PL 5 · cols. 1161–1216

Arnobii Afri Disputationum adversus gentes liber sextus

Editors' preface

LIBER SEXTUS.

BOOK SIX.

INDEX CAPITUM.

INDEX OF CHAPTERS.

In hoc et subsequenti libro aliam Arnobius gentilium diluit criminationem, qua Christianos maximae impietatis accusabant, quod nulla deorum haberent templa aut simulacra nec ulla umquam iis sacrificia facerent. Cap. 1, 2.

In this and the following book Arnobius refutes another accusation of the Gentiles, whereby they accused the Christians of the greatest impiety because they had no temples or images of the gods and never offered any sacrifices to them. Chap. 1, 2.

A templis deorum orditur ac profitetur, iis quidem Christianos carere, non in deorum, si modo tales quidam existant, contemptum, sed quia ea despiciant, quum ipsis nulli usui esse possint, sitque Diis magis praeterea injuriosum temere asseverare, quemvis deum templo concludi. Cap. 3.

He begins with the temples of the gods and declares that the Christians indeed lack them, not out of contempt for the gods, if only any such exist, but because they despise them since they can be of no use to them, and moreover it is more injurious to the gods rashly to assert that any god is shut up in a temple. Chap. 3.

Reponentibus vero ethnicis, propterea diis templa extrui, ut cum eis quodammodo praesentibus colloquantur, respondet Arnobius, verum Deum tacitas etiam animi nostri cogitationes agnoscere, cuncta aequaliter audire, nullibi abesse; uno verbo, immensitate sua ubique esse praesentem. Cap. 4, 5.

When the pagans reply that temples are built for the gods for this reason, that men may converse with them as being in some way present, Arnobius answers that the true God recognizes even the silent thoughts of our mind, hears all things equally, is absent nowhere; in a word, by His immensity is everywhere present. Chap. 4, 5.

Accedit, pleraque deorum templa nihil aliud esse nisi mortuorum sepulchra. Atque inde conficit Arnobius, diis frustra et contra eorum decus templa esse constructa. Cap. 6, 7.

Moreover, most of the temples of the gods are nothing else than sepulchres of the dead. And thence Arnobius concludes that temples have been built for the gods in vain and contrary to their honour. Chap. 6, 7.

Colendi vero eorum simulacra non potior utique est ratio. Dii quippe si sunt in coelo, ad eos potius quam ad illorum simulacra fundendae sunt preces. Alia praeterea adversus deorum simulacra congerit auctor. Cap. 8, 9, 10.

Nor indeed is the reason for worshipping their images any stronger. For if the gods are in heaven, prayers ought to be poured forth to them rather than to their images. The author heaps up other arguments besides against the images of the gods. Chap. 8, 9, 10.

Ab ethnicis jure merito derisi sunt prisci homines, qui pro diis fluvium, acinacem, lapidem, informe lignum aut quid simile colebant. Verum illos ipsos non minus irridendos demonstrat Arnobius, qui de diis confinxere non minus absurda. Cap. 11, 12.

By the pagans the ancient men were deservedly derided who worshipped as gods a river, a scimitar, a stone, a shapeless piece of wood, or something similar. But Arnobius demonstrates that those very men are no less to be laughed at who have invented things no less absurd concerning the gods. Chap. 11, 12.

Neque indigna tantum ethnici diis suis ornamenta dederunt; sed quorumdam etiam hominum et meretricum formam et lineamenta. Cap. 13.

Nor did the pagans give only unworthy ornaments to their gods, but also the form and features of certain men and harlots. Chap. 13.

Quapropter ethnicos hortatur Arnobius, ut ad saniorem mentem redeuntes tandem intelligant, simulacra, quae tanto honore adorabant, ossa esse, lapides, aes, argentum, aurum ac vilissimam saepius materiam. Cap. 14, 15.

Wherefore Arnobius exhorts the pagans that, returning at length to a sounder mind, they may understand that the images which they adored with so great honour are bones, stones, bronze, silver, gold, and oftentimes the vilest material. Chap. 14, 15.

Huc accedit, quod si quis in Olympiaci Jovis aut alterius simulacri partes intimas introiret, quid praeter laminas vel ligni saxique partes plumbo suffuso aut catenis, uncis

Added to this is the fact that if anyone were to enter into the inmost parts of Olympian Jupiter or of another image, what else than plates or pieces of wood and stone fastened together with poured lead or chains, hooks,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1161

Footnotes

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(1) ‹Quam impias … infamias› · lemma note, cap. 1, col 1162

1. — Quam impias de diis vestris opinionum constitueritis infamias. Proba lectio. Ostendit enim, nullum probri genus esse, quod non diis suis attributum irent. Quorsum igitur insanias? HERALD.—Fulvii Ursini conjectura insanias defendi potest loco gemino, libri ii: Nec per impias vagari suspicionum voluerimus insanias. ORELL.

1. — "What impious ill-reports of opinion you have established about your gods." A sound reading. For it shows that there was no kind of disgrace which they did not attribute to their gods. Why then "insanias" (madnesses)? HERALDUS. — Fulvio Orsini's conjecture "insanias" can be defended from a twin passage in Book II: "Nor would we have wished to wander through the impious madnesses of suspicions." ORELLI.

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(2) ‹crimen … affingere› · lemma note, cap. 1, col 1162

Crimen nobis maximum impietatis affingere. Sabeus, Gelenius et Salmasius ediderunt affigere. Sed lib. i, cap. 26, legimus: Qui aut summo servientibus regi crimen impietatis affingit. Nihil igitur mutandum. ORELL.

"To fasten on us the greatest charge of impiety." Sabaeus, Gelenius and Salmasius printed "affigere". But in Book I, chapter 26, we read: "Who either fastens a charge of impiety on those who serve the supreme King." Nothing therefore is to be changed. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹quod neque aedes sacras› · lemma note, cap. 1, col 1162

Quod neque aedes sacras, etc. Sic apud Minucium Fel., cap. 10, quaerit Cecilius: Cur christiani nullas aras habent, templa nulla, nulla nota simulacra? Ubi vid. intpp. Conf. infra ad cap. 3, hujus libri notam Heraldi. ORELL.

"That we neither [build] sacred shrines," etc. So in Minucius Felix, chapter 10, Caecilius asks: "Why do the Christians have no altars, no temples, no known images?" On which see the interpreters. Compare below, at chapter 3 of this book, Heraldus's note. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹temeraria … desperatione› · lemma note, cap. 1, col 1162

Temeraria..... desperatione. Vide supra, ad lib. i, cap. 25 et 55. Non igitur audiendus C. Barthius, Adversar., lib. xxix, cap. 18, p. 1390, conjiciens: Temeraria despectatione. Nam despectatio et contemptus unum idemque. ORELL.

"Rash ..... despair." See above, at Book I, chapters 25 and 55. C. Barth, then, is not to be heeded (Adversaria, book XXIX, chapter 18, p. 1390) when he conjectures "temeraria despectatione" (rash disdain). For "despectatio" and "contemptus" are one and the same. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹sed quod eos arbitramur› · lemma note, cap. 1, col 1162

Sed quod eos arbitramur. Sic e codice msto., rescripsit Stewechius. Alii: Sed quod deos arbitramur. OR.

"But because we think that they." So Stewech rewrote it from a manuscript. Others: "But because we think the gods." ORELLI.

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Editors' prose

LIBER SEXTUS.

BOOK SIX.

LIBER SEXTUS.

BOOK SIX.

INDEX CAPITUM.

INDEX OF CHAPTERS.

In this and the following book Arnobius refutes another charge of the gentiles, by which they accused the Christians of the greatest impiety, namely that they had no temples or images of the gods and never offered them any sacrifices. Chap. 1, 2.

He begins with the temples of the gods and avows that the Christians indeed lack them, not out of contempt for the gods (if indeed any such exist), but because they disdain them, since they can be of no use to the gods themselves; and that it is moreover rather an insult to the Gods to assert rashly that any god is shut up in a temple. Chap. 3.

But when the heathen reply that temples are built for the gods so that men may converse with them as though in some manner present, Arnobius answers that the true God knows even the silent thoughts of our mind, hears all things equally, is absent nowhere; in a word, is by His immensity present everywhere. Chap. 4, 5.

Accedit, pleraque deorum templa nihil aliud esse nisi mortuorum sepulchra. Atque inde conficit Arnobius, diis frustra et contra eorum decus templa esse constructa. Cap. 6, 7.

Add to this that most temples of the gods are nothing other than tombs of the dead. And from this Arnobius concludes that temples have been built for the gods in vain and against their dignity. Chap. 6, 7.

Nor, assuredly, is there any better reason for worshipping their images. For if the gods are in heaven, prayers should be poured out to them rather than to their images. The author heaps up other arguments besides against the images of the gods. Chap. 8, 9, 10.

The men of old who worshipped as gods a river, a scimitar, a stone, a shapeless log or some such thing were rightly and deservedly derided by the heathen. But Arnobius shows that those very heathen, who have fashioned things no less absurd about the gods, are no less to be laughed at. Chap. 11, 12.

Neque indigna tantum ethnici diis suis ornamenta dederunt; sed quorumdam etiam hominum et meretricum formam et lineamenta. Cap. 13.

Nor have the heathen given their gods only unworthy adornments, but also the form and features of certain men and of harlots. Chap. 13.

Therefore Arnobius exhorts the heathen to return to a sounder mind and understand at last that the images which they adored with such great honour are bones, stones, bronze, silver, gold, and very often the vilest material. Chap. 14, 15.

Huc accedit, quod si quis in Olympiaci Jovis aut alterius simulacri partes intimas introiret, quid praeter laminas vel ligni saxique partes plumbo suffuso aut catenis, uncis

Add to this that, if anyone were to enter the innermost parts of the image of Olympian Jupiter or of another, what besides plates, or parts of wood and stone with lead poured over them, or with chains, hooks

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et ansulis compactas conspiciet? caput, ventrem simulacri aliasque partes intus vacuas atque inanes? quidquid vero exterius apparet, decolorari, corruere et coinquinari. Cap. 16.

and clamps will he behold? The head, belly of the image, and other parts hollow and empty within? And that whatever appears on the outside is discoloured, falls into ruin, and is befouled. Chap. 16.

Variis argumentis ethnicorum opinionem infringit Arnobius, adstruentium, non simulacrorum materiam, sed deos coli in simulacris degentes. Cap. 17, 18, 19.

By various arguments Arnobius breaks down the opinion of the pagans, who assert that not the material of the images, but the gods dwelling in the images are worshipped. Chap. 17, 18, 19.

Instat, cur simulacra tueantur ac diligenter custodiant, ne qua injuria afficiantur? Cap. 20, 21.

He urges, why do they protect and diligently guard the images, lest they be affected by any injury? Chap. 20, 21.

Si dixeris, de his nihil deos curare : at illi saltem debuerunt simulacra et fana, in quibus habitabant, a perditorum hominum petulantia, ab incendio aliisque casibus intacta servare. Cap. 22, 23.

If you say that the gods care nothing about these things: yet they at least ought to have kept the images and shrines in which they dwelt untouched by the insolence of abandoned men, by fire, and by other mishaps. Chap. 22, 23.

Ultimum denique gentilium suffugium evertit Arnobius, haec omnia scilicet dictitantium aliquos haud latuisse, sed illo simulacrorum cultu imperitum vulgus in officio et religione re⟨t⟩inendum existimasse. Cap. 24-27.

Finally Arnobius overthrows the last refuge of the Gentiles, who repeatedly say that all these things did not escape the notice of some, but that they thought the ignorant rabble ought to be kept in duty and religion by that worship of images. Chap. 24-27.

I. Nunc quoniam summatim ostendimus, quam impias de diis vestris opinionum constitueritis infamias; sequitur ut de templis, de simulacris etiam, sacrificiisque dicamus : deque alia serie, quae his rebus annexa est, et vicina copulatione conjuncta. In hac enim consuescitis parte crimen nobis maximum impietatis affingere; quod neque aedes sacras venerationis ad officia construamus, non deorum alicujus simulacrum constituamus, aut formam : non altaria fabricemus, non aras, non caesorum sanguinem animantium demus, non thura neque fruges salsas, non denique vinum liquens paterarum effusionibus inferamus; quae quidem nos cessamus non ideo vel exaedificare, vel facere, tamquam impias geramus ac scelerosas mentes, aut aliquem sumpserimus temeraria in deos desperatione contemptum; sed quod eos arbitramur, et credimus, si modo dii certi sunt, et nominis hujus eminentia praediti, honorum haec genera aut risui habere, si rideant, aut indigne perpeti, si motibus exasperentur irarum.

I. Now since we have summarily shown how impious infamies of opinions you have established concerning your gods, it follows that we should speak concerning temples, concerning images also, and sacrifices, and concerning the other series of things which is annexed to these matters and joined by a neighbouring bond. For in this part you are accustomed to fasten upon us the greatest charge of impiety: because we neither build sacred edifices for the offices of veneration, nor set up the image or form of any of the gods, nor fashion altars, nor shrines, nor give the blood of slaughtered animals, nor offer frankincense nor salted meal, nor finally flowing wine in the outpourings of bowls; which things indeed we forbear either to build up or to do, not as though we bore impious and wicked minds, or had taken up any contempt against the gods in rash despair; but because we judge and believe that they, if only they are true gods and endowed with the eminence of this name, either hold these kinds of honours as a laughing-stock, if they laugh, or endure them indignantly, if they are provoked by movements of wrath.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1162

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II. Ut enim noscatis, quid de isto nomine sentiamus, judiciique simus cujus, existimamus nos eos, si modo dii certi sunt, ut eadem rursus satiateque dicantur, cunctarum esse debere perfectarumque virtutum sapientes, justos, graves, si modo nulla est culpa, quod eos laudibus accumulamus humanis, intestinis pollentes bonis, nec extraneis adminiculis se addicere, quod illis integritas inoffensae beatitudinis compleatur : ab affectibus cunctis, et cunctis perturbationibus liberos, non ira effervere, non ullis cupiditatibus, excitari, calamitatem irrogare nullis, non ex malis hominum crudelem accipere voluntatem, non terrere portentis, non prodigiosas ostentare formidines, non votorum debitis habere obnoxios et obligatos, nec piaculares hostias signis minacibus postulare, non pestilentias, non morbos corruptione aeris inducere, non adurere siccitatibus fruges, non caedibus interesse bellorum, non urbium stragibus, non adversa his velle, non illorum commoditatibus suffragari : sed quod magnarum est

II. For that you may know what we think concerning that name, and of what judgement we are, we consider that they—if only they are true gods, to say the same things again and to satiety—ought to be of all and perfect virtues, wise, just, grave, if only there is no fault in our heaping them with human praises, mighty in inward goods, and not devoting themselves to external props so that the completeness of unimpaired blessedness may be filled up for them: free from all affections and all perturbations, not boiling over with anger, not stirred up by any desires, inflicting calamity on none, not receiving a cruel pleasure from the evils of men, not terrifying with portents, not displaying prodigious terrors, not holding men liable and bound by debts of vows, nor demanding expiatory victims by threatening signs, not bringing in pestilences or diseases by the corruption of the air, not scorching the crops with droughts, not taking part in the slaughters of wars or the overthrows of cities, not wishing adversity to these nor favouring the advantages of those: but, what belongs to great

Editors' notes and page, col. 1163

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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(a) ‹quod magnarum est› · call in col 1163

Alii: Esset.

Others: "Esset" (would be).

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(1) ‹Ut eadem rursus satiateque dicantur› · lemma note, cap. 2, col 1163

II. — Ut eadem rursus satiateque dicantur. Editio Gelenii habet sociateque. ORELL.

II. — "That the same things may be said again and to satiety." Gelenius's edition has "sociateque". ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Nec extraneis adminiculis se addicere› · lemma note, cap. 2, col 1163

Nec extraneis adminiculis se addicere. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Codex mstus. habet: Nec extraneis adminiculis addicere. Stewechius legit: Nec se extraneis adminiculis addicere. Gelenius et Fulv. Ursinus ex ingenio refinxerunt: Adminiculis indigere. Heraldus conj. addigere. Quod verbum frustra quaesivi in Lexicis. ORELL.

"Nor to bind themselves to outside supports." So the Leiden edition. The manuscript has: "Nec extraneis adminiculis addicere." Stewech reads: "Nec se extraneis adminiculis addicere." Gelenius and Fulvio Orsini refashioned it by conjecture: "adminiculis indigere" (to need supports). Heraldus conjectures "addigere", a word I have looked for in the lexicons in vain. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Inoffensae beatitudinis› · lemma note, cap. 2, col 1163

Inoffensae beatitudinis. Sic apud Gellium, lib. ii, cap. 1: Inoffensa valetudo. Solin., cap. iv: Inoffensa felicitas. Ovid., i. Trist., eleg. viii: Inoffensa vita. Plinium junior.: Inoffensa voluptas. Tacitum: Inoffensum iter. ELMENH.

"Of unhindered blessedness." So in Gellius, Book II, chapter 1: "unhindered health". Solinus, chapter IV: "unhindered happiness". Ovid, Tristia I, elegy VIII: "unhindered life". Pliny the Younger: "unhindered pleasure". Tacitus: "an unhindered journey". ELMENHORST.

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(4) ‹Non votorum debitis habere obnoxios et obligatos› · lemma note, cap. 2, col 1163

Non votorum debitis habere obnoxios et obligatos. Horatius ii, od. 8, 5 seq.: Sed tu, simul obligasti / Perfidum votis caput, etc. HERALD.

"Not to hold men liable and bound by the debts of vows." Horace, Odes II, 8, 5 ff.: "But you, as soon as you have bound your faithless head by vows," etc. HERALDUS.

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(5) ‹Piaculares hostias› · lemma note, cap. 2, col 1163

Piaculares hostias. Ita dicit lustralia piamenta, quae portentorum expiandorum vim haberent. Varro, de Ling. lat., lib. v: Praetor qui tum fatus est, si imprudens fecit, piaculari hostia foeta piatur. Conf. lib. i, cap. 26: Hostias circumforaneas appellant alii, quod scil. circumferrentur hostiae, quibus portentorum expiabantur minae, et loca omnia adversus numinis iram ita munirentur. Apuleius, Milesia iv.: Tandem pererratis plateis omnibus, et in modum eorum, qui lustralibus piamentis minas portentorum hostiis circumforaneis expiant, circumductus angulatim forum ejusque tribunal astituor. ELMENHORST. et HERALD.

"Expiatory victims." So he calls the lustral atonements which had the power of expiating portents. Varro, On the Latin Language, Book V: "The praetor who has then spoken, if he did it unwittingly, is purified with a pregnant expiatory victim." Compare Book I, chapter 26. Others call them "victims carried round the market-place", because the victims by which the threats of portents were expiated were carried around, and so every place was fortified against the wrath of the deity. Apuleius, Milesian Tale IV: "At last, when all the streets had been traversed, and, after the manner of those who expiate the threats of portents by lustral atonements with victims carried round the market-place, I was led corner by corner round the forum and set before its tribunal." ELMENHORST and HERALDUS.

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(6) ‹Commoditatibus suffragari› · lemma note, cap. 2, col 1163

Commoditatibus suffragari. Hoc est, augere felicitatem. Male itaque Fulv. Ursinus conj.: incommoditatibus suffragari. ORELL.

"To favour their advantages." That is, to increase their happiness. So Fulvio Orsini's conjecture "incommoditatibus suffragari" (to favour their misfortunes) is wrong. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Pati, dolere, diminui› · lemma note, cap. 2, col 1163

Pati, dolere, diminui. Id est, corrumpi, φθείρεσθαι. Supra, lib. i, cap. 18: Ubi perturbatio est, ibi dolor et aegritudo est. Ubi dolor et aegritudo est, imminutioni et corruptioni jam locus est. HERALD. Ita Codex mstus, Ursinus et editor Lugd. Bat. Gelenius: pati dolorem, diminui. Stewechius: pati, dolore, diminui. ORELL.

"To suffer, to grieve, to be diminished." That is, to be corrupted (Greek phtheiresthai). Above, Book I, chapter 18: "Where there is disturbance, there is pain and sickness. Where there is pain and sickness, there is already room for diminution and corruption." HERALDUS. So the manuscript, Orsini, and the Leiden editor. Gelenius: "pati dolorem, diminui" (to suffer pain, to be diminished). Stewech: "pati, dolore, diminui". ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Coelitibus› · lemma note, cap. 2, col 1163

Coelitibus. Ita Salmasius, ms.: coelitus. Gelenius: coelitum. Alii: coelestibus. ORELL.

