum ac domuitionem dari. Nihil tamen equidem mutare ausim. De dormitionibus, id est, carminibus, quibus magna dea Isis ad somnum capiendum invitata, et excitationibus, quibus summo mane excitata fuerat e somno, multus est Boettiger V. Cl. in scripto suo die Isisvesper, inserto l. t. Minerva Taschenbuch fürs Jahr 1809, p. 131 et 136. Orell.

Dormitiones ("goings to sleep"). So the manuscript and the first edition. Gelenius printed domuitiones ("homecomings"), which Canter and Stewech approve as an ancient word of the soundest stamp, used by Pacuvius, Lucilius, Plautus, Apuleius, and even Cicero, On Divination book 1: "that a speedy return and homecoming be granted to the fleet." Yet I for my part would not venture to change anything. On the dormitiones, that is, the songs by which the great goddess Isis was invited to take her sleep, and the awakenings by which she was roused from sleep at earliest morning, the distinguished Böttiger says much in his essay "Die Isisvesper", printed in the cited volume, Minerva Taschenbuch fürs Jahr 1809, pp. 131 and 136. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Lavatio..... Deum Matris est hodie› · col 1262 Lavatio..... Deum Matris est hodie. Sexto scilicet kalendas aprilis, quemadmodum his Ammiani Marcellini (l. xxiii, c. 3) verbis discimus : Ante diem sextum (continues)

"The washing ..... of the Mother of the Gods is today." That is, on the sixth day before the Kalends of April, as we learn from these words of Ammianus Marcellinus (book 23, ch. 3): "On the sixth day before (continues)

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quam venerari, quam colere officiis omnibus caeremonialibus debeas: cui legem venerator imponit, quam cum pactionibus adorat et formulis: quae per unius formidinem verbi ab immodicis vini cupiditatibus arcetur.

which one ought to venerate and worship with all ceremonial duties: upon which the worshipper imposes a law, which he adores with compacts and formulas, and which through dread of a single word is kept back from immoderate desires for wine!

XXXII. Sed sit, ut vultis, honor in vino, sit in thure, immolatione et caedibus hostiarum irae numinum offensionesque placentur. Etiamne dii sertis, coronis afficiuntur, et floribus? etiamne aeris tinnitibus, et quassationibus cymbalorum? etiamne tympanis? etiamne symphoniis? Quid efficiunt crepitus scabillorum, ut cum eos audierint numina, honorifice secum existiment actum, et ferventes animos irarum oblivione deponant? An numquid ut parvuli pusiones ab ineptis vagitibus crepitaculis exterrentur auditis: eadem ratione et omnipotentia numina tibiarum stridore mulcentur, et ad numerum cymbalorum mollita indignatione flaccescunt? Quid sibi volunt extationes istae, quas canitis matutini, collatis ad tibiam vocibus? Obdormiscunt enim superi, remeare ut ad vigilias debeant? Quid dormitiones illae, quibus bene ut valeant, auspicabili salutatione mandatis? Somni enim quiete solvuntur, occuparique ut hoc possint, lentes audiendae sunt naeniae? Lavatio, inquit, deum matris est hodie. Sordescunt enim divi, et ad sordes

XXXII. Yet let there be, as you wish, honour in wine, let there be in frankincense, let the wraths and offences of the deities be appeased by the sacrifice and slaughters of victims. Are the gods moved also by garlands, crowns, and flowers? also by the tinklings of bronze, and the shakings of cymbals? also by timbrels? also by concerts of music? What do the clatterings of foot-castanets effect, that when the deities have heard them, they should think that they have been honourably dealt with, and lay aside their boiling passions in forgetfulness of wrath? Or just as tiny babes are frightened away from foolish wailings when rattles are heard, in the same way are the almighty deities also soothed by the shrill sound of flutes, and do they droop with softened indignation at the measure of cymbals? What do those morning awakenings mean, which you sing early in the morning, with voices joined to the flute? Do the gods above fall asleep, so that they must return to wakefulness? What of those lullabies, wherewith in an auspicious salutation you bid them fare well? Are they relaxed in the rest of sleep, and that they may be able to be seized by it, must slow dirges be heard? Today, he says, is the washing of the Mother of the gods. Do the deities then grow filthy, and to wash away their filth

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eluendas laventibus aquis opus, atque adjuncta antiqua cineris frictione. Jovis epulum cras est. Jupiter enim coenat, magnisque implendus est dapibus, jamdudum inedia gestiens, et anniversaria interjectione jejunus. Aesculapii geritur, celebraturque vindemia: colunt enim dii vineas, et ad suas usiones contractis exprimunt vindemiatoribus vinum. Lectisternium Cereris

is there need of washing waters, and the added rubbing of old ash? Tomorrow is the banquet of Jupiter. For Jupiter dines, and must be filled with great feasts, long since eager from fasting, and hungry after a year's interval. The vintage of Aesculapius is kept and celebrated: for the gods till vineyards, and, having gathered vintagers together for their own uses, press out wine. The couch-spreading of Ceres

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Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS NOTE ON THE IMAGES: the top of both foot images is cut. The opening of the commentary in col 1263 (the rest of the Ammianus note carried over from page 633) is legible in the column images and is set from them; the lines at the top of col 1264 are not visible, and its first visible line is only partly legible. What is set below for col 1264 begins where the print is legible. (comm.) ‹Lavatio..... Deum Matris est hodie› · col 1263

(continued) [carried over from page 633] … kal., quo Romae Matri deorum pompae celebrantur annales, et carpentum, quo vehitur simulacrum, Almonis undis ablui perhibetur (eo scil. loco ante portam Capenam, ubi Almo fluvius in Tiberim influit), ubi doctissimus Valesius (p. 10, t. iii, ed. Wagner.) haec observat : sex dies durabat festum Magnae Matris. Primo die, qui erat ix kal. april., Galli comam jactantes crebris ictibus lacertos cruentabant, atque is dies sanguinis dicebatur, teste Tertulliano in carmine ad Senatorem, Trebellio Pollione in Claudio et Augustino in Tractatu vii, in Joannem. Proximus dies magna omnium laetitia celebratur eoque Hilaria dictus, teste Macrobio, l. i Saturn. Tertio quiescebant. Quarto demum die, qui erat ante diem vi kal. april., simulacrum Cybelae carpento impositum Almonis aqua abluebant ; hic dies lavatio, ille requietio dicebatur, ut docet calendarium romanum Constantini aevo exaratum, quod Georgio Herwartio debemus : x Arbor intrat, x Tubilustrium, ix Kal. Apr. sanguen, viii Hilaria, vii Requietio, vi Lavatio. Caeterum de hoc ritu cecinerunt Ovidius Fast. iv, 337, seqq. ; Martialis, l. iii, Epigr. 47, et Prudentius, in Martyr. S. Romani. Conf. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, l. ii, c. 4. Nourr., p. 54, et Orell.

(comm.) ‹Laventibus aquis est opus› · col 1263 Laventibus aquis est opus. Ita editio princeps, sine dubio e codice msto. Rectissime. Nam veteres lavere tertia conjugatione pronuntiabant, ut docet Meursius, pag. 213. Exempla apud Lucretium, Plautum, Virgilium, Horatium, alios innumeros. Vide Nonium Marcellum. Gelenius edidit : lavantibus aquis. Cantero placet : labentibus aquis. Orell.

"There is need of washing waters." So the first edition, doubtless from the manuscript. Most rightly. For the ancients pronounced lavere in the third conjugation, as Meursius shows, p. 213. Examples in Lucretius, Plautus, Virgil, Horace and countless others. See Nonius Marcellus. Gelenius printed lavantibus aquis. Canter prefers labentibus aquis ("gliding waters"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Atque adjuncta antiqua cineris frictione› · col 1263 Atque adjuncta antiqua cineris frictione. Rescribo : antiqui cineris vel antiquae cineris frictione. Cinis enim non tantum masculine, verum etiam feminine usurpatum fuisse antiquis, notat ex Caesare, Catulo et Calvo, Nonius Marcellus, item Charisius, libro i. Calvi duobus testimoniis adductis. Ad lixiviam autem conficiendam usui esse veterem cinerem, non est, puto, qui nesciat : eum Plinius cinerem lixivum vocabat. Scribonius autem lixivam cinerem. Stewech. — Fulv. Ursinus corrigit : aliqua cineris frictione. Orell.

"And with an ancient rubbing of ash added." I rewrite: antiqui cineris or antiquae cineris frictione ("with a rubbing of old ash"). For Nonius Marcellus notes, from Caesar, Catulus and Calvus, that cinis was used by the ancients not only as masculine but also as feminine; so also Charisius, book 1, adducing two testimonies of Calvus. That old ash was used for making lye, there is no one, I think, who does not know: Pliny called it lye-ash (cinis lixivus), and Scribonius lixiva cinis. Stewech. — Fulvius Ursinus corrects: aliqua cineris frictione ("with some rubbing of ash"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Jovis epulum cras est› · col 1263 Jovis epulum cras est. Id incidisse observavi ipsis Idibus novembris. Kalendarium rusticum Romanum in dicto mense manifeste collocat JOVIS EPULUM. Fasti kalendares ipsis illis idibus adscribunt et vocant EPULUM INDICTUM ; quod quid fuerit et unde dictum, docebit nos Festus. Is epolones dixisse antiquos ait, quos postea epulones vocarunt : datum autem eis nomen, quod epulas indicendi Jovi caeterisque Diis potestatem haberent. Stewech. — Nimirum idibus novembris, uti in kalendario rustico annotatur. Haud vero infrequens hujus epuli apud varios scriptores mentio. Livius, lib. xxv, cap. 2 : Ludi plebeii per biduum instaurati et Jovis epulum fuit ludorum caussa. Cicero autem (de Orat. lib. iii) docet hoc epulare sacrificium et tres epulones, qui ei praeessent, a Numa institutos. Pontifices veteres, inquit, propter sacrificiorum multitudinem tres viros epulones esse voluerunt, cum essent ipsi a Numa, ut etiam illud ludorum epulare sacrificium facerent, instituti. Livius autem lib. xxxiii, cap. 42. Triumviros Epulones primum Romae a Romuleio seu Romulio creatos fuisse tradit. De iis et Jovis epulo Valerius Maximus, lib. ii, cap. 1, § 3. Tertullianus Apologet., (continues; the lines at the top of col 1264 are not visible)

"Tomorrow is the feast of Jupiter." I have observed that it fell on the Ides of November itself. The Roman rustic calendar plainly places THE FEAST OF JUPITER in that month. The calendar Fasti assign it to those very Ides and call it THE APPOINTED FEAST; what this was and whence it was named Festus will teach us. He says the ancients said epolones for those afterwards called epulones; the name was given them because they had the power of appointing feasts for Jupiter and the other gods. Stewech. — Namely on the Ides of November, as is noted in the rustic calendar. Mention of this feast is not infrequent in various writers. Livy, book 25, ch. 2: "The plebeian games were repeated for two days, and there was a feast of Jupiter on account of the games." Cicero (On the Orator, book 3) shows that this banquet-sacrifice and the three epulones who presided over it were instituted by Numa. "The old pontiffs," he says, "because of the great number of sacrifices, wanted there to be three epulones, though they themselves had been instituted by Numa to perform that banquet-sacrifice of the games too." Livy, book 33, ch. 42, records that the Triumvirs Epulones were first created at Rome by Romuleius or Romulius. On them and the feast of Jupiter, Valerius Maximus, book 2, ch. 1, § 3. Tertullian, Apology, (continues; the lines at the top of col 1264 are not visible)

(comm.) ‹[lemma not visible; on the Vinalia]› · col 1264 [lines above the image not visible] … loquitur Arnobius, quae prima Jovi, posteriora Veneri sacra fuisse Varro (lib. v de Ling. lat.), Festus (v. Vinalia), Ovidius (lib. iv Fast.) aliique testantur. At observandum est, alia fuisse festa, quae Meditrinalia vocabantur ; de quibus Varro (l. v de Ling. lat., p. 48, ed. Dordr.) : Meditrinalia, dies, inquit, dictus a medendo, quod, ut Flaccus, flamen Martialis, dicebat, hoc die solitum vinum novum et vetus libari, et degustari medicamenti causa. Quod facere solent etiamnunc multi, cum dicant : Novum vetus vinum bibo, novo veteri morbo medeor. Sed Festus (ad v. Meditrinalia), qui haec ultima verba retulit, Meditrinalia a Meditrina dea nomen accepisse asseverat. Plutarchus autem memorat (Sympos. Quaest., lib. iii, 9), olim eos, qui vinum novum gustabant, vota fecisse, ut illius usus innoxius medicamentumque salutare foret. Verum id dicit ea die factum, quam Pithoegiam appellabant. At hoc festum, uti docet Meursius (lib. i Graeciae feriat.), in Bacchi honorem celebrabatur. Utrum vero medicamenti ratione id quoque Aesculapio sacrum fuerit, aliorum esto judicium. Nos porro non fugit, unum a Theodoreto (serm. 3, de sacrificiis) Aesculapii festum notari, quod ille Ἀσκλήπια vocat. Sed illud idem fuisse atque Aesculapii vindemiam, si recte probaveris, tibi illico subscribemus. Nourr., pag. 525.

[lines above the image not visible] … Arnobius speaks; that the first were sacred to Jupiter, the later to Venus, is attested by Varro (On the Latin Language, book 5), Festus (under Vinalia), Ovid (Fasti, book 4) and others. But it should be observed that there were other feasts called Meditrinalia, of which Varro (On the Latin Language, book 5, p. 48, Dordrecht edition) says: "The Meditrinalia, a day named from healing (medendo), because, as Flaccus the priest of Mars used to say, on this day it was the custom to pour libations of new and old wine and to taste them for the sake of medicine. Many still do this, saying: 'I drink wine new and old; I heal disease new and old.'" But Festus (under Meditrinalia), who reports these last words, asserts that the Meditrinalia took their name from the goddess Meditrina. Plutarch records (Table Talk, book 3, 9) that those who tasted new wine used to make vows that its use might be harmless and a wholesome medicine. But he says this was done on the day they called Pithoigia. This feast, as Meursius shows (Graecia feriata, book 1), was celebrated in honour of Bacchus. Whether it was also sacred to Aesculapius on account of the medicine, let others judge. Nor has it escaped us that one feast of Aesculapius is noted by Theodoret (Sermon 3, On sacrifices), which he calls the Asclepia. But if you prove properly that this was the same as the vintage of Aesculapius, we will at once subscribe to you. Le Nourry, p. 525.

(comm.) ‹Et ad suas usiones contractis› · col 1264 Et ad suas usiones contractis. Haec est sagacissima emendatio Salmasii in ed. Lugd. Bat., et ad Solin., pag. 176. Usio pro usu frequentatum Catoni, Varroni, aliis. Codex Regius habet : et ad suasionibus contractis, nullo sensu ; unde Gelenius fecit : et ab suasionibus contracti, quod quid sibi velit, non magis intelligo. Stewechius legendum censet : et longis ab vasionibus (id est itionibus) contracti. Orell.

"And drawn together for their own uses." This is the very shrewd emendation of Salmasius in the Leiden edition and on Solinus, p. 176. Usio for usus is frequent in Cato, Varro and others. The Royal manuscript has et ad suasionibus contractis, which makes no sense; from it Gelenius made et ab suasionibus contracti, and I understand no better what that means. Stewech thinks one should read et longis ab vasionibus (that is, itionibus, "goings") contracti. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Lectisternium Cereris erunt idibus proximis› · col 1264 Lectisternium Cereris erunt idibus proximis. Tale commemorat Livius, lib. xxii, cap. 10 : Cum Hannibal agros Italiae depopularetur, inspectis Sibyllinis libris ac voto rite nuncupato, Lectisternium per triduum, habitum, decemviris sacrorum curantibus : sex pulvinaria in conspectu fuere, Jovi et Junoni unum, alterum Neptuno ac Minervae, tertium Marti et Veneri, quartum Apollini ac Dianae, quintum Vulcano ac Vestae, sextum Mercurio ac Cereri. Nourr., pag. 525. Intelligit Cerealia, quae celebrabantur Romae vii iduum aprilis. Vide Ovid., Fast. iv, 395, seqq. De Lectisterniis nota res. Orell.

"There will be a lectisternium of Ceres on the next Ides." Livy records such a one, book 22, ch. 10: when Hannibal was laying waste the fields of Italy, after the Sibylline books had been consulted and a vow duly pronounced, "a lectisternium was held for three days, the decemvirs of sacred rites in charge: six couches were in view, one for Jupiter and Juno, a second for Neptune and Minerva, a third for Mars and Venus, a fourth for Apollo and Diana, a fifth for Vulcan and Vesta, a sixth for Mercury and Ceres." Le Nourry, p. 525. He means the Cerealia, celebrated at Rome on the seventh day before the Ides of April. See Ovid, Fasti 4.395 and following. On lectisternia the matter is well known. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Telluris natalis est› · col 1264 Telluris natalis est. Kalendarium vetus : Ad xvii kalend. maias (15 aprilis) forda litatur Telluri. Orell.

"It is Earth's birthday." The old calendar: "On the seventeenth day before the Kalends of May (15 April) a pregnant cow is sacrificed to Earth." Orelli.

(comm.) ‹XXXIII. — Floralibus› · col 1264 XXXIII. — Floralibus. In vetusto kalendario romano videmus incidisse hos ludos in iv kalendas maias : cui videtur adstipulaturus Plinius. Ovidius tamen : Exit et in maias festum florale kalendas. Impudicitiam floralium describunt Augustinus, de Civ. Dei, lib. ii, cap. 26, et Lactantius, lib. i, cap. 20. Conf. Lips., lib. i Elect., et Novellam Justiniani CV. Stewech. — Florales sive floralia, quemadmodum observavit Macrobius (Saturn. lib. i, cap. 4), ludi et festa erant, quae nomen et originem duxerunt (continues)

XXXIII. — "At the Floralia." In the old Roman calendar we see that these games fell on the fourth day before the Kalends of May, with which Pliny seems to agree. Yet Ovid: "The flower-feast runs on into the Kalends of May." Augustine, City of God, book 2, ch. 26, and Lactantius, book 1, ch. 20, describe the shamelessness of the Floralia. Compare Lipsius, Electa book 1, and Justinian's Novel 105. Stewech. — Florales or Floralia, as Macrobius observed (Saturnalia, book 1, ch. 4), were games and feasts which took their name and origin (continues)

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erit idibus proximis: habent enim dii lectos atque, ut stratis possint mollioribus incubare, pulvinorum tollitur atque excitatur impressio. Telluris natalis est: dii enim ex uteris prodeunt, et habent dies laetos, quibus eis adscriptum est auram usurpare vitalem.

will be on the next Ides: for the gods have couches, and that they may be able to lie upon softer coverings, the indentation of the cushions is lifted and shaken up. It is the birthday of Earth: for the gods come forth from wombs, and have gladsome days on which it is appointed for them to enjoy the vital air.

XXXIII. Ludi vero, quos facitis, quibus Floralibus

XXXIII. Moreover, the games which you celebrate, those called Floralia,

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et Megalensibus nomen est, caeterique omnes alii, quos esse sacros voluistis, et religionum inter officia deputari, quam rationem habent, quam causam, ut institui condique debuerint, et ex numinum appellatione signari? Honorantur, inquit, his dii, et si quas ab hominibus continent offensionum memorias illatarum, abjiciunt, excludunt, redduntque se nobis redintegrata familiaritate fautores. Et quae causa est rursus, ut tranquilli, placidi efficiantur, et mites: ineptae si res fiant, et ab hominibus otiosis multitudine spectante ludatur? Ponit animos Jupiter, si Amphitryo fuerit actus pronuntiatusque Plautinus? aut si Europa, si Leda, Ganymedes fuerit saltatus, aut Danae, motum compescit irarum? Tranquillior, lenior mater magna efficitur, si Attidis conspexerit priscam refricari ab histrionibus fabulam? oblitterabit

and Megalensia, and all the other remaining ones which you have wished to be sacred and to be reckoned among the duties of religious observances, what reason have they, what cause, that they ought to have been instituted and founded, and marked by the appellation of the deities? The gods, he says, are honoured by these, and if they retain any memories of offences inflicted by men, they cast them away, shut them out, and restore themselves to us as furtherers with renewed friendship. And what is the cause, again, that they are made calm, peaceful, and mild, if foolish things are done, and sport is made by idle men while the multitude looks on? Does Jupiter lay aside his passions if the Amphitryo of Plautus has been acted and declaimed? Or if Europa, if Leda, if Ganymede has been danced, or Danae, does he curb the movement of his wraths? Is the Great Mother made calmer and gentler if she has beheld the ancient story of Attis rubbed up again by stage-players? Will Venus blot out

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Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES

VARIANT READINGS.

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offensam Venus, si Adonis in habitu gestum agere viderit saltatoriis in motibus pantomimum? indignatio relanguescet Alcidae, si tragoedia Sophoclis, cui Trachiniae nomen est, Euripidis aut Hercules actitetur? Existimatve tractari se honorifice Flora, si suis in ludis flagitiosas conspexerit res agi, et migratum ab lupanaribus in theatra? Itane istud non est deorum imminuere dignitatem, dicare et consecrare turpissimas reis eis, quas censor animus respuat, et quarum actores inhonestos esse jus vestrum, et inter capita computari judicavit infamia? Mimis nimirum dii gaudent, et illa vis praestans, neque ullis hominum comprehensa naturis, libentissime commodat audiendis his aures, quorum symplegmatibus plurimis intermixtos se esse, derisionis in materiam norunt: delectantur, ut res est, Stupidorum capitibus rasis, salapittarum

her offence if she has seen a pantomime making gestures in the garb of Adonis in dancing movements? Will the indignation of Alcides sink down if the tragedy of Sophocles which has the name of Trachiniae, or the Hercules of Euripides, is repeatedly acted? Or does Flora think that she is honourably treated if in her games she has beheld shameful things acted, and a migration made from brothels into the theatres? Is not this to diminish the dignity of the gods, to dedicate and consecrate to them most base things which a censorial mind would spurn, and the actors whereof your law has judged to be dishonourable, and to be reckoned in infamy among disgraced heads? Doubtless the gods rejoice in mimes, and that surpassing power, comprehended by no natures of men, most gladly lends its ears to hearing these men, in whose very many embraces they know themselves to be intermingled as matter for mockery: they are delighted, as the fact is, by the shaved heads of the Fools, by the

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Footnotes

(a) ‹quorum symplegmatibus› · call in col 1266

Implegmatibus ms., mendose.

Implegmatibus: the manuscript, wrongly.

COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹XXXIII. — Floralibus› · col 1265

(continued) a famosa meretrice, quae prius Chloris nuncupata, hos ludos ex pecunia, turpi corporis quaestu coacta, institui voluit. Sed ut infamis adeo originis memoria oblitterari facilius posset, eam mutato nomine Floram appellaverunt, finxeruntque, eam praesidere floribus. Conf. Ovid. Fast., lib. iv, 946. Agebantur autem, ut ex Plinio liquet (Hist. nat., lib. xviii, cap. 19), quarto calendas maii. In Fastis autem calendariis notantur 6 kalend. junii et in kalendario rustico sub maii mensis finem. Plura vide ap. Varron., de Ling. lat., lib. iv, p. 18 ; Ciceronem, Orat. iv, in Verrem, Suetonium (Galb., cap. 6), Martialem (lib. i, Epigr. 3 et 36) et Valerium Max., lib. ii, cap. 10, § 8, atque in primis Lactantium. Nourr., pag. 436.

(comm.) ‹Et Megalensibus› · col 1265 Et Megalensibus. Festus : Megalesia ludos Matris magnae appellant. Inscript. 133 (Gruteri). Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. ii, c. 4, Elmenh. — Hos ludos, qui celebrabantur a Romanis ii non. (4 aprilis), more institutoque maxime castos, solemnes, religiosos appellat Cicero in Orat. de Harusp. Resp. cap. xii, ubi vide intpp. Orell.

"And at the Megalensia." Festus: "They call the games of the Great Mother Megalesia." Inscription 133 (Gruter). Augustine, City of God, book 2, ch. 4. Elmenhorst. — These games, celebrated by the Romans on the second day before the Nones (4 April), Cicero calls, in custom and institution, most chaste, solemn and religious, in the oration On the Response of the Soothsayers, ch. 12; see the interpreters there. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Et si quas ab hominibus continent offensionum memorias illatarum, abjiciunt› · col 1265 Et si quas ab hominibus continent offensionum memorias illatarum, abjiciunt. Sic restituit editor Lugd. Bat., optime. Antiqua lectio est : si quas ab hominibus continent offensionum memorias illatas. Sed memoriam inferre offensionum Latinorum sermonem non admittere bene docet Meursius corrigens : offensionum memorias, illas abjiciunt. Juretus ad Symmach. lib. i, Epist xl, pag. 50. ed. Lectii locum sanare vult interpunctione tantum mutata, distinguens scil. : et si quas ab hominibus continent offensionum memorias, illatas abjiciunt, etc. Equidem praefero emendationem Salmasii. Orell.

"And if they hold any memories of offences done them by men, they cast them off." So the Leiden editor restored it, excellently. The old reading is: si quas ab hominibus continent offensionum memorias illatas. But Meursius rightly shows that Latin usage does not admit "to inflict a memory of offences," correcting to offensionum memorias, illas abjiciunt ("memories of offences, those they cast off"). Juret, on Symmachus book 1, letter 40, p. 50 of Lect's edition, wishes to heal the passage only by changing the punctuation, dividing thus: et si quas ab hominibus continent offensionum memorias, illatas abjiciunt, etc. For my part I prefer Salmasius's emendation. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Ponit animos› · col 1265 Ponit animos, id est θυμούς, iram, iracundiam. Alio sensu de audacia usurpat hanc locutionem Seneca Troad., vers 745 : Ipse post Trojam pater posuisset animos. Orell.

"Lays aside its passions," that is, θυμούς, anger, wrath. Seneca uses this phrase in another sense, of boldness, Troades line 745: "After Troy the father himself would have laid aside his spirit." Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Priscam refricari ab histrionibus fabulam› · col 1265 Priscam refricari ab histrionibus fabulam. Refricare, id est, repetere. Vide Colv. et Oudendorp. in Apulei. Met., lib. iv, pag. 292. Orell.

"That the old story is rubbed up afresh by the actors." Refricare, that is, to repeat. See Colvius and Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses book 4, p. 292. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Si Adonis in habitu gestum agere viderit saltatoriis in motibus pantomimum› · col 1265 Si Adonis in habitu gestum agere viderit saltatoriis in motibus pantomimum. Cicero (de Orat ii, cap. 57) : Quamquam soleo saepe mirari eorum impudentiam, qui agunt in scena gestum, spectante Roscio. Sic gerere simpliciter. Apuleius : Hic incinctus balteo militem gerebat. Herald. — Gestus igitur idem quod σχῆμα. Vid. Ernesti in Clav. Cic. Orell.

"If she sees a pantomime in the dress of Adonis acting the part with dancing movements." Cicero (On the Orator 2, ch. 57): "Yet I often wonder at the impudence of those who act on the stage while Roscius is watching." So too gerere by itself: Apuleius, "This one, girt with a sword-belt, played the soldier." Hérault. — Gestus, then, is the same as σχῆμα ("posture, figure"). See Ernesti, Clavis Ciceroniana. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Existimatve tractari se honorifice Flora› · cols 1265–1266 Existimatve tractari se honorifice Flora. Sic edidi ex emendatione Meursii. Alii legunt : Existimatur, etc. Sed sequens activam formam flagitat. Heraldus conjicit : Existimabit. Stewechius : Existimatur tractarier honorifice Flora. Orell.

"Or does Flora think she is treated with honour?" So I have printed from Meursius's emendation. Others read Existimatur, etc. But what follows demands the active form. Hérault conjectures Existimabit ("will she think"). Stewech: Existimatur tractarier honorifice Flora ("Is Flora thought to be treated with honour?"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Et quarum actores inhonestos esse jus vestrum, et inter capita computari judicavit infamia› · col 1266 Et quarum actores inhonestos esse jus vestrum, et inter capita computari judicavit infamia. Augustinus, de Civ. Dei., lib. ii, cap. 14 : Romani ab honoribus omnibus repellunt homines scenicos... et cap. 27 : Hanc talium numinum placationem petulantissimam, impurissimam, nequissimam, immundissimam, cujus actores laudanda Romanae virtutis indoles honore privavit, tribu movit, agnovit turpes, fecit infames. Tertullianus, Apologet., cap. 51, mimos capita ignominiosa et famosa appellat. Elmenh. — Dicit Arnobius : quarum actores inhonestos. Sic agitatores appellantur inhonestae personae. l. iv Cod. de Spectacul., qui tamen ab infamia immunes dicuntur l. iv Dig. de his qui notantur infamia. Sic inhonestum separat ab infami hoc eodem in argumento Aemilius Probus (Cornelius Nepos) in Prooem. : In scenam vero prodire, et populo esse spectaculo nemini in iisdem gentibus fuit turpitudini : quae omnia partim infamia, partim humilia atque ab honestate remota ponuntur. Herald. — Exemptos tamen ab hac inhonestatis nota fuisse Atellanarum actores docet Valerius Maximus, lib. ii, cap. 9. Conf. Meursius, in Crit., lib. ii, cap. 9, et, qui hac de re multus est, Sam. Petitus, Commentar. ad Legg. Att., p. 75, seqq., ed. Paris. Orell.

"And whose actors your law has judged dishonourable, and to be counted among persons of infamy." Augustine, City of God, book 2, ch. 14: "The Romans exclude stage players from all honours ..." and ch. 27: "This most wanton, most impure, most wicked, most filthy appeasement of such deities, whose actors the praiseworthy character of Roman virtue deprived of honour, removed from their tribe, acknowledged as base, made infamous." Tertullian, Apology, ch. 51, calls mimes disgraced and infamous persons. Elmenhorst. — Arnobius says "whose actors [are] dishonourable." So charioteers are called dishonourable persons, Code book 11 (iv?), On spectacles, law 4, who are nevertheless said to be free of infamy, Digest, On those who are marked with infamy, law 4. So Aemilius Probus (Cornelius Nepos) in his Preface, on this same subject, distinguishes the dishonourable from the infamous: "But to appear on the stage and be a spectacle to the people was a disgrace to no one among those same nations: all these things are counted among us partly infamous, partly low and far from honourable." Hérault. — Yet Valerius Maximus, book 2, ch. 9, shows that the actors of Atellan farces were exempt from this mark of dishonour. Compare Meursius, Criticus book 2, ch. 9, and Samuel Petit, who says much on this, Commentary on the Attic Laws, p. 75 and following, Paris edition. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Quorum symplegmatibus plurimis intermixtos se esse› · col 1266 Quorum symplegmatibus plurimis intermixtos se esse, etc. Symplegmata appellare videtur mimorum strophas, quas diversis modis συμπλέκουσιν et συστρέφουσιν. Herald. — Videntur potius intelligendi gestus, saltationes, copulationes obscoenae histrionum incestos deorum amores repraesentantium (obscoene, unanständige Gruppierungen). Quales depictae et descriptae fuisse videntur in famosis illis libellis Elephantidis, τύποις Ἐλεφάντιδος. Vide Boettiger. V. Cl. in Sabina pag. 329. Orell.

"In whose many entanglements they know they are mixed up," etc. He seems to call symplegmata the mimes' twists, which they intertwine and twist together in various ways. Hérault. — Rather, one should understand the gestures, dances and obscene couplings of the actors who represent the incestuous loves of the gods (obscene, unseemly groupings). Such seem to have been depicted and described in those notorious little books of Elephantis, the "figures of Elephantis." See the distinguished Böttiger, Sabina, p. 329. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Ut res est› · col 1266 Ut res est. Formula, qua statum praesentem significant. Vide Schwarz. ad Mamertini Panegyr. cap. 9, pag. 171, ed. Jaeger., et Oudendorp., ad Apulei. Met., lib. ii, pag. 169. Vertendum itaque hoc loco : comme chez nous. Orell.

"As things are." A formula by which they denote the present state. See Schwarz on Mamertinus's Panegyric, ch. 9, p. 171, Jaeger's edition, and Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses book 2, p. 169. So here it should be rendered "as with us." Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Stupidorum capitibus rasis› · col 1266 Stupidorum capitibus rasis. Rasa enim mimorum et γελωτοποιῶν capita : unde μωρὸς φαλακρὸς apud Epigrammatarios. Artemidorus, lib. i Oneirocrit., cap. 23 : Ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην, πλὴν Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς, καὶ τοῖς ἐξ ἔθους ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι, ἀγαθόν· πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν. Hinc Juvenalis Satira v : Omnia ferre Si potes et debes, pulsandum vertice raso Praebebis quandoque caput ; nec dura timebis (continues)

"With the shaven heads of the clowns." For the heads of mimes and jesters were shaven: hence "the bald fool" in the epigram writers. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica book 1, ch. 23: "To dream that one's whole head is shaved is good for the priests of the Egyptian gods and for jesters, and for those who are used to being shaved; for all others it is bad." Hence Juvenal, Satire 5: "If you can and must bear all things, you will one day offer your head, its crown shaven, to be slapped; nor will you fear harsh (continues)

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sonitu atque plausu, factis et dictis turpibus fascinorum ingentium rubore. Jam vero si viderint in femineas mollitudines enervantes se viros, vociferari hos frustra, sine causa alios cursitare, amicitiarum fide salva contundere se alios, et crudis mutilare se

sound and clapping of buffets on the cheek, by base deeds and words, by the redness of huge phalluses! Moreover, if they have seen men weakening themselves into womanish softness, some bawling in vain, others running to and fro without cause, others with the faith of friendship unbroken bruising themselves and maiming themselves with rawhide

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Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS NOTE ON THE IMAGES: the top of both foot images is cut. In col 1267 the last line of the Juvenal quotation carried over from page 635 and the opening of the following note (Hérault on stupidus) are legible in the column images and are set from them; in col 1268 the first line is only partly visible. What is set below for col 1268 begins where the print is legible. (comm.) ‹Stupidorum capitibus rasis› · col 1267

(continued) [carried over from page 635] … Flagra pati, his epulis et tali dignus amico. Proprie autem hae in re stupidi. Nam in γελωτοποιοῖς quidam stupidorum partes agebant ; tarditatem simulabant, et idcirco salapittis quandoque objurgabantur. Capitolinus in M. Antonino : Crimini ei datum est, quod adulteros uxoris promoverit, Tertullum et Tutilium et Orphitum et Moderatum, ad varios honores : cum Tertullum etiam prandentem cum uxore deprehenderit : de quo mimus in scena praesente Antonino dixit, quum stupidus nomen adulteri uxoris a servo quaereret, et ille dixerit ter Tullus, et adhuc stupidus quaereret, respondit ille : Jam dixi ter, Tullus dicitur. In hoc mimo partes suas agebat stupidus, ut in mimis pene omnibus. Inde factum, ut stupidos appellet heic Arnobius ridiculos et scurras istos. Herald. — Equidem rescripsi Stupidorum littera majori secutus doctissimum Maffeum in Museo Veronensi pag. 137. Hunc enim titulum in honore ducentes, tamquam artis quam profitebantur, ipsi sibi tribuebant tales scenici : quibus ex asse respondent nostri Harlekins, Hannswurste. Inscriptio apud Maffeum p. l. : D. M. AEMILIAE. IRENE. QUAE. VIXIT. ANN. XXVI. DIEBUS. XIIII. AURELIUS EUTYCHES STUPIDUS GREG. URB. CONJUGI. KARISSIMAE. ubi Stupidus gregis urbani est Stupidus scenicorum urbanorum. Orell.

(comm.) ‹Salapittarum sonitu› · col 1267 Salapittarum sonitu. Ita legendum esse pro salpinctarum sonitu, docet Jos. Scaliger ad Virgilii Catalect. pag. 1302, ed. Masvic. « Non enim, inquit, σαλπικτῶν intelligendum, sed salapittarum, hoc est ῥαπισμάτων, ut explicant glossae veteres. Nam ad excitandum risum histriones sibi os percidi et baiui alapis patiebantur. Martialis : Os tibi percisum est, quantum non ipse Latinus Vilia Panniculi percutit ora sono. Idem : O quam dignus eras alapis, Mariane, Latini. Te successurum credo ego Panniculo. Tertullianus Libro de Spectaculis : Insuper contumeliis alaparum sic os objicit, quasi de praecepto Domini ludat. Cyprianus item de Spectaculis innuit : Ictibus infelix facies locatur. Inde fluxit proverbialis loquendi mos, os praebere alicui, hoc est, morigerum esse, Terentio et Livio. » Haec Scaliger, probante Heraldo et Salmasio. Alii, in his etiam novissimus editor Oberthürius, praetulerunt antiquam lectionem salpictarum, ut habet codex ms. mendose pro salpinctarum, id est tubicinum, τῶν σαλπιγκτῶν. Sic Julius Firmicus, lib. viii, Mathes. : Salpinctas reddet, si qui in bello confossi moriantur. Orell.

"At the sound of the slaps." That this must be read for salpinctarum sonitu ("at the sound of the trumpeters") Joseph Scaliger shows on Virgil's Catalecta, p. 1302, Masvicius's edition. "For one must not understand trumpeters," he says, "but salapittae, that is, slaps, as the old glosses explain. For to raise a laugh the actors let their faces be smacked and struck with blows. Martial: 'Your face has been smacked more loudly than Latinus himself strikes the cheap cheeks of Panniculus.' The same: 'O how you deserved Latinus's slaps, Marianus! I think you will succeed Panniculus.' Tertullian, On the Shows: 'Moreover he so offers his face to the insult of slaps, as if he played by the Lord's command.' Cyprian likewise hints, On the Shows: 'The wretched face is hired out to blows.' From this came the proverbial expression 'to offer one's face to someone,' that is, to be compliant, in Terence and Livy." So Scaliger, with Hérault and Salmasius approving. Others, among them also the latest editor Oberthür, preferred the old reading salpictarum, as the manuscript has it, wrongly for salpinctarum, that is, of trumpeters. So Julius Firmicus, Mathesis book 8: "He will produce trumpeters, if any die run through in war." Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Si viderint in foemineas turpitudines enervantes se viros› · col 1267 Si viderint in foemineas turpitudines enervantes se viros. Columella, libro i de Re rust. : Attonitique miramur gestus effoeminatorum, quod a natura sexum viris denegatum muliebri motu mentiuntur, decipiuntque oculos spectantium. Graphice Cyprianus, lib. ii, epist. ii : Evirantur mores. Omnis honor et vigor sexus enervati corporis dedecore mollitur ; plusque illis placet, quiquis virum in foeminam magis fregerit. Elegan- (continues)

"If they see men unmanning themselves into womanish obscenities." Columella, On Agriculture book 1: "And we marvel, astonished, at the gestures of the effeminate, because with a woman's motion they feign the sex denied to men by nature and deceive the eyes of the onlookers." Cyprian, vividly, book 2, letter 2: "Morals are unmanned. All the honour and vigour of the sex is softened by the disgrace of an enervated body; and he pleases them more who has the more broken down a man into a woman." Elegan- (continues)

(comm.) ‹Vociferari hos frustra› · col 1268 Vociferari hos frustra. Notat tragoedos, qui huic uni rei vel maxime studebant, ut vasta voce vociferarentur potius quam loquerentur. Quare eos ἀπελέκητον φωνὴν ἔχειν καὶ φλοιοῦ μεστὴν dicebat Crantor, ut scribit Diogenes Laertius. Hinc etiam Demosthenes φωνασκίας ἐπίδειξιν objicit Aeschini, quem histrionem fuisse et τριταγωνιστήν, docet idem περὶ στεφάνου et περὶ παραπρεσβείας. Tertullianus de Spectaculis : Sed tragoedo vociferante exclamationes ille alicujus prophetae retractat. Eos ait ὀξὺ καὶ διάτορον βοᾶν Dio Chrysostomus sermone iv, de Regno. — Herald. N. Heinsius ad Petron., cap. xl, p. 176, ed. Burmanni legendum conjicit : vociferari hic frustra. Male. Nam ita si legamus, sequens alios non habet ad quod referatur. Orell.

"That these bawl in vain." He is marking the tragic actors, who were especially intent on this one thing, to bellow with a huge voice rather than speak. That is why Crantor said they had "an unhewn voice, full of bark," as Diogenes Laertius writes. Hence too Demosthenes reproaches Aeschines with "a display of voice-training," and the same orator shows, in On the Crown and On the False Embassy, that he had been an actor and a third-rate player. Tertullian, On the Shows: "But while the tragic actor is bawling, he goes over the cries of some prophet." Dio Chrysostom, Discourse 4, On Kingship, says they shout "shrill and piercing." Hérault. — N. Heinsius, on Petronius ch. 40, p. 176 of Burman's edition, conjectures one should read vociferari hic frustra. Wrongly. For if we read so, the following alios has nothing to which it refers. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Sine causa alios cursitare› · col 1268 Sine causa alios cursitare. Ita Gelenius. Cod. ms. habet : sine culpa alios cursitare, mendose procul dubio : unde N. Heinsius ad Petronium p. l. conjectura sagacissima legendum suspicatur : in pulpito alios cursitare. Praefero tamen emendationem Gelenii ob praecedens : vociferari hos frustra. Arnobius scilicet respicere videtur ad sua tempora, quibus res scenica a pristina simplicitate jam dudum degeneraverat in nimiam affectationem et inanem verborum strepitum. Meursius conj. : sine causa alios quiritare. Male. Orell.

"That others run about without cause." So Gelenius. The manuscript has sine culpa alios cursitare ("run about without fault"), doubtless wrongly; from which N. Heinsius, on Petronius at the place cited, suspects by a very shrewd conjecture that one should read in pulpito alios cursitare ("others run about on the stage"). Yet I prefer Gelenius's emendation because of the preceding "that these bawl in vain." Arnobius, of course, seems to look to his own times, when the stage had long since degenerated from its old simplicity into excessive affectation and empty noise of words. Meursius conjectures sine causa alios quiritare ("others cry out without cause"). Wrongly. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Et crudis mutilare se caestibus› · col 1268 Et crudis mutilare se caestibus. Codex ms. habet : de caestibus, quod defendit N. Heinsius l. l., cum se modo praecesserit. Abundantiam talium praepositionum jam aliquoties observavimus. Orell.

"And mutilate themselves with raw-hide gloves." The manuscript has de caestibus, which N. Heinsius defends at the place cited, since se has just preceded. We have already observed several times the superfluity of such prepositions. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Certare hos spiritu› · col 1268 Certare hos spiritu. Heinsius l. l. legendum conjicit : artare os spiritu, quod fit inflando venas. Sed nihil mutandum arbitror. Certare spiritu est, ni fallor, certare in loquendo vel cantando spiritu continenti, non intermisso : wetteifern, wer es länger aushalten könne, in Einem Athem fortzureden oder fortzusingen. Orell.

"That these contend in breath." Heinsius at the place cited conjectures one should read artare os spiritu ("to tighten the mouth with breath"), which is done by swelling the veins. But I judge nothing should be changed. Certare spiritu is, unless I am mistaken, to contend in speaking or singing with continuous, unbroken breath: to compete over who can hold out longer, talking or singing on in one breath. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Votisque inanibus concrepare› · col 1268 Votisque inanibus concrepare. Liber Regius : votisque immanibus concrepare. « Salmasius (ubi ? nescio) : cavatisque manibus concrepare. Sed de manibus mox subsequitur, ut iis hic non sit locus. Suspicari licet dictum ab Arnobio, stlopisque inanibus ad imitationem Persiani loci, sat. v, 13 : Nec stlopo tumidas intendis rumpere buccas. (Stlopus scil. est sonus qui ex inflatione buccarum erumpit). » Haec Heinsius. Fortasse mutatione unius litterae legendum : volisque immanibus concrepare (a vola, ae, media parte manus, sive, ut h. l., pedis) et vertendum : mit machtigen Fersen stampfen. Potius : mit gewaltigen Händen Klatschen loquitur enim Arnobius de plaudentium strepitu. Orell.

"And to make a din with empty vows." The Royal book: votisque immanibus concrepare ("with monstrous vows"). "Salmasius (where? I do not know): cavatisque manibus concrepare ('to clap with hollowed hands'). But hands follow shortly, so there is no place for them here. One may suspect that Arnobius said stlopisque inanibus ('with empty pops'), in imitation of the passage of Persius, Satire 5.13: 'Nor do you strain to burst your puffed cheeks with a pop.' (A stlopus is the sound that bursts out from puffed cheeks.)" So Heinsius. Perhaps, by changing one letter, read volisque immanibus concrepare (from vola, -ae, the hollow of the hand, or, as here, of the foot) and render "stamp with mighty heels." Rather: "clap with powerful hands," for Arnobius is speaking of the noise of people applauding. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Manus ad coelum tollunt› · col 1268 Manus ad coelum tollunt, etc. Heraldus ineptum putans, deos, qui in coelo sunt, manus ad coelum tollere, totum locum invertendum censet, ita scil. : votisque inanibus concrepare, manus ad coelum tollere, rebusque admirabilibus motos prosilire, exclamare ; in gratiam cum hominibus redeunt. Male, opinor. Nam dii illi, de quibus loquitur Arnobius, non in coelo versantes, sed in terram descendentes ad visendos ludos scenicos, possunt manus ad coelum tollere (qui est gestus admirantium). Sic infra, cap. xxxviii nostrae editionis, Jupiter de coelo proficiscitur ad spectandos cantherios replicantes gyros septem. Immo, si (continues)

"They raise their hands to heaven," etc. Hérault, thinking it absurd that gods who are in heaven should raise their hands to heaven, judges that the whole passage should be rearranged, thus: "to make a din with empty vows, to raise the hands to heaven, and, moved by wonders, to leap up and shout: they are reconciled with men." Wrongly, I think. For those gods of whom Arnobius speaks, not staying in heaven but coming down to earth to watch the stage games, can raise their hands to heaven (which is the gesture of people marvelling). So below, ch. 38 of our edition, Jupiter sets out from heaven to watch geldings running their seven laps. Indeed, if (continues)

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caestibus, certare hos spiritu, buccas vento distendere, votisque inanibus concrepare, manus ad coelum tollunt, rebus admirabilibus moti prosiliunt, exclamant, in gratiam cum hominibus redeunt. Haec si diis immortalibus oblivionem afferunt simultatum, si ex comoediis,

gauntlets, others vying in breath, puffing out their cheeks with wind, and sounding forth with empty vows, they lift up their hands to heaven, moved by wonderful things they leap forth, they cry aloud, they return into favour with men! If these things bring forgetfulness of grudges to the immortal gods, if from

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atellanis, mimis ducunt laetissimas voluptates: quid moramini, quid cessatis, quin et ipsos dicatis deos ludere, lascivire, saltare, obscoenas compingere cantiones, et clunibus fluctuare crispatis? Quid enim differt, aut interest, faciantne haec ipsi, an ab aliis fieri in amoribus atque in deliciis ducant?

comedies, Atellan farces, and mimes they draw the most gladsome pleasures: why do you delay, why do you hesitate to say that the gods themselves also play, wanton, dance, put together obscene songs, and undulate with quivering buttocks? For what difference does it make, or what does it matter, whether they do these things themselves, or count their being done by others among their affections and delights?

XXXIV. Unde igitur fluxit, vel ex quibus enata est causis opinionum haec pravitas? Ex eo scilicet maxime, quod nequeuntes homines, quidnam sit deus, scire, quidnam sit vis ejus, natura, substantia, qualitas: utrumne habeat formam, an nulla sit corporis circumscriptione finitus, agat aliquid, an non agat: vigiletne perpetuo, an aliquando solvatur in somnos: currat, sedeat, ambulet, an ab hujusmodi motibus, et cessione sit liber? Haec omnia, ut dixi, nequeuntes scire, neque ratione aliqua pervidere, in eas sunt opinationes lapsi, ut deos ex se fingerent, et qualis sibi natura est, et illis talem darent actionum, rerum, voluntatumque naturam. Quod si animal cernerent nullius esse se pretii, nec inter formiculam plurimum seseque esse discriminis, profecto desinerent arbitrari quidquam se habere commune cum superis, et intra suos fines humilitatis suae modestiam continerent. Nunc vero quia cernunt ora, oculos, capita, buccas,

XXXIV. Whence then has flowed, or from what causes has sprung up, this perversity of opinions? Doubtless most of all from this, that men, being unable to know what God is, what His power, nature, substance, and quality are—whether He has a shape, or is bounded by no limitation of body; whether He does anything, or does not act; whether He watches perpetually, or at times is relaxed in sleep; whether He runs, sits, walks, or is free from movements of this kind and from sitting still—being unable, as I have said, to know all these things, or to see through them by any reason, have slipped into those notions, so that they fashioned gods after themselves, and such as their own nature is, gave to them also such a nature of actions, affairs, and wills. Yet if they saw that they themselves are a creature of no value, and that there is not very much difference between a little ant and themselves, they would assuredly cease to think that they have anything in common with the gods above, and would keep the modesty of their lowliness within their own bounds. But now, because they see that they themselves bear faces, eyes, heads, cheeks,

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auriculas, nasos, caeterasque se alias membrorum gerere ac viscerum portiones, et deos existimant eadem ratione formatos, habitumque illos suum compagine in corporea continere: et quia gaudere, laetari, moestosque se fieri tristioribus conspiciunt causis, arbitrantur et numina ex rebus hilarioribus gaudere, et ex minus laetis animorum contractione conduci: affici se ludis putant et coelitum mentes ludorum delectatione mulceri. Et quia illis se voluptas est lavacrorum refovere caldoribus, et superis ducunt lavationum esse munditias gratas. Vindemiamus nos homines, et deos rentur, et credunt suas ducere atque agitare vindemias: dies nobis natalitii sunt, et potentias coelites diis autumant habere natales. Quod si possent adscribere valetudines, aegritudines, et corporales diis morbos, non dubitarent eos lienosos, lippulos, atque enterocelicos dicere, eo quod ipsi et lienosi et lippi sunt saepe, et ingentium herniarium magnitudine ponderosi.

ears, noses, and the other remaining parts of members and entrails, they think that the gods also are formed in the same way, and hold their state in a bodily frame; and because they behold themselves rejoicing, being glad, and becoming sad from gloomier causes, they judge that the deities also rejoice from more cheerful things, and are drawn together by a contraction of mind from less gladsome things; because they think that they themselves are moved by games, they think that the minds of the heavenly ones also are soothed by the delight of games. And because it is a pleasure to them to refresh themselves with the warmth of baths, they count the cleanliness of washings to be pleasing to the gods above also. We men gather the vintage, and they suppose and believe that the gods keep and celebrate their own vintages; we have birthdays, and they affirm that the heavenly powers have birthday days. And if they could ascribe states of health, sicknesses, and bodily diseases to the gods, they would not hesitate to call them splenetic, blear-eyed, and ruptured in the bowels, because they themselves are often both splenetic and blear-eyed, and weighed down by the greatness of huge ruptures.