"Coelitibus" (to the heavenly ones). So Salmasius; the manuscript: "coelitus". Gelenius: "coelitum". Others: "coelestibus". ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Cui debent Dii una nobiscum› · lemma note, cap. 3, col 1164

III. — Cui debent Dii una nobiscum. Sic edidi ex emendatione Jo. Meursii probata etiam a Jo. Walkero ad Cic., de Nat. deor., lib. i, cap. 13, p. 335, ed. Davis. Codex ms. et editiones omnes habent: Cui debent divina nobiscum. Heraldus v. divina delendum censet tanquam glossema. C. Barthius, Adversar., lib. xxix, cap. 18, p. 1391, legendum suspicatur: Dii vani nobiscum; at paulo post idem retractans hanc conjecturam tuetur lectionem vulgatam, probans divina pro diis dici exemplo Lactantii Inst., lib. ii, cap. 2: Si autem dii absentes esse non possunt, qui quoniam divini sunt, in quacumque parte mundi fuerint, vident et audiunt universa. Et Cypriani, Carm. de Sodoma: Quamquam divinos nescius, ultro / Advocat, appellat, patrio veneratur honore. Sed ne dicam, in duobus his locis deos divinos, non divina neutro genere, dici, locus Lactantii nihil probat, cum inibi divini dicantur divinandi facultate praediti. Sequi igitur malui correctionem Meursii. ORELL.

III. — "To whom the gods owe, together with us." I have printed it so from the emendation of Johannes Meursius, approved also by John Walker on Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, Book I, chapter 13, p. 335 of Davis's edition. The manuscript and all the editions have: "Cui debent divina nobiscum" (to whom divine beings owe, together with us). Heraldus thinks the word "divina" should be deleted as a gloss. C. Barth, Adversaria, book XXIX, chapter 18, p. 1391, suspects one should read "Dii vani nobiscum" (the empty gods, together with us); but a little later, retracting this conjecture, he defends the common reading, showing that "divina" is said for "gods" by the example of Lactantius, Institutes, Book II, chapter 2: "But if the gods cannot be absent, since, being divine, in whatever part of the world they are, they see and hear all things." And from Cyprian's poem On Sodom: "Although unknowing, he freely summons the divine ones, calls on them, worships them with ancestral honour." But, not to mention that in these two places the gods are called "divini", not "divina" in the neuter, the passage of Lactantius proves nothing, since there those endowed with the faculty of divining are called "divini". I have therefore preferred to follow Meursius's correction. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Numquid enim delubris aut templorum eum constructionibus honoramus› · lemma note, cap. 3, col 1164

Numquid enim delubris aut templorum eum constructionibus honoramus. Si templa sunt loca magnifice constructa, in quibus Dei simulacra constituantur, et ubi deus quasi habitare existimetur, quomodo nos aedes ad usum habitationis habemus; prioribus Ecclesiae temporibus Christianis templa erant nulla: sed si templa appellanda sunt quaecumque loca, in quibus fideles congregantur, et Deum sociatis votis invocant ac caetera religionis officia celebrant; profecto Christiani sua semper habuerunt templa, aedes scil. privatas et quascumque aedium partes, coemeteria, sylvas etiam et cavernas, in quibus ferventibus persecutionibus colligerentur. Persecutionum autem motu consopito conventicula, (οἴκους, οἴκους ἐκκλησιῶν) quidem exstruebant; non ad ostentationem, non ubi Dei simulacrum aliquod tanquam praesens numen adiretur; sed humilia et a privatis aedificiis humilitate nihil differentia. Idcirco Gentiles qui exteriorem rerum faciem, quam interiores cordis secessus, pluris aestimabant, identidem inculcabant, nulla esse Christianis templa, delubra nulla. Quod libere fatebantur (continues)

"Do we then honour him with shrines or the building of temples?" If temples are places magnificently built, in which images of God are set up, and where the god is thought to dwell, as it were, in the way we have houses for the purpose of dwelling, then in the earlier times of the Church the Christians had no temples. But if every place in which the faithful gather, call on God with united prayers and perform the other offices of religion is to be called a temple, then certainly the Christians always had their temples: private houses, that is, and any parts of houses, cemeteries, even woods and caves, in which they gathered while the persecutions raged. When the storm of persecution had subsided, they did build meeting-places (Greek oikous, oikous ekklēsiōn, "houses, houses of the churches"), but not for display, nor places where some image of God was approached as a present deity; they were humble, and in their humbleness no different from private buildings. That is why the Gentiles, who valued the outward face of things more than the inner recesses of the heart, kept insisting that the Christians had no temples, no shrines. This they freely admitted (continues)

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PL 5:1164

mentium pari pendere cunctos lance, et individuas cunctis benevolentias exhibere. Caduci enim generis, et infirmitatis humanae est, contrariis egere, eosque, quos tangat affectio, pati, dolere, diminui, sapientium scita et pronuntiata definiunt : nec posse aliter fieri, quin legibus mortalitatis astricti sint, qui sint ullis perturbationibus mancipati. Quod cum ita se habeat, qui possumus judicari deos habere contemptui, quos, nisi sunt recti, et magnarum mentium admiratione laudabiles, deos negamus existere, nec potestatibus posse coelitibus applicari?

minds, weighing all in an equal balance, and showing impartial benevolences to all. For it belongs to a frail race and to human infirmity to stand in need of contraries, and the decrees and pronouncements of wise men define that those whom affection touches suffer, grieve, and are diminished: and that it cannot be otherwise than that those who are enslaved to any perturbations are bound by the laws of mortality. Since this is so, how can we be judged to hold the gods in contempt, whom, unless they are upright and praiseworthy in the admiration of great minds, we deny to be gods, or to be able to be ranked with the heavenly powers?

III. Sed templa illis extruimus nulla, nec eorum effigies adoramus, non mactamus hostias, non thura ac vina libamus. Et quid amplius possumus vel honoris eis attribuere vel dignitatis, quam quod eos in ea ponamus parte, qua rerum caput, ac dominum, summumque ipsum regem, cui debent dii una nobiscum, quod esse se sentiunt, et vitali in substantia contineri? Numquid enim delubris aut templorum eum constructionibus honoramus? Numquid

III. But we build no temples for them, nor do we adore their effigies, we do not sacrifice victims, we do not pour libations of frankincense and wines. And what more either of honour or of dignity can we attribute to them than that we place them in that rank wherein we place the head and lord of things, and the supreme King Himself, to whom the gods along with us owe it that they feel themselves to exist and to be maintained in vital substance? For do we honour Him with shrines or with the buildings of temples? Do

Editors' notes and page, col. 1164

Footnotes

(b) ‹Et quid› · call in col 1164

Alii: Ecquid.

Others: "Ecquid" (whether anything).

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Alii: Ponimus.

Others: "Ponimus" (we place).

Commentarius

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running head: ADVERSUS GENTES 1164
marginal letters: A mentium pari; B eos in; C vina delendum; D tionibus honoramus.
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et hostias caedimus? Numquid alias res damus, quas libare, profundere, non est rationis expensae, sed tracti per consuetudinem moris? Etenim plena dementia est, necessitatibus tuis potentiora metiri, et quae tibi sunt usui, datoribus diis dare, et honorem istum, non contumeliam ducere. Templa igitur quaerimus in deorum quos usus? aut in rei cujus necessitatem, aut dicitis esse constructa, aut esse rursus aedificanda censetis? Hyemalia sentiunt frigora, aut solibus torrentur aestivis, pluvialibus nimbis perfluunt, ventorum eos aut turbines

we also slaughter victims? Do we give other things, which to pour in libation and shed forth belongs not to weighed reason, but to a custom drawn on through habit? For it is full madness to measure mightier beings by your own necessities, and to give to the giver-gods the things that are of use to you, and to deem that an honour, not an insult. For what uses of the gods, therefore, do we ask, or for the necessity of what matter, do you either say that temples have been built, or judge that they ought to be built again? Do they feel wintry colds, or are they parched by summer suns, are they drenched by rainy clouds, or do whirlwinds of winds

Editors' notes and page, col. 1165

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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(a) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 1165

Quidem Sab.

"Quidem" (indeed): Sabaeus.

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(1) (continued) · cap. 3, col 1165

christiani; immo et ipsum templorum usum esse non modo supervacuum, verum etiam impium asserebant, Deum autem non in ναοῖς χειροποιήτοις, sed nostra ipsorum mente esse dedicandum. Vid. Minuc. Fel., cap. xxxii; Origen., contra Cels.; Clemens Alexandr., Strom., lib. vii; Lactant. de Ira Dei, cap. ult. Quid quod ipsam templorum appellationem quasi ab idololatria profectam christiani respuebant. Hinc Zeno Veronensis, sermone de Continentia: Proponimus itaque, ut saepe contingit, in unum sibimet convenire diversae religionis diem, quo tibi Ecclesia, illi adeunda sint templa. Ecclesiam appellat Christianorum conventiculum: templa gentibus tribuit. Hinc et B. Hieronymus epist. ad Riparium presbyterum adversus Vigilantium: Mortuo cadaveri atque polluto praebebant excubias, ut post multa saecula dormitantius somniaret, immo eructaret immundissimam crapulam, et cum Juliano persecutore sanctorum basilicas aut destrueret, aut in templa converteret. Ergo et florentibus rebus christianis, cum essent basilicae non minus superbae, quam pleraque gentium templa, ab ista tamen appellatione abstinebant eamque nationibus remittebant. HERALD.—De delubris variae jam antiquorum sententiae: locus classicus est Asconii in Cic. Divinat. in Caecil.: Sunt qui templa esse dicant singulorum diis attributorum locorum, delubra multarum aedium sub uno tecto a diluvio pluviae munitarum. Alii delubra dicunt ea templa, in quibus sunt labra corporum abluendorum, ut Dodonei Jovis, aut Appollinis Delphici, in quorum delubris lebetes tripodesque visuntur. Sunt etiam qui delubra ligna delibrata, id est decorticata, pro simulacris deorum more veterum posita existiment, sed male. Servius, ad Aen., ii, 225, delubrum exponit templum pluribus diis consecratum. Conf. G. J. Vossii Etymol. Rom.; Gesner. in Thesaur., hoc verbo, et, qui hac de re multus est, J. Rycquii liber de Capitolio, cap. xii, p. 140, seqq. At Christiani scriptores vocibus delubrum et templum utuntur promiscue. ORELL.

(continued) the Christians; indeed they asserted that the very use of temples was not only superfluous but impious, and that God is to be dedicated not in temples made with hands but in our own minds. See Minucius Felix, chapter XXXII; Origen, Against Celsus; Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, Book VII; Lactantius, On the Wrath of God, last chapter. What is more, the Christians rejected the very name of temples as something that came from idolatry. Hence Zeno of Verona, in the sermon On Continence: "We suppose, then, as often happens, that the day of the two religions falls together, when you must go to church and he to the temples." He calls the Christians' meeting-place a church; temples he assigns to the Gentiles. Hence also blessed Jerome, in his letter to the priest Riparius against Vigilantius: "They kept watch over a dead and polluted corpse, so that after many ages he might dream more drowsily, nay belch out his filthiest debauch, and with Julian the persecutor either destroy the basilicas of the saints or turn them into temples." So even when Christianity flourished, and there were basilicas no less splendid than most of the temples of the Gentiles, they still abstained from that name and left it to the nations. HERALDUS. — On "delubra" the ancients already held various opinions. The classic passage is Asconius on Cicero's Divinatio in Caecilium: "Some say that templa are places each assigned to a single god, and delubra many buildings under one roof, protected from the downpour of rain. Others call delubra those temples in which there are basins for washing the body, as those of Dodonaean Jupiter or of Delphic Apollo, in whose shrines cauldrons and tripods are seen. There are also some who think that delubra are barked logs, that is, stripped of bark, set up in place of images of the gods after the manner of the ancients; but wrongly." Servius, on Aeneid II, 225, explains "delubrum" as a temple consecrated to several gods. Compare G. J. Vossius, Etymologicon Romanum; Gesner in his Thesaurus under this word; and, the fullest on this subject, J. Rycquius's book On the Capitol, chapter XII, p. 140 ff. But the Christian writers use the words "delubrum" and "templum" indiscriminately. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Numquid et hostias caedimus› · lemma note, cap. 3, col 1165

Numquid et hostias caedimus. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat., cod. ms.: Numquid hostias caedimus? Fulv. Ursin.: Numquid ei hostias caedimus? ORELL.

"Do we also slaughter victims?" So the Leiden edition; the manuscript: "Numquid hostias caedimus?" Fulvio Orsini: "Numquid ei hostias caedimus?" (do we slaughter victims to him?). ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Potentiora› · lemma note, cap. 3, col 1165

Potentiora. ms.: potiora, quod tuetur Stewechius. ORELL.

"Potentiora" (more powerful). The manuscript: "potiora" (preferable), which Stewech defends. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Aut in rei cujus necessitatem› · lemma note, cap. 3, col 1165

Aut in rei cujus necessitatem. aut a Gelenio est, omittit codex ms. ORELL.

"Or for the need of anything." "Aut" comes from Gelenius; the manuscript omits it. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Dicitis› · lemma note, cap. 3, col 1165

Dicitis. Stewechius mavult: ducitis. ORELL.

"Dicitis" (you say). Stewech prefers "ducitis" (you reckon). ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Successus quidem parvi› · lemma note, cap. 3, col 1165

Successus quidem parvi. Vide ad lib. i, cap 50. Meursius conj.: Successis quidam parvi. ORELL.

"Small recesses indeed." See on Book I, chapter 50. Meursius conjectures: "Successis quidam parvi." ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Paupertini cordis› · lemma note, cap. 3, col 1165

Paupertini cordis. Paupertinus pauper et inops. Vid. Nonius hoc verbo et Savaro, ad Sidon., lib. ii, epist. 10, pag. 155; et lib. vii, epist. 17, pag. 475. Sic paupertinae litterae apud Gellium, lib. iv, cap. 6. Paupertina elementa Tertullian., adv. Marcion., lib. i, cap. 14. Pannosae et paupertinae reculae Apulei., Met., lib. iv. ORELL.

"Of a poor heart." "Paupertinus" means poor and needy. See Nonius under this word, and Savaro on Sidonius, Book II, letter 10, p. 155, and Book VII, letter 17, p. 475. So "paupertinae litterae" (poor letters) in Gellius, Book IV, chapter 6; "paupertina elementa" (poor elements) in Tertullian, Against Marcion, Book I, chapter 14; "pannosae et paupertinae reculae" (ragged and paltry little goods) in Apuleius, Metamorphoses, Book IV. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Quorum si quaeris audire, quis prior fuerit fabricator› · lemma note, cap. 3, col 1166

Quorum si quaeris audire, quis prior fuerit fabricator etc., etc. Clemens, in Protrept., p. 13 (38. ed. Potteri): Ὅθεν ἔπεισί μοι θαυμάζειν, τίσι ποτὲ φαντασίαις ἀπαχθέντες οἱ πρῶτοι πεπλανημένοι, δεισιδαιμονίαν ἀνθρώποις κατήγγειλαν, δαίμονας ἀλιτηρίους νομοθετοῦντες σέβειν, εἴτε Φορωνεὺς ἐκεῖνος ἦν, εἴτε Μέροψ, εἴτε ἄλλος τις, οἱ νεὼς καὶ βωμοὺς ἀνέστησαν αὐτοῖς· πρὸς δὲ καὶ θυσίας παραστῆσαι πρῶτοι μεμύθευνται. CANTER.

"Of which, if you ask to hear who was their first maker," etc. Clement, in the Protrepticus, p. 13 (38 in Potter's edition): "Hence I am moved to wonder by what fancies those who first went astray were led away, so that they proclaimed superstition to mankind, laying down the worship of accursed demons, whether it was that Phoroneus, or Merops, or someone else who set up temples and altars to them; and they are also said in the stories to have been the first to offer sacrifices." CANTERUS.

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(9) ‹Aut Phoronaeus, Aegyptius, aut Merops› · lemma note, cap. 3, col 1166

Aut Phoronaeus, Aegyptius, aut Merops. Sic interpungendum pro: aut Phoronaeus aegyptius, aut Merops. amat Arnobius particulam istam trajicere atque involvere ad hoc exemplum. HERALD. — Unice vera Heraldi interpunctio. Nec enim aegyptius Phoronaeus, sed argivus rex. Eusebius Chronic. ab Hieronymo vers. Nor. 211.: Phoronaeus Inachi filius et Niobae primus leges judiciaque constituit. Quidam hujus filiam Nioben arbitrantur. Ubi vid. Jos. Scaliger., pag. 19; Lutatius, ad Stat. Theb., i, 541, et iv, 589.: Hic (Phoronaeus) est, qui primus Junoni sacrificasse dicitur, ut Dardanus Jovi. Phoronaeus autem Inachi filius, qui primus mortalium regnavit, cujus filiam Nioben, quia alia Tantali est, Jupiter primam e mortalibus dicitur compressisse. Idem Phegaeo fratri juniori mortuo templum constituit, ubi ei tanquam Deo boves immolarentur, teste Augustino de Civ. Dei lib. xviii, cap. iii; conf. Hygin. fab. 143, 225, 274. Ibique Munker. pag. 211 et 327. Pausan. lib. ii, pag. 112. Tatianus adv. Graec. Marscham. in Canon. Chron. p. 83 seq. ed. Franequer. et C. Barth. ad Stat. vol. iii, p. 1502. Meursius legendum censet: Phoronaeus Argivus. Sed omnia sana erunt, restituta interpunctione Heraldi. ORELL.

"Either Phoroneus, an Egyptian, or Merops." It should be punctuated so, instead of "either Phoroneus the Egyptian, or Merops." Arnobius likes to transpose and interweave that particle after this pattern. HERALDUS. — Heraldus's punctuation is the only true one. For Phoroneus was not an Egyptian but a king of Argos. Eusebius's Chronicle in Jerome's version, no. 211: "Phoroneus, son of Inachus and Niobe, first established laws and courts." Some think Niobe was his daughter. On which see Joseph Scaliger, p. 19; Lutatius on Statius, Thebaid I, 541, and IV, 589: "This (Phoroneus) is the one who is said to have been the first to sacrifice to Juno, as Dardanus to Jupiter. Phoroneus, son of Inachus, was the first of mortals to reign; Jupiter is said to have lain with his daughter Niobe (for the other Niobe is Tantalus's) as the first of mortal women." He also set up a temple to his younger brother Phegeus when he died, where oxen were to be sacrificed to him as to a god, as Augustine testifies, City of God, Book XVIII, chapter III. Compare Hyginus, fables 143, 225, 274, and Muncker there, pp. 211 and 327; Pausanias, Book II, p. 112; Tatian, Against the Greeks; Marsham in the Canon Chronicus, p. 83 f., Franeker edition; and C. Barth on Statius, vol. III, p. 1502. Meursius thinks one should read "Phoroneus the Argive". But everything will be sound once Heraldus's punctuation is restored. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Aegyptius aut Merops› · lemma note, cap. 3, col 1166

Aegyptius aut Merops. In Eusebii Chronico ab Hieronymo verso lib. ii, prooem. legimus: Porro iste est Cecrops Diphyes indigena, sub quo primum in arce oliva orta est, et Atheniensium urbs ex Minervae appellatione sortita nomen. Hic primus omnium Jovem appellavit, simulacra reperit, aram statuit, victimas immolavit, nequaquam istiusmodi rebus in Graecia usquam visis. Quare Jos. Scaliger in Notis pag. 13, apud Clementem, unde Arnobius sua mutavit, refingit Κέκροψ pro Μέροψ. Sed cum noster quoque habeat Merops videtur esse error ipsius Clementis, non librarii. Et omnino intelligendus Cecrops, primus rex Atticae, quem alii, v. c. Appollodorus Bibl. lib iii, 14., αὐτόχθονα faciunt; alii autem Aegytium, ut Scholiastes in Aristoph. Plut. vers. 773.: Κέκροψ δὲ, Αἰγύπτιος ὢν τὸ γένος, ᾤκησε τὰς Ἀθήνας, ὅθεν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι Κεκροπίδαι, et ex eo totidem verbis Suidas, nec non Tzetzes Chil. v. Hist. 18.: Ὡς δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Σάεως, πόλεως Αἰγυπτίας, / Μετὰ τὸν κατ' Ὤγυγον κατακλυσμὸν ἐκεῖνον / Ὁ Κέκροψ παραγίνεται Ἀθήναις τῆς Ἑλλάδος. Conf. Meurs. de Regn. Athen. lib. i, cap. 8—12. ORELL.