XXXV. (Oberth. XXXVIII.) Sed si dii immortales nequeunt, inquit, irasci, neque ullis animorum affectibus eorum quatitur concutiturque natura: quid historiae sibi volunt, quid annales, quorum in conscriptionibus legimus nonnullis offensionibus deos

XXXV. (Oberth. XXXVIII.) Yet if the immortal gods cannot grow angry, he says, and their nature is not shaken and convulsed by any affections of the mind: what do the histories mean, what the annals, in whose records we read that the gods, moved by certain offences,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1270

Footnotes

(a) ‹ingentium herniarium› · call in col 1270

Gruenarum ms., pessime.

Gruenarum: the manuscript, very badly.

COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹Manus ad coelum tollunt› · col 1269

(continued) de coelo spectarent illos, esset ironia acerbissima et lepidus jocus, similis illi, quo Lucianus in Jove Tragoedo Jovem precantem inducit pro Timocle deorum defensore contra Damidem atheum. Neque verba, rebus admirabilibus moti prosiliunt, histrionibus conveniunt, sed diis spectantibus. Orell.

(comm.) ‹Si ex comoedis, atellanis, mimis› · col 1269 Si ex comoedis, atellanis, mimis, etc. Scribere conabar comoedis. Atellanae erant fabulae severiores, eoque histriones illarum (atellanos nominabant) personam creduntur non posuisse. Auctor Festus in Personata. Certe ab infamia immunes erant reliquorum scenicorum, de qua jam ante dictum. Histriones omnes praeter Atellanos a militia prohibitos fuisse, alibi docui ex Livio et Valerio Maximo. Stewech.

"If from comedies, Atellan farces, mimes," etc. I was attempting to write comoedis. The Atellan plays were more austere, and for that reason their actors (they called them Atellani) are believed not to have laid aside their mask. Festus is the authority, under Personata. Certainly they were free from the infamy of the other stage players, of which something was said before. That all actors except the Atellani were barred from military service, I have shown elsewhere from Livy and Valerius Maximus. Stewech.

(comm.) ‹Et clunibus fluctuare crispatis› · col 1269 Et clunibus fluctuare crispatis. Probissima lectio. Vide quae notavimus ad lib. ii, cap. 42, verba : lumborum crispitudine fluctuarent. Talis saltatricis imaginem videsis in tabulis herculanensibus, tom. iv, tab. 26, ubi Murrius observat, obscoenam hanc saltationem Graecis dictam fuisse ἀπόκινον. Orell.

"And to sway with wriggling buttocks." A thoroughly sound reading. See what we noted on book 2, ch. 42, on the words "they swayed with a wriggling of the loins." See, if you please, the picture of such a dancing girl in the Herculaneum plates, vol. 4, plate 26, where Murr observes that this obscene dance was called apokinos by the Greeks. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹XXXIV. — Fluxit› · col 1269 XXXIV. — Fluxit. Ita Scriverius et caeteri omnes, sensu flagitante. Antea : fluxi. Orell.

XXXIV. — Fluxit ("flowed"). So Scriverius and all the rest, as the sense demands. Previously: fluxi. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Substantia, qualitas› · col 1269 Substantia, qualitas. Ed Lugd. Bat. habet : substantia qualis. Orell.

"Substance, quality." The Leiden edition has substantia qualis ("of what sort its substance"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Cessatione› · col 1269 Cessatione. Ita ms. Sabaeus : cessione. Fulv. Ursinus : sessione. Elmenh.

Cessatione ("by resting"). So the manuscript. Sabaeus: cessione. Fulvius Ursinus: sessione ("by sitting"). Elmenhorst.

(comm.) ‹Et quia gaudere, laetari, moestosque se fieri tristioribus conspiciunt causis› · col 1269 Et quia gaudere, laetari, moestosque se fieri tristioribus conspiciunt causis. Non videatur mendum esse, et tamen est quod penitus consideranti facile apparebit. Cur enim laetitiae causas omittat, tristitiae ponat ? cum postea non praetereat dicens : arbitrantur et numina ex rebus hilarioribus gaudere et ex minus laetis etc. Emendo itaque : et quia gaudere laeta re moestosque se fieri etc. Meurs. — Egregia haec Meursii correctio et merito in textum recipienda. Orell.

"And because they see themselves rejoice, be glad, and become sad from sadder causes." It may not seem a corruption, and yet it is, as will easily appear to one who considers it thoroughly. For why should he leave out the causes of gladness and give those of sadness, when afterwards he does not pass over them, saying: "they think the deities too rejoice at happier things and from less happy ones," etc.? So I emend: et quia gaudere laeta re moestosque se fieri ("rejoice at a happy thing and become sad"), etc. Meursius. — An excellent correction of Meursius, and deservedly to be received into the text. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Conduci : affici se ludis› · col 1269 Conduci : affici se ludis, etc. Affici pendet a praecedente : quia conspiciunt. Mala itaque interpunctio Salmasii : conduci. Affici se ludis, etc. Orell.

"To be brought together: to be affected by games," etc. Affici depends on the preceding "because they see." So Salmasius's punctuation, "conduci. Affici se ludis," etc., is bad. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Enterocelicos› · cols 1269–1270 Enterocelicos. Glossae : Ramex.... ἐντεροκήλη. Enterocela herniae species dicitur, cum intestinum caecum delabitur in scrotum, ut Epiploocele, cum omentum, Hydrocele, cum in alterum e testibus humor confluit. Vide Cels., de Med., lib. vii, cap. 18. Conf. Munker. ad Fulgent. Mythol., lib. iii, cap. 7. pag. 122, et Gesner., in Thesauro. Orell.

Enterocelicos ("ruptured"). The glosses: "Ramex .... enterocele." Enterocele is the name of a kind of hernia, when the blind gut slips down into the scrotum, as epiplocele is when the omentum does, and hydrocele when fluid collects in one of the testicles. See Celsus, On Medicine, book 7, ch. 18. Compare Muncker on Fulgentius, Mythologies, book 3, ch. 7, p. 122, and Gesner in his Thesaurus. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Et ingentium herniarum magnitudine ponderosi› · col 1270 Et ingentium herniarum magnitudine ponderosi. Ponderosi a pondere genitalium : vulgo gravedinem appellant a gravitate oneris. Augustinus, libro ultimo de Civitate Dei, cap. 8 : quidam ab informi pondere genitalium salvus effectus est. Juvenalis herniam appellat. Et Moses, Levit., cap. xxi, ubi describit, qualis debeat esse minister Dei : Nec accedat ad ministerium, si fuerit ponderosus. Ita antiquus interpres in Cod., pro quo vetus versio herniosus. Hernia autem pondus dicitur propter rupturam pondere factam, cum intestina rupta tunica descendunt in vesicam. Pondus etiam pro testiculis usurpavit Catullus (Carm. lxiii, 5) : Devolvit ipse acuto sibi pondera silice. et Martialis, lib. vi., epigr. : Judaeum nulla sub cute pondus habet. Idcirco testiculos bilibres appellat Juvenalis. Ovidius autem pro pondere onus inguinis dixit lib. iv. Fast. Petr. Daniel in Pseudo. Plauti Querol. pag. 59. ed. Patav.

"And weighed down by the size of huge ruptures." Ponderosi ("weighty") from the weight of the genitals: commonly they call it gravedo from the heaviness of the load. Augustine, last book of the City of God, ch. 8: "a certain man was healed of a misshapen weight of the genitals." Juvenal calls it hernia. And Moses, Leviticus ch. 21, where he describes what the minister of God must be: "Let him not approach the ministry if he is ponderosus." So the ancient translator in the Codex, for which the old version has herniosus ("ruptured"). Hernia is called a weight because of the rupture caused by weight, when the intestines, their membrane torn, descend into the sac. Catullus too used pondera for the testicles (Poem 63.5): "He himself struck off his weights with a sharp flint." And Martial, book 6, epigram: "He carries a Jew's weight under no skin." Hence Juvenal calls testicles "two-pounders." Ovid, for weight, said "the burden of the groin," Fasti book 4. Pierre Daniel on the pseudo-Plautine Querolus, p. 59, Padua edition.

(comm.) ‹[on the order of the chapters]› · col 1270 Secuti conjecturam anonymi Francogalli (vide supra, in Schoenemanni Notitia litteraria) locum sequentem satis amplum a verbis : Age nunc summatim, usque ad : alimenta sunt ignium et parentalibus conjunctissima mortuorum, in quibus Arnobius apte concinneque opus finiisse putandus est, qui continetur capitibus editionis Oberthürii xxxv - xxxvii, hujus libri, ad editionis nostrae calcem rejecimus. Sequens itaque caput incipiens a verbis : Sed si dii immortales, nostrae editionis est xxxv. Oberthürianae xxxviii.

Following the conjecture of the anonymous Frenchman (see above, in Schönemann's literary notice), we have moved to the end of our edition the fairly long passage that follows, from the words "Come now, in sum" to "they are fuel for fires and most closely joined to the rites of the dead," with which Arnobius should be thought to have ended his work fittingly and neatly, and which forms chapters 35–37 of this book in Oberthür's edition. So the next chapter, beginning with the words "But if the immortal gods," is ch. 35 in our edition, ch. 38 in Oberthür's.

(comm.) ‹XXXV. — Sed si dii immortales› · col 1270 XXXV. — Sed si dii immortales. Ita Fulvius (continues)

XXXV. — "But if the immortal gods." So Fulvius (continues)

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motos, pestilentias, sterilitates, ac frugum inopias, aliaque intulisse civitatibus nationibusque discrimina: eosque rursus sacrorum satisfactione placatos, indignationum posuisse fervores, et in habitum laetiorem statum coeli, tempestatumque mutasse? Quid terrarum fremitus, quid motus, quos esse accepimus factos, quod essent acti per indiligentiam ludi, nec ad suam formam conditionemque curati? instauratis his tamen, et curiosa observatione repetitis, superorum conquievisse terrores, et ad hominum curam familiaritatemque revocatos. Quoties vatum jussis, haruspicumque responsis, postquam divina res facta est, et ex gentibus transmarinis acciti dii quidam, delubraque his facta, et in altioribus columnis signa quaedam et simulacra sunt constituta: et imminentium aversi sunt periculorum metus, et gravissimi hostes pulsi, et amplificata res publica est, et victoriarum frequentibus gaudiis, et provinciarum possessione complurium? quod utique non fieret, si sacrificia, si ludos, caeterosque aspernarentur dii cultus: neque se honorari corum procurationibus ducerent. Si ergo his datis calor omnis numinum, indignatioque frigescunt, vertunturque in prospera ea, quae videbantur afferre terrores, manifestum est, haec omnia non sine coelitum fieri voluntate, et quod ea

brought pestilences, barrennesses, and scarcities of crops, and other perils upon cities and nations; and that they again, appeased by the satisfaction of sacred rites, laid aside the heats of their indignations, and changed the state of the sky and of the seasons into a more gladsome condition? What of the rumblings of the earth, what of the quakings, which we have heard were made because the games had been performed through carelessness, and not attended to according to their own form and condition; yet when these were renewed, and repeated with careful observance, the terrors of the gods above subsided, and they were recalled to the care and friendship of men? How often by the commands of seers and the responses of diviners, after a divine service was performed, and certain gods were summoned from transmarine nations, and shrines were made for them, and certain statues and images were set up on loftier columns, both the fears of impending dangers were turned away, and most grievous enemies were driven back, and the commonwealth was enlarged both by the frequent joys of victories and by the possession of very many provinces? Which assuredly would not happen if the gods spurned sacrifices, games, and the other worships, and did not count themselves honoured by the administrations of them. If therefore, when these things are given, all the heat and indignation of the deities grow cool, and those things which seemed to bring terrors are turned into prosperity, it is manifest that all these things do not happen without the will of the heavenly ones, and that what

Editors' notes and page, col. 1271

Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹XXXV. — Sed si dii immortales› · col 1271

(continued) Ursinus, verissime. Alii : Sed dii. Heraldus conj. : Si dii, omisso sed. Orell.

(comm.) ‹Et in habitum laetiorem statum coeli tempestatumque mutasse› · col 1271 Et in habitum laetiorem statum coeli tempestatumque mutasse. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Antea legebatur : statum coeli tempestatem mutasse, quae quidem est constructio vere Arnobiana, temere mutata a Meursio in statam coeli tempestatem. Orell.

"And changed the state of the sky and the weather to a happier condition." So the Leiden edition. Previously it read statum coeli tempestatem mutasse, which is indeed a truly Arnobian construction, rashly changed by Meursius to statam coeli tempestatem ("the settled weather of the sky"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Et in altioribus columnis signa quaedam et simulacra sunt constituta› · col 1271 Et in altioribus columnis signa quaedam et simulacra sunt constituta. Nam simulacra eorum, quos honoratissimos esse volebant, columnis superimponebant. Suetonius in Galba : Senatus, ut primum licitum fuit, statuam, ei decreverat rostratae columnae superstantem in parte fori, qua trucidatus est. Scribunt primis temporibus columnas pro simulacris erectas, easque simulacrorum loco cultas. Clemens Alexandrinus Stromate i : Πρὶν γοῦν ἀκριβωθῆναι τὰς τῶν ἀγαλμάτων σχέσεις, κίονας ἱστάντες οἱ παλαιοὶ, ἔσεβον τούτους ὡς ἀφιδρύματα τοῦ θεοῦ. Idem observat Eusebius libro i de Praeparatione Evangelica. Herald.

"And certain statues and images were set up on loftier columns." For they set the images of those they wished to be most honoured on top of columns. Suetonius in his Galba: "The senate, as soon as it was permitted, had decreed him a statue standing on a beaked column in the part of the forum where he was slain." They write that in the earliest times columns were set up instead of images and were worshipped in place of images. Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 1: "Before the forms of statues were exactly worked out, the ancients set up pillars and worshipped them as representations of the god." Eusebius observes the same, Preparation for the Gospel book 1. Hérault.

(comm.) ‹Calor omnis numinum indignatioque frigescunt› · col 1271 Calor omnis numinum indignatioque frigescunt. Calor h. l. pro ira, iracundia, ut saepius. Vide C. Barthii Adversar., lib. vii, cap. 19, pag. 351. Orell.

"All the heat and indignation of the deities cools." Calor ("heat") here for anger, wrath, as often. See C. Barth, Adversaria, book 7, ch. 19, p. 351. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Non sine coelitum fieri voluntate› · col 1271 Non sine coelitum fieri voluntate. Meursius mavult : voluptate. Orell.

"Not done without the will of the heavenly ones." Meursius prefers voluptate ("pleasure"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Et cum tota imperitia reprehendi› · col 1271 Et cum tota imperitia reprehendi. Μετὰ πάσης ἀπειρίας. Herald.

"And to be censured with entire ignorance." "With all inexperience." Hérault.

(comm.) ‹XXXVI. — Ad ipsum articulum causae› · col 1271 XXXVI. — Ad ipsum articulum causae. Articulus causae idem quod caput causae, rei. Vid. Ol. Borrich. Cogitt. p. 49. Orell.

XXXVI. — "To the very joint of the case." Articulus causae is the same as the head of the case, of the matter. See Ole Borch, Cogitationes, p. 49. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Ventum veram atque adjunctissimam quaestionem› · col 1271 Ventum veram atque adjunctissimam quaestionem. Haec est lectio vetus, merito in textum revocata a Salmasio. Adjunctissima causa, nempe scopo, consilio operis. Simillimus locus Ciceronis pro Cluentio cap. 10 (quem apposite comparat cum nostro Gesnerus in in Thesauro) : Acervatim jam reliqua, judices, dicam, ut ad ea, quae propiora hujus causae et adjunctiora sunt, perveniam. Male itaque interpolaverunt, Gelenius : atque junctissimam ; Fulv. Ursinus : atque justissimam ; Meursius : atque invictissimam. Orell.

"[We have] come to the true and most closely connected question." This is the old reading, deservedly recalled into the text by Salmasius. "Most closely connected," namely to the aim and design of the work. A very similar passage of Cicero, For Cluentius ch. 10 (which Gesner aptly compares with ours in his Thesaurus): "I will now speak of the rest in a heap, judges, so as to reach the points that are nearer and more closely connected to this case." So they wrongly altered it: Gelenius to atque junctissimam; Fulvius Ursinus to atque justissimam ("most just"); Meursius to atque invictissimam ("most invincible"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Formidine superstitionis amota› · cols 1271–1272 Formidine superstitionis amota. Optime Nascitur enim superstitio ab immani divinitatis metu, quo deum horremus, ut asperitate nimia truculentum, et idcirco omnes divinae culturae minutias, quae nobis in mentem veniunt, studiose persequimur, nec quidquam omittimus. Hoc πάθος Graeci δεισιδαιμονίαν idcirco appellant, quam definit Plutarchus δόξαν ἐμπαθῆ καὶ δέους ποιητικὴν ὑπόληψιν ἐκταπεινοῦντος καὶ συντρίβοντος τὸν ἄνθρωπον οἰόμενον εἶναι θεοὺς, εἶναι δὲ λυπηροὺς καὶ βλαβερούς. Hanc formidinem Cicero appellat inanem deorum timorem libro i de Natura deorum : Horum enim sententiae omnium non modo superstitionem tollunt, in qua est timor inanis deorum, etc. Hinc igitur Varro, deum a religioso vereri, a superstitioso timeri, ait apud B. Augustinum. Haec formido hominem ἐκταπεινοῖ καὶ συντρίβει, ait Plutarchus ex veterum sophorum sententia, quam exprimit Lucretius lib. vi, vers. 49, seqq. : Caetera, quae fieri in terris coeloque tuentur Mortales, pavidis quum pendent mentibu' saepe, Efficiunt animos humiles formidine divum, Depressosque premunt ad terram, etc. Quare eleganter ait Maximus Tyrius Sermone iv pium esse amicum Deo, superstitiosum esse Dei adulatorem : ὁ μὲν εὐσεβὴς φίλος θεῷ· ὁ δὲ δεισιδαίμων κόλαξ θεοῦ. Herald.

"The dread of superstition removed." Excellent. For superstition is born of a monstrous fear of the divinity, by which we shudder at God as savage in excessive harshness, and therefore zealously pursue every petty detail of divine worship that comes into our minds and leave nothing out. This passion the Greeks therefore call δεισιδαιμονία, which Plutarch defines as "an emotional opinion and a fear-producing supposition, which humbles and crushes a man who thinks there are gods, but that they are harsh and harmful." Cicero calls this dread the empty fear of the gods, On the Nature of the Gods book 1: "For the opinions of all these not only remove superstition, in which there is an empty fear of the gods," etc. Hence then Varro says, in St Augustine, that God is revered by the religious man, feared by the superstitious. This dread "humbles and crushes" a man, says Plutarch, from the opinion of the ancient sages, which Lucretius expresses, book 6, line 49 and following: "The other things which mortals see happen on earth and in the sky, when they hang with frightened minds, often make their spirits abject with dread of the gods, and press them down crushed to the earth," etc. Hence Maximus of Tyre says elegantly in Discourse 4 that the pious man is God's friend, the superstitious man God's flatterer: "the pious man is a friend to God; the superstitious man a flatterer of God." Hérault.

(comm.) ‹Et nominis› · col 1272 Et nominis. Meursius mavult : et numinis. Orell.

"And of the name." Meursius prefers et numinis ("and of the deity"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Ludis et sacrificiis› · col 1272 Ludis et sacrificiis. Ludis addidit Fulv. Ursinus. Orell.

"By games and sacrifices." Fulvius Ursinus added ludis ("by games"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Et legimus et esse positum scimus, ludis quondam ipsis circensibus› · col 1272 Et legimus et esse positum scimus, ludis quondam ipsis circensibus, etc, etc. Eamdem historiam narrant Macrobius, lib. i Saturn., cap 11 ; Augustinus, de Civ. Dei, lib. iv, cap 26 ; Livius, lib. ii, cap. 36 ; Dionysius Halicarn., lib. vii, pag. 742 (Sylb.) ; Plutarchus Coriolano ; Lactantius, lib. ii, cap. 7 ; Valerius Maximus, lib. i, cap. 8. Elmenh. — Add. Cic., de Divinat., lib. i, cap. 22, et Minuc. Fel. Octav., cap. vii. Pro et esse positum Fulv. Ursinus leg. : haec eadem et esse posita. Orell.

"We both read and know it was recorded that once at the very circus games," etc., etc. The same story is told by Macrobius, Saturnalia book 1, ch. 11; Augustine, City of God, book 4, ch. 26; Livy, book 2, ch. 36; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book 7, p. 742 (Sylburg); Plutarch, Coriolanus; Lactantius, book 2, ch. 7; Valerius Maximus, book 1, ch. 8. Elmenhorst. — Add Cicero, On Divination, book 1, ch. 22, and Minucius Felix, Octavius, ch. 7. For et esse positum Fulvius Ursinus reads haec eadem et esse posita ("and that these same things were recorded"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Multasse post patibuli poena› · col 1272 Multasse post patibuli poena. Sic restituit Canterus ex editione Romana principe. Antea poenam, pessime. Pro multasse cod. ms. mulcasse. Orell.

"Afterwards punished him with the penalty of the gibbet." So Canter restored it from the first Roman edition. Previously poenam, very badly. For multasse the manuscript has mulcasse ("beat"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Uti ad consules vaderet, praesulem sibi displicuisse monstraret, posse melius fieri civitati› · col 1272 Uti ad consules vaderet, praesulem sibi displicuisse monstraret, posse melius fieri civitati, etc. Sic elmen- (continues)

"That he should go to the consuls, show that the leading dancer had displeased him, that things could go better for the city," etc. So Elmen- (continues)

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tribuantur a nobis, inaniter et cum tota imperitia reprehendi.

is bestowed by us is censured in vain and with utter unskilfulness.

XXXVI. (Oberth. XXXIX.) Ventum est ergo, dum loquimur, ad ipsum articulum causae, ventum rei ad cardinem, ventum ad veram atque adjunctissimam quaestionem: in quam convenit ut debeamus inspicere, formidine superstitionis amota, et gratificatione deposita, utrumne hi dii sint, quos saevire asseratis offensos, reddique sacrificiis mites; an sint longe aliud, et ab hujus vi debeant et nominis et potentiae segregari. Non enim imus inficias, in annalium scriptis contineri haec omnia, quae sunt a vobis in oppositione prolata: nam et ipsi pro modulo, ingeniique pro captu et legimus, et esse positum scimus, ludis quondam ipsis circensibus, qui Jovi maximo fierent, patremfamilias quemdam, antequam inciperent res agi, servum pessime meritum per circi aream mediam transduxisse caesum virgis, et ex more mulctasse post patibuli poena. Ludis deinde jam terminatis, profligatisque curriculis, non multi post temporis spatium civitatem occepisse pestilentia vastari. Cumque dies adderet malum malo gravius, catervatim et populus interiret: rusticulo cuidam sorte humilitatis obscuro Jovem per insomnium dixisse, uti ad consules vaderet, praesulem sibi displicuisse

XXXVI. (Oberth. XXXIX.) We have come, therefore, while we speak, to the very turning-point of the cause, we have come to the hinge of the matter, we have come to the true and most closely joined question: into which it is fitting that we ought to look, with dread of superstition removed and partiality laid aside, whether these are gods, whom you assert to rage when offended and to be rendered mild by sacrifices, or whether they are something far different, and ought to be separated from the force both of this name and of this power. For we do not deny that all these things which have been brought forward by you in opposition are contained in the writings of the annals: for we ourselves also, according to our small measure and the capacity of our understanding, both have read and know that it is set down that once, at the very Circensian games which were being celebrated to Jupiter Greatest, before the proceedings began to be carried on, a certain master of a household led a slave of worst deserts through the middle of the floor of the circus, beaten with rods, and afterwards punished him according to custom with the penalty of the gibbet; that then, when the games were already ended and the races finished, after the space of not much time the city began to be laid waste by a pestilence; and when day added a heavier evil to evil, and the people were perishing in troops, Jupiter through a dream told a certain countryman, obscure by the lot of his lowliness, to go to the consuls, and point out that the leader of the dance had displeased him,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1272

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monstraret, posse melius fieri civitati, si ludis sua religio redderetur, et ex integro rursus curiosa observatione procederent. Quod cum ille facere minime curasset; vel quod esse vanum suspicaretur insomnium, nullamque habiturum apud audituros fidem; vel quod ingenitae humilitatis memor potestatis tantae fugeret et formidaret accessum: cunctatori redditum inimicum Jovem, filiorum obitus irrogavisse pro poena. Mox cum et ipsi proprium minaretur interitum, ni praesulis pergeret nuntius improbati: obeundi formidine territatum, cum jam et ipse contactus pestilentiae flagraret incendio, de sententia propinquorum perlatum ad curiam patrum, insomniique exposita visione, flammas evolavisse contagii: ludorum deinde instauratione decreta, et spectaculis adhibitam gravem curam, et priorem populo redditam sanitatem.

and that it could go better with the city if their own religious observance were restored to the games, and they proceeded afresh with careful observance; that when he had by no means cared to do this—either because he suspected that the dream was vain, and would have no credit among those who should hear it, or because, mindful of his inborn lowliness, he shunned and dreaded approaching so great a power—Jupiter, rendered hostile to the delayer, inflicted the deaths of his sons as a penalty; that soon, when he threatened his own destruction to the man himself also unless he went on as messenger of the disapproved leader of the dance, terrified by dread of perishing, when already he himself also, touched, was burning with the fire of the pestilence, by the advice of his kinsfolk he was carried to the senate-house of the fathers, and when the vision of the dream had been set forth, the flames of the contagion flew away; and that then, when the renewal of the games had been decreed, both earnest care was applied to the shows, and its former health was restored to the people.