"An Egyptian, or Merops." In Eusebius's Chronicle in Jerome's version, Book II, preface, we read: "Next is Cecrops Diphyes, a native, under whom the olive first sprang up on the citadel, and the city of the Athenians took its name from the name of Minerva. He was the first of all to call upon Jupiter, devised images, set up an altar and sacrificed victims, such things never having been seen anywhere in Greece." So Joseph Scaliger, in his Notes, p. 13, refashions "Kekrops" for "Merops" in Clement, from whom Arnobius altered his material. But since our author too has "Merops", it seems to be the error of Clement himself, not of a copyist. And certainly Cecrops is meant, the first king of Attica, whom some, for example Apollodorus, Bibliotheca III, 14, make sprung from the soil, and others an Egyptian, as the scholiast on Aristophanes, Plutus, line 773: "Cecrops, being an Egyptian by race, settled Athens, whence the Athenians are called Cecropidae"; and from him Suidas in as many words, and Tzetzes too, Chiliades V, story 18: "As from Sais, an Egyptian city, after that flood in Ogyges' time, Cecrops comes to Athens in Greece." Compare Meursius, On the Kings of Athens, Book I, chapters 8–12. ORELLI.

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running head: 1165 LIBER SEXTUS
marginal letters: A quid et; B christiani ; immo; C christianis, cum; D cue. ORELL.
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PL 5:1166

vexant? incursionem pati periclitantur hostilem, ferarum aut rabidos appetitus, ut merito illos conveniat tectorum munitionibus claudere, saxorum aut objectione tutari? Templa enim haec quid sunt? Si humanam infirmitatem roges, nescio quid immane atque amplum : si deorum potentiam metiaris, successus quidam parvi, atque, ut verius eloquar, genus angustissimum cavernarum paupertini cordis excogitatione suspensum. Quorum si quaeris audire quis prior fuerit fabricator, aut Phoroneus, Aegyptius aut Merops tibi fuisse monstrabitur : aut, ut

harass them? Are they in danger of suffering a hostile incursion, or the rabid attacks of wild beasts, so that it is deservedly fitting to shut them in with the defences of roofs, or to protect them by the interposition of stones? For what are these temples? If you ask human infirmity, something huge and ample; if you measure the power of the gods, certain small recesses, and, to speak more truly, a most narrow kind of caverns hung up by the contrivance of a beggarly heart. Of which if you seek to hear who was the first builder, either Phoroneus, or the Egyptian Merops will be shown to you to have been: or, as

Editors' notes and page, col. 1166

Footnotes

(b) ‹fabricator› · call in col 1166

Bene ms. addit. Fuerit constitutor, quis fabricator.

The manuscript rightly adds: "who was the founder, who the maker."

Commentarius

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tradit in admirandis Varro, Jovis progenies Aeacus. Sint ergo haec licet aut ex molibus marmoreis structa, laquearibus aut renideant aureis, splendeant hic gemmae, et sidereos evomant variata interstitione fulgores : terra sunt haec omnia, et ex faece ultima vilioris materiae concreta. Neque enim, si vos ea pretiis carioribus penditis, delectari credendum est his deos : nec recusare, nec spernere quo minus se sepiant,

Varro hands down in his Admiranda, Aeacus the offspring of Jupiter. Even though these therefore be either built of marble masses, or gleam with golden coffered ceilings, though gems shine here and vomit forth starry splendours in varied interval: all these things are earth, and compacted from the lowest dregs of viler matter. For neither, if you value them at dearer prices, is it to be believed that the gods are delighted with these things, and neither refuse nor spurn to hedge themselves

Editors' notes and page, col. 1167

Footnotes

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(1) ‹Aut ut tradit in Admirandis Varro› · lemma note, col 1167

Aut ut tradit in Admirandis Varro, aut addidit Canterus. Titulus libri Varroniani erat: Gallus Fundanius de Miris seu de Admirandis. Vid. Varronis Fragmenta, pag. 253, ed. Bipont. ORELL.

"Or, as Varro relates in his Admiranda": Canterus added the "aut" (or). The title of Varro's book was "Gallus Fundanius, on Marvels" or "on Wonders". See Varro's Fragments, p. 253, Bipontine edition. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Jovis progenies Aeacus› · lemma note, col 1167

Jovis progenies Aeacus. Vide Hygin. Fab. 52 et 155. ELMENH.

"Aeacus, offspring of Jupiter." See Hyginus, Fables 52 and 155. ELMENHORST.

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(3) ‹Laquearibus aut renideant aureis› · lemma note, col 1167

Laquearibus aut renideant aureis. Plinius Hist. Nat. lib. xxxiv, cap. 3.: Laquearia, quae nunc et in privatis domibus auro teguntur, post Carthaginem eversam primo inaurata sunt in Capitolio, censura L. Mummii, inde transiere in cameras: in parietes quoque, qui jam et ipsi tanquam vasa inaurantur. ELMENHORST. Ovidius Fast. i, 223.: Nos quoque templa juvant, quamvis antiqua probemus. / Aurea, majestas convenit ista Deo. et vers 77.: Flamma nitore suo temporum verberat aurum, / Et tremulum summa spargit in aede jubar. Nec solum laquearia, sed januae quoque aliaeque templorum partes auratae, ac propter haec ornamenta templa appellata aurea. HERALD.

"Or gleam with golden ceilings." Pliny, Natural History, Book XXXIV, chapter 3: "Panelled ceilings, which are now covered with gold even in private houses, were first gilded on the Capitol after the overthrow of Carthage, in the censorship of L. Mummius; from there the practice passed to vaulted roofs and to walls too, which are now themselves gilded like vessels." ELMENHORST. Ovid, Fasti I, 223: "Temples please us too, though we approve the ancient ones; golden, that majesty befits a god." And line 77: "The flame with its brightness strikes the gold of the temples, and scatters a flickering radiance at the top of the shrine." Not only the ceilings but the doors too and other parts of the temples were gilded, and on account of these ornaments temples were called golden. HERALDUS.

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(4) ‹Splendeant hic gemmae› · lemma note, col 1167

Splendeant hic gemmae. Ovidius i Fast., vs. 201 sqq.: Jupiter angusta vix totus stabat in aede; / Inque Jovis dextra fictile fulmen erat. / Frondibus ornabant, quae nunc Capitolia gemmis; / Pascebatque suas ipse Senator oves. Hinc Lactantius Inst. lib. v. cap. 8.: Cujus templum est, non lapides, aut lutum: sed homo ipse, qui figuram dei gestat. Quod templum non auro et gemmarum donis; sed aeternis virtutum muneribus ornatur. HERALD.

"Let jewels shine here." Ovid, Fasti I, lines 201 ff.: "Jupiter could scarcely stand upright in his narrow shrine, and in Jove's right hand was a thunderbolt of clay. They adorned the Capitol with leaves, which they now adorn with jewels, and the senator himself pastured his own sheep." Hence Lactantius, Institutes, Book V, chapter 8: "Whose temple is not stones or clay, but man himself, who bears the likeness of God; and this temple is adorned not with gifts of gold and jewels but with the eternal gifts of the virtues." HERALDUS.

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(5) ‹Et sidereos evomant variata interstinctione fulgores› · lemma note, col 1167

Et sidereos evomant variata interstinctione fulgores. Virgilius, Aen. viii, 619.: Miraturque, interque manus et brachia versat / Terribilem cristis galeam flammasque vomentem. ORELL.

"And pour forth starry gleams with varied spangling." Virgil, Aeneid VIII, 619: "He marvels, and turns over in his hands and arms the helmet, terrible with its crests and vomiting flames." ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Nec recusare, nec spernere, quo minus se sepiant› · lemma note, col 1167

Nec recusare, nec spernere, quo minus se sepiant. Id est: nec minus recusare ac spernere haec domicilia, etc. Phrasis Arnobiana. HERALD.

"Neither refuse nor scorn to be shut in." That is: no less to refuse and scorn these dwellings, etc. An Arnobian phrase. HERALDUS.

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(7) ‹Et eorum objectibus coerceantur inclusi› · lemma note, col 1167

Et eorum objectibus coerceantur inclusi. Haec est sincera Membranarum scriptura. Similiter ait Libro vii.: cujus sese objectu, oppositione praetexerit. STEWECH.—Alii: objectionibus, ut paulo ante eodem capite saxorum aut objectione tutari. ORELL.

"And be confined, shut in by their barriers." This is the genuine reading of the parchment manuscript. Similarly he says in Book VII: "by whose barrier, by whose interposition he shielded himself." STEWECH. — Others: "objectionibus", as a little earlier in the same chapter "to be protected by the barrier of stones". ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Templum, inquit, hoc Martis est› · lemma note, cols 1167–1168

Templum, inquit, hoc Martis est, etc. Hinc ipsum etiam Divi nomen templorum foribus inscribebant. Jamblichus lib. i. de vita Pythagorae cap. ii.: Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπεκομίσθη εἰς τὴν Σάμον ἀπὸ τῆς Συρίας ὁ Μνήσαρχος μετὰ παμπόλλου κέρδους καὶ βαθείας περιουσίας, ἱερὸν ἐδείματο Ἀπόλλωνι, ΠΥΘΙΟΥ ἐπιγράψας. Nota formam inscriptionis Πυθίου: sic enim absolute generandi casu. Quare hunc locum ita reddere oportuerat: Templum construxit Apollini, cum hac inscriptione, PYTHII. Solemnis ista inscriptionis forma. Dionys. Halic. lib. i. Antiquit. Rom.: Καὶ αὐτῷ κατασκευάζουσι Λατῖνοι ἡρῷον ἐπιγραφῇ τοιᾷδε κοσμούμενον, ΠΑΤΡΟΣ [ΘΕΟΥ ΧΘΟΝΙΟΥ ΟΣ ΠΟΤΑΜΟΥ ΝΟΜΙΚΙΟΥ ΡΕΥΜΑ ΔΙΕΠΕΙ. Plutar]chus in Erotico: Ἡ δὲ Βελεστίχη, πρὸς Διός, οὐ βάρβαρον ἐξ ἀγορᾶς γύναιον, ἧς ἱερὰ καὶ ναοὺς Ἀλεξανδρεῖς ἔχουσιν, ἐπιγράψαντες δι' ἔρωτα τοῦ βασιλέως ΑΦΡΟΔΙΤΗΣ ΒΕΛΕΣΤΙΧΗΣ. Sic apud Plinium Hist. Nat. lib. viii. c. 18: Qua de causa Libero patri templum in Samo Elpis sacravit, quod ab eo facto Graeci κεχηνότος Διονύσου appellavere. Id est: κεχηνότος Διονύσου ἐπίγραψαν. Et lib. x, cap. 3: Quam ob causam incolae quod vocant heroum in eo loco fecere, appelatum Jovis et virginis. Διὸς καὶ Κόρης. M. Tullius lib. iii. de Nat. Deor. cap. 34.: Jam mensas argenteas de omnibus delubris jussit auferri (Dionysius), in quibus quod more veteris Graeciae inscriptum esset, bonorum deorum, uti se eorum bonitate velle dicebat. Zozimus lib. ii.: βωμὸς εὑρέθη πεποιημένος, ἐν ᾧ γράμματα ἦν ἍΙΔΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΠΕΡΣΕΦΟΝΗΣ. Servius ad lib. iii. Aeneid.: Alii in templo Apollinis aram fuisse inscriptam, ΠΑΤΡΙΟΥ ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ. Sic autem et alia monumenta absolute inscribebant. Plutarchus in Othone: Εἶδον δ' ἐν Βριξίλλῳ γενόμενος καὶ μνῆμα μέτριον, καὶ τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν οὕτως ἔχουσαν, εἰ μεταφρασθεῖν, δηλώσει, ΜΑΡΚΟΥ ΟΘΩΝΟΣ. In Marcello: Εἰς δὲ τιμὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ μνήμην Ὀκταβία μὲν ἡ μήτηρ τὴν βιβλιοθήκην ἀνέθηκε, Καῖσαρ δὲ θέατρον, ἐπιγράψας ΜΑΡΚΕΛΛΟΥ. Hinc igitur nata syntaxis, ad Telluris, ad Dianae, etc. HERALD.

"This, he says, is the temple of Mars," etc. Hence they inscribed even the god's very name on the doors of temples. Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, Book I, chapter II: "When Mnesarchus had returned to Samos from Syria with great gain and abundant wealth, he built a temple to Apollo, inscribing it PYTHIOU (of the Pythian)." Note the form of the inscription "Pythiou": for so it stands absolutely in the genitive case. So this passage ought to have been rendered: "He built a temple to Apollo, with this inscription: OF THE PYTHIAN." That was the customary form of inscription. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, Book I: "And the Latins build him a hero-shrine adorned with this inscription: OF THE FATHER, THE GOD OF THE EARTH, WHO GOVERNS THE STREAM OF THE RIVER NUMICIUS." Plutarch in the Amatorius: "And Belestiche, by Zeus, no barbarian wench from the market-place, whose shrines and temples the Alexandrians have, inscribing them, for love of the king, OF APHRODITE BELESTICHE." So in Pliny, Natural History, Book VIII, chapter 18: "For which reason Elpis dedicated a temple on Samos to Father Liber, which from that deed the Greeks called 'of Dionysus Gaping'." That is, they inscribed it "of Dionysus Gaping". And Book X, chapter 3: "For which reason the inhabitants made in that place what they call a heroum, named 'of Jupiter and the Maiden'" (Greek: of Zeus and Kore). Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, Book III, chapter 34: "Next he (Dionysius) ordered silver tables to be removed from all the shrines, on which, after the custom of ancient Greece, was inscribed 'of the good gods', saying that he wished to make use of their goodness." Zosimus, Book II: "an altar was found, made, on which was the writing: OF HADES AND PERSEPHONE." Servius on Aeneid III: "Others say that there was an altar in the temple of Apollo inscribed: OF ANCESTRAL APOLLO." And so they inscribed other monuments absolutely too. Plutarch in the Otho: "When I was at Brixellum I saw a modest tomb, and the inscription on it, if translated, reads: OF MARCUS OTHO." In the Marcellus: "In his honour and memory his mother Octavia dedicated the library, and Caesar the theatre, inscribing it OF MARCELLUS." Hence then arose the construction "ad Telluris", "ad Dianae" (at [the temple] of Tellus, of Diana), etc. HERALDUS.

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(9) ‹Hoc Herculis, Apollinis, Ditis› · lemma note, col 1168

Hoc Herculis, Apollinis, Ditis: quid est aliud dicere, quam domus haec Martis est, haec Junonis et Veneris. Haec verba, quae absunt ab editionibus prioribus, e Codice msto supplevit Stewechius. Meursius corrigit: id Veneris, non male. ORELL.

"This is Hercules's, Apollo's, Dis's: what else is it to say than 'this is the house of Mars, this of Juno and of Venus'." These words, which are missing from the earlier editions, Stewech supplied from the manuscript. Meursius corrects to "id Veneris", not badly. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Apollo hic habitat› · lemma note, col 1168

Apollo hic habitat. Ergo templa quasi deorum domicilia, et idcirco sacrae aedes. Sic ναὸς dicitur παρὰ τὸ ναίειν, quia Deus, cui est constructum templum, in eo credebatur ναίειν, habitare. Recte igitur Hesychius: ναός· οἶκος ἔνθα θεὸς προσκυνεῖται. Quare ἱεροὶ δόμοι et ἁγνοὶ passim apud veteres poetas: θεῶν οἶκοι saepe apud Herodotum, ut sacrae aedes. Cicero lib. ii. de Natura deor. cap. 27.: Concinneque, ut multa, Timaeus, qui quum in historia dixisset, qua nocte natus Alexander esset, eadem Dianae Ephesiae templum deflagravisse, adjunxit, minime id esse mirandum, quod Diana, quum in partu Olympiadis adesse voluisset, abfuisset domo. Hoc autem nomine templorum constructionem perstringit etiam Lucianus libello de Sacrificiis: ἔπειτα δὲ ναοὺς ἐγείραντες, ἵν' αὐτοὶ μὴ ἄοικοι, μηδ' ἀνέστιοι δῆθεν ὦσιν. HERALD.

"Apollo dwells here." So temples were as it were the dwellings of the gods, and therefore "sacred houses". Thus "naos" (temple) is named from "naiein", because the god to whom the temple was built was believed to "naiein", to dwell, in it. Rightly, then, Hesychius: "naos: a house where a god is worshipped." Hence "holy" and "pure dwellings" everywhere in the old poets; "houses of the gods" often in Herodotus, as "sacred houses". Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, Book II, chapter 27: "And neatly, as often, Timaeus, who, having said in his history that on the night Alexander was born the temple of Diana at Ephesus burned down, added that this was not at all surprising, since Diana, wishing to be present at Olympias's delivery, had been away from home." Lucian too, in his little book On Sacrifices, touches on the building of temples under this name: "then they raised temples, so that they, forsooth, should not be homeless and without a hearth." HERALDUS.

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(11) ‹Ita non› · lemma note, col 1168

Ita non, etc. Sic reponit Stewechius ex msto, rectissime. Antea edebatur: Ista non etc. Amat Arnobius increpationes suas incipere particula ita. Sic libro v.: Ita non animadvertitis, non videtis, quanta istud dicatur cum ignominia fieri. Itidem libro vi., in simili increpatione: Ita enim non videtis spirantia haec signa quorum plantas et genua contingitis et contrectatis orantes? ORELL.

"Do you not, then," etc. So Stewech restores from the manuscript, most rightly. Before, "Ista non" etc. was printed. Arnobius likes to begin his rebukes with the particle "ita". So in Book V: "Do you not then notice, do you not see, with what disgrace this is said to be done?" Likewise in Book VI, in a similar rebuke: "Do you not then see that these images breathe, whose feet and knees you touch and handle as you pray?" ORELLI.

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(12) ‹Habitationibus deos habere districtos› · lemma note, col 1168

Habitationibus deos habere districtos. Distringere h. l. sensu rariori pro ligare, constringere, vel potius diversis partibus, quaquaversus stringere, coercere. Ita ap. Cic. de Offic. iii, 32.: fraus enim distringit, non dissolvit perjurium, ubi vide intpp. Heusingerus autem edidit: adstringit. Statius, Achill. ii, 423: (continues)

"To hold the gods confined in dwellings." "Distringere" here in a rarer sense for to bind, to tie fast, or rather to draw tight from different sides, in every direction, to restrain. So in Cicero, On Duties III, 32: "for fraud binds, it does not loosen, perjury"; on which see the interpreters. Heusinger, however, printed "adstringit". Statius, Achilleid II, 423: (continues)

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Page

running head: 1167 ARNOBII ADVERSUS GENTES
marginal letters: A tradit in; Bmenta, pag.; C templorum partes; D est : nec
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: word split at column break (se-); full-width lines not set (LECTIONES VARIANTES., COMMENTARIUS.)
other: the word sepiant, was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1168

PL 5:1168

et eorum objectibus coerceantur inclusi. Templum, inquit, hoc Martis est, hoc Junonis, et Veneris, hoc Herculis, Apollinis, Ditis : quid est aliud dicere, quam domus haec Martis est, haec Junonis et Veneris, Apollo hic habitat, in hac manet Hercules, illa Summanus. Ita non prima et maxima contumelia est, habitationibus deos habere districtos? Tuguriola

in, and to be confined and shut up by the barriers of them. This temple, someone says, is that of Mars, this of Juno and Venus, this of Hercules, of Apollo, of Dis: what else is it to say than this house is that of Mars, this of Juno and Venus, Apollo dwells here, in this abides Hercules, in that Summanus? Is it not thus the first and greatest insult to hold the gods tied down by habitations? Little huts

Editors' notes and page, col. 1168

Page

running head: ADVERSUS GENTES 1168
marginal letters: A piant, et; B ἐπιγράψαντες δι’; C την βιβλιοθήκην; D Diana, quum
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: word fragment at start of column (piant); full-width lines not set (LECTIONES VARIANTES., COMMENTARIUS.)

PL 5:1169

his dare, conclavia et cellulas fabricari, et eis existimari necessarias res esse, quae hominibus, felibus, quae sunt formiculis, et lacertis, quae fugacibus, pavidis, atque exiguis muribus?

to give to them, to fashion chambers and small cells, and to think that those things are necessary for them which are necessary for men, cats, which are for little ants and lizards, which are for fleeting, timid, and tiny mice?