XXXVII. (Oberth. XL.) Sed neque illud aeque nos negabimus scire, temporibus quondam civitatis et reipublicae duris, vel quae lues infesta faciebat continua populum contage conficiens: vel quae hostes validi, et ad periculum libertatis auferendae praeliorum prosperitate jam proximi: jussis et monitis vatum, transmarinis ex gentibus quosdam deos accitos, magnificisque honoratos templis, et luis sedasse flagrantiam, et viribus hostium fractis frequentissime triumphatum, et auctos imperii fines, innumerasque provincias sub leges vestri cecidisse dominatus. Sed neque hoc nostram conscientiam fugit, lectum et positum,

XXXVII. (Oberth. XL.) Nor equally shall we deny that we know that also: that once, in hard times of the city and commonwealth—either those which a hostile plague was making, consuming the people with continuous contagion, or those which strong enemies were making, already very near by the success of their battles to the peril of taking away liberty—by the commands and warnings of seers certain gods were summoned from transmarine nations, and honoured with magnificent temples, and calmed the burning heat of the plague, and when the forces of the enemies were broken triumphs were very frequently celebrated, and the bounds of the empire were enlarged, and countless provinces fell under the laws of your dominion. Nor does this escape our knowledge, that it has been read and set

Editors' notes and page, col. 1273

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES

VARIANT READINGS.

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ictum cum esset Capitolium fulmine, multaque in hoc alia: Jovis etiam simulacrum, sublimi quod in culmine stabat, suis esse ab sedibus provolutum. Responsum deinde ab haruspicibus editum, res saevas tristissimasque portendi, ab incendiis, caedibus, ab legum interitu, et ab juris occasu, maxime tamen ab domesticis hostibus, atque ab impia conjuratorum manu. Sed flecti haec posse, immo aliter publicari scelerata non posse consilia, nisi Jupiter rursus altiore in culmine figeretur, orientalem conversus ad cardinem, radiisque oppositus solis. Affuisse dicto fidem: nam subrecto culmine conversoque ad solem signo, patuisse res abditas, et reserata in maleficia vindicatum.

down that when the Capitol had been struck by lightning, and many other things therein, the image of Jupiter also, which stood on a lofty pillar, was rolled down from its seat; that then a response was given forth by the diviners that savage and most gloomy things were portended, from fires, slaughters, from the destruction of laws and the downfall of right, yet most of all from domestic enemies and from an impious band of conspirators; but that these things could be turned aside—nay rather, that the wicked counsels could not otherwise be brought to light—unless Jupiter were fixed again on a loftier pillar, turned towards the eastern quarter and set opposite the rays of the sun; and that credit attended the saying: for when the pillar had been raised on high and the statue turned towards the sun, hidden things were laid open, and punishment was inflicted upon the disclosed crimes.

XXXVIII. (Oberth. XLI.) Habent quidem miraculi speciem, quinimmo habere creduntur cuncta ista, quae dicta sunt: si ita, ut sunt prompta, humanum veniant ad auditum: nec diffitemur inesse his quiddam, quod in prima positum, quemadmodum dicitur, fronte perstringere aures possit, et veritatis similitudine circumvenire. Caeterum si penitus intueri res factas, personas, et personarum volueris voluntates, nihil esse reperies diis dignum, et quod saepe jam dictum est, quod ad hujus nominis speciem dignitatemque referatur. Quis est enim primum, qui deum illum fuisse credat, qui currentibus frustra delectaretur equuleis, evocarique se genere hoc ludicri jucundissimum duceret? Imo illum fuisse quis est qui assentiatur Jovem, quem deum principem

XXXVIII. (Oberth. XLI.) All those things that have been said have indeed the appearance of a miracle—nay rather, they are believed to have it—if they come to human hearing just as they are brought forth; nor do we deny that there is in them something which, set on the first front, as the saying is, can graze the ears, and circumvent by a likeness of truth. Yet if you are willing to look thoroughly into the things done, the persons, and the wills of the persons, you will find that there is nothing worthy of the gods, and, as has already often been said, nothing that can be referred to the ideal and dignity of this name. For who is there, first, who would believe that that was a god, who took delight in little horses running in vain, and counted it most pleasant to be called forth by this kind of sport? Nay, who is there who would assent that that was Jupiter, whom you have stated to be the sovereign god

Editors' notes and page, col. 1274

Footnotes

(a) ‹fronte perstringere› · call in col 1274

Praestringere Fulv.

Praestringere ("dazzle"): Fulvius.

(printed under page 639)

(b) ‹personarum voluntates› · call in col 1274

Voluptates ms., male.

Voluptates ("pleasures"): the manuscript, wrongly.

COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹Uti ad consules vaderet, praesulem sibi displicuisse monstraret› · col 1273

(continued) davit Lipsius Epistol. Quaest. lib. iii, Epist. xv. Antea legebatur : uti ad consules suaderet, etc., nullo sensu. Meursius verbum utrumque retinere vult legendo : uti ad consules vaderet, suaderet, praesulem sibi displicuisse monstraret, posse melius fieri civitati, etc. Orell — Praesulem. Livius (lib. ii, cap. 36) praesultatorem, Valerius Max. et Lactantius locis modo laudatis praesultorem habent. Plutarchus et Dionysius Halicarn. ὀρχηστήν. Glossae, praesultor. ὁ ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ὀρχούμενος. Elmenhorst. — Hunc autem furciferum servum praesulem sive praesultorem appellabat daemon, quod, qui virgis caeduntur, convertunt se et trepidant saltantium more, atque idcirco dicuntur quandoque per similitudinem saltare. Quapropter scribit Artemidorus, multas plagas servo portendi, si saltare se somniarit. Sic ille, lib. i Oneirocrit, cap. 78 : Ὅπως δ' ἂν ὀρχήσεται δοῦλος, καὶ ὅπου ἂν πολλὰς λήψεται πληγάς. Καὶ ὁ πλέων ἤτοι ναυαγήσει, ἢ καὶ μόνος ἐκπεσὼν κολυμβήσει. Ὁ μὲν γὰρ παιόμενος, ὁ δὲ νηχόμενος κινηθήσεται δι' ὅλων τῶν σωμάτων. Herald.

(comm.) ‹Cunctatori› · col 1273 Cunctatori. Ita Fulvius Ursinus. Antea : contatori. Orell.

Cunctatori ("to the delayer"). So Fulvius Ursinus. Previously: contatori. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹XXXVII. — Contage› · col 1273 XXXVII. — Contage. Contages antique pro contagio. Lucretius iv, 337 : Quae contage sua palloribus omnia pingunt. Orell.

XXXVII. — Contage ("by contagion"). Contages is the old form for contagio. Lucretius 4.337: "Which by their contact paint everything with pallor." Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Ictum cum esset Capitolium fulmine› · cols 1273–1274 Ictum cum esset Capitolium fulmine. Vide liv. lib. xxvii, cap. 4. Elmenhorst. — Jovem hunc alium fuisse a Jove Capitolino et stetisse eum in columna extra aedem Jovis Capitolini, pluribus docet Oudendorpius ad Jul. Obseq. de Prodig. c. 122, p. 209, qui factum hoc evenisse scribit Coss. Marco Cicerone et Cai. Antonio anno Urbis cond. 690. Orell.

"When the Capitol had been struck by lightning." See Livy, book 27, ch. 4. Elmenhorst. — That this Jupiter was other than the Capitoline Jupiter, and stood on a column outside the temple of Capitoline Jupiter, Oudendorp shows at length on Julius Obsequens, On Prodigies ch. 122, p. 209; he writes that this happened in the consulship of Marcus Cicero and Gaius Antonius, in the year 690 from the founding of the City. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Res saevas tristissimasque portendi› · col 1274 Res saevas tristissimasque portendi. Meursius et Stewechius legend. putant : Res scaevas, etc. Vide supra ad lib. i, cap. 16. Orell.

"That cruel and most grievous things were portended." Meursius and Stewech think one should read res scaevas ("ill-omened things"), etc. See above on book 1, ch. 16. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Sed flecti haec posse, immo aliter publicari scelerata non posse consilia› · col 1274 Sed flecti haec posse, immo aliter publicari scelerata non posse consilia. Meursius verbum posse male bis inculcatum credens, corrigit : Sed flecti haec, immo aliter, etc., quod probo. Orell.

"But that these could be turned aside; indeed, that the wicked plots could not otherwise be made public." Meursius, believing the word posse to be wrongly repeated twice, corrects: Sed flecti haec, immo aliter, etc., which I approve. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Subrecto culmine› · col 1274 Subrecto culmine. Ita Guillelmus pro subrepto, quod antea legebatur pessime, eamque correctionem confirmat etiam codex ms. teste Stewechio. Subrectum culmen est altius erectum. Ita Virgilius de Fama : Tot subrigit aures. Orell.

"With its top raised up." So Guillaume, for subrepto ("stolen away"), which was read before, very badly; and the manuscript too confirms this correction, as Stewech attests. Subrectum culmen is a top raised higher. So Virgil of Rumour: "pricks up as many ears." Orelli.

(comm.) ‹XXXVIII. — Caeterum si penitus intueri res factas, personas› · col 1274 XXXVIII. — Caeterum si penitus intueri res factas, personas, etc. Interpungo atque restituo : Caeterum si penitus intueri res, facta, personas. Consimili scriptura consimilem locum, lib. ii Arnobii corrigendum puto : Quod si homines penitus se nossent, aut intellectum Dei suspicionis exciperent aura, ubi legendum : penitius se nossent, et supra hoc libro : penitius re invisa pro penitus. Stewech. — Quae correctio Stewechii probatur etiam doctissimo Oudendorpio in notis ad Jul. Obsequent. de Prodigiis cap. 118, pag. 194, ed. Kapp. Derivatur autem penitius non a penitus, sed a penite, quo usus est Catullus in Nuptiis Juliae et Manlii vers. 178 : Illi non minus, ac tibi, Pectore uritur intimo Flamma, sed penite magis. Orell.

XXXVIII. — "But if you wish to look closely at the deeds done, the persons," etc. I punctuate and restore: "But if [you wish] to look closely at the things, the deeds, the persons." By a like writing I think a like passage in Arnobius book 2 should be corrected: "But if men knew themselves thoroughly, or caught the understanding of God by a breath of suspicion," where one should read penitius se nossent ("knew themselves more thoroughly"); and above in this book, penitius re invisa for penitus. Stewech. — This correction of Stewech is approved also by the most learned Oudendorp in his notes on Julius Obsequens, On Prodigies ch. 118, p. 194, Kapp's edition. Penitius is derived not from penitus but from penite, which Catullus used in the Marriage of Julia and Manlius, line 178: "In him, no less than in you, the flame burns in his inmost breast, but more deeply." Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Ad hujus nominis speciem› · col 1274 Ad hujus nominis speciem. Meursio placet numinis. Orell.

"To the appearance of this name." Meursius prefers numinis ("deity"). Orelli.

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dicitis, et rerum, quaecumque sunt, conditorem: qui spectatum proficisceretur e coelo, cantherios de velocitate certantes, replicantes gyros septem, et quos dissimiles ipse corporum esse in mobilitate voluisset, eos tamen gaudere, transire, transiri, pronos et cernuos ruere, cum curribus resupinos verti, trahi alios cruribus et claudicare praefractis, et ineptias nugis et crudelitatibus mixtas summis in voluptatibus habuisse, quas homo quivis laetus, nec ad studium plenae gravitatis ac ponderis eruditus puerilia duceret atque aspernaretur ut ludicra? Quis est, inquam, qui credat, repetamus ut assidue hanc vocem, generis eum fuisse divini, qui quoniam ludis actus per circi est spatium, meritorum poenas et supplicia redditurus, ira exacerbatus ardesceret, seseque ad vires accingeret ultionis? Si enim nocens servus, atque illa fuerat animadversione puniendus: qui debuit Jupiter indignatione aliqua commoveri, cum ageretur injuste nihil, imo cum nocens caput poenis convenientibus plecteretur? Sin autem immunis ab scelere, neque ulli obnoxius crimini, vitiosi praesulis ipse fuit in causa, cui cum subvenire potuisset, non fecit, immo ipse quaesivit, et pati quod improbabat, et ab aliis poenas suae permissionis exigere: et cur

and the founder of all things whatsoever that exist: that he set forth from heaven to behold geldings contending in speed, turning seven circuits, and rejoiced that those whom he himself had wished to be unlike in mobility of body nevertheless passed, were passed, fell headlong and face-foremost, were turned on their backs with their chariots, while others were dragged and limped with broken legs; and held among his highest pleasures follies mingled with trifles and cruelties, which any cheerful man, not even trained to the pursuit of full gravity and weight, would count childish and spurn as sportive? Who is there, I say, who would believe—that we may continually repeat this word—that he was of a divine race, who, because at the games a man was driven through the space of the circus to pay the penalties and punishments of his deserts, blazed forth exasperated with wrath, and girded himself for the forces of vengeance? For if the slave was guilty, and had deserved to be punished with that chastisement: how ought Jupiter to have been moved by any indignation, when nothing was being done unjustly, nay, when a guilty head was being punished with fitting penalties? But if on the other hand he was free from wickedness, and liable to no charge, he himself was the cause of the faulty leader of the dance, whom when he could have aided he did not, nay rather he himself sought both to suffer what he disapproved, and to exact from others the penalties of his own permission: and why

Editors' notes and page, col. 1275

Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹Cantherios de velocitate certantes, replicantes gyros septem› · col 1275 Cantherios de velocitate certantes, replicantes gyros septem. Numerum imparem, ut magis faustum adamasse antiquos etiam in re militari, docui non uno loco Commentarii mei ad Vegetium. Attamen praeter ternarium etiam septenarium religioni maxime commodum fuisse, liquet in verbis Apuleii ii libro de Asino : Meque protinus purificandi studio, marino lavacro trado, septies submerso fluctibus capite : quod eum numerum praecipue religioni aptissimum divinus ille Pythagoras prodidit. De gyris aurigarum septem res notissima. Septies enim circuibant pernicissimo cursu metas, quae constitutae in Circo. Sidonius Apollinaris in laude urbis Narbonensis, ubi inter alia multa hac de re ita canit : Tu conamine duplicatus ipso Stringis quadrijugos, et arte summa [I]n gyrum bene septimum reservas. Stewech. Hinc Plautus in Persa : Age, puere, A summo septenis cyathis committe hos ludos ; move manus, propera. Et Lanctantius opus suum concludens : Quoniam decursus propositi operis septem spatiis ad metam profecti sumus. Herald.

"Geldings contending in speed, running their seven laps." That the ancients loved an odd number as more lucky, even in military matters, I have shown in more than one place in my Commentary on Vegetius. Yet besides three, seven too was especially suited to religion, as is clear from the words of Apuleius in book 2 (sic) of The Ass: "And at once, eager to purify myself, I gave myself to a bath in the sea, plunging my head seven times under the waves, because the divine Pythagoras taught that this number is most fitting above all for religious rites." Of the charioteers' seven laps the matter is very well known. For they went round the turning-posts set up in the Circus seven times at the swiftest pace. Sidonius Apollinaris, in praise of the city of Narbonne, where among many other things he sings thus on this subject: "You, doubled over in the very effort, rein in your four-horse team, and with highest skill keep [it] well into the seventh lap." Stewech. Hence Plautus in the Persian: "Come, boy, start these games from the top with seven ladles; move your hands, hurry." And Lactantius (printed Lanctantius), concluding his work: "Since, having set out on the course of our proposed work, we have come to the goal in seven laps." Hérault.

(comm.) ‹Cernuos ruere› · col 1275 Cernuos ruere. Cernuus, in caput ruens. Prudentius Cathemerin., hymn. vii : Irrigatum pulverem ore pressit cernuo. Vide, qui de hoc vocabulo multus est, Elmenhorst. Ind. in Apulei. et Oudendorp. ad Apulei. Met. i, 15, pag. 62 seq. Orell.

"To fall headlong." Cernuus, falling on one's head. Prudentius, Cathemerinon, hymn 7: "He pressed the watered dust with his face bowed down." See Elmenhorst's Index to Apuleius, who says much on this word, and Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses 1.15, p. 62 and following. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Trahi cruribus et claudicare praefractis› · col 1275 Trahi cruribus et claudicare praefractis. Vide Sophoclem in Electra, ubi fictam Orestae mortem describit. Herald. — Fulv. Ursin. leg. : Debiles cruribus, etc. Male. Orell.

"To be dragged and to limp with broken legs." See Sophocles in the Electra, where he describes Orestes's feigned death. Hérault. — Fulvius Ursinus reads Debiles cruribus ("crippled in the legs"), etc. Wrongly. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Habuisse› · col 1275 Habuisse. Meursius conj. : Habuisset, et in praecedentibus : eos tamen gauderet, pro gaudere. Pessime. Orell.

Habuisse ("to have had"). Meursius conjectures habuisset, and in the preceding words eos tamen gauderet for gaudere. Very badly. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Quas homo quivis laetus› · cols 1275–1276 Quas homo quivis laetus. Ita ms. Quae lectio confirmatur sequentibus verbis : Nec ad studium plenae gravitatis et ponderis eruditus. Quare non necessaria correctio Gelenii : Quas homo quivis lautus, id est λαμπρόβιος, ἐπαινετὸς μέγας, ut explicant Glossae. Vide Elmenh. Orell.

"Which any cheerful man." So the manuscript. This reading is confirmed by the following words: "and not trained to the pursuit of full seriousness and weight." So Gelenius's correction is unnecessary: Quas homo quivis lautus ("any elegant man"), that is, "living splendidly, praiseworthy, great," as the glosses explain. See Elmenhorst. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Gravitatis et ponderis› · col 1276 Gravitatis et ponderis. Pondus, idem quod gravitas, auctoritas, graece τὸ βάρος, βαρύτης, ὄγκος. Ita Sil. Ital., vers. 428 et seq. : Frontique coma squalente sedebat Terribilis decor, atque animi venerabile pondus. Et viii, v. 609 : Laeta viro gravitas, ac mentis amabile pondus. Sic etiam Trebellius Pollio in xxx tyrannis, cap. 5 : Sed privata virtute clari, non nobilitatis pondere vixerunt. Ubi vide Salmas., qui de hoc verbo multus est, in Script. Hist. August., tom. ii, pag. 263, edit. Hack. Hinc pro superbia, arrogantia cum fastidio juncta, usurpavit Ammianus Marcell., lib. xxvii, cap. 9 : Horum flatus et pondera inventores juris antiqui mollientes etiam insontes quosdam aliquoties suppliciis aboleri censuere lethalibus. Ubi vid. Wagner., tom. iii, pag. 198. Orell.

"Of seriousness and weight." Pondus ("weight"), the same as gravitas, authority; in Greek "weight, heaviness, bulk." So Silius Italicus, line 428 and following: "And on his brow, with its unkempt hair, sat a terrible grace and the venerable weight of his mind." And book 8, line 609: "A cheerful gravity in the man, and a lovable weight of mind." So too Trebellius Pollio, Thirty Tyrants, ch. 5: "But they lived distinguished by private virtue, not by the weight of nobility." See there Salmasius, who says much on this word, in the Writers of the Augustan History, vol. 2, p. 263, Hack's edition. Hence Ammianus Marcellinus, book 27, ch. 9, used it for pride, arrogance joined with disdain: "The framers of the ancient law, softening the bluster and the weight of these men, decreed that even some of the innocent should at times be done away with by deadly punishments." See Wagner there, vol. 3, p. 198. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹XXXIX. — Est ut ignoscere debeamus› · col 1276 XXXIX. — Est ut ignoscere debeamus. Sic editio princeps, probantibus Cantero et editore Lugd. Bat. Gelenius et alii : Est cur ignoscere debeamus. Orell.

XXXIX. — "It is such that we ought to forgive." So the first edition, with Canter and the Leiden editor approving. Gelenius and others: Est cur ignoscere debeamus ("there is reason why we ought to forgive"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Veniali concessione› · col 1276 Veniali concessione. Id est concessione veniae, concessa venia. Orell.

"By a pardoning concession." That is, by the granting of pardon, pardon being granted. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Aeris haustus› · col 1276 Aeris haustus. Simillimus locus Vegetii de Re Milit., lib. iii, cap. 2 : Si autumnali aestivoque tempore diutius in iisdem locis militum multitudo consistat, et contagione aquarum et odoris ipsius foeditate vitiatis haustibus et et aëre corrupto perniciosissimus nascitur morbus. Plura exempla collegit N. Heinsius, in Adversar., lib. i, cap. 17, pag. 183. Orell.

"Draughts of air." A very similar passage in Vegetius, On Military Affairs, book 3, ch. 2: "If in autumn and summer a host of soldiers stays too long in the same places, then from the contagion of the waters and the foulness of the very smell, the draughts being tainted and and the air corrupted, a most deadly disease arises." N. Heinsius gathered more examples in his Adversaria, book 1, ch. 17, p. 183. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Pestilentiam, morbos, stragem mortalitatis indixit› · col 1276 Pestilentiam, morbos, stragem mortalitatis indixit. Fulv. Ursinus conj. : Induxit. Male. Vide ad lib. i, cap. 3. N. Heinsius in Adversar., pag. 183, mavult : Stragem mortalitati (id est mortalibus) indixit. Non necessaria correctio. Mortalitas enim pro strage notio Arnobii aevo non nova. Sic etiam Salvianus de Gubern. Dei, lib. vii, p. 155, ed. Brem. (quem locum apposite citat Meursius) : Sicut ex furto Achar populus ruit, sicut ex zelo Saulis orta est pestilentia, sicut ex sancti David dinumeratione mortalitas. Orell.

"He decreed pestilence, diseases, a slaughter of mortality." Fulvius Ursinus conjectures induxit ("brought in"). Wrongly. See on book 1, ch. 3. N. Heinsius, Adversaria p. 183, prefers stragem mortalitati (that is, mortalibus, "on mortals") indixit. An unnecessary correction. For mortalitas in the sense of slaughter was not a new notion in Arnobius's age. So too Salvian, On the Government of God, book 7, p. 155, Bremen edition (a passage Meursius aptly cites): "As the people fell through Achan's theft, as pestilence arose from Saul's zeal, as mortality from holy David's numbering." Orelli.

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laesum deinde illo se questus est et pronuntiavit in praesule, quia crucis ad poenas per circi actus est medium, virgis dilaceratus et flagris?

did he afterwards complain and declare that he had been injured in that leader of the dance, because he was driven through the middle of the circus to the punishments of the cross, torn to pieces with rods and whips?

XXXIX. (Oberth. XLII.). Et quid ex hoc facto labis potuit et foeditatis effluere, quod aut circum faceret minus purum, aut Jovem contaminatum, cum per exigua momenta, per puncta, tot in orbe conspiceret millia mortis in generibus variis, et cruciatibus interire diversis? Ante, inquit, est actus, ludi quam inciperent confici. Si sacrilego pectore, religionisque contemptu, est ut ignoscere debeamus Jovi indignanti se spretum, nec circensibus propriis sollicitiorem adhibitam curam. Sin autem errore vel casu, latens illud non est animadversum et cognitum vitium, nonne fuerat rectum, Jovique conveniens, ut humanis ignosceret lapsibus, et imprudentiae caecitatem veniali concessione donaret? Sed vindicanda res fuit. Et post haec aliquis fuisse illum deum credet, qui puerilis incuriam ludicri, civitatis ultus est et persecutus interitu? gravitatis, ac ponderis, aut ullius habuisse constantiae firmitatem, qui ut sibi ex integro voluptatis in gaudia curreretur, venenatam in perniciem aeris haustus vertit, et pestilentiae morbo stragem mortalitatis indixit? Si ludorum exhibitor magistratus

XXXIX. (Oberth. XLII.). And what stain and foulness could flow forth from this deed, that could make either the circus less pure, or Jupiter defiled, when through tiny moments, through points of time, he beheld so many thousands in the world perishing in various kinds of death and in diverse torments? He was driven across, he says, before the games began to be performed. If with a sacrilegious heart and in contempt of religion, there is reason why we ought to pardon Jupiter for being indignant that he was spurned, and that more careful attention was not applied to his own Circensian games. But if on the other hand by error or chance that hidden flaw was not noticed and known, had it not been right and fitting for Jupiter to pardon human slips, and to forgive the blindness of inadvertence with a gracious pardon? Yet the matter had to be avenged. And after these things will anyone believe that he was a god, who avenged and pursued the carelessness of a childish sport with the destruction of a city? Or that he had the stability of gravity, and weight, or of any constancy, who, in order that races might be run afresh for him unto the joys of pleasure, turned the draughts of the air into poisoned destruction, and proclaimed a slaughter of mortality by the disease of pestilence? If the magistrate who exhibited the games

Editors' notes and page, col. 1276

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old-edition numerals: (none)
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minus curavit ediscere, quisnam esset illo die circi actus per medium, contractaque est ex hoc culpa: quid infelix commeruerat populus, ut aliena delicta capitis sui dissolveret poenis, pestilentibusque contagiis crudeliter expelleretur e vita? immo quid foeminarum genus, quas ab negotiis publicis conditio fragilitatis excepit? quid adultae virgines, quid parvuli fecere pusiones? quid denique adhuc parvi nutricum sub alimonia constituti, ut in eos immitteretur par et una saevitia, priusque acerbitatem mortis, quam dulcedinem aliquam perciperent luminis?

took too little care to learn who had on that day been driven through the middle of the circus, and guilt was contracted from this: what had the unhappy people deserved, that it should pay for another's offences with the penalties of its own life, and be cruelly driven out of life by pestilential contagions? Nay, what had the race of women done, whom the condition of their frailty has exempted from public affairs? What had grown-up maidens done, what tiny boys? What, finally, had little ones still set under the nourishment of nurses done, that an equal and single savagery should be let loose upon them, and that they should feel the bitterness of death before any sweetness of the light?

XL. (Oberth. XLIII.) Si sibi Jupiter ludos scrupulosius fieri, restituique quaerebat, si fideliter reddere suam populo sanitatem, nec malum, quod fecerat, prorogari ulterius et augeri: nonne rectius fuerat, consulem ut ad ipsum veniret, sacerdotum ad aliquem publicorum, pontificem maximum, aut ad Flaminem suum Dialem, eique per somnium, et praesulis vitium, et funesti causam temporis indicaret? Quae fuerat ratio, ut ruri hominem suetum, obscuritate incognitum nominis, urbanarum inscium rerum, quid sit praesul fortasse nescientem, voluntatis suae deligeret nuntium, et expetitae satisfactionis auctorem? Quem si utique sciebat, divinus modo si fuerat tergiversatorem in obsequio futurum: nonne fuerat pronius, et Deo conveniens, mentem hominis vertere, et parendi subigere voluntatem; quam vias aggredi saeviores, et latrocinii ritu sine ulla passim ratione saevire? Si enim rusticus, senior, inexpeditus in rebus obeundis, cunctabatur in re jussa causis superioribus retardatus: quid infelices ejus commeruerant liberi, ut in eos ira et indignatio verteretur,

XL. (Oberth. XLIII.) If Jupiter sought that the games be performed and restored for himself more scrupulously, if he sought faithfully to restore its health to the people, and that the evil which he had made should not be prolonged further and increased: had it not been more right that he should come to the consul himself, to some one of the public priests, to the pontifex maximus, or to his own Flamen Dialis, and point out to him through a dream both the flaw of the leader of the dance and the cause of the deadly season? What reason had there been that he should choose a man accustomed to the country, unknown through the obscurity of his name, ignorant of city affairs, perhaps not knowing what a leader of the dance is, as the messenger of his will and the proposer of the desired satisfaction? And if assuredly he knew—if only he had been divine—that this man would be a laggard in obedience: had it not been easier, and fitting for a God, to turn the mind of the man, and subdue his will to obey, than to enter upon more savage ways, and after the manner of brigandage to rage everywhere without any reason? For if a countryman, elderly, unready in undertaking affairs, delayed in the matter commanded, held back by the aforesaid causes: what had his unhappy children deserved, that wrath and indignation should be turned upon them,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1277

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 641)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1277

Adulterae Sab.

Adulterae: Sabaeus.

(printed under page 641)

(b) ‹Si sibi› · call in col 1277

Se Sab.

Se: Sabaeus.

(printed under page 641)

Diligeret Sab.

Diligeret: Sabaeus.

COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹Minus curavit ediscere› · col 1277 Minus curavit ediscere. Lectio sanissima et minime mutanda. Ediscere h. l. sciscitari, percontari. Consequens pro antecedente, ut saepissime. Male itaque Pighius et Stewechius conj. edicere, interpretantes de edicto ejus qui munus edebat, sive titulo quo notatum, cui deo, cui deae, cui rei ludi futuri essent. Quod h. l. minime quadrat. Orell.

"He took less care to learn thoroughly." A perfectly sound reading, not at all to be changed. Ediscere here means to inquire, to ask. The consequence for the antecedent, as very often. So Pighius and Stewech wrongly conjecture edicere ("to proclaim"), interpreting it of the edict of the one giving the show, or of the notice by which it was noted to what god, what goddess, for what occasion the games were to be. Which does not fit here at all. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Quas ab negotiis publicis conditio fragilitatis excepit› · col 1277 Quas ab negotiis publicis conditio fragilitatis excepit. Ulpianus, lib. i, ad Sabinum : Feminae ab omnibus officiis civilibus vel publicis remotae sunt. Livius, l. xxxiv, c. 2, in oratione Catonis : Majores nostri nullam ne privatam quidem rem feminas sine auctore voluerunt : in manu esse parentum, fratrum, virorum. Elmenh.

"Whom the condition of their frailty has exempted from public business." Ulpian, On Sabinus book 1: "Women are excluded from all civil or public offices." Livy, book 34, ch. 2, in Cato's speech: "Our ancestors wanted women to conduct not even private business without a guardian; to be in the hand of parents, brothers, husbands." Elmenhorst.

(comm.) ‹XL. — Si sibi Juppiter› · col 1277 XL. — Si sibi Juppiter. Ita Meursius in Append. et ed. Lugd. Bat. Cod. ms. : Sibi Jupiter. Gelenius et caeteri : Si Jupiter. Orell.

XL. — "If Jupiter … for himself." So Meursius in the Appendix and the Leiden edition. The manuscript: Sibi Jupiter. Gelenius and the rest: Si Jupiter. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Reddere› · col 1277 Reddere. Editio princeps : redderet. Orell.

Reddere ("to restore"). The first edition: redderet. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Prorogari ulterius et augeri› · col 1277 Prorogari ulterius et augeri. Ita Stewechius ex ms. Ed. princeps : prorogaret.... augeret. Alii : prorogare.... augere. Meursius in Append. augere intelligit παθητικῶς, ut movere pro movere se. Orell.

"To be prolonged further and increased." So Stewech from the manuscript. The first edition: prorogaret .... augeret. Others: prorogare .... augere. Meursius in the Appendix takes augere passively, as movere for movere se. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Consulem ut ad ipsum› · col 1277 Consulem ut ad ipsum. Alii : consulem aut ad ipsum. Orell.

"That to the consul himself." Others: consulem aut ad ipsum ("either to the consul himself"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Nonne fuerat pronius› · col 1277 Nonne fuerat pronius. Meursius legendum suspicatur : nonne fuerit probius. Sed bene habet vulgata lectio. Pronius id est facilius, leichter, weniger gewaltthätig. Orell.

"Would it not have been easier?" Meursius suspects one should read nonne fuerit probius ("more upright"). But the common reading is fine. Pronius, that is, easier: lighter, less violent. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Subigere voluntatem› · cols 1277–1278 Subigere voluntatem. Meursius et Stewechius malunt : subjicere voluntatem. Sed subigere est gravius et expressius. Orell.

"To subdue his will." Meursius and Stewech prefer subjicere voluntatem ("to subject his will"). But subigere is weightier and more expressive. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Sed et ipsum fecit pestilitatis saevitia comprehendi› · col 1278 Sed et ipsum fecit pestilitatis saevitia comprehendi. Vox antiqua. Lucretius, vi, 1906 : Atque ea vis omnis morborum, pestilitasque. Et vers. 1123 : Haec igitur subito clades nova pestilitasque. Herald.

"But he caused the man himself also to be seized by the savagery of the plague." An old word (pestilitas). Lucretius 6.1906 (sic): "And all that force of diseases, and the plague." And line 1123: "This new disaster, then, and plague, suddenly." Hérault.

(comm.) ‹Et inoboeda cessatio› · col 1278 Et inoboeda cessatio. Ita Salmasius ex ms. et ad Solin. p. 24. Oboedio, oboedus, inoboedus, qui non obedit. Cujus autem adjectivi nullam aliam auctoritatem praeter nostram agnoscunt lexica. Meursius in Append. scribendum putat in obedientia cessatio, quod a librariis per compendium scriptum inobeda errori originem dederit. Gelenius et caeteri ediderunt in obeundo cessatio. Orell.

"And an unobedient delay." So Salmasius from the manuscript and on Solinus, p. 24. Oboedio, oboedus, inoboedus, one who does not obey. But the lexicons recognize no authority for this adjective except our passage. Meursius in the Appendix thinks one should write in obedientia cessatio ("a delay in obedience"), which, written in abbreviation by the copyists as inobeda, gave rise to the error. Gelenius and the rest printed in obeundo cessatio ("a delay in carrying out"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Quaenam illa saevitia, crudelitas fuit quae tanta› · col 1278 Quaenam illa saevitia, crudelitas fuit quae tanta. Ita Meursius et ed. Lugd. Batavorum Alii : Quaenam illa saevitia crudelitatis fuit ? quae tanta. Male. Stewechius mavult : Quaenam illa saevitia fuit ? Crudelitas quae tanta ? Orell.

"What was that savagery, what cruelty so great." So Meursius and the Leiden edition. Others: "What was that savagery of cruelty? What so great." Wrongly. Stewech prefers: "What was that savagery? What cruelty so great?" Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Repulit› · col 1278 Repulit. Ita Gelenius et caeteri eum secuti, optime. Editio princeps : retulit. Orell.

Repulit ("drove back"). So Gelenius and the rest who followed him, excellently. The first edition: retulit. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Inani ostentatione› · col 1278 Inani ostentatione. Et haec emendatio verissima debetur Gelenio. Cod. ms. : in alia ostentatione. Fulv. Ursinus : in mali ostentatione. Meursius : in mala ostentatione. Orell.

"With empty display." This most true emendation too is owed to Gelenius. The manuscript: in alia ostentatione. Fulvius Ursinus: in mali ostentatione. Meursius: in mala ostentatione. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹XLI. — Fastidium immoderatione pariatur› · col 1278 XLI. — Fastidium immoderatione pariatur. Post (continues)

XLI. — "Lest weariness be bred by excess." After (continues)

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offensasque alterius luminis sui spoliatione pensarent? Et quisquam est hominum, qui fuisse illum Deum credat tam injustum, tam impium, nec mortalium saltem constituta servantem, apud quos nefas haberetur magnum, alterum pro altero plecti, et aliena delicta aliorum cervicibus vindicari? Sed et ipsum fecit pestilitatis saevitia comprehendi. Nonne ergo praestantius, quinimmo aequius fuerat, si hoc esse videbatur faciendum, ut ab ipso patre terror coercitionis inciperet, apud quem causa tanti fuerat motus, et inoboeda cessatio, quam in ejus dolorem vim liberis facere, et innoxias urere atque abolere personas? Quaenam illa saevitia, crudelitas fuit quae tanta, ut, extincta sobole intestinis periculis post territaret patrem? Quod jamdudum si facere, id est, loco priore voluisset; nec germanitas conficeretur innoxia, et voluntas numinis cognosceretur offensa. At enim completo annuntiationis officio statim morbus evanuit, et sanitati homo est continuo restitutus. Et quid habet admirationis res ista, si malum, quod inspiraverit, repulit, seseque inani ostentatione jactavit? Quod si penitus res pendas, magis illa crudelitas, quam beneficium salutis fuit; siquidem hominem miserum, et interire post filios cupientem, non gaudia servavit ad vitae, sed ut suam solitudinem disceret, et orbitatis cruciamenta sentiret.

and that they should pay for the offences of another by the deprivation of their own light? And is there any man who would believe that that God was so unjust, so impious, not even keeping the ordinances of mortals, among whom it would be held a great wickedness for one to be punished for another, and the offences of others to be avenged upon the necks of others? Yet he caused the man himself also to be seized by the savagery of the pestilence. Had it not therefore been better—nay rather, more just—if this seemed necessary to be done, that the terror of coercion should begin from the father himself, with whom had been the cause of so great a commotion and the disobedient delay, than for his grief to do violence to his children, and to burn up and destroy innocent persons? What savagery was that, what cruelty so great, that after his offspring had been cut off by domestic perils he should afterwards terrify the father? Which if he had wished to do long before, that is, in the first place, neither would the innocent brotherhood have been destroyed, and the offended will of the deity would have been made known. But, you say, when the duty of the announcement was fulfilled the disease immediately vanished, and the man was forthwith restored to health. And what ground for wonder has that matter, if he drove back the evil which he had breathed in, and vaunted himself with empty ostentation? Yet if you weigh the matter thoroughly, that was rather cruelty than a kindness of healing; seeing that he preserved a wretched man, desiring to perish after his sons, not for the joys of life, but that he might learn his own loneliness, and feel the torments of bereavement.

XLI. (Oberth. XLIV.) Consimili ratione per alias ire licebit historias, et ostendere in his quoque longe aliud, quam esse dii debeant, de his ipsis dici, et earum in expositionibus indicari: volut in hac ipsa quam deinceps ponam, una ei duabusve conjunctis, fastidium ne immoderatione pariatur. Post advectos, inquitis, transmarinis ex gentibus deos quosdam,

XLI. (Oberth. XLIV.) In like manner we may go through the other histories, and show that in these also something far different from what the gods ought to be is said of these very gods, and indicated in the narratives of them: as in this very one which I shall next set down, with one or two joined to it, lest weariness be produced by excess. After certain gods were brought in from transmarine nations, you say,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1278

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postque condita his templa, post cumulatas sacrificiis aras, male habens sese recreatus convaluit populus, et pestilentes morbi inducta sinceritate fugerunt. Qui, effamini, dii, quaeso? Aesculapius, inquitis, Epidauro bonis deus valetudinibus praesidens, et Tiberina in insula constitutus. Si esset nobis animus, scrupulosius ista tractare, vobis ipsis obtineremus auctoribus, minime illum fuisse divum, qui conceptus et natus muliebri alvo esset: qui annorum gradibus ad eum finem ascendisset aetatis, in quo illum vis fulminis, vestris quemadmodum litteris continentur, et vita expulisset et lumine. Sed quaestione ab ista discedimus: Coronidis filius sit, ut vultis, ex immortalium numero, et perpetua praeditus sublimitate coelesti. Ex Epidauro tamen quid est aliud allatum, nisi magni augminis coluber? Fidem si annalium sequimur: et exploratam eis attribuimus veritatem, nihil, ut conscriptum est, aliud. Quid ergo dicemus? Aesculapius iste, quem praedicatis, deus praestans, sanctus deus, salutis dator, valetudinum pessimarum propulsator, prohibitor, et extinctor, serpentis est forma et circumscriptione fininitus: per terram reptans, coeno natis ut vermiculis mos est, solum mento radit et pectore, tortuosis voluminibus se trahens, atque ut pergere prorsus possit, partem sui prostremam conatibus prioris adducit.

and after temples were founded for them, after altars were heaped with sacrifices, the people, which had been ill, was refreshed and recovered strength, and pestilential diseases fled away when soundness was brought in. What gods, speak out, I pray? Aesculapius from Epidaurus, you say, the god presiding over good health, and established on the Island of the Tiber. If we had a mind to handle those matters more scrupulously, we should establish by your own selves as authorities that he was by no means a deity, who had been conceived and born from a woman's womb, and who by the steps of years had mounted to that end of life wherein the force of a thunderbolt, as is contained in your own writings, drove him out both from life and from light. Yet we depart from that question: let him be the son of Coronis, as you wish, out of the number of the immortals, and endowed with perpetual heavenly loftiness. From Epidaurus, nevertheless, what else was brought than a snake of great bulk? If we follow the credit of the annals, and attribute ascertained truth to them, nothing else, as it is written down. What then shall we say? That Aesculapius whom you proclaim, a surpassing god, a holy god, the giver of health, the warder-off, restrainer, and extinguisher of the worst sicknesses, is bounded by the shape and limitation of a serpent: crawling along the earth, as is the custom for little worms born from mire, he scrapes the ground with chin and breast, dragging himself in winding coils, and that he may be able to go straight forward, draws up the hindmost part of himself by the efforts of the foremost.

XLII. (Oberth. XLV.) Et quoniam legitur usus cibis etiam, quibus vita in corporibus immoratur, habet patulas fauces, quibus cibos transvoret, oris hiatibus appetitos: habet receptaculum ventris, et

XLII. (Oberth. XLV.) And since he is read to have used foods also, whereby life tarries in bodies, he has wide-open jaws wherewith to swallow down foods sought after by the gapings of his mouth; he has a receptacle of the belly, and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1279

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 642)

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ubi mansa et vorata decoquat viscera, sanguis detur ut corpori, et viribus redintegratio subrogetur: habet et extremos tramites, per quos immunda faex eat, aversabili corpora foeditate deonerans. Siquando mutat loca, et ab aliis transgredi in alias regiones parat: non ut deus obscure per coeli evolat sidera, punctoque in temporis, ubi causa postulaverit, sistitur: sed velut animal brutum vehiculum, quo sustineatur, petit: undas pelagi vitat; atque ut tutus possit incolumisque praestari, cum hominibus navem ascendit, et ille publicae sanitatis deus fragili se ligno, et tabularum compagibus credit. Non arbitramur evincere, atque obtinere vos posse, Aesculapium illum fuisse serpentem: nisi hunc colorem volueritis inducere, ut in anguem dicatis convertisse se deum, quo mentiri se posset, quisnam esset, aut quales homines intueri. Quod si fuerit a vobis dictum, quam infirmiter invalideque dicatur, ipsa rerum inaequalitas indicabit. Si enim se deus videri ab hominibus evitabat, nec in forma serpentis velle debuit conspici: cum in qualibet forma non ab ipso se alius, sed ipse esset futurus. Sin autem intenderat cernendum se dare, non debuit oculorum negare conspectui: cur non talem videri se praebuit, qualem sciebat se esse qualemque se noverat sui numinis in potentia contineri? Erat enim hoc potius, multoque praestantius, augustaeque conveniens dignitati, quam fieri belluam, horrentisque animalis in similitudinem verti, et dare ambiguis contradictionibus locum: esset ne verus Deus, an nescio quid aliud, longeque ab supera sublimitate sejunctum.

a place wherein he may digest the chewed and devoured flesh, that blood may be given to his body, and renewal supplied to his strength; he has also extreme passages through which foul dregs may pass, unburdening his body with loathsome filthiness. Whenever he changes places, and prepares to cross over from some regions into others, he does not, like a god, fly unseen through the stars of heaven, and in a point of time stand wherever the cause has demanded; but like a brute animal seeks a vehicle whereby he may be supported, shuns the waves of the sea, and that he may be kept safe and unharmed, goes on board a ship with men, and that god of public health entrusts himself to frail wood and joints of planks. We do not think that you can prove and maintain that that serpent was Aesculapius: unless you wish to bring in this pretext, that you say the god turned himself into a snake, that he might be able to disguise who he was, or see what sort of men they were. Which if it has been said by you, how weakly and feebly it is said, the very disparity of things will show. For if the god shunned being seen by men, he ought not to have wished to be beheld in the shape of a serpent either: since in any shape whatever he would not be another than himself, but himself. But if on the other hand he had purposed to give himself to be seen, he ought not to have denied himself to the sight of their eyes: why did he not offer himself to be seen such as he knew himself to be, and such as he knew himself to be contained in the power of his deity? For this was better, and much more excellent, and fitting for his august dignity, than to become a beast, and be turned into the likeness of a bristling creature, and give place to doubtful contradictions, whether he was a true God, or some other thing or other, and far severed from supreme loftiness.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1280

Footnotes

(a) ‹invalideque dicatur› · call in col 1280

Edicantur Sab.

Edicantur: Sabaeus.

COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹XLI. — Fastidium immoderatione pariatur› · col 1279

(continued) haec verba romana editio et ms. interserunt paginam totam, quam nos tamquam spuriam et meram repetitionem eorum, quae praecesserunt, cum Stewechio, Nourrio aliisque post finem textus Arnobiani imprimendam curavimus. Orell.

(comm.) ‹Aesculapius, inquitis, Epidauro› · col 1279 Aesculapius, inquitis, Epidauro, etc. Lactantius, l. ii, c. 7 : Illud aeque mirum, quod lue saeviente Aesculapius Epidauro accitus, urbem Romam diuturna pestilentia liberasse perhibetur. Valerius Max., lib. i, c. 8 ; Ovid., Met. xv, 622 ; Augustinus, de Civit. Dei, l. iii, c. 17 ; Livius, lib. x ; Orosius, lib. iii, c. 22. Elmenh.

"Aesculapius, you say, from Epidaurus," etc. Lactantius, book 2, ch. 7: "Equally wonderful is the fact that, when a plague was raging, Aesculapius was summoned from Epidaurus and is said to have freed the city of Rome from a long pestilence." Valerius Maximus, book 1, ch. 8; Ovid, Metamorphoses 15.622; Augustine, City of God, book 3, ch. 17; Livy, book 10; Orosius, book 3, ch. 22. Elmenhorst.

(comm.) ‹Magni augminis coluber› · col 1279 Magni augminis coluber. Sic probabiliter correxit Meursius e Lucretio, qui augmen pro mole usurpat, lib. i, 434 seq. : Nam quodcumque erit, esse aliquid debebit id ipsum, Augmine vel grandi vel parvo denique, dum sit. Item libro iii, 269 : Et tamen ex his Omnibus est unum perfecti corporis augmen. Et aliis locis. Vulgata tamen lectio agminis defendi potest loco Ausonii in Mosella 138, ab ipso Meursio citato : Sic per freta magnum Laberis, et longi vix corporis agmina solvis. ubi agmina sunt, quae volumina Virgilio, Apuleio. Orell.

"A snake of great bulk." So Meursius probably corrected it from Lucretius, who uses augmen for mass, book 1.434 and following: "For whatever will be must itself be something, of great bulk or small, so long as it exists." Likewise book 3.269: "And yet from all these is formed the one bulk of a complete body." And in other places. Yet the common reading agminis ("of great length of coil") can be defended from a passage of Ausonius, Mosella 138, cited by Meursius himself: "So you glide greatly through the waters, and scarcely uncoil the trains of your long body," where agmina are what Virgil and Apuleius call volumina ("coils"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Quid ergo dicemus› · col 1279 Quid ergo dicemus. Ita ms. ut infra : Quid ergo dicemus ? Hannibalem illum, etc. Alii dicimus. Stewech.

"What then shall we say?" So the manuscript, as below: "What then shall we say? That Hannibal," etc. Others: dicimus ("do we say"). Stewech.

(comm.) ‹Tortuosis voluminibus se trahens› · col 1280 Tortuosis voluminibus se trahens. Germanicus Arateis Phaenomenis, vs. 48, seq. : Has inter medias, abrupti fluminis instar, Immanis serpens sinuosa volumina torquet. Elmenh. Zeno Veronensis sermone de Patientia : Tamen extremorum pallido ex recursu voluminum, quasi jus terrae cognoscens, ac violare devitans mira patientia in se frangitur, iisdemque fluctibus, quibus cogitur, refraenatur. Herald.

"Dragging itself along in twisting coils." Germanicus, Aratea (Phaenomena), line 48 and following: "Between these, like a river breaking off, the monstrous serpent twists its winding coils." Elmenhorst. Zeno of Verona, sermon On Patience: "Yet with the pale backward sweep of its farthest coils, as if acknowledging the right of the land and avoiding violating it, it breaks itself with wonderful patience, and is reined back by the same waves by which it is driven." Hérault.

(comm.) ‹XLII. — Aversabili corpora foeditate deonerans› · col 1280 XLII. — Aversabili corpora foeditate deonerans. Sic ex editione romana restituit locum Th. Canterus, rectissime. Alii : deoneratis. Orell.