IV. Sed non, inquit, idcirco attribuimus diis templa, tamquam humidos ab his imbres, ventos, pluvias arceamus, aut soles : sed ut eos possimus coram et comminus contueri, affari de proximo, et cum praesentibus quodammodo venerationum colloquia miscere. Sub axe enim nudo, et sub aetherio tegmine invocati si fuerint, nihil audiunt; et nisi de proximo admoveantur his preces, tamquam nihil dicatur, obstructi atque immobiles stabunt. Atquin nos arbitramur, omnem deum omnino, si modo nominis hujus vi pollet, ex quacumque mundi parte, quod

IV. But we do not, someone says, assign temples to the gods for this reason, as though we were warding off from them damp showers, winds, rains, or suns: but that we may be able to behold them face to face and close at hand, address them from near by, and mingle the conversations of venerations with them as being in some way present. For under the naked vault of heaven, and under the ethereal covering, if they be invoked, they hear nothing; and unless prayers be brought near to them from close at hand, as though nothing were being said, they will stand stopped up and immovable. Yet truly we judge that every god altogether, if only he is mighty in the force of this name, from whatever part of the world what

Editors' notes and page, col. 1169

Footnotes

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(1) (continued) · col 1169

. . . . . . Distringeret aera gyro. ubi vid. C. Barth. vol. iii, pag. 1760, et, qui de hoc verbo multus est, L. Bünemann. ad Lactant. Inst. lib. v, cap. 19, pag. 669 seq. ORELL.

(continued) ". . . . . . would bind the air in a circle." On which see C. Barth, vol. III, p. 1760, and, who has much to say on this word, L. Bünemann on Lactantius, Institutes, Book V, chapter 19, p. 669 f. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Conclavia et cellulas fabricari› · lemma note, cols 1169–1170

Conclavia et cellulas fabricari. In cellulis enim asservabantur deorum simulacra. Cellulas autem istas describit Vitruvius libro iv. Sic igitur in Capitolio, omnium daemonum consistorio, plures erant cellae. T. Livius lib. xxxvii: Castigatum enim quondam ab eo populum ait, quod eum perpetuum consulem et dictatorem vellet facere: prohibuisse statuas sibi in Comitio, in Rostris, in Curia, in Capitolio, in cella Jovis poni. Graecis σηκὸς dicebatur. Hesychius: σηκός... ἐνδότερος τόπος τοῦ ἱεροῦ. Diodorus Siculus, Libro i, ubi de Iside: Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ταύτην μεταστᾶσαν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων τυχεῖν ἀθανάτων τιμῶν, καὶ ταφῆναι κατὰ τὴν Μέμφιν, ὅπου δείκνυται μέχρι τοῦ νῦν αὐτῆς ὁ σηκὸς ὑπάρχων ἐν τῷ τεμένει τοῦ Ἡφαίστου. Pollux, lib. i, § 6. Καὶ τὸ μὲν χωρίον, ᾧ θεραπεύομεν τοὺς θεούς, ἱερὸς καὶ νεώς· ἔνθα δὲ καθιδρύομεν, σηκός, τέμενος. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀκριβέστεροι σηκὸν τὸν τῶν ἡρώων λέγουσιν· οἱ δὲ ποιηταί, καὶ τὸν τῶν θεῶν, ὡς οἱ τραγῳδοί, Ἁγνὸν εἰς σηκὸν θεοῦ. (Ubi vid. Kühn., p. 5.) Σηκὸς igitur Heroum et Heroidum proprie. Euripides in Bacchis: Αἰνῶ δὲ Κάδμον, ἄβατον ὃς πέδον τοδὶ / Τίθησι θυγατρὸς σηκόν. Nempe σηκὸς hoc modo non superbum aliquod templum, qualia in urbibus exstrui solent diis majoribus, sed sacellum potius quam templum Heroi, et in agris praecipue excitatum: quomodo etiam nunc sacella dicimus exiguas illas aedes, quae veluti divis quibusdam in agris constitui solent. Erant igitur heroum et minorum deorum breviora et angustiora templa: et sacella potius ac cellulae, quam vera templa. Hinc B. Augustinus lib. iv, de Civitate Dei cap. 23: Quis enim ferat, quod neque inter deos Consentes, quos dicunt in consilium Jovis adhibere; nec inter deos quos selectos vocant, Felicitas constituta est, ut templum aliquod ei fieret, quod et loci sublimitate et operis dignitate praemineret? HERALD. Cellulas, i. e. sacella, seu privatas quasdam intra magnifica illa templa aediculas, ubi aliquod dei cujuspiam simulacrum collocabatur. Ex A. Gellio (Noct. Att. lib. vii, cap. 1.) siquidem discimus, Scipionem, scilicet Africanum, solitum fuisse sub crepusculum in Capitolium intrare ac jubere aperiri cellam Jovis, ac ibi solum diu morari, quasi consultantem de Republica cum Jove. Quod quidem ab Livio (lib. xxvi, c. 19.), Valerio Maximo lib. ii, c. 2. § 2. et Aurelio Victore (de Vir. illustr. c. 49.) confirmatur. Si quis tamen probaverit, Arnobium tugurioli, conclavis et cellulae nomine de parvis aedibus, quae minoribus diis construi solebant, esse quoque intelligendum, huic non prorsus refragabimur. NOURR. pag. 480.

"To build chambers and little cells." For the images of the gods were kept in little cells. Vitruvius describes these cells in Book IV. So on the Capitol, the council-house of all the demons, there were several cellae. Livy, Book XXXVII: "For he says that he once rebuked the people because they wanted to make him perpetual consul and dictator, and forbade statues of himself to be set up in the Comitium, on the Rostra, in the Senate-house, on the Capitol, in the cella of Jupiter." In Greek it was called "sēkos". Hesychius: "sēkos ... the inner place of the temple." Diodorus Siculus, Book I, on Isis: "Likewise she too, on departing from among men, received immortal honours and was buried at Memphis, where her sēkos is shown to this day, standing in the precinct of Hephaestus." Pollux, Book I, § 6: "The place in which we serve the gods is a shrine and temple; where we set them up, a sēkos, a precinct. The more exact call the heroes' place a sēkos; but the poets also call the gods' place so, as the tragedians: 'into the holy sēkos of the god.'" (On which see Kühn, p. 5.) So "sēkos" properly belongs to heroes and heroines. Euripides in the Bacchae: "I praise Cadmus, who makes this ground untrodden, his daughter's sēkos." That is, a sēkos in this sense is not some proud temple such as are usually built in cities to the greater gods, but a chapel rather than a temple for a hero, raised especially in the countryside; as even now we call chapels those small buildings which are usually set up in the fields as if to certain saints. So the temples of heroes and lesser gods were smaller and narrower, chapels and little cells rather than true temples. Hence blessed Augustine, City of God, Book IV, chapter 23: "For who could bear that Felicity was placed neither among the Consentes, whom they say Jupiter summons to his council, nor among the gods they call Select, so that some temple might be made for her which would stand out by the height of its site and the dignity of its workmanship?" HERALDUS. "Little cells", that is, chapels, or certain private little shrines within those magnificent temples, where some image of one god or another was placed. For from A. Gellius (Attic Nights, Book VII, chapter 1) we learn that Scipio, namely Africanus, used to go up to the Capitol towards dusk and order the cella of Jupiter to be opened, and to stay there alone a long time, as if consulting with Jupiter about the state. This is confirmed by Livy (Book XXVI, chapter 19), Valerius Maximus, Book II, chapter 2, § 2, and Aurelius Victor (On Illustrious Men, chapter 49). Yet if anyone should show that by the names "little hut", "chamber" and "little cell" Arnobius also means the small buildings that used to be built for the lesser gods, we shall not altogether oppose him. LE NOURRY, p. 480.

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(3) ‹Sed non inquit, idcirco› · lemma note, cap. 4, col 1170

IV. — Sed non inquit, idcirco. Et hoc loco Fulv. Ursinus legi vult inquitis, male, ut supra jam aliquoties ostensum. ORELL.

IV. — "But not, he says, for that reason." In this place too Fulvio Orsini wants "inquitis" (you say) to be read, wrongly, as has already been shown several times above. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Sed ut eos possimus coram et cominus contueri› · lemma note, cap. 4, col 1170

Sed ut eos possimus coram et cominus contueri. Hanc praecipuam templorum causam gentiles proponebant, construere nempe se templa, ut inibi deorum simulacra collocarent, et deos ibi affarentur de proximo. Ridet hanc superstitionem Luciani Demonax: Εἰπόντος δέ τινος τῶν ἑταίρων, Ἀπίωμεν, Δημῶναξ, ἐς τὸ Ἀσκληπιεῖον καὶ προσευξώμεθα ὑπὲρ τοῦ υἱοῦ· Πάνυ, ἔφη, κωφὸν ἡγῇ τὸν Ἀσκληπιόν, εἰ μὴ δύναται ἐντεῦθεν ἡμῶν εὐχομένων ἀκούειν. Et Seneca, Epist. xli: Non sunt ad coelum elevandae manus, nec exorandus aedituus, ut nos ad aures simulacri, quasi magis exaudiri possimus, admittat. HERALD.

"But that we may look on them face to face and close at hand." This the Gentiles put forward as the chief reason for temples: that they built temples to place the images of the gods in them and to address the gods there from close by. Lucian's Demonax mocks this superstition: "When one of his companions said, 'Let us go to the Asclepieum, Demonax, and pray for my son,' he said, 'You must think Asclepius very deaf if he cannot hear us praying from here.'" And Seneca, Letter XLI: "We need not lift our hands to heaven, nor beg the temple-keeper to let us up to the ear of the image, as if we could be heard better so." HERALDUS.

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(5) ‹Affari de proximo› · lemma note, cap. 4, col 1170

Affari de proximo. Affari deos et alloqui propric. Plautus in Amphitryone: Numero mihi in mentem fuit / Dis advenientem gratias pro meritis agere, atque alloqui. Sic Graecis προσειπεῖν. Euripides in Hercule furente: Χρόνῳ δ' ἀνελθὼν ἐξ ἀνηλίων μυχῶν / Αἴδου κόρης ἔνερθεν, οὐκ ἀτιμάσω / Θεοὺς προσειπεῖν πρῶτα τοὺς κατὰ στέγας. HERALD.

"To address them from close by." To "address" and "speak to" the gods is the proper usage. Plautus in the Amphitryo: "It came into my mind just in time, on my arrival, to thank the gods for their kindnesses and to speak to them." So in Greek "prosepein". Euripides in the Hercules Furens: "Having come up at length from the sunless depths of Hades' maiden below, I shall not fail to greet first the gods of the house." HERALDUS.

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(6) ‹Venerationum colloquia miscere› · lemma note, cap. 4, col 1170

Venerationum colloquia miscere. Supra lib. i.: Et cum domino rerum Deo supplicationum verba, atque orationum colloquia miscere. HERALD.

"To join in the converse of worship." Above, Book I: "And to join words of supplication and the converse of prayers with God, the Lord of all things." HERALDUS.

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(7) ‹Hoc est enim proprium deorum, complere omnia vi sua› · lemma note, cap. 4, col 1170

Hoc est enim proprium deorum, complere omnia vi sua. etc. Vide J. Lipsii Physiolog. Stoicor. lib. i, Dissertt. xxi. Oper. tom., iv, pag. 892 seq. ed. Vesal. ORELL.

"For this is proper to gods, to fill all things with their power," etc. See J. Lipsius, Physiologia Stoicorum, Book I, Dissertation XXI, Works, vol. IV, p. 892 f., Wesel edition. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Non coenatum ad Aethiopas pergere› · lemma note, cap. 4, col 1170

Non coenatum ad Aethiopas pergere. Homerus ii. A. vers 423 seq.: Ζεὺς γὰρ ἐς Ὠκεανὸν μετ' ἀμύμονας Αἰθιοπῆας / Χθιζὸς ἔβη μετὰ δαῖτα (θεοὶ δ' ἅμα πάντες ἕποντο) / Δωδεκάτῃ δέ τοι αὖθις ἐλεύσεται Οὔλυμπόνδε. Conf. Nazianzen. Orat. in Julian. pag. 300, et ibi ejus Scholiastes, Elias Cretensis. Lucianus de Sacrificiis pag. 72. ELMENH. Conf. Stat. Sylv. lib. iv, in Epulo Domitiani. Eustathius ad Iliad. l. l. memorat, in Diospoli, quae Aegypti est civitas, esse Jovis templum maximum, unde Aethiopes Jovis et aliorum Deorum simulacra accipientes, certo quodam tempore universam Libyam circuire per duodecim dies continuos, quia tot sint apud ipsos dii. Meminit quoque Nicandri Scholiastes Θηριακοῖς additque myrica coronatos in hac solemni pompa Aethiopas, incedere consuevisse. MEURS., pag. 184.

"Not to go to the Ethiopians to dine." Homer, Iliad I, lines 423 ff.: "For Zeus went yesterday to Ocean, to the blameless Ethiopians, to a feast (and all the gods went with him); and on the twelfth day he will come back to Olympus." Compare Nazianzen's Oration against Julian, p. 300, and his scholiast there, Elias of Crete; Lucian, On Sacrifices, p. 72. ELMENHORST. Compare Statius, Silvae Book IV, on Domitian's banquet. Eustathius on the Iliad at the place cited records that in Diospolis, a city of Egypt, there is a very great temple of Jupiter, from which the Ethiopians, receiving the images of Jupiter and the other gods, at a certain fixed time go round all Libya for twelve days on end, because they have that many gods. The scholiast on Nicander's Theriaca also mentions it, and adds that in this solemn procession the Ethiopians used to walk crowned with tamarisk. MEURSIUS, p. 184.

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(9) ‹Audiamini› · lemma note, cap. 5, col 1170

V. — Audiamini. Ita legendum ex emendatione Meursii ob sequens conficitis. Editio princeps Sabaei: audiamus. Gelenius: audiamur. ORELL.

V. — "Audiamini" (you are heard). So it should be read, from Meursius's emendation, because of the following "conficitis". Sabaeus's first edition: "audiamus". Gelenius: "audiamur". ORELLI.

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quisque fuerit locutus, tamquam si sit praesens, audire debere : immo quod quisque conceperit sub obscuris sensibus cognitione anticipata praesumere. Atque ut astra, sol, luna, cum supra terras meant, omnibus omnino cernentibus statim sunt et ubique praesentes, ita quoque convenit audientiam numinum nulli esse clausam linguae semperque esse praesentem ; quamvis ad eam voces regionibus ex distantibus confluant. Hoc est enim proprium deorum, complere omnia vi sua, non partiliter uspiam, sed ubique esse totos : non adesse, non abesse, non coenatum ad Aethiopas pergere, et post dies bissenos privatum ad domicilium redire.

anyone has spoken, just as if he were present, he ought to hear: nay rather, what anyone has conceived beneath obscure senses, to anticipate by foreknowledge. And just as the stars, the sun, the moon, when they pass above the lands, are immediately and everywhere present to all who behold them without exception, so too it is fitting that the hearing of the divinities should be closed to no tongue and should always be present; although voices flow together towards it from distant regions. For this is the proper nature of the gods, to fill all things by their power, not to be partially anywhere, but to be whole everywhere: not to come near, not to be away, not to go to dine among the Ethiopians, and after twice six days to return to a private dwelling.

V. Quod si ita non erit, tollitur omnis spes opis, et erit in dubio, audiamini ab iis, nec ne : siquando

V. But if it shall not be so, all hope of help is taken away, and it will be in doubt whether you are heard by them or not, whenever

Editors' notes and page, col. 1170

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marginal letters: A quisque fuerit locutus; B bimur. NOURR. pag. 480. (in commentary); C Plautus in Amphitryone (in commentary); D Ζεὺς γὰρ ἐπ' Ὠκεανὸν (in commentary)
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res sacras ceremoniarum conficitis debitis. Constituamus enim noscendae rei causa, templum numinis alicujus esse apud Canarias insulas, ejusdem apud ultimum Thylem : ejusdem apud Seras esse, apud furvos Garamantas, et si qui sunt alii, quos ab sui notitia maria, montes, sylvae, et quadrini disterminant cardines. Si omnes uno in tempore rebus divinis factis, quod sua quosque necessitas cogitare compellit, poscant de numine, referendi beneficii quaenam omnibus spes erit, si non undique ad se missam vocem Deus exaudiet, et erit ulla longinquitas, quo penetrare non possit auxilium poscentis oratio? aut enim nullis erit in partibus praesens, si uspiam poterit aliquando non esse, aut aderit unis

you perform the sacred rites with the due ceremonies. For let us suppose, for the sake of knowing the matter, that there is a temple of some divinity among the Canary Islands, and of the same at furthest Thyle: that there is one of the same among the Seres, among the swarthy Garamantes, and if there are any others whom seas, mountains, forests, and the fourfold hinges of the world separate from mutual acquaintance. If all at one time, having performed divine rites, demand from the divinity what his own necessity compels each one to think of, what hope will there be for all of obtaining the kindness, if the God will not hear a voice sent to him from every side, and there shall be any distance whither the prayer of one asking for help cannot penetrate? For either he will be present in no parts, if he can ever not be anywhere, or he will be present to one people

Editors' notes and page, col. 1171

Footnotes

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(1) ‹Si quando res sacras ceremoniarum conficitis debitis› · lemma note, cap. 5, col 1171

Si quando res sacras ceremoniarum conficitis debitis. Debita ceremoniarum appellat ut officia religiosa, alibi officium religionis, officium cultionis. Infra lib. vii, cap. 21: Si caper caedatur Jovi, quem patri solemne est Libero, Mercurio mactari: aut bos si sterilis Unxiae, quam Proserpinae tribuitis quo ritu atque observatione praecipitur; quid facinoris in hoc erit? quid malorum, scelerisve contractum, cum nihil intersit obsequii, cujus animalis e capite honorarium istud debitum compleatur. HERALD.—Eodem sensu luere sacra et solvere. Homines enim tanquam debitores diis censentur natura vel lege vel ex voto proprio, quos propterea, quasi omnium bonorum datores ac creditores suos, sacrificiis placant ac propitiant. Vide Salmas. Exercitt. Plin. in Solin. p. 9. ORELL.

"If ever you perform sacred rites with the dues of ceremonies." He calls them "dues of ceremonies" as religious duties; elsewhere "the duty of religion", "the duty of worship". Below, Book VII, chapter 21: "If a goat is slaughtered to Jupiter, which it is customary to sacrifice to Father Liber and to Mercury; or a barren cow to Unxia, which you assign to Proserpina by the rite and observance prescribed; what crime will there be in this? What evil or wickedness incurred, since it makes no difference to the service from the head of which animal this honorary due is paid?" HERALDUS. — In the same sense "luere sacra" and "solvere" (to pay rites). For men are reckoned debtors to the gods by nature, by law, or by their own vow, and therefore they appease and propitiate them with sacrifices as the givers of all good things and their creditors. See Salmasius, Plinianae Exercitationes on Solinus, p. 9. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Constituamus enim noscendae rei causa› · lemma note, cap. 5, col 1171

Constituamus enim noscendae rei causa. Stewechius τὸ causa delendum existimat, nubem exemplorum allegans, in quibus ablativi causa, gratia, nomine, per ellipsin omittuntur. Sic Priscianus lib. xviii, dicit, Latinis frequentatum populi servandi laborat, reipublicae defendendae periclitatur. Sallustius hac phrasi libenter utitur. Catil. vi, § 7: Imperium regium, quod initio conservandae libertatis atque augendae reipublicae fuerat. Et Jugurth. lxxxviii, 4: Quae postquam gloriosa modo neque belli patrandi cognovit. Ubi vid. Cort., pag. 46 et 818. Noster etiam supra lib. v, cap. 23: ferventique adhuc matri velut quasdam infulas elicendae miserationis offerentem. Plura dabunt Sanctius Minerv. iv, cap. 4, ibique, Perison. et Heusinger, in Addendis ad pag. 133. Vecchneri Hellenolex. Nolim tamen aliquid mutare invitis Codd. ORELL.

"For let us suppose, for the sake of understanding the matter." Stewech thinks the word "causa" should be deleted, citing a cloud of examples in which the ablatives "causa", "gratia", "nomine" are left out by ellipsis. So Priscian, Book XVIII, says that Latin writers often use "he labours of saving the people", "he runs risk of defending the state". Sallust gladly uses this phrase: Catiline VI, § 7: "The royal power, which at first had been of preserving liberty and enlarging the state." And Jugurtha LXXXVIII, 4: "When he learned that these things were only glorious and not of finishing the war." On which see Cortius, pp. 46 and 818. Our author too, above, Book V, chapter 23: "offering to the mother, still raging, as it were certain fillets of drawing out pity." More will be given by Sanctius, Minerva IV, chapter 4, and Perizonius there, and Heusinger in the Addenda to p. 133; Wechner's Hellenolexia. Yet I would not change anything against the manuscripts. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Apud Canarias insulas› · lemma note, cap. 5, col 1171

Apud Canarias insulas. Plinius Natural. Hist. lib. vi, cap. 33; Solinus cap. 60. ELMENH.

"In the Canary Islands." Pliny, Natural History, Book VI, chapter 33; Solinus, chapter 60. ELMENHORST.

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(4) ‹Apud ultimam Thylem› · lemma note, cap. 5, col 1171

Apud ultimam Thylem. Virgilium hic noster imitatus: etsi tamen pro consuetudine antiqua y pro u adhibitum sit: unde confusa passim in vetustis membranis haec: gyla et gula (de quo et Sosipatrum Charisium verba facere memini), Capya et Capua, Sylla et Sulla, similia sexcenta. Virgilii versus i, Georg., vers. 30. Tibi serviat ultima Thule. Itidem apud Claudianum de Bello Get. 203 seq.: Et nostro procul axe remotam / Insolito belli tremefecit murmure Thulen. STEWECH. Vid. Solin., cap. xxv; Mela, lib. iii, cap. 6, ibique If. Voss. Mannert.: Géographie der Griechen und. Römer, vol. i, pag. 78, et vol. ii, pars ii, pag. 265, seq. ORELL.

"In farthest Thyle." Our author imitates Virgil here, although by old custom y is used for u; hence in old parchments these are confused everywhere: "gyla" and "gula" (on which I remember Sosipater Charisius also speaks), "Capya" and "Capua", "Sylla" and "Sulla", and six hundred like them. Virgil's line, Georgics I, line 30: "May farthest Thule serve you." Likewise in Claudian, On the Gothic War, 203 f.: "And Thule, set far from our pole, he made tremble with the unwonted roar of war." STEWECH. See Solinus, chapter XXV; Mela, Book III, chapter 6, and Isaac Vossius there; Mannert, Geographie der Griechen und Römer, vol. I, p. 78, and vol. II, part II, p. 265 f. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Quadrini cardines› · lemma note, cap. 5, col 1171

Quadrini cardines. Cardines mundi quatuor. ORELL.

"The fourfold hinges." The four hinges (cardinal points) of the world. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Cogitare compellit› · lemma note, cap. 5, col 1171

Cogitare compellit. Meursius legendum suspicatur: Rogitare compellit. ORELL.

"Compels them to think." Meursius suspects one should read "rogitare compellit" (compels them to keep asking). ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Atque ita› · lemma note, cap. 5, col 1171

Atque ita, etc. Ita ms. Alii: At ita. ELMENH.

"And so," etc. So the manuscript. Others: "At ita". ELMENHORST.

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(8) ‹Nihil egerint caeteri› · lemma note, cap. 5, cols 1171–1172

Nihil egerint caeteri. Nihil agere pro frustra conari, frustra laborare, hoc loco frustra precari. Vid. C. Barth., Adversar., lib. xxviii, cap. 9, pag. 1327. ORELL.

"The rest will have done nothing." "To do nothing" for to try in vain, to labour in vain, here to pray in vain. See C. Barth, Adversaria, book XXVIII, chapter 9, p. 1327. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Tholis.... aureis› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1172

VI.—Tholis.... aureis. Statius, lib. ii. Theb.: . . . . . . . . . Figamque superbis / Arma tholis. Placidus Lactantius: Tholum est media templi camera locus, in quo voventium primitiae suspendebantur. ELMENH.—Atqui tholi, non thola, sunt erectiores testudines, templis vel aliis aedificiis addi solitae, in quibus deorum Dearumve imagines ponebantur. Vid. Philandri Lex. Vitruv., et Gesner., in Thes., hoc verbo, et nos ad Jac. Balde, iv. Lyr., Od. xlv, vers. 25. ORELL.

VI. — "Golden ... domes." Statius, Thebaid Book II: ". . . and I will fix the arms on the proud domes." Placidus Lactantius: "The tholum is the place in the middle of the temple vault, in which the first-fruits of those who made vows were hung." ELMENHORST. — But "tholi", not "thola", are the higher vaults usually added to temples or other buildings, in which the images of gods or goddesses were placed. See Philander's Lexicon to Vitruvius, and Gesner in his Thesaurus under this word, and our note on Jacob Balde, Lyrics IV, Ode XLV, line 25. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Ex eo nonne patet et promptum est aut pro diis immortalibus mortuos vos colere› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1172

Ex eo nonne patet et promptum est aut pro diis immortalibus mortuos vos colere, etc. Hunc locum similiter a Clemente auctor noster mutuatus est, cujus haec sunt verba (in Protrept., p. 39, seq. ed. Potter.): Εἰκότως ἄρα ἀρχήν ποθεν ἡ δεισιδαιμονία λαβοῦσα, κακίας ἀνοήτου γέγονε πηγή· εἶτα δὲ μὴ ἀνακοπεῖσα, ἀλλ' εἰς ἐπίδοσιν ἐλθοῦσα, καὶ πολλὴ δὴ ῥυεῖσα, δημιουργὸς πολλῶν καθίσταται δαιμόνων, ἑκατόμβας θύουσα καὶ πανηγύρεις ἐπιτελοῦσα, καὶ ἀγάλματα ἀνιστᾶσα, καὶ νεὼς ἀνοικοδομοῦσα· οὓς δή, οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδὲ τούτους σιωπήσομαι, πρὸς δὲ καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐξελέγξω νεὼς μὲν εὐφήμως ὀνομαζομένους, τάφους δὲ γενομένους, τουτέστι τοὺς τάφους νεὼς ἐπικεκλημένους. Ὑμεῖς δὲ ἀλλὰ κἂν νῦν δεισιδαιμονίας ἐκλάθεσθε, τοὺς τάφους τιμᾶν αἰσχυνόμενοι. Ἐν τῷ νεῷ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἐν Λαρίσσῃ, ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει τάφος ἐστὶν Ἀκρισίου· Ἀθήνησι δὲ ἐν ἀκροπόλει Κέκροπος, ὥς φησιν Ἀντίοχος ἐν τῷ ἐννάτῳ τῶν ἱστοριῶν. Τί δὲ Ἐριχθόνιος; οὐχὶ ἐν τῷ νεῷ τῆς Πολιάδος κεκήδευται; Ἴμμαρος δὲ ὁ Εὐμόλπου καὶ Δαείρας, οὐχὶ ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ τοῦ Ἐλευσινίου, τοῦ ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλει; αἱ δὲ Κελεοῦ θυγατέρες, οὐχὶ ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι τετάφαται; τί σοι καταλέγω τὰς Ὑπερβορέων γυναῖκας; Ὑπερόχη καὶ Λαοδίκη κέκλησθον· ἐν τῷ Ἀρτεμισίῳ ἐν Δήλῳ κεκήδευσθον· τὸ δὲ ἐν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Δηλίου ἐστὶν ἱερῷ. Λεάνδριος δὲ Κλέαρχον ἐν Μιλήτῳ τετάφθαι ἐν τῷ Διδυμαίῳ φησίν· ἐνταῦθα τῆς Λευκοφρύνης τὸ μνημεῖον, οὐκ ἄξιον παρελθεῖν, ἑπομένους Ζήνωνι τῷ Μυνδίῳ· ἣ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος, ἐν Μαγνησίᾳ κεκήδευται· οὐδὲ μὴν τὸν ἐν Τελμισσῷ βωμὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος, ὃν μνῆμα εἶναι καὶ τοῦτον Τελμισσέως τοῦ μάντεως, ἱστοροῦσι. Πτολεμαῖος δὲ ὁ τοῦ Ἀγησάρχου, ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῶν περὶ τὸν Φιλοπάτορα, ἐν Πάφῳ λέγει, ἐν τῷ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ἱερῷ Κινύραν τε καὶ τοὺς Κινύρου ἀπογόνους κεκηδεῦσθαι. Ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἐπιόντι μοι τοὺς προσκυνουμένους ὑμῖν τάφους, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐδ' ὁ πᾶς ἂν ἀρκέσῃ χρόνος. CANTER.—Eadem iisdemque fere verbis leguntur ap. Euseb. in Praeparat. Evangel., lib. ii, cap. 6. Conf. Cyrill., adv. Julian. x, et Athenagoras, in Legat. pro Christ., pag. 258, ed. Rechenberg. ORELL.

"Is it not plain and obvious from this that you either worship the dead in place of the immortal gods," etc. Our author likewise borrowed this passage from Clement, whose words are these (Protrepticus, p. 39 f., Potter's edition): "Fittingly, then, superstition, having taken its beginning from somewhere, became the fountain of senseless wickedness; then, not being checked but growing and flowing abundantly, it becomes the maker of many demons, sacrificing hecatombs, holding festivals, setting up images and building temples. These, for I will not pass over them in silence either, I will also prove to be called temples by a fair name but to have been tombs; that is, tombs called temples. But you, even now at least, forget your superstition, ashamed to honour tombs. In the temple of Athena at Larissa, on the acropolis, there is the tomb of Acrisius; at Athens, on the acropolis, that of Cecrops, as Antiochus says in the ninth book of his Histories. And what of Erichthonius? Is he not buried in the temple of Athena Polias? And Immarus, son of Eumolpus and Daeira, is he not in the precinct of the Eleusinium below the acropolis? And the daughters of Celeus, are they not buried at Eleusis? Why should I list for you the women of the Hyperboreans? They are called Hyperoche and Laodice; they are buried in the Artemisium on Delos, which is in the temple of Delian Apollo. Leandrius says that Clearchus is buried at Miletus in the Didymaeum. Here, following Zeno of Myndus, it is not right to pass over the monument of Leucophryne, who is buried in the temple of Artemis at Magnesia; nor the altar of Apollo at Telmissus, which they report is also the tomb of the seer Telmisseus. Ptolemy son of Agesarchus, in the first book of his work on Philopator, says that Cinyras and the descendants of Cinyras are buried at Paphos in the temple of Aphrodite. But if I were to go through the tombs you worship, all time would not suffice me." CANTERUS. — The same things are read in nearly the same words in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, Book II, chapter 6. Compare Cyril, Against Julian X, and Athenagoras, Embassy for the Christians, p. 258, Rechenberg's edition. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Quorum delubra et templa mortuorum superlata sunt bustis› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1172

Quorum delubra et templa mortuorum superlata sunt bustis. Steavechius legendum existimat: tuberata sunt bustis, translata voce ad tumulos humatorum (continues)

"Whose shrines and temples are raised over the tombs of the dead." Stewech thinks one should read "tuberata sunt bustis" (are swollen up with tombs), the word being transferred to the mounds of the buried (continues)

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PL 5:1172

tantum, quoniam praebere communiter suum non potest atque indiscretus, auditum. Atque ita perficitur, ut aut nullis deus opituletur omnino, si occupatus re aliqua ad audiendas voces non quiverit advolare ; aut exauditi tantummodo uni abeant soli, nihil egerint caeteri.

only, since he cannot, undivided, afford his hearing in common. And thus it is brought about that either the god helps none at all, if busied with some matter he has been unable to fly thither to hear the voices; or one people alone go away heard, while the rest have accomplished nothing.

VI. Quid quod multa ex his templa, quae tholis sunt aureis, et sublimibus elata fastigiis, auctorum conscriptionibus comprobatur contegere cineres atque ossa, et functorum esse corporum sepulturas ? Nonne patet et promptum est, aut pro diis immortalibus mortuos vos colere, aut inexpiabilem fieri numinibus contumeliam, quorum delubra et templa mortuorum superlata sunt bustis? In historiarum

VI. What of the fact that many of these temples, which are with golden domes and raised with lofty gables, are proved by the writings of authors to cover ashes and bones, and to be the graves of dead bodies? Is it not clear and manifest that either you worship dead men in place of immortal gods, or an inexpiable insult is done to the divinities, whose shrines and temples have been built over the tombs of the dead? In the ninth book of his Histories

Editors' notes and page, col. 1172

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PL 5:1173

Antiochus nono Athenis in Minervio memorat Cecropem esse mandatum terrae ; in templo rursus ejusdem, quod in arce Larissae est, conditus scribitur atque indicatur Acrisius : Erichtonius Poliadis in fano :

Antiochus records that at Athens in the temple of Minerva Cecrops was consigned to the earth; again, in the temple of the same goddess which is in the citadel of Larissa, Acrisius is written and shown to be buried; Erichthonius in the sanctuary of Polias;

Editors' notes and page, col. 1173

Footnotes

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(1) (continued; beginning not visible) · col 1173

[…]culam libris novem: de qua Diodorus lib. xii, c. 71: Τῶν δὲ συγγραφέων Ἀντίοχος ὁ Συρακούσιος τὴν τῶν Σικελικῶν ἱστορίαν εἰς τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν (Olymp. lxxxix, 1.) κατέστρεψεν, ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ Κωκάλου τοῦ Σικανῶν βασιλέως, ἐν βίβλοις ἐννέα. Ubi vid. Wesseling., pag. 528, vol. v, ed. Bipont., et G. J. Voss., de Hist. Graec., lib. iv, cap. 7. ORELL.

[…] in nine books; on which Diodorus, Book XII, chapter 71: "Of the historians, Antiochus of Syracuse brought his history of Sicily to an end at this year (Olympiad 89, 1), having begun from Cocalus, king of the Sicani, in nine books." On which see Wesseling, p. 528, vol. V, Bipontine edition, and G. J. Vossius, On the Greek Historians, Book IV, chapter 7. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹In templo rursus ejusdem, quod in arce Larissae est› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1173

In templo rursus ejusdem, quod in arce Larissae est. Barthius, ad Stat. Theb., i. 382, vol. ii, pag. 132, legendum existimat in arce Larissa est, putans intelligi Larissam urbis Argivae acropolin, de qua Strabo, lib. viii, pag. 370, ed. Casauboni: Ἡ μὲν οὖν πόλις ἡ τῶν Ἀργείων ἐν χωρίοις ἐπιπέδοις ἵδρυται τὸ πλέον· ἄκραν δ' ἔχει τὴν καλουμένην Λάρισσαν, λόφον εὐερκῆ μετρίως· ῥεῖ δ' αὐτῆς πλησίον ὁ Ἴναχος, χαραδρώδης ποταμός, ἔχων τὰς πηγὰς ἐκ Λυρκίου τοῦ κατὰ τὴν Κυνουρίαν ὄρους τῆς Ἀρκαδίας. Sed fallitur. Nam ne dicam, in arce Larissa templum non Minervae, sed Jovis commemorari a Strabone, Pausanias in Corinthiacis lib. ii, narrat disertis verbis Acrisium, de quo hic sermo, Larissam Thessaliae ad Peneum amnem concessisse. Vide notam sequentem. ORELL.

"Again, in the temple of the same goddess which is on the citadel of Larissa." Barth, on Statius, Thebaid I, 382, vol. II, p. 132, thinks one should read "in arce Larissa est" (is on the citadel, Larissa), supposing that Larissa, the acropolis of the city of Argos, is meant, of which Strabo, Book VIII, p. 370 of Casaubon's edition: "The city of the Argives is built for the most part on level ground; but it has a citadel called Larissa, a moderately well-fortified hill; and near it flows the Inachus, a torrent-like river, which has its sources in Lyrcium, the mountain of Arcadia over against Cynuria." But he is mistaken. For, not to mention that Strabo records a temple not of Minerva but of Jupiter on the citadel Larissa, Pausanias, in the Corinthiaca, Book II, relates in express words that Acrisius, of whom we are speaking here, withdrew to Larissa in Thessaly on the river Peneus. See the following note. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Conditus scribitur atque indicatur Acrisius› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1173

Conditus scribitur atque indicatur Acrisius. Pausanias, l. l., pag. 112, ed. Sylburg.: Οἱ δὲ Ἄβαντος τοῦ Λυγκέως παῖδες τὴν βασιλείαν ἐνείμαντο. Καὶ Ἀκρίσιος μὲν αὐτοῦ κατέμεινεν ἐν τῷ Ἄργει, Προῖτος δὲ τὸ Ἡραῖον καὶ Μίδειαν καὶ Τίρυνθα ἔσχεν, καὶ ὅσα πρὸς θαλάσσῃ τῆς Ἀργείας..... χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἀκρίσιος Περσέα αὐτόν τε περιεῖναι πυνθανόμενος, καὶ ἔργα ἀποδείκνυσθαι, ἐς Λάρισσαν ἀπεχώρησε τὴν ἐπὶ Πηνειῷ. Περσεὺς δὲ (ἰδεῖν γὰρ πάντως ἤθελε τὸν γονέα τῆς μητρός, καὶ λόγοις δὲ χρηστοῖς καὶ ἔργοις δεξιώσασθαι) ἔρχεται παρ' αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν Λάρισσαν. Καὶ ὁ μὲν οἷα ἡλικίᾳ τε ἀκμάζων, καὶ τοῦ δίσκου χαίρων τῷ εὑρήματι, ἐπεδείκνυτο ἐς ἅπαντας. Ἀκρίσιος δὲ λανθάνει κατὰ δαίμονα ὑποπεσὼν τοῦ δίσκου τῇ ὁρμῇ. Καὶ Ἀκρισίῳ μὲν ἡ πρόρρησις τοῦ θεοῦ τέλος ἔσχεν, οὐδὲ ἀπέτρεψέν οἱ τὸ χρεὼν τὰ εἰς τὴν παῖδα καὶ τὸν θυγατριδοῦν (Danaen et Perseum) παρευρήματα. Pessime itaque nonnulli Acrisium hunc Ulyssi avum faciunt, quem Arcesium, non Acrisium, fuisse docet Stewechius. ORELL.

"Acrisius is recorded and pointed out as buried." Pausanias at the place cited, p. 112, Sylburg's edition: "The sons of Abas son of Lynceus divided the kingdom. Acrisius stayed there in Argos, while Proetus took the Heraeum, Midea, Tiryns and the coastal parts of Argolis ..... Later Acrisius, learning that Perseus was alive and performing deeds, withdrew to Larissa on the Peneus. But Perseus, who wished by all means to see his mother's father and to greet him with kind words and deeds, came to him at Larissa. And he, being in the prime of youth and delighting in his invention of the discus, was showing it off to everyone; and Acrisius, by some fate, unawares got in the way of the discus's flight. So the god's prophecy was fulfilled for Acrisius, and his devices against his daughter and grandson (Danae and Perseus) did not avert his destiny." So some very wrongly make this Acrisius the grandfather of Ulysses, who, as Stewech shows, was Arcesius, not Acrisius. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Erichthonius Poliadis in fano› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1173

Erichthonius Poliadis in fano. Athenis in templo Minervae Poliadis, cujus amplam descriptionem vide ap. Pausaniam lib. i, p. 48 seq., ed. Sylburg., humatus rex Erichthonius, quadrigarum inventione nobilitatus, testibus Virgilio, Georg. iii, 113, et Plinio, Hist. nat., vii, cap. 56. ORELL.