XLII. — "Unloading bodies with a repulsive foulness." So Th. Canter restored the passage from the Roman edition, most rightly. Others: deoneratis. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Quo mentiri se posset, quisnam esset, aut quales homines intueri› · col 1280 Quo mentiri se posset, quisnam esset, aut quales homines intueri. Illud postremum sane languidum et falsum. Quid enim ? non poterat videre, quales homines essent, ut necesse habuerit propterea anguis formam induere ? Neque in sequentibus tale quid habes. Emendo : quo mentiri se posset et quisnam esset aut qualis hoc minus intueri. Passive autem intueri. dixit, quomodo tueor non semel Lucretius. Meurs. pag. 219. — Sagax est conjectura Meursii. Lectio, quam dedimus, profecta a Gelenio. Editio princeps habet : quisnam esset aut qualis homines intueri, nullo sensu. Ful. Ursinus conj. : nec quisnam aut qualis possent homines intueri. Orell.

"By which he could disguise himself, [and] who he was, or what men to look upon." That last part is surely feeble and false. Why? Could he not see what sort of men they were, so that he thought it necessary to put on a snake's form for that reason? Nor do you find any such thing in what follows. I emend: "by which he could disguise himself, and who he was or what he was be the less seen." He used intueri passively, as Lucretius more than once uses tueor. Meursius, p. 219. — Meursius's conjecture is shrewd. The reading we have given comes from Gelenius. The first edition has quisnam esset aut qualis homines intueri, which makes no sense. Fulvius Ursinus conjectures nec quisnam aut qualis possent homines intueri ("nor could men see who or what he was"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Non debuit oculorum negare conspectui› · col 1280 Non debuit oculorum negare conspectui. Equidem delenda censeo haec verba, a sciolo fortassis librario assuta, qui oppositionem aliquam desiderabat ad verba praecedentia : nec in forma serpentis velle debuit conspici. Certe omissis illis omnia melius fluunt. Orell.

"He ought not to have denied himself to the sight of the eyes." For my part I judge these words should be deleted, sewn on perhaps by a half-learned copyist who wanted some contrast to the preceding words: "nor ought he to have wished to be seen in the form of a serpent." Certainly with them left out everything flows better. Orelli.

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XLIII. (Oberth. XLVI.) Sed si deus, inquit, non erat, cur, e navi postquam extulit sese, tiberinam ad insulam repsit: nusquam statim comparuit, et viderier ut ante desiit? Possumus enim scire, utrumne aliquod obstaculum fuerit, cujus sese objectu atque oppositione protexerit, an hiatus aliquis? Vos pronuntiate, vos dicite, quidnam illud fuerit aut cuinam rerum generi debuerit applicari, si personarum officia sunt certa certarum vestra. Cum res ita sit, deque vestro numine, vestraque et religione tractetur, vestrum est potius edocere, vestrumque monstrare, quid illa res fuerit, nostras velle quam exaudire sententias, nostraque expectare decreta. Nam nos quidem quid aliud possumus dicere, nisi quod fuit, et visum est: quod historiae prodidere omnes, et oculorum sensibus est comprehensum? Hanc tamen scilicet colubram validissimi corporis, et prolixitatis immensae; aut, si nomen hoc sordidum est, anguem dicimus, serpentem nominitamus; aut si quod aliud nobis usus vocamen obtulerit, aut ampliatio sermonis effinxerit. Si enim repsit ut coluber, non pedibus se ferens, neque suas subexplicans itiones, sed ventre nixus ac pectore: si ex materia formatus carnis longitudinem porrigebatur in lubricam, caput si habuit atque caudam, si obsita squamis terga, si macularum suffectionibus varia, si os dentibus horridum, et ad infligendos instructum morsus: quid aliud possumus, quam generis eum dicere fuisse terreni; quamvis fuerit immanis et nimius, quamvis illum ab Regulo exercitus vi caesum, longitudine corporis et roboris anteiret? Sed aliud nos remur, et labefacimus et destruimus veritatem. Ergo vestrum est explicare, quidnam ille fuerit, vel cujus generis, nominis et qualitatis cujus. Nam deus esse qui potuit, cum haberet ea, quae diximus, quae dii habere non debent, si cogitant dii esse, et vocaminis hujus eminentiam possidere? Tiberinam postquam ad insulam

XLIII. (Oberth. XLVI.) Yet if he was not a god, he says, why, after he betook himself out of the ship and crawled to the Island of the Tiber, did he forthwith appear nowhere, and cease to be seen as before? Can we know whether there was some obstacle, by the interposition and barrier whereof he sheltered himself, or some cleft? Do you declare, do you say what that was, or to what kind of things it ought to be assigned, if the duties of fixed persons are fixed for you. Since the matter is so, and the discussion is concerning your deity and your religion, it is rather your part to teach, and your part to point out what that thing was, than to wish to hear our opinions and await our decisions. For what else indeed can we say, except what was and was seen: what all the histories have handed down, and what was grasped by the senses of the eyes? This creature, nevertheless, we call a snake of most strong body and of immense length; or, if this name is base, we call it an adder, we name it a serpent, or whatever other appellation usage has offered us or the enlargement of speech has fashioned. For if he crawled like a snake, not bearing himself on feet, nor unfolding his steps, but leaning on belly and breast; if, formed out of the substance of flesh, he was stretched out into a slippery length; if he had a head and a tail, if a back covered over with scales, if mottled with spots of dye, if a mouth bristling with teeth and equipped for inflicting bites: what else can we say than that he was of an earthly kind, although he was huge and excessive, although in length of body and of strength he surpassed that one slain by Regulus with the force of an army? Yet we suppose something else, and shake and destroy the truth. Therefore it is your part to explain what he was, or of what kind, of what name and quality. For how could he be a god, when he had those things which we have mentioned, which gods ought not to have, if they mean to be gods and to possess the eminence of this appellation? After he crawled to the Island of the Tiber,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1281

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 643)

(a) ‹anguem dicimus› · call in col 1281

Dicamus Fulv.

Dicamus ("let us say"): Fulvius.

(printed under page 643)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1281

Ita Fulv. Ursinus supplet.

So Fulvius Ursinus supplies it.

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marginal letters: A (in col. 1282); B (in col. 1282); C (in col. 1282)
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repsit nusquam continuo apparuit: qua ex re numen fuisse monstratur? Possumus enim scire, utrumne istic aliquod rei fuerit alicujus obstaculum, cujus sese objectu acque oppositione protexerit, an hiatus aliquis, aut ex molibus inaequaliter aggeratis successus quidam, et fornices, in quos intulit se raptim, circumscripto tuentium visu? Quid enim si flumen transilivit? quid si transnatavit? quid si sylvarum densitatibus se dedit? Argumentatio flaccida est, ea re suspicari deum illum fuisse serpentem, quod ab oculis sese properata omni festinatione subtraxit: cum deum non fuisse eadem rursus possit argumentatione monstrari.

he forthwith appeared nowhere: whereby is it shown that he was a deity? For can we know whether there was in that place some obstacle of something, by the interposition and barrier whereof he sheltered himself, or some cleft, or some recess formed of masses unequally heaped up, and vaults into which he hurriedly betook himself, eluding the sight of the onlookers? For what if he leaped across the river? What if he swam across? What if he gave himself to the thickets of the woods? Flaccid is the reasoning, to suspect for this reason that that serpent was a god, because he withdrew himself from the eyes with all hurried haste: since by the same reasoning in turn it can be shown that he was not a god.

XLIV. (Oberth. XLVII.) Sed si deus praesens anguis ille non fuit, cur post illius adventum pestilentiae vis fracta est, et populo salus reddita romano? Referimus et nos contra: si ex libris fatalibus, vatumque responsis invitari ad urbem deus Aesculapius jussus est, ut ab luis contagio morbisque pestilentibus tutam eam incolumemque praestaret, et venit non aspernatus ut dicitis, colubrarum in formam conversus: cur toties romana civitas mali hujus afflicta est cladibus? toties aliis aliisque temporibus dilacerata, vexata est, et innumeris stragibus civium minor facta est millibus? Cum enim deus accitus in hoc esse dicatur, ut omnino omnes causas, quibus pestilentia conflabatur, averteret: sequebatur, ut civitas intacta esse deberet, flatuque a noxio immunis semper innocuaque praestari. Atquin videmus, ut superius dictum est, saepenumero his morbis cursus eam vitae habuisse funestos: nec dispendiis levibus esse populi fractas, debilitatasque virtutes. Ubi ergo Aesculapius fuit, ubi ille promissus oraculis venerabilibus? Cur templa post condita, sibique exaedificata delubra, diutius habere perpessus est bene meritas civitates luem, cum in id esset accitus, ut et malis

XLIV. (Oberth. XLVII.) Yet if that snake was not a present god, why after his arrival was the force of the pestilence broken, and health restored to the Roman people? We also reply on the other hand: if according to the books of fate and the responses of seers the god Aesculapius was ordered to be invited to the city, that he might keep it safe and unharmed from the contagion of plague and pestilential diseases, and came not spurning the request, as you say, turned into the shape of snakes: why has the Roman state so many times been afflicted with the disasters of this evil? Why has it so many times at one season and another been torn to pieces, harassed, and made smaller by countless slaughters of thousands of citizens? For since the god is said to have been summoned for this purpose, that he should altogether turn away all the causes whereby pestilence was stirred up, it followed that the state ought to be untouched, and always kept immune from noxious blast and unharmed. And yet we see, as has been said above, that oftentimes through these diseases it has had deadly courses of life, and that by no light losses have the powers of the people been broken and weakened. Where then was Aesculapius, where was he who was promised by venerable oracles? Why, after temples were founded and shrines built up for him, did he suffer well-deserving cities to have the plague any longer, when he had been summoned for this purpose, that he should both heal

Editors' notes and page, col. 1282

Footnotes

Salus est reddita ms.

Salus est reddita: the manuscript.

(printed under page 643)

(d) ‹romana› · call in col 1282

Roma Sab.

Roma: Sabaeus.

(printed under page 643)

(e) ‹civitates› · call in col 1282

Meritae civitatis ms.

Meritae civitatis: the manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹XLIII. — Protexerit› · col 1281 XLIII. — Protexerit. Ita Canterus ex editione Romana, Alii : protexit. Orell.

XLIII. — Protexerit ("may have covered"). So Canter from the Roman edition. Others: protexit. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Si personarum officia sint certa certarum. Vestra cum res ita sit› · col 1281 Si personarum officia sint certa certarum. Vestra cum res ita sit. Sic distinguo cum Meursio. Alii interpungunt : si personarum officia sint certa certarum vestra. Cum res ita sit. Orell.

"If the offices of particular persons are fixed. Since your matter is so." So I divide, with Meursius. Others punctuate: "if the offices of your particular persons are fixed. Since the matter is so." Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Vestraque et religione› · col 1281 Vestraque et religione. Meursius delet et. Male. Orell.

"And by your religion too." Meursius deletes et. Wrongly. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Hanc tamen scilicet, colubram› · col 1281 Hanc tamen scilicet, colubram. Meursius conjicit : Hanc tamen, si licet, colubram, bene. Sequitur enim : aut si nomen hoc sordidum est, unde dicimus, colubrae vel colubri vocabulum fuisse Latinis sordidius et abjectius quam anguis vel serpentis. Orell.

"This, of course, a she-snake." Meursius conjectures: "This, if it is permitted, a she-snake," well. For there follows: "or, if this name is mean," from which we learn that the word colubra or coluber was meaner and lower to the Latins than anguis or serpens. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Sed ventre nixus› · col 1281 Sed ventre nixus. Ita ms. Alii : nisus. Orell.

"But resting on its belly." So the manuscript. Others: nisus. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Obsita squamis terga› · col 1281 Obsita squamis terga. Ita Fulvius Ursinus. Codex ms., et editiones priores : oblita. Orell.

"Its back covered with scales." So Fulvius Ursinus. The manuscript and the earlier editions: oblita ("smeared"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Illum ab Regulo exercitus vi caesum› · col 1281 Illum ab Regulo exercitus vi caesum. Vid. Flor., lib. ii, cap. 2, § 20, Livii Epitom., lib. xviii ; A. Gell., lib. vi, cap. 3 ; Valer. Max., lib. i, cap. 8, 19, text. ; Plin., Hist. Nat., viii, cap. 14 ; Obsequens, Prodig., cap. xxix. Orell.

"That one slain by the force of Regulus's army." See Florus, book 2, ch. 2, § 20; the Epitome of Livy, book 18; Aulus Gellius, book 6, ch. 3; Valerius Maximus, book 1, ch. 8, 19, the text; Pliny, Natural History 8, ch. 14; Obsequens, Prodigies, ch. 29. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Longitudine corporis et roboris anteiret› · cols 1281–1282 Longitudine corporis et roboris anteiret. Offendit Meursium longitudo roboris, placetque illi corrigere vel : longitudine corporis et roboris magnitudine anteiret, vel : longitudine corporis et robore anteiret. Sed vulgata lectio defendi potest per zeugma sive syllepsin, figuram optimis scriptoribus frequentatam. Orell.

"Surpassed it in length of body and of strength." The "length of strength" offended Meursius, and he would correct either to "surpassed it in length of body and greatness of strength," or to "surpassed it in length of body and in strength." But the common reading can be defended by zeugma or syllepsis, a figure much used by the best writers. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Quidnam› · col 1282 Quidnam. Ita ed. princeps ex ms. Alii : quisnam. Orell.

Quidnam ("what"). So the first edition from the manuscript. Others: quisnam ("who"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Protexerit› · col 1282 Protexerit. Sic Canterus ex editione Rom. Alii : protexit. Orell.

Protexerit. So Canter from the Roman edition. Others: protexit. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Successus› · col 1282 Successus. Vide supra ad lib. vi, cap. 52. Orell.

Successus. See above on book 6, ch. 52. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹XLIV. — Si ex libris fatalibus› · col 1282 XLIV. — Si ex libris fatalibus. Romani malis oppressi vel morbis impliciti libros fatales consulebant. Livius, lib. v : Deos pestis arcendae causa placandos esse in libris fatalibus inventum est : et aliquoties. Elmenh.

XLIV. — "If from the books of fate." The Romans, when overwhelmed by evils or entangled in diseases, consulted the books of fate. Livy, book 5: "It was found in the books of fate that the gods must be appeased to ward off the plague"; and several times. Elmenhorst.

(comm.) ‹Mali hujus afflicta est cladibus? toties aliis aliisque temporibus dilacerata, vexata est, et innumeris stragibus civium minor facta est millibus? Cum enim› · col 1282 Mali hujus afflicta est cladibus ? toties aliis aliisque temporibus dilacerata, vexata est, et innumeris stragibus civium minor facta est millibus ? Cum enim, etc. Ita e codice ms. supplent Meursius et Stewechius, sequentibus caeteris. Antea : mali hujus afflicta est millibus ? Cum enim, etc., nullo sensu. Pro temporibus legunt alii speciebus. Orell.

"Was it afflicted with the disasters of this evil? So many times, at one time and another, torn apart, harassed, and made smaller by countless slaughters of its citizens, by thousands? For since," etc. So Meursius and Stewech supply it from the manuscript, the rest following. Before: "was it afflicted with this evil by thousands? For since," etc., which makes no sense. For temporibus others read speciebus ("forms"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Diutius habere perpessus bene meritas civitates luem› · col 1282 Diutius habere perpessus bene meritas civitates luem. Haec meo saltem judicio sanissima nescio qua de (continues)

"Allowed the well-deserving states to suffer the plague longer." These words, in my judgement at least perfectly sound, for I know not what (continues)

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mederetur instantibus, nec sineret in futurum tale aliquid, quod metueretur irrepere?

present evils, and not suffer anything of the sort that might be feared to creep in for the future?

XLV. (Oberth. XLVIII.) Nisi forte aliquis dicet, minoribus et consequentibus saeculis idcirco dei talis defuisse custodiam, quod impiis jam moribus et improbabilibus viveretur: opem autem contulisse majoribus, quod innoxii fuerint, atque ab omni scelerum contagione dimoti; quod ratione cum aliqua et audiri forsitan potuisset, et dici, si aut in temporibus priscis omnes essent usque ad unum boni, aut sequentia tempora malos omnes generarent, et nulla diversitate discretos. Cum vero res ita sit, ut in magnis populis, nationibus, quinimmo et in civitatibus cunctis mixtum sit humanum genus naturis, voluntatibus, moribus, tamque potuerint in prioribus saeculis, quam in novellis aetatibus boni simul malique existere: stultum satis est dicere, propter malitias posteros auxilia numinum non meruisse mortales. Si enim propter malos sequentium saeculorum boni non sunt protecti temporum novellorum, et propter antiquos malos boni aeque ac majores non debuerant merere benevolentiam numinum. Sin propter bonos priscos mali etiam conservati sunt prisci: et propter bonos minores aetas debuit sequens, quamvis esset improbabilis protegi. Aut ergo jam fracta atque immunita vi morbi anguis ille perlatus famam Conservatoris assumpsit, cum nihil omnino commoditatis attulisset: aut fatalia dicenda sunt carmina, multum veris aberravisse praesagiis, cum remedium ab his datum non deinceps cunctis, sed auxilio fuisse uni tantum reperiatur aetati.

XLV. (Oberth. XLVIII.) Unless perchance someone will say that to the later and following ages the guardianship of such a god was wanting for this reason, because men were now living with impious and reprehensible morals, whereas he brought help to the ancestors because they were innocent and removed from all contagion of crimes: which perhaps could have been both heard and said with some reason, if either in ancient times all men to a man had been good, or the following times begot all men evil and parted by no diversity. But since the fact is so, that in great peoples and nations—nay rather, in all cities also—the human race is mixed in natures, wills, and morals, and good and evil men alike could exist as well in former ages as in recent times: it is foolish enough to say that on account of their wickedness later mortals did not deserve the aid of the deities. For if on account of the evil men of the following ages the good men of recent times were not protected, on account of the ancient evil men also the good ancestors equally ought not to have deserved the goodwill of the deities. But if on account of the ancient good men the ancient evil men also were preserved, on account of the later good men also the following age, although it was reprehensible, ought to have been protected. Either, therefore, when the force of the disease was already broken and diminished, that snake, being brought over, took to itself the fame of Preserver when it had brought no advantage at all; or it must be said that the prophetic verses wandered far from true forebodings, since the remedy given by them is found not to have been a help to all thereafter, but to one age only.

XLVI. (Oberth. XLIX.) Sed et Magna, inquit, Mater accita ex Phrygio Pessinunte, jussis consimiliter vatum, salutaris populo et magnarum causa laetitiarum fuit. Nam et diu potens hostis ab Italiae possessione

XLVI. (Oberth. XLIX.) Moreover, he says, the Great Mother also, summoned from Phrygian Pessinus in like manner by the commands of seers, was wholesome to the people and a cause of great rejoicings. For both the enemy, long powerful, was thrust out from the possession of Italy,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1283

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detrusus est, et gloriosis illustribusque victoriis decus urbis restitutum est pristinum, et imperii fines longe lateque porrecti, et innumeris gentibus, civitatibus, populis libertatis jus raptum est, et jugum servitutis impositum; multaeque res aliae foris domique perfectae ineluctabili firmitate gentis nomen majestatemque fundarunt. Si verum loquuntur historiae, neque ullas inserunt rerum conscriptionibus falsitates, allatum ex Phrygia nihil quidem aliud scribitur missum rege ab Attalo, nisi lapis quidam non magnus, ferri manu hominis sine ulla impressione qui posset: coloris furvi atque atri, angellis prominentibus inaequalis: et quem omnes hodie ipso illo videmus in signo oris locum positum, indolatum et asperum, et simulacro faciem minus expressam simulatione praebentem.

and by glorious and illustrious victories the ancient glory of the city was restored, and the bounds of the empire were stretched far and wide, and from countless nations, states, and peoples the right of liberty was snatched away and the yoke of slavery imposed; and many other things accomplished abroad and at home established the name and majesty of the nation with unshakable stability. If the histories speak the truth, and do not insert any falsehoods into the records of events, nothing else indeed is written to have been brought from Phrygia, sent by King Attalus, than a certain stone, not large, which could be carried by the hand of a man without any strain: of a dusky and black colour, uneven with projecting little angles, and which we all see today set in that very image in the place of a face, unhewn and rough, and giving to the statue a face far from distinct in representation.

XLVII. (Oberth. L.) Quid ergo dicemus? Hannibalem illum poenum, hostem potentem ac validum; sub quo anceps et dubia res romana contremuit, et magnitudo trepidavit, lapis ex Italia depulit, lapis fregit, lapis fugacem ac timidum, suique esse dissimilem fecit? Et quod rursus exilivit ad imperii columen, et regium principatum, nihil consiliis actum est, nihil hominum viribus: nec ad reditum sublimitatis antiquae tot tantisque ab ducibus quidquam est scientia militari aut rerum experientia collatum? Lapis aliis vires, aliis roboris infirmitatem dedit: hos secundis praecivitavit ab rebus, aliorum extulit stratas desperatione fortunas? Et quis hominum credat terra sumptum lapidem sensu agitabilem nullo, fuliginei coloris atque atri corporis, deum fuisse matrem? aut quis rursus accipiat, hoc enim solum restat, numinis alicujus habitasse in silicis fragmentis more subjectam, venisque in ejus abstrusam?

XLVII. (Oberth. L.) What then shall we say? Did a stone drive out of Italy that Carthaginian Hannibal, a powerful and strong enemy, under whom the Roman state trembled wavering and doubtful, and its greatness quaked—did a stone break him, did a stone make him fleeing and fearful, and unlike himself? And as to its leaping up again to the summit of empire and royal sovereignty, was nothing done by counsels, nothing by the strength of men, nor by so many and so great generals was anything contributed through military science or experience of affairs towards the return of ancient loftiness? Did a stone give strength to some, weakness of vigour to others—cast these headlong from prosperity, and lift up the fortunes of others laid low by despair? And what man would believe that a stone taken from the earth, movable by no sense, of sooty colour and black body, was the Mother of the gods? Or who again would accept—for this alone remains—that the substance of some deity dwelt in the fragments of a flint, subjected after this manner and hidden away in its veins?

Editors' notes and page, col. 1284

Footnotes

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1284

Ita Sab. Ms. angallis, male.

So Sabaeus. The manuscript: angallis, wrongly.

(printed under page 644)

(b) ‹quis hominum credat› · call in col 1284

Credit Sab.

Credit: Sabaeus.

(printed under page 644)

Delet. hoc verbum Fulvius.

Fulvius deletes this word.

(printed under page 644)

(d) ‹aut quis› · call in col 1284

Qui Sab.

Qui: Sabaeus.

(printed under page 644)

(e) ‹fragmentis more› · call in col 1284

Molem Fulv.

Molem ("mass"): Fulvius.

COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹Diutius habere perpessus bene meritas civitates luem› · col 1283

(continued) causa mutavit editor Lugd. B. : Diutius haberi perpessus est bene meritae civitatis luem. Orell.

(comm.) ‹XLV. — Si aut in temporibus priscis› · col 1283 XLV. — Si aut in temporibus priscis, etc. Ita ed. Lugd. Batav. Alii delent in. Orell.

XLV. — "If either in ancient times," etc. So the Leiden edition. Others delete in. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Mereri› · col 1283 Mereri. Ita ms. Alii merere, quae forma antiquioribus usitata. Orell.

Mereri ("to deserve"). So the manuscript. Others: merere, a form used by older writers. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Famam Conservatoris assumpsit› · col 1283 Famam Conservatoris assumpsit. Σωτῆρος. Nam graecam appellationem, qua insigniebantur sive dii, sive homines, qui a caeteris pericula propulsasse credebantur ; exprimere voluit. Sic Castor et Pollux εὐεργέται ἀνθρώπων καὶ σωτῆρες appellantur a Plutarcho in Theseo. Sed haec alibi fusius. Herald.

"Took on the fame of a Preserver." Of a Saviour. For he meant to render the Greek title by which were distinguished either gods or men who were believed to have driven dangers away from others. So Castor and Pollux are called "benefactors and saviours of men" by Plutarch in his Theseus. But more fully on this elsewhere. Hérault.

(comm.) ‹Aberravisse› · col 1283 Aberravisse. Ita edit. Romana. Alii : Aberrasse. Canter.

Aberravisse ("to have strayed"). So the Roman edition. Others: aberrasse. Canter.

(comm.) ‹XLVI. — Sed et Magna, inquit, Mater accita ex Phrygio Pessinunte› · col 1283 XLVI. — Sed et Magna, inquit, Mater accita ex Phrygio Pessinunte. Livius, lib. xxix, cap. 11 et 14 ; Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. iii, cap. 12 ; Tertullian. Apologet., cap. 25 ; Minucius Felix ; Lactant., lib. ii, cap. 7 ; Cicero, de Harusp. Resp. Elmenh et Orell.