"Erichthonius in the shrine of the Polias." At Athens, in the temple of Minerva Polias (of which see the full description in Pausanias, Book I, p. 48 f., Sylburg's edition), King Erichthonius was buried, famous for inventing the four-horse chariot, as Virgil (Georgics III, 113) and Pliny (Natural History VII, chapter 56) attest. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Dairas et Immarus fratres› · lemma note, cap. 6, cols 1173–1174

Dairas et Immarus fratres. Sic emendavit Salmasius e Clemente. Ms. habet: Immaranchus. Editio princeps: Immarnachus. Variant enim scriptores in hoc nomine. Pausanias, lib. i, pag. 49, et Cyrillus adv Julian., lib. x, pag. 349, vocant Ἰμμάραδον παῖδα Εὐμόλπου. Eusebio dicitur Ἴσμαρος. Caeterum videtur Arnobius Clementem suum vel non intellexisse, vel aliter legisse, vel etiam e diversis hausisse fontibus. Clemens enim scribit: Ἴμμαρος δὲ ὁ Εὐμόλπου καὶ Δαείρας, quod significat: Immarus filius Eumolpi et Dairae. Arnobius autem Δαείρας accipiens masculino genere fratrem facit Immari. Dairae, Δαείρας, filiae Oceani, quae a Mercurio com[… lines not visible …] Salmasius, ad Solin., pag. 8, Arnobius aliter legisse videtur Clementis locum, ita scil. ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ τῷ Ἐλευσινίῳ, vertens in Eleusino consepto pro Eleusinio. Sic paulo post in Cereris Eleusinae pro Eleusiniae, et Virgilius, Georg. i, 163: Tardaque Eleusinae matris volventia plaustra. Conseptum περίβολον Graeci vocant certum agri modum circum templa vacantem, vitibus aut arboribus consitum et muro clausum, deoque, cujus id erat templum, dicatum, et sacerdotum usibus proficientem. Pollux, lib. i, § 10: Οἱ ἀνειμένοι θεοῖς τόποι, ἄλση τε καὶ τεμένη, καὶ ἕρκη, καὶ ὁ περὶ αὐτὰ κύκλος περίβολος. Aelianus, Hist. Anim., lib. xvii, cap. 16: Οὐκοῦν ἐν τῷ τοῦ νεὼ περιβόλῳ τιθασσοὺς ὄρνιθας πολλοὺς τρέφεσθαί φησι. Apulejus Met., xi: Aedibus conductis intra conseptum templi larem temporarium mihi constituo. Non itaque Dairas et Immarus intra templum sepulti, sed in templi consepto. Vide Herald. ad h. l. Salmas. ad Solin., p. 1., et Keuchen. ad Samonic., vers. 936, in Poet. lat. min. P. Burmanni, vol. ii, p. 362. ORELL.

"The brothers Dairas and Immarus." So Salmasius emended from Clement. The manuscript has "Immaranchus"; the first edition "Immarnachus". For writers vary on this name. Pausanias, Book I, p. 49, and Cyril, Against Julian, Book X, p. 349, call him "Immaradus, son of Eumolpus". Eusebius calls him "Ismarus". For the rest, Arnobius seems either not to have understood his Clement, or to have read him differently, or even to have drawn on different sources. For Clement writes: "Immarus, son of Eumolpus and Daeira", which means Immarus, son of Eumolpus and Daira. But Arnobius, taking "Daeiras" as masculine, makes him Immarus's brother. Of Daira, daughter of Ocean, who [lay] with Mercury [… lines not visible …] Salmasius, on Solinus, p. 8. Arnobius seems to have read Clement's passage differently, namely "in the Eleusinian precinct", translating "in Eleusino consepto" for "Eleusinio". So a little later "in Cereris Eleusinae" for "Eleusiniae", and Virgil, Georgics I, 163: "And the slow-rolling wagons of the Eleusinian mother." The Greeks call "peribolos" (enclosure) a fixed measure of land left free around temples, planted with vines or trees and closed by a wall, dedicated to the god whose temple it was, and serving the needs of the priests. Pollux, Book I, § 10: "The places dedicated to the gods: groves and precincts, and enclosures, and the ring around them, the peribolos." Aelian, On Animals, Book XVII, chapter 16: "So he says that many tame birds are kept in the enclosure of the temple." Apuleius, Metamorphoses XI: "Hiring a house within the enclosure of the temple, I set up a temporary home for myself." So Dairas and Immarus were buried not inside the temple but in the temple's enclosure. See Heraldus on this place, Salmasius on Solinus, p. 1, and Keuchen on Serenus Sammonicus, line 936, in P. Burmann's Poetae Latini Minores, vol. II, p. 362. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Quod civitati subjectum est› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1174

Quod civitati subjectum est. Fulv. Ursinus conjicit: Quod arci subjectum est. ORELL.

"Which lies below the city." Fulvio Orsini conjectures: "which lies below the citadel." ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Quid Celei virgines, non in Cereris Eleusinae humationis habuisse perhibentur officia› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1174

Quid Celei virgines, non in Cereris Eleusinae humationis habuisse perhibentur officia. Haec lectio, merito in textum recepta a Salmasio debetur Heraldo. Codex ms. et editio princeps: humationibus perhibentur officia, nullo sensu unde Gelenius fecit: humatae habere perhibentur officia, quod nihil aliud significare potest, quam: humatae ibi perhibentur honore sacrificiorum et parentalium mactari, quo sensu officia habere absolute an dici possit, valde dubito. Fulv. Ursinus conj.: humationis sortitae perhibentur officia. Meursius: humatae omnibus perhibentur officiose. Stewechius: humatus habere perhibentur officia, explicans, virgines illas libitinariorum vicem fuisse. Male. Aliud enim est officia habere, aliud officiis fungi. Atqui officia habere significat officium (beneficium) nancisci ab altero. Plinius, lib. vii, epist. 19: Utramque colui, utramque dilexi: utram magis, nescio, nec discerni volebant. Habuerunt officia mea in secundis, habuerunt in adversis. Humationis igitur officia habuisse idem est quod sepultas, humatas fuisse, τετάφθαι, ut scribit Clemens. Intelligendae autem filiae Celei Eleusinii regis, cujus filius Triptolemus a Cerere hospitio excepta sationem frugum acceperat. Vide Apollodor., i, cap. 5, 1. Earum nomina Διογένειαν καὶ Παμμερόπην καὶ τρίτην Σαισάραν profert ex Homero et Pampho Pausanias, lib. i. pag. 71, ed. Sylburg. Pessime igitur Fulv. Ursinus reponit. Quid Elei virgines? a vico Elaeo in Argo, cujus incolas Eleusinios fuisse auctor est Stephanus. Atqui Celei virgines sunt Κελεοῦ θυγατέρες. Ita virgo alicujus pro filia apud optimos scriptores, v. c. Cornel. Nepot., in Epaminond., cap. 3, § 5: Nam cum aut civium suorum aliquis ab hostibus esset captus, aut virgo amici nubilis propter paupertatem collocari non posset, amicorum concilium habebat, et quantum quisque daret, pro cujusque facultatibus imperabat. ORELL.

"What of the maidens of Celeus? Are they not said to have received the offices of burial in the temple of Eleusinian Ceres?" This reading, rightly received into the text by Salmasius, is owed to Heraldus. The manuscript and the first edition: "humationibus perhibentur officia", which makes no sense; from it Gelenius made "humatae habere perhibentur officia", which can mean nothing else than "being buried there, they are said to be honoured with the honour of sacrifices and funeral rites"; whether "officia habere" can be said absolutely in that sense I very much doubt. Fulvio Orsini conjectures: "humationis sortitae perhibentur officia" (are said to have obtained the offices of burial). Meursius: "humatae omnibus perhibentur officiose" (are said to have been buried with all due service). Stewech: "humatus habere perhibentur officia", explaining that those maidens served as undertakers. Wrongly. For to "have offices" is one thing, to "perform offices" another; and "officia habere" means to receive a service (a kindness) from another. Pliny, Book VII, letter 19: "I cherished both, I loved both; which more, I do not know, nor did they wish it to be distinguished. They had my services in prosperity, they had them in adversity." So to have had the offices of burial is the same as to have been buried, interred, "tetaphthai", as Clement writes. And the daughters of Celeus, king of Eleusis, are meant, whose son Triptolemus received the sowing of grain from Ceres when he had welcomed her as a guest. See Apollodorus I, chapter 5, 1. Their names, Diogeneia, Pammerope and, third, Saesara, Pausanias gives from Homer and Pamphus, Book I, p. 71, Sylburg's edition. So Fulvio Orsini's restoration is very bad: "Quid Elei virgines?", from the village of Elaeus in Argos, whose inhabitants Stephanus says were Eleusinians. But the maidens of Celeus are "the daughters of Celeus". So "someone's maiden" for daughter in the best writers, for example Cornelius Nepos, Epaminondas, chapter 3, § 5: "For when any of his fellow citizens had been captured by the enemy, or a friend's marriageable maiden could not be married off for poverty, he held a council of friends and laid down how much each should give according to his means." ORELLI.

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Page

running head: 1173 LIBER SEXT
marginal letters: A Antiochus nono Athenis; B Σικελικῶν ἱστορίαν (in commentary); C nem concessisse. (in commentary); D Erichthonius Poliadis in fano. (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: full-width heading COMMENTARIU and commentary at foot not set

PL 5:1174

Dairas et Immarus fratres et Eleusino consepto, quod civitati subjectum est. Quid Celei virgines, non in Cereris Eleusinae humationis habuisse perhibentur officia ? non in Dianae delubro, quod in Apollinis

Dairas and Immarus, brothers, in the Eleusinian enclosure, which lies below the city. What of the virgin daughters of Celeus, are they not reported to have had the offices of burial in the temple of Eleusinian Ceres? Not in the shrine of Diana, which in that of Delian Apollo

Editors' notes and page, col. 1174

Page

running head: LIBER SEXTUS. 1174
marginal letters: A Dairas et Immarus fratres; B Ἐλευσινίῳ, vertens (in commentary); C Quod civitati subjectum est. (in commentary); D discerni volebant. (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: full-width heading COMMENTARIUS. and commentary at foot not set

PL 5:1175

constitutum est Delii, Hyperocha, Laodiceque, quas advectas illuc esse finibus ex Hyperboreis indicatur? in Didymaeo Milesio Clearchum dicit habuisse suprema Leandrius funeris. Leucophrynae monumentum in fano apud Magnesiam Dianae esse, Myndius profitetur ac memorat Zeno. Sub Apollinis arula, quae Telmessi apud oppidum visitur, Telmessum esse conditum vatem, non scriptis constantibus indicatur ? Agesarchi Ptolomaeus, de Philopatre quem edidit primo, Cyniram regem Paphi cum familia

is established, Hyperocha and Laodice, who are shown to have been brought thither from the Hyperborean bounds? In the Milesian Didymaeum Leandrius says that Clearchus had the last rites of burial. That the monument of Leucophryne is in the sanctuary of Diana at Magnesia, Zeno of Myndus declares and records. Under the little altar of Apollo which is seen at the town of Telmessus, is it not shown by consistent writings that the prophet Telmessus is buried? Ptolemy the son of Agesarchus, in the first book which he published concerning Philopator, declares by the authority of letters that Cinyras king of Paphos with all his family,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1175

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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(h) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 1175

Alii: Brimo. Inepte.

Others: "Brimo". Absurdly.

Commentarius

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(1) ‹Non in Dianae delubro … Hyperocha Laodiceque› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1175

Non in Dianae delubro, quod in Apollinis constitutum est Delii, Hyperocha Laodiceque, quas advectas illuc esse finibus ex Hyperboreis indicatur. Gentianus Hervetus in Commentario ad Clementis Protrept.. l. l. Hyperocham illam ac Laodicen suspicatur uxores fuisse illorum Hyperboreorum, quos Delphis opem tulisse adversus Gallos refert Pausanias, lib. i, pag. 7, Hyperochi scil. et Hamadoci, quibus tertius accessit Pyrrhus Achillis filius. Caeterum delubrum hoc loco significare videtur templum angustius, vel potius sacellum Apollinis in majore Artemisio constitutum. Vide supra ad cap. 3. ORELL.

"Are not Hyperoche and Laodice, who are shown to have been brought there from the lands of the Hyperboreans, [buried] in the shrine of Diana which is set within the temple of Delian Apollo?" Gentian Hervet, in his commentary on Clement's Protrepticus at the place cited, suspects that this Hyperoche and Laodice were the wives of those Hyperboreans who, Pausanias relates (Book I, p. 7), brought help to Delphi against the Gauls, namely Hyperochus and Amadocus, joined by a third, Pyrrhus son of Achilles. For the rest, "delubrum" here seems to mean a narrower temple, or rather a chapel of Apollo set within the larger Artemisium. See above on chapter 3. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹In Didymaeo Milesio› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1175

In Didymaeo Milesio. Didymaeum, in quo fuit sepultus Clearchus, fuit templum Apollinis, qui appellatus fuit Didymus, de quo Orpheus, in Hymno xxxiii, vers. 7: Βράγχιε καὶ Διδυμεῦ, ἑκάεργος, Λοξία, ἁγνέ. GENTIAN. HERVET. ad Clement., l. l. Utroque nomine Branchidae et Didymaei Mileti cultum fuisse Apollinem, auctor est Mella, lib. i, cap. 17. Ubi vid. Is. Voss. Conf. Ruhnken., ad Orphei l. l., in editione Hermanni, pag. 295. ORELL.

"In the Milesian Didymaeum." The Didymaeum, in which Clearchus was buried, was a temple of Apollo, who was called Didymus; of whom Orpheus, Hymn XXXIII, line 7: "Branchian and Didymean, far-worker, Loxias, holy one." GENTIAN HERVET on Clement at the place cited. That Apollo was worshipped at Miletus under both names, Branchidean and Didymaean, Mela attests, Book I, chapter 17; on which see Isaac Vossius. Compare Ruhnken on the passage of Orpheus, in Hermann's edition, p. 295. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Clearchum› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1175

Clearchum. Ita Ursinus ex Clemente. Editio princeps Cleomachum, quomodo et Eusebius Κλεόμαχον. Quis hic fuerit, incertum. Gentianus Hervetus putat, significari Clearchum statuarium Rheginum, cujus meminit Pausanias, lib. vii, pag. 550, ed. Sylb. ORELL.

"Clearchus." So Orsini from Clement. The first edition has "Cleomachus", as Eusebius too has "Kleomachos". Who he was is uncertain. Gentian Hervet thinks Clearchus the sculptor of Rhegium is meant, whom Pausanias mentions, Book VII, p. 550, Sylburg's edition. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Leandrius› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1175

Leandrius. Leander sive Leandrius Milesius, incertae aetatis scriptor, commentarium reliquit de Mileto ac Milesiis. Vid. Laert., lib. i, segm. 28, ibique intpp. Meurs., ad Macrob. Saturn., lib. i, cap. 17, et G. J. Voss., de Historicis graec., lib. iii. Alii: Leandrus. ORELL.

"Leandrius." Leander or Leandrius of Miletus, a writer of uncertain date, left a commentary on Miletus and the Milesians. See Diogenes Laertius, Book I, section 28, and the interpreters there; Meursius on Macrobius, Saturnalia, Book I, chapter 17; and G. J. Vossius, On the Greek Historians, Book III. Others: "Leandrus". ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Dicit habuisse suprema Leandrius funeris› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1175

Dicit habuisse suprema Leandrius funeris. Id est: conditum esse et sepultum, τετάφθαι, quod est supremum funeris officium. Suprema dicit absolute. Solinus, cap. 15: Cujus suprema non contentus prosequi sumptu funeris, crinem tonsus est. HERALD.

"Leandrius says he received the last rites of burial." That is, that he was laid to rest and buried ("tetaphthai"), which is the last office of a funeral. He says "suprema" absolutely. Solinus, chapter 15: "Not content to honour his last rites with the cost of a funeral, he had his hair shorn." HERALDUS.

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(6) ‹Leucophrynae monumentum› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1175

Leucophrynae monumentum. Quaenam haec fuerit, incertum. Ab hac Leucophryne Dianam ipsam Magnesiam cognomen accepisse Λευκοφρύνης Ἀρτέμιδος, (Vid. Pausan., lib. i, pag. 47, et lib. iii, pag. 196.) existimat Gentianus Hervetus; de cujus cognomine fuse agit Lips. ad Tacit. Annal., iii, cap. 62, p. 338, ed. Oberlin., Conf. imprimis Jo. Selden. Commentar. in marmora Arundel., pag. 176, seqq. ORELL.

"The monument of Leucophryne." Who she was is uncertain. Gentian Hervet thinks that the Magnesian Diana herself took from this Leucophryne the surname "Artemis Leucophryene" (see Pausanias, Book I, p. 47, and Book III, p. 196); on which surname Lipsius treats at length on Tacitus, Annals III, chapter 62, p. 338, Oberlin's edition. Compare above all John Selden's commentary on the Arundel marbles, p. 176 ff. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Myndius Zeno› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1175

Myndius Zeno. Stephanus Byzantius v. Μύνδος.... Ἀπολλώνιος καὶ Ζήνων Μύνδιοι γραμματικοί. VIGER., ad Clement.

"Zeno of Myndus." Stephanus of Byzantium under "Myndos": "... Apollonius and Zeno, grammarians of Myndus." VIGER, on Clement.

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(8) ‹Sub Apollinis arula, quae Telmessi … visitur› · lemma note, cap. 6, cols 1175–1176

Sub Apollinis arula, quae Telmessi apud oppidum visitur, Telmessum esse conditum vatem non scriptis constantibus indicatur? Cicero, de Divinat., lib. i, cap. 41: Telmessus in Caria est, qua in urbe excellit haruspicum disciplina, ubi vid. Davis. Idem de Telmissensibus testatur Arrianus, de Exped .Alexandr., lib. ii, cap. 3. Telmessi autem vatis, a quo forsitan nomen habuit oppidum, apud veteres nulla mentio. ORELL.

"Is it not shown by consistent writings that the seer Telmessus is buried under the little altar of Apollo which is seen at the town of Telmessus?" Cicero, On Divination, Book I, chapter 41: "Telmessus is in Caria, a city in which the art of the haruspices excels"; on which see Davis. Arrian testifies the same of the Telmissians, Expedition of Alexander, Book II, chapter 3. But of a seer Telmessus, from whom perhaps the town took its name, there is no mention among the ancients. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Agesarchi Ptolemaeus de Philopatore quem edidit primo› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1176

Agesarchi Ptolemaeus de Philopatore quem edidit primo, etc. Sic ex editione principe restituit T. Canterus, in Var. lect., cap. 2. Gelenius haec corrupit pessime, primam vocem cum praecedentibus conjungens, et totum locum in editione sua ita rescribens: Nonne scriptis constantibus indicatur Agesarchi? Ptolemaeus Philapator quem edidit primo, etc. Ignorabat scil., Ptolemaeum Agesarchi filium scripsisse historiam de Philopatore, quod tamen ipsum vel unus abunde Athenaeus docere potuisset, qui hunc scriptorem aliquoties citat, v. c. Dipnos., lib. vi, pag. 246, et lib. x, pag. 425, ed. Casauboni. Confer. Clementis locum, unde Arnobius haec assumpsit, et Voss., de Hist. Graec. ORELL.

"Ptolemy son of Agesarchus, in the first book he published on Philopator," etc. So T. Canterus restored it from the first edition, Variae lectiones, chapter 2. Gelenius corrupted this very badly, joining the first word to what precedes and rewriting the whole passage in his edition thus: "Is it not shown by consistent writings of Agesarchus? Ptolemy Philopator, whom he published first," etc. He did not know, that is, that Ptolemy son of Agesarchus wrote a history of Philopator, which Athenaeus alone could have taught him amply, since he cites this writer several times, for example Deipnosophists, Book VI, p. 246, and Book X, p. 425, Casaubon's edition. Compare the passage of Clement from which Arnobius took this, and Vossius, On the Greek Historians. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Cinyram regem Paphi› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1176

Cinyram regem Paphi. Vide supra ad lib. iv, cap. 24, et lib. v, cap. 19. ORELL.

"Cinyras, king of Paphos." See above on Book IV, chapter 24, and Book V, chapter 19. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Quibus quique in fanis toto sint in orbe conscribere› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1176

Quibus quique in fanis toto sint in orbe conscribere. Haud contemnenda Stewechii conjectura: Toto siti in orbe. Sic paulo ante: cum omni prosapia in templo Veneris situm esse, et: Hic situs est, id est humatus, conditus sepulchro, centies in inscriptionibus. ORELL.

"To list in which shrines throughout the world each of them lies." Stewech's conjecture is not to be despised: "toto siti in orbe" (laid throughout the world). So a little before: "is laid with all his line in the temple of Venus"; and "Hic situs est" (here he lies), that is, buried, laid in a tomb, a hundred times in inscriptions. ORELLI.

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(12) ‹Quam is poenam constituerit Aegyptius in eum, qui publicasset, quibus Apis jaceret absconditus› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1176

Quam is poenam constituerit Aegyptius in eum, qui publicasset, quibus Apis jaceret absconditus. C. Barthius in Adversar. Lib. xxix, cap. 18, pag. 1391, pro quibus legendum existimat: ubi suus. Sed locus est sanissimus. Quibus, scil. sanis, quod supplendum ex praecedentibus verbis: Infinitum est et immensum, quibus quique in sanis toto sint in orbe, describere. Caeterum loco nostro lucem affundit Augustinus, de Civ. Dei, lib. xviii, cap. 5: Constitutum est etiam de illo (Apide vel Serapide), ut quisquis eum hominem dixisset fuisse, capitalem penderet poenam. Et quoniam fere in omnibus templis, ubi colebantur Isis et Serapis, erat etiam simulachrum, quod digito labiis impresso admonere videretur, ut silentium fieret: hoc significare idem Varro existimat, ut homines eos fuisse taceretur. Ille autem bos, quem mirabili vanitate decepta Aegyptus in honorem ejus deliciis affluentibus alebat, quoniam eum fine sarcophago vivum venerabantur, Apis, non Serapis vocabatur. Pro is Aegyptius, quod resinxit Salmasius, alii habent Aegyptus. Equidem nihil definio. ORELL.

"What penalty the Egyptian laid down against anyone who disclosed in which [shrines] Apis lay hidden." C. Barth, Adversaria, book XXIX, chapter 18, p. 1391, thinks "ubi suus" should be read for "quibus". But the passage is perfectly sound. "Quibus", namely "fanis" (shrines), which is to be supplied from the preceding words: "It is an endless and boundless task to describe in which shrines throughout the world each of them lies." For the rest, Augustine sheds light on our passage, City of God, Book XVIII, chapter 5: "It was also decreed concerning him (Apis or Serapis) that whoever said he had been a man should pay the penalty of death. And since in almost all the temples where Isis and Serapis were worshipped there was also an image that seemed, with a finger pressed to its lips, to warn that silence be kept, Varro thinks this means the same: that it should not be told that they had been human beings. But that bull which Egypt, deceived by an astonishing vanity, fed in his honour with abundant delicacies, since they worshipped him alive without a sarcophagus, was called Apis, not Serapis." For "is Aegyptius", which Salmasius restored, others have "Aegyptus". For my part I decide nothing. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Polyandria illa Varronis› · lemma note, cap. 6, col 1176

Polyandria illa Varronis, etc. Papias: Polyandrion ..... tumulus mortuorum. Glossae: Strages.... πολυάνδριον, σωρὸς νεκρῶν. Lactantius, Epitome Div. Inst. cap. ultimo: Et congerentur in ea valle corpora mortuorum, et vocabitur nomem ejus Polyandrion. Inscriptio vetus: VIATOR. HUC. PROPIUS. FERTO. OCULOS. DEINDE. VERBA. MECUM. FACITO. FUI. SINE. AMORE. VIVA. AMANS. HEU. MORIOR. DIC. QUAESO. AMABO. REM. MEN. HUIC. POLYANDRIO. DEDI. MORTUAM. OB. AMORIS. INCENDIUM.

"Those Polyandria of Varro," etc. Papias: "Polyandrion ..... a mound of the dead." The Glossaries: "Strages (heap of slain) .... polyandrion, a heap of corpses." Lactantius, Epitome of the Divine Institutes, last chapter: "And the bodies of the dead will be heaped up in that valley, and its name shall be called Polyandrion." An old inscription: "Traveller, bring your eyes closer here, then speak with me. I lived without love; loving, alas, I die. Tell, I beg you, please: I gave my thing to this Polyandrion, dead through the fire of love." [The inscription's sense in its last lines is obscure as printed.]

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running head: 1175 ARNOBII ADVERSUS GE
marginal letters: A constitutum est Delii; B vetus in Commentario (in commentary); C Voss. Conf. Ruhnken. (in commentary); D Leucophrynae monumentum. (in commentary)
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omni sua, immo cum omni prosapia in Veneris templo situm esse, litterarum auctoritate declarat. Infinitum est et immensum, quibus quique in fanis toto sint in orbe describere : nec exactam desiderat curam, quam is poenam constituerit Aegyptius in eum, qui publicasset, quibus Apis jaceret absconditus, polyandria illa Varronis quibus templis contegantur, quasque in se habeant superlati ponderis moles ?

nay with all his race, is laid in the temple of Venus. It is infinite and boundless to describe in what sanctuaries each one is throughout the whole world: nor does it require exact care to tell what penalty that Egyptian appointed against him who should make public in what sanctuaries Apis lay hidden, or by what temples those common burial-places of Varro are covered, and what masses of superimposed weight they have upon themselves?

Editors' notes and page, col. 1176

Lectiones variantes

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Quamvis ms.

"Quamvis" (although): the manuscript.

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running head: ADVERSUS GENTES 1176
marginal letters: A omni sua, immo; B Agesarchi Ptolemaeus (in commentary); C plo Veneris situm esse (in commentary); D Ille autem bos (in commentary)
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PL 5:1177

VII. Sed quid ego haec parva ? regnatoris in populi Capitolio quis est hominum, qui ignoret, Oli esse sepulchrum Vulcentani ? Quis est, inquam, qui non sciat ex fundaminum sedibus caput hominis evolutum non ante plurimum temporis, aut solum sive partibus caeteris, hoc enim quidam ferunt, aut cum membris omnibus humationis officia sortitum ? Quod si planum fieri testimoniis postulatis auctorum, Sammonicus, Granius, Valerianus vobis, et Fabius indicabunt, cujus Olus fuerit filius, gentis et nationis cujus, ut a germani servulis vita fuerit spoliatus et

VII. But why do I speak of these small matters? In the Capitol of a ruling people, who is there among men who does not know that there is the sepulchre of Olus Vulcentanus? Who is there, I say, who does not know that from the seats of the foundations the head of a man was rolled forth not a very long time ago, having obtained the offices of burial either alone without the other parts—for some report this—or with all its limbs? Which if you demand to be made plain by the testimonies of authors, Sammonicus, Granius, Valerianus, and Fabius will show you whose son Olus was, of what clan and nation, how by his brother's slaves he was deprived of life and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1177

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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(a) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 1177

Patientiae ms. male.

"Patientiae": the manuscript, wrongly.

Commentarius

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(1) (continued) · cap. 6, col 1177

PUERI. FLORENTIS. AETATE. FORMOSISS. QUID. INSANIS. AT. AMANS. VIVEBAS. PROFECTO. CUM. NOXIE. AMARE. CAEPERAM. ADOLESCENS. SPRETO. AMORIS. MUNERE. ABNUIT. CONTABUI. MORTE. RAPTA. HIC SUM. CADAVERIB. AMORE. FURENTIUM. MISERABUNDIS. POLYANDRION. Pausanias, Boeoticis, pag. 289; Corinthiacis, p. 65, 67; Aelianus, Var. Hist., lib. xii, cap. 21; Interpres. Biblior. in Ezechiel., cap. xxxix. ELMENH.

(continued) "... of a boy in the bloom of youth, most beautiful. 'Why are you mad?' 'But loving, you were alive.' Indeed, when I had begun to love harmfully, the youth spurned the gift of love and refused; I wasted away, snatched by death. Here I am. A polyandrion for the pitiable corpses of those raving with love." Pausanias, Boeotica, p. 289; Corinthiaca, pp. 65, 67; Aelian, Varia Historia, Book XII, chapter 21; the interpreters of the Bible on Ezekiel, chapter XXXIX. ELMENHORST.

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(2) ‹Regnatoris in populi Capitolio› · lemma note, cap. 7, col 1177

VII. — Regnatoris in populi Capitolio. Non contemnenda msti veteris lectio: in..... Capitolium. Notum satis illud Terentii Andria: In memoriam habeo, itemque hoc Plauti: in mentem est. Adeatur Agellius, lib i. cap. 7, itemque lib. xvii, cap. 2. STEWECH.

VII. — "On the Capitol of the ruling people." The old manuscript's reading is not to be despised: "in ..... Capitolium" (accusative). Well known is that phrase in Terence's Andria, "I have it into memory", and likewise Plautus's "it is into my mind". See Gellius, Book I, chapter 7, and also Book XVII, chapter 2. STEWECH.

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(3) ‹Oli esse sepulchrum Vulcentani› · lemma note, cap. 7, col 1177

Oli esse sepulchrum Vulcentani. Ita esse legendum cum editore Lugd., non Toli, ut antea edebatur, docet nos Servius ad Aen. viii, vers. 345: «Quidam dicunt, cum Capitolii, ubi, nunc est, fundamenta jacerentur, caput humanum, quod Oli diceretur, inventum; quo omine sollicitatos conditores, misisse ad Tusciam, ad aruspicem illius temporis nominatum, qui jam indicaverat Argo filio suo, tributum fataliter esse, ut is locus imperaret, in quo illud caput esset inventum. Obvii igitur Argo hi, qui missi erant, ubinam esset pater, interrogaverunt, qui, cognita causa itineris eorum, omne responsum patris prodidit, monuitque, ut caverent, ne ab eo interrogatione deciperentur. Sed cum legati ad eum pervenissent, et de significatione inventi capitis quaererent, volens ille dominatum orbis patriae suae potius adscribere, interrogavit: anne hic, suum locum ostendens, invenissent: ilis negantibus, suspicatus, proditum esse responsum, quaesivit, an quemquam obvium fecissent: illis simpliciter confitentibus, occurisse sibi juvenem, tunc aruspex, conscenso equo, secutus Argum occidit eo loco; ubi nunc Roma est; a cujus caede Argiletum.» Eamdem historiam commemorant Dionysius Halicarn., Ant. rom., lib. iv, pag. 257, edit. Sylb., et Plinius, lib. xxviii, cap. ii, suppresso tamen nomine ejus, qui caput abcissum, derivatoque Capitolii vocabulo non ab Olo, sed a capite, κεφαλῇ. Vid. Suid. v. Καπιτώλιον. Aruspici Tusco nomen Oleni Caleni fuisse, discimus ex Plinio Conf. Inst. Rycquius de Capitolio, cap 10, pag. 113. seqq. ORELL.

"That it is the tomb of Olus of Vulci." That this should be read, with the Leiden editor, and not "Toli" as was printed before, Servius teaches us on Aeneid VIII, line 345: "Some say that when the foundations of the Capitol, where it now is, were being laid, a human head was found, which was said to be Olus's; and the founders, troubled by this omen, sent to Etruria, to a soothsayer famous at that time, who had already told his son Argus that it was granted by fate that the place where that head had been found should rule. So those who had been sent met Argus and asked where his father was; and he, learning the reason for their journey, betrayed his father's whole answer and warned them to take care not to be deceived by his questioning. When the envoys reached him and asked about the meaning of the head that had been found, he, wishing rather to assign the dominion of the world to his own country, asked whether they had found it here, pointing to his own place. When they said no, suspecting that the answer had been betrayed, he asked whether they had met anyone; and when they simply admitted that a young man had met them, the soothsayer mounted his horse, pursued Argus and killed him at the spot where Rome now is; from whose slaughter comes the Argiletum." The same story is told by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, Book IV, p. 257, Sylburg's edition, and by Pliny, Book XXVIII, chapter II, though suppressing the name of the man whose head was cut off, and deriving the name Capitol not from Olus but from the head ("kephalē"). See Suidas under "Kapitōlion". That the Etruscan soothsayer's name was Olenus Calenus we learn from Pliny. Compare also Rycquius, On the Capitol, chapter 10, p. 113 ff. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Aut solum sive partibus caeteris› · lemma note, cap. 7, col 1177

Aut solum sive partibus caeteris. Legendum videtur: sine partibus caeteris. ORELL.

"Either alone or with the other parts." It seems one should read "sine partibus caeteris" (without the other parts). ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Sammonicus› · lemma note, cap. 7, cols 1177–1178

Sammonicus. Intelligendus Q. Sexenus Sammonicus pater a Caracalla occisus, et plurimorum librorum ad doctrinam spectantium auctor, laudatus ab Aelio Spartiano in Vita Caracallae. Cujus etiamnum superest carmen de medicina. Libros ejus rerum reconditarum, ex quibus sine dubio haec excerpsit noster, laudat Macrobius Sat. lib. iii, cap. 9, ubi vid. Meurs. et imprimis Ackermann V. Cl. in Praefatione ad editionem suam Sammonici. ORELL.

"Sammonicus." Q. Serenus Sammonicus the father is meant, killed by Caracalla, author of very many books of learning, praised by Aelius Spartianus in his Life of Caracalla. His poem on medicine still survives. His books of recondite matters, from which our author no doubt excerpted these things, are praised by Macrobius, Saturnalia, Book III, chapter 9; on which see Meursius, and above all the distinguished Ackermann in the preface to his edition of Sammonicus. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Granius› · lemma note, cap. 7, col 1178

Granius. Vide supra ad lib. iii, cap. 31. ORELL.

"Granius." See above on Book III, chapter 31. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Valerianus› · lemma note, cap. 7, col 1178

Valerianus. Fulv. Ursinus conjicit: Valerius Antias. Sed intelligendus forsitam Cornelius ille Valerianus, quem Plinius citat Hist. nat., lib. iii, cap. 12, et lib. xiv, cap. 2. ORELL. — Eo nomine a Plinio (Hist. Nat., lib. x, cap, 2.) laudatus est Cornelius Valerianus, qui Phoenicem in Aegyptum devolavisse tradidit. et alibi) lib. xiv, cap. 1): Villas et domos ambiri singularum palmitibus ac sequacibus lauris memoria dignum inter prima Valerianus quoque Cornelius existimavit. Utrum vero idem sit atque is, quem Arnobius memorat, aliorum esto judicium. NOURR., pag. 159. Eadem Vossius, de Hist. lat., pag. 700. Videtur itaque Valerianus iste libros composuisse de Rebus sacris vel antiquitatibus. ORELL.

"Valerianus." Fulvio Orsini conjectures "Valerius Antias". But perhaps that Cornelius Valerianus is meant whom Pliny cites, Natural History, Book III, chapter 12, and Book XIV, chapter 2. ORELLI. — Under that name Pliny (Natural History, Book X, chapter 2) praises Cornelius Valerianus, who related that the phoenix flew down into Egypt; and elsewhere (Book XIV, chapter 1): "That country houses and dwellings should be encircled by the shoots and trailing tendrils of single vines, Cornelius Valerianus also thought among the first things worth recording." Whether he is the same as the one Arnobius mentions, let others judge. LE NOURRY, p. 159. The same in Vossius, On the Latin Historians, p. 700. So this Valerianus seems to have written books on sacred matters or antiquities. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Cujus Aulus fuerit filius› · lemma note, cap. 7, col 1178

Cujus Aulus fuerit filius. Ex his verbis videmus, in antecedentibus legendum esse Oli, non Toli. Nam Olus et Aulus idem. Veteres enim Latini, ut hodie Francogalli, au per o pronuntiarunt. Vid. Keuchen., ad Frontin., p. 414, et Oudendorp. ad Apulei., Met., v, p. 536, seq. ORELL.

"Whose son Aulus was." From these words we see that in what precedes "Oli", not "Toli", should be read. For Olus and Aulus are the same: the ancient Latins, like the French today, pronounced "au" as "o". See Keuchen on Frontinus, p. 414, and Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses V, p. 536 f. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Ut a germani servulis vita fuerit spoliatus et lumine› · lemma note, cap. 7, col 1178

Ut a germani servulis vita fuerit spoliatus et lumine. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Editio princeps: Ut a germani servuli. Gelenius et ceteri: ut a germani servulo, etc. ORELL.

"That he was robbed of life and light by his brother's slaves." So the Leiden edition. The first edition: "Ut a germani servuli". Gelenius and the rest: "ut a germani servulo" (by his brother's slave), etc. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Vel in parte qua rei curiosa fuerit obscuritate conclusum› · lemma note, cap. 7, col 1178

Vel in parte qua rei curiosa fuerit obscuritate conclusum. Sic ex editione principe restituit Canterus. Alii: in parte qua curiosa fuerit, omisso rei. Caeterum haec me non intelligere lubens fateor. ORELL.

"Or in what part of the matter it was shut away in studied obscurity." So Canterus restored it from the first edition. Others: "in parte qua curiosa fuerit", omitting "rei". For the rest, I freely confess that I do not understand this. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Ut immobilis videlicet atque fixa obsignati ominis perpetuitas staret› · lemma note, cap. 7, col 1178

Ut immobilis videlicet atque fixa obsignati ominis perpetuitas staret. Nam si quando fausta omina offerebantur, venerabantur deos, ea sibi firmarent; et quidquid ad ea firmanda conferre poterant ipsi, id omne religiose conferebant. Silius Italicus lib. iv, 127: Nosco te, summe deorum, / Adsis o firmesque tuae pater alitis omen. Quapropter et sacrificiis ea firmare conabantur. Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xxiii: Quo ostenso laetior clamavit, plaudentibus omnibus, Babylona humi procidisse ornamentis omnibus spoliatam: et paullisper detentus, ut omen per hostias litando firmaret, Davanam venit. HERALD.

"So that, namely, the permanence of the sealed omen might stand unmoved and fixed." For whenever favourable omens were offered, they prayed the gods to confirm them; and whatever they themselves could contribute to confirming them, all this they devoutly contributed. Silius Italicus, Book IV, 127: "I know you, highest of gods; be present, Father, and confirm the omen of your bird." That is why they also tried to confirm them with sacrifices. Ammianus Marcellinus, Book XXIII: "When this was shown, he cried out more joyfully, with all applauding, that Babylon had fallen to the ground stripped of all its ornaments; and having stayed a little while to confirm the omen by sacrificing victims with favourable signs, he came to Davana." HERALDUS.

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(12) ‹Jecit in medium› · lemma note, cap. 7, col 1178

Jecit in medium. Εἰς μέσον ἔρριψεν. Vide supra ad lib. iv, cap. 18. HERALD.

"Threw it into the open." Greek: "eis meson erripsen". See above on Book IV, chapter 18. HERALDUS.

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(13) ‹Numinum cunctorum cultrix› · lemma note, cap. 7, col 1178

Numinum cunctorum cultrix. Romani (ut ait Caecilius apud Minutium, cap. 6.) universarum gentium deos coluerunt, et undique hospites deos quaesiverunt, et suos fecerunt; aras etiam extruxerunt ignotis numinibus et manibus. ELMENH.

"Worshipper of all deities." The Romans (as Caecilius says in Minucius, chapter 6) worshipped the gods of all nations, sought foreign gods from everywhere and made them their own; they even built altars to unknown deities and to the shades. ELMENHORST.

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running head: 1177 LIBER SEXTUS
marginal letters: A VII. Sed quid ego; B PUERI. FLORENTIS. (in commentary); C Agellius, lib I. cap. 7 (in commentary); D responsum, quaesivit (in commentary)
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lumine : quid de suis commeruerit civibus, ut ei sit abnegata telluris patriae sepultura. Condiscetis etiam, quamvis nolle istud publicare se fingant, quid sit capite resecto factum, vel in parte qua rei curiosa fuerit obscuritate conclusum : ut immobilis videlicet atque fixa obsignati ominis perpetuitas staret. Quod cum opprimi par esset, et vetustatis oblitteratione celari, compositio nominis jecit in medium, et cum suis causis per data sibi tempora inextinguibili fecit testificatione procedere : nec erubuit civitas maxima, et numinum cunctorum cultrix, cum vocabulum

light: what he deserved of his fellow-citizens, that burial in his native land was denied to him. You will learn thoroughly also, although they pretend to be unwilling to make this public, what was done with the severed head, or in what part of the place it was shut up in painstaking obscurity: namely, that the perpetuity of the sealed omen might stand immovable and fixed. Which, though it were fitting that it should be suppressed and concealed by the obliteration of age, the composition of the name cast into the open, and caused to advance with its causes through the times granted to it with an inextinguishable testimony: nor did the greatest city, and the worshipper of all divinities, blush when giving a name

Editors' notes and page, col. 1178

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running head: LIBER SEXTUS. 1178
marginal letters: A lumine : quid de suis; B perest carmen de medicina. (in commentary); C de Rebus sacris vel antiquitatibus. (in commentary); D quidquid ad ea firmanda (in commentary)
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templo daret ex Oli capite Capitolium, quam ex nomine Jovio nuncupare.

to the temple, to call it the Capitolium from the head of Olus rather than from the name of Jove.