XLVI. — "But the Great Mother too, he says, summoned from Phrygian Pessinus." Livy, book 29, chs. 11 and 14; Augustine, City of God, book 3, ch. 12; Tertullian, Apology, ch. 25; Minucius Felix; Lactantius, book 2, ch. 7; Cicero, On the Response of the Soothsayers. Elmenhorst and Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Coloris furvi atque atri› · col 1283 Coloris furvi atque atri. Prudentius, περὶ Στεφάνων, nigellum lapidem dixit. Elmenh. — Conf. Bronkhus. ad Propert., pag. 477. Orell.

"Of a dusky and black colour." Prudentius, Peristephanon, called it "a little black stone." Elmenhorst. — Compare Broekhuizen on Propertius, p. 477. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Angellis prominentibus inaequalis› · col 1284 Angellis prominentibus inaequalis. Deminutivum angellis Arnobio ex ms. restituit Stewechius, sequente ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii ungulis. Orell.

"Uneven with projecting little corners." Stewech restored the diminutive angellis to Arnobius from the manuscript, the Leiden edition following. Others: ungulis ("claws"). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹XLVII. — Ad imperii columen› · col 1284 XLVII. — Ad imperii columen. Ita Stewechius. Alii culmen. Vide supra ad lib. i, cap. 8. Orell.

XLVII. — "To the pillar of empire." So Stewech. Others: culmen ("summit"). See above on book 1, ch. 8. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Fuliginei coloris atque atri corporis› · col 1284 Fuliginei coloris atque atri corporis. Fulv. Ursinus τὸ corporis delet. Orell.

"Of sooty colour and black body." Fulvius Ursinus deletes the word corporis. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Et quis hominum› · col 1284 Et quis hominum. Sabaeus qui, quod apud hos scriptores nonnunquam pro quis usurpari supra ostendimus. Orell.

"And who of men." Sabaeus: qui, which we have shown above is sometimes used by these writers for quis. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Numinis alicujus habitasse in silicis fragmentis more subjectam venisque in ejus abstrusam› · col 1284 Numinis alicujus habitasse in silicis fragmentis more subjectam venisque in ejus abstrusam. Haec est codicis ms. lectio, in textum revocata a Stewechio et Salmasio. Sed quid hoc sibi velit, equidem me nescire ingenue fateor. Gelenius edidit : Numinis alicujus habitasse in silicis fragmentis molem subjectam. Stewechius mavult humorem seu potius materiam subjectam. Sed quid est humor vel materia numinis ? Magis placet Fulv. Ursini emendatio : Majestatem subjectam. Quid si legamus : Numinis alicujus habitasse vim (pro in) silicis fragmentis mire (θαυμαστῶς) subjectam, etc. ? Orell.

"That [something] of some deity dwelt in the fragments of a flint, placed under it in the manner [of …] and hidden in its veins." This is the manuscript's reading, recalled into the text by Stewech and Salmasius. But what it means I frankly confess I do not know. Gelenius printed: "that the mass of some deity, placed beneath, dwelt in the fragments of a flint." Stewech prefers humorem ("moisture"), or rather materiam ("matter"), subjectam. But what is the moisture or matter of a deity? Fulvius Ursinus's emendation pleases more: majestatem subjectam ("the majesty, placed beneath"). What if we read: "that the power (vim, for in) of some deity dwelt, wonderfully (θαυμαστῶς) placed beneath the fragments of a flint," etc.? Orelli.

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Page

running head: BII ADVERSUS GENTES 1284
marginal letters: A sione detrusus est,; B simulatione praebentem.; C credat terra sumptum
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: clipped ARNO- in ARNOBII and missing period after GENTES in running head; editors' matter: (Oberth. L.); margin D is in the Commentarius at foot; word split from preceding column: sione (possessione); word split at end of column: ab- (abstrusam)
other: the word abstrusam? was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1285

PL 5:1285

Et unde parta victoria est, si Pessinuntio lapidi nullum inerat numen? Sedulitate possumus dicere, ac virtute pugnantium, usu, tempore, consilio, ratione, fato etiam possumus, et reciproca varietate fortunae. Sed si auxilio lapidis res facta est melior, et felix recuperata victoria est, ubinam mater illa Phrygia tempore illo fuit, cum tot tantisque exercitibus caesis inclinata est res summa, et ad ultimae labis periculum venit? Cur non minaci fortiter se obtulit? Cur impetus tantos belli non prius fregit, ac repulit, quam immanes inciderent plagae, quibus omnis effunderetur sanguis, et exhaustis rueret vita ipsa pene vitalibus? Advecta enim nondum, nec favorem fuerat ut commodaret, rogata. Sed bonus auxiliator numquam rogari se poscit, spontanea semper opitulatione subveniens. Hostem pellere, ac fugare non potuit, multo adhuc mari, terrisque habitabilibus discreta. Sed deo, si deus est, longum nihil omnino est, cui punctum terra est, et sub nutu omnia constituta.

And whence was victory won, if no deity was present in the stone of Pessinus? By the earnestness, we can say, and valour of the combatants, by practice, time, counsel, reason—by fate also, we can say, and the alternating variety of fortune. Yet if by the aid of the stone the state of affairs was made better, and auspicious victory recovered, where was that Phrygian Mother at that time, when after so many and so great armies had been slaughtered the supreme state sank down, and came to the peril of utter ruin? Why did she not bravely set herself against the menacing [foe]? Why did she not break and drive back such great onsets of war before huge blows fell, whereby all blood was poured out, and life itself well-nigh collapsed when the vitals were drained? For she had not yet been brought over, nor asked to lend her favour. Yet a good helper never demands to be asked, always coming to aid with spontaneous succour. She could not drive back and rout the enemy, being still parted from them by much sea and habitable lands. Yet to a god, if he is a god, nothing at all is far, to whom the earth is a point, and all things are set under his nod.

XLVIII. (Oberth. LI.) Sed fuerit praesens, ut exposcitis credi, illo ipso numen in lapide: et mortalium quisquam est, quamvis ille sit credulus, et facillimas aures quibuslibet fictionibus praebeat, qui eam judicet fuisse aut tempore illo deam, aut hodie dici appellarique debere? quae modo haec appetat, modo illa deposcat, suos deserat fastidiatque cultores: provinciis ab humilioribus migret, potentioribus populis, ditioribusque se jungat. Verum bellicas res amat, interque esse desiderat pugnis, caedibus, mortalitatibus, et cruori. Si deorum est proprium, si modo sunt

XLVIII. (Oberth. LI.) Yet grant that a deity was present, as you demand to be believed, in that very stone: is there any mortal, however credulous he be, and however ready ears he lend to any fictions you please, who would judge that she either was a goddess at that time, or ought today to be called and named so? who now desires these things, now demands those, forsakes and disdains her own worshippers, migrates from humbler provinces, and joins herself to more powerful and richer peoples! Truly she loves warlike affairs, and desires to be in the midst of battles, slaughters, visitations of death, and gore. If it is proper to the gods—if only they are

Editors' notes and page, col. 1285

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 645)

(a) ‹recuperata victoria› · call in col 1285

Reciperata ms.

Reciperata ("recovered", old spelling): the manuscript.

(printed under page 645)

(b) ‹…rem fuerat ut commodaret› · call in col 1285

Pavorem Sab.

Pavorem ("fear"): Sabaeus.

COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹Venisque in ejus abstrusam› · col 1285 Venisque in ejus abstrusam. Habet a Virgilio Georg. i, 135 : Ut silicis venis abstrusum excuderet ignem. Herald.

"And hidden in its veins." He has it from Virgil, Georgics 1.135: "to strike out the fire hidden in the veins of flint." Hérault.

(comm.) ‹Cur non minaci fortiter se obtulit› · col 1285 Cur non minaci fortiter se obtulit. Sententia inversa, et verba detorta ab ineptis et sciolis : quorum temeritatem et inscitiam produnt membranae, dum legunt : Cur non minaci forti se obtulit ? Fors, fortis, forti declinabatur antiquis pro fortuna, forte. Neque in solo Arnobio eam vocem depravatam scio : tribus minimum locis in Codice Justinianeo eam restituendam observo, notoque ad l. Si cum, cod. de Donationibus ante nuptias. In lapidibus et nummis antiquis nusquam non sese offert haec inscriptio : FORTI FORTUNAE. Terent. Phormione : Quod fors feret, feremus aequo animo. A nomine fors variarum figurarum adverbia faciunt Grammatici, ut forsan, forsitan, fortasse, fortassis, etsi ipsum fors adverbialiter quoque ponitur, ut ap. Virgil. Aen. v, 232 : Et fors aequatis cepissent praemia rostris. Vide Nonium, Charisium, alios. Stewech.

"Why did she not boldly confront the threatening one?" The sense has been inverted and the words twisted by inept, half-learned men, whose rashness and ignorance the parchments betray, reading: "Why did she not offer herself to threatening Fortune (forti)?" Fors, fortis, forti was declined by the ancients for fortuna, by chance. Nor do I know this word to be corrupted in Arnobius alone: I observe that it is to be restored in at least three places in the Code of Justinian, and I note it on the law Si cum, in the Code title On gifts before marriage. On ancient stones and coins this inscription meets one everywhere: FORTI FORTUNAE ("To Fors Fortuna"). Terence, Phormio: "Whatever chance (fors) brings, we will bear with an even mind." From the noun fors the grammarians make adverbs of various forms, such as forsan, forsitan, fortasse, fortassis; though fors itself is also used adverbially, as in Virgil, Aeneid 5.232: "And perhaps (fors) they would have taken the prize with prows level." See Nonius, Charisius and others. Stewech.

(comm.) ‹Numquam rogari se poscit› · col 1285 Numquam rogari se poscit. Id est vult, cupit. Sic Ovidius Met. viii, 707 : Esse sacerdotes, delubraque vestra tueri Poscimus. Eodem sensu postulare familiare comicis. Vide J. Fr. Gronov. ad Gell., iv, 1, et Ruhnken. ad Rutil. Lup., pag. 131. Orell.

"Never asks to be asked." That is, wishes, desires. So Ovid, Metamorphoses 8.707: "We ask to be priests and to guard your shrine." In the same sense postulare is familiar in the comic writers. See J. Fr. Gronovius on Gellius 4.1, and Ruhnken on Rutilius Lupus, p. 131. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹XLVIII. — Mortalitatibus› · col 1286 XLVIII. — Mortalitatibus. Notanda verbi mortalitas pro strage notio nova, isto tamen aevo non nova. Apud Salvianum quoque libro vii : Sicut ex furto Achan fugit populus, sicut ex zelo Saulis exorta est pestilentia, sicut ex David numerationes mortalita. Ita etiam mortalis pro exitiosus, pestiferus, apud Cyprianum, lib. i, epist. 7 : Nec audiant eos, qui se fallaci et mortali circumventione decipiunt. Et de Bono patientiae : Adulterium, fraus, homicidium mortale crimen est. Meurs., pag. 221. — Mortalitas itaque h. l. quod nos dicimus : Ein Sterben. Orell.

XLVIII. — "By mortalities." Note the new sense of the word mortalitas for slaughter, though not new in that age. In Salvian too, book 7: "As the people fled because of Achan's theft, as pestilence arose from Saul's zeal, as mortality (sic, numerationes mortalita) from David's numbering." So also mortalis for deadly, pestilent, in Cyprian, book 1, letter 7: "And let them not listen to those who deceive themselves by a false and deadly circumvention." And in On the Good of Patience: "Adultery, fraud, murder is a deadly crime." Meursius, p. 221. — So mortalitas here is what we call "ein Sterben" (a dying, an epidemic). Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Credat› · col 1286 Credat. Τὸ credat Fulvius addit, sensu flagitante. Orell.

Credat ("believes"). Fulvius adds the word credat, as the sense demands. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Ad columen dominationis erexit› · col 1286 Ad columen dominationis erexit. Proba lectio, ut ostendebamus ad lib. ii. Modo : Et quod rursus exilivit ad imperii columen, et egium principatum. Erexit scil. Romanos rerum dominos, gentemque togatam. Herald.

"Raised to the pillar of dominion." A sound reading, as we showed on book 2. Just above: "And that it leapt up again to the pillar of empire and to royal (printed egium, for regium) pre-eminence." Erexit, that is, "the Romans, lords of the world, and the toga-clad race." Hérault.

(comm.) ‹Orbem subjugavit innoxium› · col 1286 Orbem subjugavit innoxium. His verbis in caeteris editionibus finitur totum opus, unde, quia nimis abruptus hic exitus libri, Fulvius Ursinus concludit, mancum hunc librum esse et imperfectum. Nos relegatis ad finem capitibus aliarum editionum xxxv — xxxvii, finem libro dabimus convenientissimum et opere praestantissimo dignissimum. Vide quae annotavimus supra ante c. xxxviii. Orell.

"Subjugated a harmless world." With these words the whole work ends in the other editions; hence, because this ending of the book is too abrupt, Fulvius Ursinus concludes that this book is maimed and unfinished. We, having moved chs. 35–37 of the other editions to the end, will give the book a most fitting ending, most worthy of an outstanding work. See what we noted above before ch. 38. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹XLIX. — Singulorum partium oppositionibus comparemus› · col 1286 XLIX. — Singulorum partium oppositionibus comparemus. Lego : singularum partium. Herald.

XLIX. — "Let us compare by setting the individual parts against each other." I read singularum partium (correcting the gender). Hérault.

(comm.) ‹Quodque› · col 1286 Quodque. Alii : quod. Orell.

Quodque ("and which"). Others: quod. Orelli.

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running head: 1285 LIBER SEPTIMUS.
marginal letters: A (in col. 1286); B (in col. 1286); C (in col. 1286)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: editors' matter: (Oberth. LI.); margin D is in the Commentarius at foot; word split from preceding column: strusam (abstrusam); commentary misprints kept as printed: numerationes mortalita (Salvian quotation); egium (for regium)

PL 5:1286

veri, et quos deceat nuncupari vi vocis istius, et potentia numinis, nihil facere malitiose, nihil injuste, hominibusque se cunctis una et parili gratia sine ulla inclinatione praebere: generis eam fuisse divini quisquam ne hominum credat, aut habuisse aequitatem diis dignam, quae, humanis sese discordiis inserens, aliorum opes fregit, aliis se praebuit exhibuitque fautricem, libertatem his abstulit, alios ad columen dominationis evexit: quae, ut una civitas emineret, in humani generis perniciem nata, orbem subjugavit innoxium.

true gods, and such as it befits to be named by the force of that word and the power of deity—to do nothing maliciously, nothing unjustly, and to show themselves to all men with one and the same favour without any partiality: would any man believe that she was of a divine race, or had an equity worthy of the gods, who, thrusting herself into human discords, broke the power of some, showed and exhibited herself a furtherer to others, took away liberty from these, and raised others to the summit of domination; who, born for the destruction of the human race, in order that one city might stand pre-eminent, subjugated an innocent world?

XLIX. (Oberth. XXXV.) Age nunc summatim, quoniam sermo prolatus est, et perductus in haec loca, singularum partium oppositionibus comparemus, utrumne vos melius rebus de superis sentiatis, an potius nos multo et honoratius opinemur et rectius, quodque rei divinae suam praestet atque attribuat dignitatem. Ac primum vos deos, quos in rerum natura vel arbitramini esse, vel creditis, quorumque in templis omnibus simulacra constituistis et formas, profitemini esse natos, et ex masculorum foeminarumque seminibus conventionum progenitos lege. At vero nos contra, si modo dii certi sunt, habentque hujus nominis auctoritatem, potentiam, dignitatem, aut ingenitos esse censemus, hoc enim religiosum est credere, aut si habent nativitatis exordium, dei summi est scire quibus eos rationibus fecerit, aut saecula quanta sint, ex quo eis attribuit perpetuitatem sui numinis inchoare. Vos habere sexus deos, aliosque ex his mares, foeminei generis alios esse censetis: nos potentias coelites discretas esse sensibus

XLIX. (Oberth. XXXV.) Come now, briefly—since our discourse has been carried forward and brought to this point—let us compare by the oppositions of the several sides whether you think better concerning things above, or whether we rather hold opinions much both more honourable and more right, and such as render and attribute to the divine reality its own dignity. And first, you profess that the gods, whom you either judge or believe to exist in the nature of things, and whose images and shapes you have set up in all temples, were born, and begotten from the seeds of males and females by the law of sexual union. Whereas we on the contrary, if only there are any sure gods, and they have the authority, power, and dignity of this name, hold either that they are unbegotten—for this it is reverent to believe—or if they have a beginning of birth, it belongs to the Supreme God to know by what methods He made them, or how many ages there are since He granted to them to begin the perpetuity of their deity. You hold that the gods have sexes, and that some of them are males, others of the female sex: we deny that the heavenly powers are parted by

Editors' notes and page, col. 1286

Page

running head: ER SEPTIMUS. 1286
marginal letters: A veri, et quos; B an potius nos; C censetis: nos potentias
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: clipped LIB- in LIBER in running head; editors' matter: (Oberth. XXXV.); margin D is in the Commentarius at foot; word split at end of column: sen- (sensibus, for sexibus)
other: the word sensibus was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1287

PL 5:1287

abnegamus; quoniam discrimen hujusmodi terrenis animantibus datum est, quas coire, quas generare auctor voluit rerum, substituendis per libidinem prolibus. Vos hominum similitudinem gerere, et mortalium vultibus existimatis esse formatos: nos effigies remur submotas esse ab his longe, quoniam forma mortalis est corporis: et si forte est ulla, comprehendere neminem posse indubitabili asseveratione juramus. A vobis artificia singuli opificum more habere perhibentur: ridemus, cum audimus nos ista; quoniam diis artes necessarias ducimus arbitramurque non esse, et eas constat et liquidum est paupertatis ad subsidium comparatas.

sexes; since a distinction of this kind has been given to earthly creatures, which the Author of things willed to unite and to beget for the supplying of offspring through lust. You think that they bear the likeness of men, and are formed with the countenances of mortals: we suppose that shapes are far removed from them, since shape belongs to a mortal body; and if perchance there is any, we swear with undoubting assertion that no one can comprehend it. By you they are asserted each to have crafts after the manner of artisans: we laugh when we hear those things, since we count and judge that arts are not necessary to the gods, and it is agreed and clear that they were procured for the relief of poverty.

L. (Oberth. XXXVI.) Discordiarum alios ex his vos, alios dicitis qui pestilentias irrogent, alios qui amores, qui furias, alios vero qui praesint bellis et sanguinis effusione laetentur: at vero nos contra ab ingeniis numinum judicamus esse disjunctas: aut si sunt, qui haec mala miserrimis inferant subjiciantque mortalibus, ab deorum contendimus procul esse natura, nec sub hujus nominis praedicatione ponendos. Irasci et perturbari vos numina, caeterisque animorum affectibus mancipata esse atque obnoxia judicatis; nos hujusmodi motus alienos existimamus ab his esse: sunt enim ferocium generum, et mortalitatis obeuntium functiones. Vos pecorum sanguine, vos caedibus et mactationibus hostiarum gaudere, laetari, et in gratiam cum hominibus remini offensionibus redire sopitis: nos amorem sanguinis nullum esse in coelitibus ducimus: nec esse tam duros, ut miserorum animantium caede saturatas abjiciant iras. Vos mero, vos thure honorem arbitramini

L. (Oberth. XXXVI.) Some of them you call gods of discords, others who inflict pestilences, others who inflict loves, who inflict furies, and others who preside over wars and rejoice in the shedding of blood: whereas we on the contrary judge that such things are severed from the dispositions of the deities; or if there are any who bring and subject these evils upon most wretched mortals, we contend that they are far from the nature of gods, and are not to be set under the proclamation of this name. You judge that the deities grow angry and are disturbed, and are enslaved and subject to the other affections of the mind; we think that movements of this kind are foreign to them, for they belong to fierce races and those that undergo the functions of mortality. You suppose that they rejoice and are glad in the blood of cattle, in the slaughters and immolations of victims, and return into favour with men when offences are lulled to sleep: we count that there is no love of blood in the heavenly ones, and that they are not so hard as to cast away their wraths when sated with the slaughter of wretched living creatures. You think that by unmixed wine and by frankincense honour

Editors' notes and page, col. 1287

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 646)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 1287

Esse et eas constat ms.

Esse et eas constat: the manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS (comm.) ‹Indubitabili asseveratione juramus› · col 1287 Indubitabili asseveratione juramus. Fulv. Ursino placet firmamus vel judicamus.

"We swear with undoubted assertion." Fulvius Ursinus prefers firmamus ("we affirm") or judicamus ("we judge").

(comm.) ‹Quoniam diis artes necessarias ducimus arbitramurque non esse› · col 1287 Quoniam diis artes necessarias ducimus arbitramurque non esse, et eas constat et liquidum est paupertatis ad subsidium comparatas. Ita lego ex romana editione pro : arbitramurque non esse eas, constat et liquidum est, etc. Elegantius autem multo esset, si cum Lipsio nostro (Epistol. Quaest. lib. iii. epist. xv.) pro et eas legamus quas, et forsitan ita ab auctore scriptum fuit. Canter. — Lipsii emendationem probat etiam Meursius. Orell.

"Since we consider and judge that the gods have no need of arts, and it is agreed and clear that these were devised to relieve poverty." So I read from the Roman edition, instead of: "and we judge that they are not; it is agreed and clear," etc. But it would be much more elegant if, with our Lipsius (Epistolicae quaestiones, book 3, letter 15), we read quas ("which") for et eas, and perhaps the author wrote so. Canter. — Meursius too approves Lipsius's emendation. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹L. — Discordiarum alios ex his vos› · col 1287 L. — Discordiarum alios ex his vos. Scribo, Discordiam alios ex his vos. Meurs. — Fortassis in mente habuit Arnobius scribere : Discordiarum auctores aliis ex his vos. Fulv. Ursinus mavult : Discordias. Orell.

L. — "Some of these you [call the gods] of discords." I write: Discordiam alios ex his vos. Meursius. — Perhaps Arnobius had in mind to write: "Some of these you [say are] the authors of discords." Fulvius Ursinus prefers Discordias. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹At vero nos contra› · col 1287 At vero nos contra. Alii : at haec nos contra, et in sequentibus, disjuncta pro disjunctas. Orell.

"But we, on the contrary." Others: at haec nos contra ("but these we, on the contrary"), and in what follows disjuncta for disjunctas. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Obeuntium› · col 1287 Obeuntium. Ita Gelenius rectissime. Antea : obeuntibus, Meursio placet : obeuntis. Orell.

Obeuntium ("of the dying"). So Gelenius, most rightly. Before: obeuntibus; Meursius prefers obeuntis. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Et in gratiam cum hominibus remini offensionibus reddire sopitis› · col 1287 Et in gratiam cum hominibus remini offensionibus reddire sopitis. Verissimam hanc Codicis msti et editionis principis lectionem temere corrupit Gelenius edendo : et in gratiam cum hominibus remissis offensionibus redire opinatis. Orell.

"And you think that they are reconciled with men once their offences are laid to rest." Gelenius rashly corrupted this most true reading of the manuscript and the first edition by printing: "and you think they return to favour with men, their offences remitted." Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Credat› · col 1287 Credat. Sabaeus : credit. Orell.

Credat. Sabaeus: credit. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Aut ex roribus exiguis vini› · col 1287 Aut ex roribus exiguis vini. Proprie. Silius Italicus, lib. xi, vers. 299, seqq. : Ante omnes ductor honori Nominis augusto libat carchesia ritu ; Caetera quem sequitur, Bacchique e more liquorem Inorat mensis turba, ardescitque Lyaeo. Herald.

"Or from small dews of wine." Properly said. Silius Italicus, book 11, line 299 and following: "Before all, the leader, with august rite, pours from the goblets in honour of the divine name; the rest of the throng follows him, and after the custom sprinkles (sic, inorat) the tables with Bacchus's liquor, and grows hot with Lyaeus." Hérault.

(comm.) ‹Vos aeris tinnitibus et tibiarum sonis, vos equorum curriculis› · col 1288 Vos aeris tinnitibus et tibiarum sonis, vos equorum curriculis, etc. Ludos inter alia coelestis irae placamina institutos testantur Livius aliquoties, Censorinus, de Die Nat., cap. 12 ; Valerius Maximus, liv. ii, cap. 4, et alii. Vide Stewech., ad Veget., de Re Milit., lib. ii, cap. 24. Orell.

"You by the ringing of bronze and the sounds of pipes, you by horse races," etc. That games were instituted, among other appeasements of heavenly anger, is attested several times by Livy, by Censorinus, On the Birthday, ch. 12, by Valerius Maximus, book 2, ch. 4, and others. See Stewech on Vegetius, On Military Affairs, book 2, ch. 24. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Et delectari› · col 1288 Et delectari. Et addidi cum Stewechio. Orell.

"And to be delighted." I have added et, with Stewech. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Molliri› · col 1288 Molliri. Ita Codex ms. et editio princeps. Alii, Mollire. Orell.

Molliri ("to be softened"). So the manuscript and the first edition. Others: mollire. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹In voluptatibus habere atque in deliciis res eas› · col 1288 In voluptatibus habere atque in deliciis res eas. Sic edidi ex emendatione Stewechii et Heraldi. Alii : In voluptatibus habere atque in deliciis esse res eas. Τὸ esse deest in cod ms. Orell.

"To hold these things among their pleasures and delights." So I have printed, from the emendation of Stewech and Hérault. Others: "to hold [them] among pleasures, and that these things are among their delights." The word esse is missing in the manuscript. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹LI. — Cum ex partium sensibus› · col 1288 LI. — Cum ex partium sensibus. Id est sententiis, placitis. Orell.

LI. — "Since from the views of the parties." That is, opinions, tenets. Orelli.

(comm.) ‹Ut nihil eos existimes contra decus praesumptae sublimitatis appetere› · col 1288 Ut nihil eos existimes contra decus praesumptae sublimitatis appetere. In manuscripto erat : prompterae sublimitatis. Ursini editio romana retinuit : promptae sublimitatis. Apud eumdem hunc scriptorem obvia sunt ista : expeditum ac promptum est ; manifestum ac promptum est ; facere promptum libris, etc. Stewech.

"So that you think they desire nothing against the honour of the sublimity presumed of them." In the manuscript it was prompterae sublimitatis. Ursinus's Roman edition kept promptae sublimitatis ("of manifest sublimity"). In this same writer such phrases are common: "it is easy and plain"; "it is clear and plain"; "to make plain in books," etc. Stewech.

(comm.) ‹Nam pulticulae, thura cum carnibus rapacium alimenta sunt ignium, et parentalibus conjunctissima mortuorum› · col 1288 Nam pulticulae, thura cum carnibus rapacium alimenta sunt ignium, et parentalibus conjunctissima mortuorum. Nempe quia, quemadmodum ista in rogum injiciebantur, sic, et in sacrificiis in aram accensam consumenda imponebantur de his parentalium inferilibus dicam obiter aliquid, quia rem video nondum satis explicatam. Primum igitur, quum mortuus cremaretur, coena feralis in rogum inferebatur. Sic enim inferilia ista appellant. Apuleius Florid. iv : Procul igitur faces (continues)

"For little porridges and incense with flesh are food for the devouring fires, and most closely joined to the funeral rites of the dead." Namely because, just as these were thrown on the pyre, so also in sacrifices they were laid on the lit altar to be consumed. On these offerings of the funeral rites I will say something in passing, because I see the matter is not yet explained enough. First, then, when the dead man was being burned, a funeral meal was brought on to the pyre. For so they call those offerings (inferilia). Apuleius, Florida 4: "Far off, then, the torches (continues)

(printed under page 646)

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running head: 1287 ARNOBII ADVERSUS
marginal letters: A (in col. 1288); B (in col. 1288); C (in col. 1288)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: editors' matter: (Oberth. XXXVI.); margin D is in the Commentarius at foot; word split from preceding column: sibus (sensibus, for sexibus); word split at end of column: arbi- (arbitramini)
other: the word arbitramini was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1288

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diis addi, et eorum augescere dignitates: nos monstrum et prodigium judicamus, quod quisquam hominum credit aut augustiorem fieri deum fumo, aut ex roribus exiguis vini ipsum sibi ab hominibus ducere satis sancte atque honorifice supplicatum. Vos aeris tinnitibus, et tibiarum sonis, vos equorum curriculis, et theatralibus ludis persuasum habetis deos et delectari, et affici, irasque aliquando conceptas eorum satisfactione molliri: nos inconveniens ducimus. quinimmo incredibile judicamus, eos, qui gradibus mille genus omne virtutum perfectionis transierint summitate, in voluptatibus habere, atque in deliciis res eas, quas homo sapiens rideat, et quae non aliis videantur continere aliquid gratiae, quam infantibus parvulis, et trivialiter et populariter institutis.

is added to the gods, and that their dignities grow: we judge it a monster and a prodigy that any man believes either that a god is made more august by smoke, or that from tiny dews of wine he himself counts that supplication has been made to him by men holily and honourably enough. You hold yourself persuaded that by the tinklings of bronze and the sounds of flutes, by the races of horses and theatrical games, the gods are both delighted and moved, and that wraths once conceived are softened by the satisfaction thereof: we count it unseemly—nay rather, we judge it incredible—that those who by a thousand steps have surpassed every kind of virtues in the height of perfection, hold among their pleasures and delights those things at which a wise man would laugh, and which seem to contain some charm for none other than tiny infants, and those vulgarly and popularly trained.

LI. (Oberth. XXXXII.) Haec cum ita se habeant, cumque sit opinionum tanta nostrarum vestrarumque diversitas, ubi aut nos impii, aut vos pii: cum ex partium sensibus pietatis debeat atque impietatis ratio ponderari? Non enim simulacrum qui sibi aliquod conficit, quod pro deo veneretur: aut qui pecus trucidat inoxium, sacrisque incendit altaribus, is habendus est rebus deditus esse divinis. Opinio religionem facit, et recta de diis mens; ut nihil eos existimes contra decus praesumptae sublimitatis appetere. Cum enim cuncta, quae his dantur, sub oculis hic nostris videamus absumi, quid ad eos aliud ab nobis dicendum est pervenire, nisi opiniones diis dignas et eorum convenientissimas nomini? Haec sunt dona certissima, sacrificia haec vera: nam pulticulae, thura cum carnibus rapacium alimenta sunt ignium, et parentalibus conjunctissima mortuorum.

LI. (Oberth. XXXXII.) Since these things are so, and since there is so great a diversity between our opinions and yours, wherein are either we impious, or you pious, when the reckoning of piety and of impiety ought to be weighed from the sentiments of the parties? For not he who makes for himself some image to venerate as a god, or who slaughters an innocent beast and burns it on sacred altars, is to be held devoted to divine things. Opinion makes religion, and a right mind concerning the gods, so that you think they desire nothing contrary to the glory of their conceived loftiness. For since we see all the things that are given to them consumed here before our eyes, what else must be said to reach them from us, save opinions worthy of the gods and most fitting for their name? These are the surest gifts, these the true sacrifices: for sacrificial gruels and frankincense with meats are the food of rapacious fires, and most closely allied to the funeral offerings of the dead.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1288

Page

running head: BII ADVERSUS GENTES 1288
marginal letters: A tramini diis addi,; B LI. (Oberth. XXXXII.) Haec; C carnibus rapacium alimenta
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: clipped ARNO- in ARNOBII and missing period after GENTES in running head; lowercase quinimmo after period as printed; editors' matter: (Oberth. XXXXII.); margin D is in the Commentarius at foot; word split from preceding column: tramini (arbitramini)
misprint kept as printed: "inoxium" (for innoxium), in "pecus trucidat inoxium" (Q1b)

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COMMENTARIUS.

COMMENTARY.

abigerent; procul ignes amolirentur; coenam feralem a tumulo ad mensam referrent. Coenam simpliciter dicit Catullus, LIX:

drive away; remove the fires to a distance; carry the funeral supper from the tomb to the table. Catullus, LIX, calls it simply "supper":

Uxor Meneni, saepe quam in sepulcretis / Vidistis ipso rapere de rogo coenam, / Quum devolutum ex igne prosequens panem / Ab semiraso tunderetur ustore.

The wife of Menenius, whom you have often seen in the burial-grounds / snatch her supper from the very pyre, / when, chasing a loaf rolled down out of the fire, / she was being beaten by the half-shaven burner of the dead.

De hac ferali coena intelligendus etiam Tertullianus, libro de Resurrect. carnis, cap. I: At ego magis ridebo vulgus tunc quoque, qui ipsos defunctos atrocissime exurit, quos postmodum gulosissime nutrit, iisdem ignibus et promerens et offendens. Hunc enim locum ad novendialem coenam eruditissimi homines male referunt. Tum igitur cremata coena et in rogum injecta, cum defunctus cremaretur. Sed et postea in parentalibus. Rem totam explicat Ovidius, lib. II. Fastorum (vers. 533), cujus verba proponemus, eaque obiter illustrabimus:

Of this funeral supper Tertullian too is to be understood, in the book On the Resurrection of the Flesh, chapter I: "But I shall laugh the more at the common people then also, who burn the dead themselves most cruelly and afterwards feed them most gluttonously, both gratifying and offending them with the same fires." For very learned men wrongly refer this passage to the supper of the ninth day. The supper, then, was burnt and thrown onto the pyre at the time when the dead man was being cremated. But [it was offered] afterwards as well, at the Parentalia. Ovid explains the whole matter in Book II of the Fasti (verse 533); we shall set out his words and illustrate them in passing:

Est honor et tumulis. Animas placate paternas / Parvaque in exstructas munera ferte pyras. / Parva petunt Manes, pietas pro divite grata est / Munere. Non avidos Styx habet ima Deos. / Tegula porrectis satis est velata coronis / Et sparsae fruges, parvaque mica salis. / Inque mero mollita Ceres, violaeque solutae: / Haec habeat media testa relicta via. / Nec majora veto. Sed et his placabilis umbra est: / Adde preces positis et sua verba focis. / Hunc morem Aeneas, pietatis idoneus auctor, / Attulit in terras, juste Latine, tuas. / Ille patris genio solemnia dona ferebat; / Hinc populi ritus edidicere pios.

Tombs too have their honour. Appease the souls of your fathers / and bring small gifts to the pyres built up. / The Manes ask for little; piety is welcome in place of a rich / gift. Styx below has no greedy gods. / A tile covered with wreaths laid out is enough, / and scattered grain, and a small grain of salt, / and bread softened in unmixed wine, and loose violets: / let a potsherd left in the middle of the road hold these. / Nor do I forbid greater things; but with these too the shade can be appeased: / add prayers and the proper words at the hearths set up. / This custom Aeneas, a fit author of piety, / brought into your lands, just Latinus. / He used to bring the solemn gifts to his father's genius; / from him the peoples learned the pious rites.

Agit Ovidius de parentationibus, quae mense Februario quotannis mortuis persolvebantur, et ad quas animae defunctorum excitari credebantur. His igitur verbis: Est honor et tumulis. Animas placate paternas —ostendit, unde parentationes appellatae sint; nempe quia parentibus persolvebantur a nepotibus, et eorum Manes ita placabantur. Idcirco tumuli inscripti, ut quisque sciret, ubi situs esset is quem placare volebat. Lucanus, lib. VIII (vs. 771, seqq.):

Ovid treats of the parentationes, which were paid every year to the dead in the month of February, and at which the souls of the departed were believed to be roused. With these words, then, "Tombs too have their honour. Appease the souls of your fathers", he shows whence the parentationes were so called: namely, because they were paid to parents by their descendants, and their Manes were appeased in this way. For this reason tombs were inscribed, so that each might know where he lay whom he wished to appease. Lucan, Book VIII (verse 771 and following):

Interea parvo signemus littora saxo, / Ut nota sit busto. Si quis placare peremptum / Forte volet, plenos et reddere mortis honores, / Inveniat trunci cineres, et norit arenas, / Ad quas, Magne, tuum referat caput.

Meanwhile let us mark the shore with a small stone, / so that the grave may have a sign. If anyone should wish / to appease the slain and to pay the full honours of death, / let him find the ashes of the trunk and know the sands / to which, Magnus, he may bring back your head.

Nam bustum ipsum quandoque stipite signabant, et ne moveretur stipes, concremati nomen ibi inscribebant. Hinc eodem libro, vs. 791:

For they sometimes marked the grave itself with a stake, and so that the stake should not be moved, they inscribed on it the name of the one burnt. Hence in the same book, verse 791:

Nautaque ne bustum religato fune moveret, / Inscripsit sacrum semiusto stipite nomen: / Hic situs est Magnus.

And so that no sailor should disturb the grave by tying his rope to it, / he inscribed the sacred name on the half-burnt stake: / Here lies Magnus.

Inscribebant igitur tumulis defunctorum nomina, ut inibi Manes eorum placari possent; quam ad causam et alia accessit, ut eorum memoria ita conservaretur et in posteros propagaretur: quare res ab iis gestae,

They inscribed, then, the names of the dead on their tombs, so that their Manes might be appeased there; and to this reason another was added, that their memory should thus be preserved and handed down to posterity: wherefore the deeds done by them,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1289

Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS NOTE ON THE IMAGES: the whole page foot is commentary, the end of Orelli's notes on book VII; the author's text has ended. The top of the left-hand image is cut: the rest of the Apuleius quotation carried over from page 646 is not visible, and the first visible line is only partly legible. (comm.) ‹Nam pulticulae, thura cum carnibus rapacium alimenta sunt ignium, et parentalibus conjunctissima mortuorum› · cols 1289–1290

(continued) [lines above the image not visible] … referunt. Tum igitur cremata coena et in rogum injecta, cum defunctus cremaretur. Sed et postea in parentalibus. Rem totam explicat Ovidius, lib. ii. Fastorum (vers. 533), cujus verba proponemus, eaque obiter illustrabimus : Est honor et tumulis. Animas placate paternas Parvaque in exstructas munera ferte pyras. Parva petunt Manes, pietas pro divite grata est Munere. Non avidos Styx habet ima Deos. Tegula porrectis satis est velata coronis Et sparsae fruges, parvaque mica salis. Inque mero mollita Ceres, violaeque solutae : Haec habeat media testa relicta via. Nec majora veto. Sed et his placabilis umbra est : Adde preces positis et sua verba focis. Hunc morem Aeneas, pietatis idoneus auctor, Attulit in terras, juste Latine, tuas. Ille patris genio solemnia dona ferebat ; Hinc populi ritus edidicere pios. Agit Ovidius de parentationibus, quae mense Februario quotannis mortuis persolvebantur, et ad quas animae defunctorum excitari credebantur. His igitur verbis : Est honor et tumulis. Animas placate paternas —ostendit, unde parentationes appellatae sint ; nempe quia parentibus persolvebantur a nepotibus, et eorum Manes ita placabantur. Idcirco tumuli inscripti, ut quisque sciret, ubi situs esset is quem placare volebat. Lucanus, lib. viii (vs. 771, seqq.) : Interea parvo signemus littora saxo, Ut nota sit busto. Si quis placare peremptum Forte volet, plenos et reddere mortis honores, Inveniat trunci cineres, et norit arenas, Ad quas, Magne, tuum referat caput. Nam bustum ipsum quandoque stipite signabant, et ne moveretur stipes, concremati nomen ibi inscribebant. Hinc eodem libro, vs. 791 : Nautaque ne bustum religato fune moveret, Inscripsit sacrum semiusto stipite nomen : Hic situs est Magnus. Inscribebant igitur tumulis defunctorum nomina, ut inibi Manes eorum placari possent ; quam ad causam et alia accessit, ut eorum memoria ita conservaretur et in posteros propagaretur : quare res ab iis gestae, Ut autem ad rem propius accedamus, mense Februario defunctorum Manibus parentabant, et ad epulas illas propinquorum animas invitabant : unde scribit Artemidorus memoriam ejus qui laqueo vitam sibi abrupisset, ita damnatam et tanta ignominia afflictam fuisse, ut nec in parentationibus inter caeteros propinquos nominaretur. Artemidori verba sunt Oneirocrit., lib. i, cap. 5 : Ἄτιμός τε καὶ φυγὰς γενόμενος, ἀναρτήσας ἑαυτὸν, ἐτελεύτησε τὸν βίον, ὡς μηδ' ἀποθανὼν ἔχειν ὄνομα. Τούτους γὰρ μόνους ἐν νεκρῶν δείπνοις οὐ καλοῦσιν οἱ προσήκοντες. Eorum igitur, qui deformi eo leto sese polluerant, nomina propinqui in parentalibus praeteribant ; tunc enim vocabantur ad epulas caeteri, et eorum nomina ciebantur, ut loquitur Ausonius penult. Carm. Professorum, ubi de primis inferiis agit : Grammatici in studio, vel Rhetoris, aut in utroque Quos memorasse mihi morte obita satis est. Viventum incelebra est laudatio : nomina tantum Voce ciere suis sufficiet tumulis. Eos igitur, qui praeteribantur, ὄνομα οὐκ ἔχειν recte ait Artemidorus. Addit Ovidius : Parvaque in exstructas munera ferre pyras. Nam et in parentalibus rogi exstruebantur, in quos inferiae mitterentur, quod etiam apertissime docet Lucianus Ἐπισκοποῦσιν. Quare in Glossis : Parentat — ἀποκαίει νεκροῖς νεκύσια. Hinc igitur Arnobius hoc loco ait, pulticulas et thura cum carnibus in aram accensam ingesta parentibus mortuorum esse conjunctissima. Thura igitur etiam in rogos missa : quod de primis quidem rogis minime dubium est : sed in parentalibus quoque idem factitatum arguit hic locus. Sed de his satis. Herald. — Conf. Lips. ad Tacit. Annal., vi, 5, pag. 486, seq., ed. Oberlin. Orell.

(comm.) ‹Thura cum carnibus› · col 1290 Thura cum carnibus, etc. Antiquis siquidem mos erat, ut suis parentantes, mortuorum corpora thure perfunderent, sive ea cremarentur, sive mandarentur sepulturae. Testis Virgilius, ubi describit funus Miseni, Aen. vi, vs. 224 et seq. : .....Congesta cremantur Thurea dona, dapes, fuso crateres olivo. Nourr., pag. 520.

"Incense with flesh," etc. For it was the custom of the ancients, when making offerings to their dead, to pour incense over the bodies of the dead, whether they were cremated or committed to burial. Virgil is witness, where he describes the funeral of Misenus, Aeneid 6, line 224 and following: "..... heaped up, they are burned, gifts of incense, meats, bowls of poured oil." Le Nourry, p. 520.

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running head: 1289 LIBER SEPTIMUS. / COMMENTARIUS.
marginal letters: A ‹abigerent; procul ignes amolirentur›; B ‹(beside right col. "vitam sibi", level with the line after "eaque obiter illustrabimus")›; C ‹pe quia parentibus persolvebantur›; D (none)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: The whole column is the editors' COMMENTARIUS on Book VII (editors' matter, not Arnobius's), continued from col. 1288 and running on into col. 1290; set fresh per Ray 2026-10-17. The heading COMMENTARIUS. is printed across the page top under the running head and is set once here. Column begins and ends mid-sentence. Verse lines joined with " / ". "Lucanus, lib. VIII (vs. 771" set as printed (the lines are Lucan VIII.789ff; numeral as printed, possibly the edition's own count). The left column ends short at "res ab iis gestae," followed by blank space and the printer's signature "PATROL. V." (out); the right column (1290) ends with an ornament.
other: italic markup removed from the notes (unit rule: no italic markup) (Q1b)

PL 5:1290

honores, caeteraque hoc genus alia addebantur. Lucanus eodem libro (vs. 806, seqq.):

honours, and other things of this kind, were added. Lucan in the same book (verse 806 and following):

Quod si tam sacro dignaris nomine saxum, / Adde actus tantos, monimentaque maxima rerum, / Adde truces Lepidi motus, Alpinaque bella, etc.

But if you deem a stone worthy of so sacred a name, / add such great deeds and the mightiest records of his acts, / add the fierce risings of Lepidus and the Alpine wars, etc.

(et vs. 816):

(and verse 816):

Quis capit haec tumulus? Surgit miserabile bustum / Non ullis plenum titulis, non ordine tanto / Fastorum; solitumque legi super alta deorum / Culmina, et exstructos spoliis hostilibus arcus, / Haud procul est ima Pompeii nomen arena / Depressum tumulo, quod non legat advena vectus, / Quod nisi monstratum Romanus transeat hospes.

What tomb holds all this? A wretched grave rises, / filled with no inscriptions, with no such long line / of Fasti; and the name of Pompey, wont to be read upon the lofty / summits of the gods and on arches built up from enemy spoils, / is not far from the lowest sand, sunk down in a low mound, / so that the stranger carried past cannot read it, / and the Roman visitor would pass it by unless it were pointed out.

Ut autem ad rem propius accedamus, mense Februario defunctorum Manibus parentabant, et ad epulas illas propinquorum animas invitabant: unde scribit Artemidorus memoriam ejus qui laqueo vitam sibi abrupisset, ita damnatam et tanta ignominia afflictam fuisse, ut nec in parentationibus inter caeteros propinquos nominaretur. Artemidori verba sunt Oneirocrit., lib. I, cap. 5: Ἄτιμός τε καὶ φυγὰς γενόμενος, ἀναρτήσας ἑαυτὸν, ἐτελεύτησε τὸν βίον, ὡς μήδ' ἀποθανὼν ἔχειν ὄνομα. Τούτους γὰρ μόνους ἐν νεκρῶν δείπνοις οὐ καλοῦσιν οἱ προσήκοντες. Eorum igitur, qui deformi eo leto sese polluerant, nomina propinqui in parentalibus praeteribant; tunc enim vocabantur ad epulas caeteri, et eorum nomina ciebantur, ut loquitur Ausonius penult. Carm. Professorum, ubi de primis inferiis agit:

But to come closer to the matter: in the month of February they made offerings to the Manes of the dead and invited the souls of their kinsfolk to those banquets. Hence Artemidorus writes that the memory of one who had broken off his life with a noose was so condemned and visited with such disgrace that he was not named among the other kinsfolk even at the parentationes. The words of Artemidorus are, Oneirocritica, Book I, chapter 5: "Having become dishonoured and an exile, he hanged himself and ended his life, so as not to have a name even in death. For these alone their relatives do not call to the suppers of the dead." The names, then, of those who had defiled themselves by that unsightly death their kinsfolk passed over at the Parentalia; for at that time the rest were called to the banquet and their names were summoned, as Ausonius puts it in the last poem but one of the Professores, where he treats of the first funeral offerings:

Grammatici in studio, vel Rhetoris, aut in utroque / Quos memorasse mihi morte obita satis est. / Viventum incelebra est laudatio: nomina tantum / Voce ciere suis sufficiet tumulis.

Those in the profession of grammarian, or of rhetor, or in both, / whom it is enough for me to have recalled now that they have met death. / Praise of the living goes uncelebrated: merely to summon their names / aloud will suffice for their tombs.

Eos igitur, qui praeteribantur, ὄνομα οὐκ ἔχειν recte ait Artemidorus. Addit Ovidius: Parvaque in exstructas munera ferre pyras. Nam et in parentalibus rogi exstruebantur, in quos inferiae mitterentur, quod etiam apertissime docet Lucianus Ἐπισκοποῦσιν. Quare in Glossis: Parentat—ἀποκαίει νεκροῖς νεκύσια. Hinc igitur Arnobius hoc loco ait, pulticulas et thura cum carnibus in aram accensam ingesta parentibus mortuorum esse conjunctissima. Thura igitur etiam in rogos missa: quod de primis quidem rogis minime dubium est: sed in parentalibus quoque idem factitatum arguit hic locus. Sed de his satis. HERALD.—Conf. Lips. ad Tacit. Annal., VI, 5, pag. 486, seq., ed. Oberlin. ORELL.

Those, then, who were passed over Artemidorus rightly says "have no name". Ovid adds: "and bring small gifts to the pyres built up." For at the Parentalia too pyres were built, onto which the funeral offerings were cast, as Lucian also teaches most plainly in the Episkopountes. Hence in the Glosses: Parentat — "he burns funeral offerings for the dead." Hence, then, Arnobius says in this place that little porridges and incense, heaped together with meats onto the kindled altar, are most closely joined with the offerings to dead parents. Incense, then, was also thrown onto the pyres: of the first pyres, indeed, there is no doubt at all; but this passage shows that the same was regularly done at the Parentalia as well. But enough of these things. HERALD. — Compare Lipsius on Tacitus, Annals, VI, 5, page 486 following, Oberlin's edition. ORELL.

Thura cum carnibus, etc. Antiquis siquidem mos erat, ut suis parentantes, mortuorum corpora thure perfunderent, sive ea cremarentur, sive mandarentur sepulturae. Testis Virgilius, ubi describit funus Miseni, Aen. VI, vs. 224 et seq.:

"Incense with meats," etc. For it was the custom of the ancients, when making offerings to their own dead, to drench the bodies of the dead with incense, whether they were cremated or committed to burial. Virgil is witness, where he describes the funeral of Misenus, Aeneid VI, verse 224 and following:

.....Congesta cremantur / Thurea dona, dapes, fuso crateres olivo.

... There are burnt, heaped together, / gifts of incense, viands, bowls of poured-out oil.

NOURR., pag. 520.

NOURR., page 520.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1290

Page

running head: LIBER SEPTIMUS. 1290 / COMMENTARIUS.
marginal letters: A ‹honores, caeteraque hoc genus›; B ‹vitam sibi abrupisset›; C ‹tas munera ferre pyras›; D (none)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: The whole column is the editors' COMMENTARIUS (Herald, Orelli, Le Nourry), editors' matter, not Arnobius's; continues from col. 1289 mid-sentence and ends the unit's commentary, followed by an ornament and the printer's signature "41" (out). No Arnobius text and no close of chapter LI on this page; the close of LI must lie in col. 1288 or earlier (not seen here). The running head "COMMENTARIUS." was set once in col. 1289. "caeteri" (2nd occurrence) is damaged in the type (printed "ca:teri"), read as caeteri. Greek "Ἐπισκοποῦσιν" set as printed (Lucian's title is usually Ἐπισκοποῦντες). Verse lines joined with " / ".