VIII. Satis igitur, ut opinor, ostendimus templa diis immortalibus aut inaniter iis esse constructa, aut contra decus et potentiam creditam contumeliosis opinationibus fabricata. Sequitur, ut de signis aliquid simulacrisque dicamus, quae multa arte componitis, et religiosa observatione curatis. Qua in parte si fides est ulla, constituere apud nos ipsos considerationibus possumus, utrumne istud serio et cum proposito faciatis gravi, an ridendo res ipsas puerili hallucinatione ludatis. Si enim certum est, apud vos deos esse, quos remini, atque in summis coeli regionibus degere, quae causa, quae ratio est, ut simulacra ista fingantur a vobis, cum habeatis res certas, quibus preces possitis effundere, et auxilium rebus in exigentibus postulare? Sin autem non creditis, aut ut mediocriter dicatur, ambigitis; etiam, sic ratio quaenam est dubiorum fingere atque instituere

VIII. Sufficiently therefore, as I think, have we shown that temples have either been built in vain for the immortal gods, or fashioned with insulting opinions against their believed glory and power. It follows that we should say something about the statues and images, which you compose with much art and tend with religious observance. In which matter, if there is any good faith, we cannot determine among ourselves by our reflections whether you do this seriously and with a grave purpose, or in laughing at the things themselves play with childish delusion. For if it is certain among you that the gods exist whom you suppose, and live in the highest regions of heaven, what cause, what reason is there that those images should be fashioned by you, when you have sure beings to whom you can pour forth prayers, and demand help in pressing circumstances? But if you do not believe, or, to speak moderately, are in doubt; even so, what reason is there to fashion and set up of doubtful beings

Editors' notes and page, col. 1179

Footnotes

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(1) ‹Cum vocabulum templo daret› · lemma note, cap. 7, col 1179

Cum vocabulum templo daret. Vocabulum idem quod nomen. Sic Tacitus iii, Annal., cap. 56: Id summi fastigii vocabulum Augustus reperit. Cic. ad Fam., lib, x, Epist. vi.: Crede igitur mihi, Plance, omnes quos adhuc gradus dignitatis consecutus sis....... eos honorum vocabulata habituros, non dignitatis insignia, nisi te cum libertate populi Romani et cum senatus auctoritate conjunxeris. ubi vid. Corte, pag. 494, et Sitzmann., ad Boeth., de Consolat. Philos., lib. ii. Metr. vii, pag. 99, ed. Lugd. Bat. ORELL.

"When he gave the temple its name." "Vocabulum" is the same as "nomen" (name). So Tacitus, Annals III, chapter 56: "Augustus found this name for the highest eminence." Cicero, Letters to Friends, Book X, letter VI: "Believe me then, Plancus, all the steps of rank you have so far attained ....... will carry the names of honours, not the marks of dignity, unless you join yourself to the liberty of the Roman people and the authority of the senate." On which see Corte, p. 494, and Sitzmann on Boethius, Consolation of Philosophy, Book II, Metre VII, p. 99, Leiden edition. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Templa diis immortalibus aut inaniter iis esse constructa› · lemma note, cap. 8, col 1179

VIII. — Templa diis immortalibus aut inaniter iis esse constructa. τὸ iis redundat eleganter. Sic saepe apud hos scriptores. HERALD. — Recte igitur iis in textum revocavit Salmasius. Gelenuis et alii delent. ORELL.

VIII. — "That temples have been built to the immortal gods, or built to them in vain." The word "iis" is an elegant redundancy, as often in these writers. HERALDUS. — Salmasius therefore rightly recalled "iis" into the text. Gelenius and others delete it. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Sequitur ut de signis aliquid simulacrisque dicamus› · lemma note, cap. 8, col 1179

Sequitur ut de signis aliquid simulacrisque dicamus. Simulacrum dicit πᾶν ὁμοίωμα: forma est, quod Graecis εἶδος, unde diminutivum εἴδωλον, quare idem quod simulacrum. Tertullianus, de Idolatria, cap. 3: Ad hoc necessaria est vocabuli interpretatio. εἶδος Graece formam sonat; ab eo per diminutionem εἴδωλον deductum aeque apud nos formulam fecit. Igitur omnis formula vel forma idolum se dici exposcit. Εἴδωλα autem quandoque usurparunt Graeci pro rebus vanis, et apparentibus potius, quam in rerum natura subsistentibus qualia sunt, quae apparent quandoque in aërte φάσματα. Eodem sensu etiam Latini dicebant simulacra, species, imagines. Hinc enata falsissima observatio Suidae aliorumque grammaticorum, qui distinguunt εἴδωλα τὰ... τῶν οὐχ ὑφεστηκότων μιμήματα, οἷον Τρίτωνες, Σφίγγες, Κένταυροι, et ὁμοιώματα... τῶν ὑφεστηκότων εἰκάσματα, οἷον θηρίων, ἢ ἀνθρώπων. Atqui εἴδωλον promiscue omnem formam significat cum rerum in natura existentium tum non existentium. Ita Plutarchus in Sylla: λέγεται δὲ τοσοῦτον πλῆθος ἀρωμάτων ἐπενεγκεῖν τὰς γυναῖκας αὐτῷ, ὥστε ἄνευ τῶν ἐν φορήμασι δέκα καὶ διακοσίοις διακομιζομένων πλασθῆναι μὲν εἴδωλον εὐμεγέθες τοῦ Σύλλα, πλασθῆναι δὲ καὶ ῥαβδοῦχον ἔκ τε λιβανωτοῦ πολυτελοῦς καὶ κιναμώμου. HERALD.

"It follows that we say something about statues and images." By "simulacrum" he means every likeness: it is a form, what the Greeks call "eidos", from which comes the diminutive "eidōlon"; hence it is the same as "simulacrum". Tertullian, On Idolatry, chapter 3: "For this an interpretation of the word is needed. 'Eidos' in Greek means form; 'eidōlon', derived from it as a diminutive, has likewise produced among us 'formula' (little form). So every little form or form claims to be called an idol." The Greeks, however, sometimes used "eidōla" for empty things that appear rather than subsist in nature, such as the apparitions that sometimes appear in the air. In the same sense the Latins too said "simulacra, species, imagines". Hence arose the very false observation of Suidas and other grammarians, who distinguish "eidōla" as "imitations of things that do not exist, such as Tritons, Sphinxes, Centaurs", and "homoiōmata" as "likenesses of things that exist, such as beasts or men". But "eidōlon" indiscriminately means every form, both of things existing in nature and of things not existing. So Plutarch in the Sulla: "It is said that the women brought so great a quantity of spices for him that, apart from what was carried in two hundred and ten litters, a large image of Sulla himself was moulded, and a lictor too, out of costly frankincense and cinnamon." HERALDUS.

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(4) ‹Et religiosa observatione curatis› · lemma note, cap. 8, col 1179

Et religiosa observatione curatis. Θεραπεύετε. Verbum Graecum exprimit. HERALD.

"And you tend them with religious observance." Greek "therapeuete": he renders the Greek verb. HERALDUS.

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(5) ‹Puerili hallucinatione ludatis› · lemma note, cap. 8, col 1179

Puerili hallucinatione ludatis. Vide supra, ad lib. iv, cap. 36. ORELL.

"You play in childish delusion." See above on Book IV, chapter 36. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Si enim certum est apud vos deos esse, quos remini› · lemma note, cap. 8, cols 1179–1180

Si enim certum est apud vos deos esse, quos remini, etc. Hoc est primum argumentum, quo probat, simulacra esse inania. Si dii sunt revera, inquit, quorsum simulacra constituitis, quibus preces fundatis? Sic igitur argumentatur: deos esse aut creditis, aut non creditis. Si creditis, nihil opus est simulacris, quippe cum deos ipsos revera habeatis, quibus preces fundatis; si ambigitis, quorsum dubiorum simulacra constituitis? Hoc argumentum generale est, et ad quaelibet simulacra pertinet. HERALD.

"For if it is certain among you that the gods exist whom you [call to mind]," etc. This is the first argument by which he proves that images are empty. If the gods truly exist, he says, why do you set up images to which you pour out prayers? So he argues thus: either you believe that the gods exist or you do not. If you believe, there is no need of images, since you actually have the gods themselves to whom you pour out prayers; if you are in doubt, why do you set up images of doubtful beings? This argument is general and applies to any images whatever. HERALDUS.

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(7) ‹Etiam sic› · lemma note, cap. 8, col 1180

Etiam sic. Hoc est, etiam cum res ita se habeat: auch in diesem Fall. Abundantia sermonis familiaris Arnobio. ORELL.

"Even so." That is, even when the matter stands thus (German: "auch in diesem Fall", even in this case). Abundance of expression is familiar in Arnobius. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹An numquid dicitis forte praesentiam vobis quamdam his numinum sub exhiberi simulacris› · lemma note, cap. 8, col 1180

An numquid dicitis forte praesentiam vobis quamdam his numinum sub exhiberi simulacris. Haec erat nationum exceptio: simulacra non esse inania, quia in iis coluntur dii, quorum exhibent veluti praesentiam quamdam. Sic Phidias apud Dionem Chrysostomum. sermone xii: Οὐδὲ γὰρ ὡς βέλτιον ὑπῆρχε μηδὲν ἵδρυμα, μηδὲ εἰκόνα θεῶν ἀποδεδεῖχθαι παρ' ἀνθρώποις φαίη τις ἄν, ὡς πρὸς μόνα ὁρᾶν δέον τὰ οὐράνια. Ταῦτα μὲν γὰρ ξύμπαντα ὅ γε νοῦν ἔχων σέβει, θεοὺς ἡγούμενος μακαρίους οὐ μακρόθεν ὁρῶν· διὰ δὲ τὴν πρὸς τὸ δαιμόνιον γνώμην ἰσχυρὸς ἔρως πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἐγγύθεν τιμᾶν καὶ θεραπεύειν τὸ θεῖον, προσιόντας καὶ ἁπτομένους, etc. HERALD.

"Or do you perhaps say that a certain presence of the deities is shown to you under these images?" This was the objection of the nations: that images are not empty, because in them the gods are worshipped whose presence, as it were, they show. So Phidias in Dio Chrysostom, Discourse XII: "Nor would anyone say that it would be better for no statue or image of the gods to have been set up among men, on the ground that we should look only at the heavenly bodies. For all these the man of sense reveres, believing them blessed gods, seeing them from afar; but because of their feeling towards the divine, all men have a strong longing to honour and serve the deity from close at hand, approaching and touching it," etc. HERALDUS.

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(9) ‹Eos sic coli› · lemma note, cap. 8, col 1180

Eos sic coli. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Editio princeps: eos insolidi, corruptissime et nullo sensu. Gelenius: eos ita coli. ORELL.

"That they are worshipped so." So the Leiden edition. The first edition: "eos insolidi", very corruptly and with no sense. Gelenius: "eos ita coli". ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Iis et munia› · lemma note, cap. 8, col 1180

Iis et munia. Iis addidit Heraldus, sequente Salmasio. ORELL.

"And duties to them." Heraldus added "iis", followed by Salmasius. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Deos, inquitis, per simulacra veneramur› · lemma note, cap. 9, col 1180

IX. — Deos, inquitis, per simulacra veneramur. Sic editio princeps: ne quis hanc lectionem ab aliis translatam existimet. HERALD.

IX. — "We worship the gods, you say, through images." So the first edition; lest anyone think this reading was brought in by others. HERALDUS.

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(12) ‹Per quaedam fidei commissa› · lemma note, cap. 9, col 1180

Per quaedam fidei commissa. Fidei commissum species est dispositionis ultimae voluntatis, qua precatur haeredem aut alium dare aut facere aliquid. Vid. Brisson., de Form. vii, pag. 669, et Heineccii Antiquitt. rom., lib. ii, tit. xxiii. Dicere itaque vult Arnobius, deos cultiones hominum accipere per simulacra quasi per quosdam fideicommissarios, cum homines scil. simulacris illis quasi munus injungant ipsorum preces ad deos deferendi. ORELL.

"Through certain trusts." A "fideicommissum" (trust) is a kind of last-will disposition by which one asks the heir or another to give or do something. See Brisson, De formulis VII, p. 669, and Heineccius, Antiquitates Romanae, Book II, title XXIII. So Arnobius means that the gods receive men's worship through the images as through trustees, since men, that is, lay on those images as it were the task of carrying their prayers to the gods. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Et quid fieri potis est injuriosius› · lemma note, cap. 9, col 1180

Et quid fieri potis est injuriosius, etc. Ita Stewechius a msto. Alii: fieri pote est, pro et quid idem Stewechius hoc loco et cap. iii. Hujus libri: Et quid amplius possimus. Et caeteris locis omnibus, ubi in editionibus Arnobii et quid legimus, reposuit Ecquid. ORELL.

"And what can be done more insulting," etc. So Stewech from the manuscript. Others: "fieri pote est". For "et quid" the same Stewech, in this place and in chapter III of this book ("Et quid amplius possimus"), and in all the other places where we read "et quid" in the editions of Arnobius, restored "Ecquid". ORELLI.

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(14) ‹Et rei alteri supplicare› · lemma note, cap. 9, col 1180

Et rei alteri supplicare. Codex ms.: et rei alterae supplicare, quod tuetur Stewechius, multis exemplis probans ad Apulei. Met., lib. viii, pag. 531, ed. Oudendorpii, antiquitus declinatum fuisse alia, aliae, una, unae, illa, illae, neutra, neutrae, utra, utrae, etc. Vide Priscian., lib. vi. ORELL.

"And to pray to another thing." The manuscript: "et rei alterae supplicare", which Stewech defends, proving by many examples (on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, Book VIII, p. 531, Oudendorp's edition) that in old times "alia, aliae; una, unae; illa, illae; neutra, neutrae; utra, utrae", etc., were so declined. See Priscian, Book VI. ORELLI.

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Page

running head: 1179 ARNOBII ADVERSUS
marginal letters: A templo daret ex Oli; B certas, quibus preces; C apud hos scriptores. (in commentary); D ὑφεστηκότων εἰκάσματα (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: full-width heading COMMENTARII and commentary at foot not set

PL 5:1180

simulacra, et quod esse non credas, ventosa imitatione formare ? An numquid dicitis forte, praesentiam vobis quamdam his numinum sub exhiberi simulacris, et quia deos videre non datum est, eos sic coli, et iis munia officiosa praestari? Hoc qui dicit et asserit, deos esse non credit : nec habere convincitur suis religionibus fidem, cui opus est videre, quod teneat : ne inane forte sit, quod obscurum non videtur.

images, and to form by windy imitation what you do not believe to exist? Or do you perhaps say that a certain presence of the divinities is exhibited to you beneath these images, and because it is not given to see the gods, they are worshipped thus, and dutiful services are rendered to them? He who says and asserts this does not believe that the gods exist: nor is he proved to have faith in his own religions, who needs to see what he holds, lest perchance that which being obscure is not seen should be an empty thing.

IX. Deos, inquitis, per simulacra veneramur. Quid ergo? si haec non sint, coli se dii nesciunt, nec impertiri a vobis ullum sibi existimabunt honorem? Per tramites ergo quosdam, et per quaedam fidei commissa, ut dicitur, vestras sumunt atque accipiunt cultiones : et antequam hi sentiant, quibus illud debetur obsequium, simulacris litatis prius, et velut reliquias quasdam aliena ad illos ex auctoritate transmittitis. Et quid fieri potis est injuriosius, contumeliosius, durius, quam deum alterum scire, et rei alteri supplicare ? opem sperare de numine, et nullius sensus

IX. We venerate the gods, you say, through images. What then? If these did not exist, do the gods not know that they are worshipped, nor will they think any honour is imparted to them by you? Through certain byways, therefore, and through certain trusts, as it is called, do they take and receive your worships: and before those to whom that allegiance is owed perceive it, you sacrifice first to the images, and transmit as it were certain leavings to them by another's authority. And what can be done more injurious, more insulting, more harsh, than to know one thing as a god, and to supplicate another thing? To hope for help from a divinity, and to entreat the image of something devoid of all

Editors' notes and page, col. 1180

Page

running head: BII ADVERSUS GENTES 1180
marginal letters: A simulacra, et quod esse; B betur obsequium, simulacris; C quamdam. Sic Phidias (in commentary); D tur haeredem aut alium (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: sen- split at column break; full-width heading COMMENTARIUS. and commentary at foot not set
other: the word sensus was split at the column break and stands whole here (joined on receipt); check that the English reads whole across the break into col 1181

PL 5:1181

ad effigiem deprecari ? Nonne illud est quaeso, quod in vulgaribus proverbiis dicitur, fabrum caedere cum ferias fullonem? et cum hominis consilium quaeras, ab asellis et porculis agendarum rerum sententias postulare ?

sense? Is not that, I ask, what is said in common proverbs, to strike the smith when you would hit the fuller? And when you seek a man's counsel, to demand opinions on things to be done from little asses and piglets?

X. Et unde novissime scitis, simulacra haec omnia, quae diis immortalibus vicaria substitutione formatis, similitudinem referant, habeantque divinam ? Potest enim fieri, ut barbatus in coelo sit, qui esse a vobis effingitur levis : potest ut senectute provectior, cui puerilem commodatis aetatem : potest ut hic flavus sit, qui in veritate habeat oculos caesios: displosas ut gestitet nares, quem esse vos facitis figuratisque nasicam. Neque enim reetum est dicere aut appellare simulacrum, quod non, pariles lineas principali ab

X. And whence finally do you know whether all these images, which you form for the immortal gods by vicarious substitution, bear and possess the divine likeness? For it may happen that he is bearded in heaven who is fashioned by you to be smooth-faced; it may be that he is more advanced in old age to whom you lend a boyish age; it may be that this one is golden-haired who in truth has grey-blue eyes; that he bears wide-spread nostrils whom you make and fashion to be sharp-nosed. For neither is it right to call or name that a likeness which does not derive equal lines from the original

Editors' notes and page, col. 1181

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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(a) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 1181

Ms. Vulgaris. Mendose.

The manuscript: "Vulgaris". Faulty.

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(b) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 1181

Notissime Sab.

"Notissime" (most notably): Sabaeus.

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(1) ‹Fabrum caedere, cum ferias fullonem› · lemma note, cap. 9, col 1181

Fabrum caedere, cum ferias fullonem. Alii: cadere. Proverbium in eos, qui pro sonte immerentem plectunt et perstringunt. Vid. Hadr. Junii Supplement., ad Erasmi Adagia, Centur. vi, Proverb. 84. Simillima Graecorum proverbia: πταίσαντος ὑφάντου ἠπητὴς ἐτύφθη, vapulat sartor lapso textore, et: μαγείρου ἐξαμαρτάνοντος τύπτεται αὐλητής. Vide Athenaeum, Dipnof., lib. ix, cap. 7, pag. 381, ed. Casauboni ibique Dalechamp, et Paul. Leopard, Emendd. lib. x, c. 5, in Gruteri Lampade, tom. iii, p. 193. ORELL.

"To beat the smith when you should strike the fuller." Others: "cadere". A proverb against those who punish and censure the innocent in place of the guilty. See Hadrianus Junius, Supplement to Erasmus's Adagia, Century VI, Proverb 84. Very like it are the Greek proverbs: "when the weaver slips, the tailor is beaten", and: "when the cook errs, the piper is beaten." See Athenaeus, Deipnosophists, Book IX, chapter 7, p. 381, Casaubon's edition, and Dalechamp there; and Paulus Leopardus, Emendationes Book X, chapter 5, in Gruter's Lampas, vol. III, p. 193. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Agendarum rerum sententias postulare› · lemma note, cap. 9, col 1181

Agendarum rerum sententias postulare. C. Barthius, Adversar., lib. xxix, cap. 18, pag. 1319, sententias sortes explicat, adducens locum Plauti e Rudente: Paupertatem heri qui et meam sententiam / Tolerarem. Atqui sententiae hoc loco sunt consilia rerum agendarum. ORELL.

"To ask for judgements on things to be done." C. Barth, Adversaria, book XXIX, chapter 18, p. 1319, explains "sententias" as lots, citing a passage of Plautus from the Rudens: "to bear my master's poverty and my own lot." But "sententiae" here are counsels about things to be done. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Qui esse a vobis effingitur levis› · lemma note, cap. 10, col 1181

X. — Qui esse a vobis effingitur levis. Codex ms. habet effigitur. Quare legendum existimo effigiatur. Apuleius: truncus dolamine effigiatus. Itidem Minucius loquitur de simulachris agens in Octav. cap. iii: lapides effigiatos et unctos et coronatos. STEWECH. — Conf. Wower., ad Minuc., l. i, p. 20, ed. Gronovii. Pro levis scribendum laevis, id est imberbis. Sic infra cap. 12: uterque enim (Sol et Mercurius) a vobis glaber, atque ore confingitur laevi. Vide Bunemann., Ind. ad Lactant., h. v. ORELL.

X. — "Who is fashioned by you as smooth." The manuscript has "effigitur". So I think one should read "effigiatur" (is shaped). Apuleius: "a trunk shaped with the adze." Likewise Minucius speaks, treating of images, in the Octavius, chapter III: "stones shaped and anointed and garlanded." STEWECH. — Compare Wouwer on Minucius, Book I, p. 20, Gronovius's edition. For "levis" one should write "laevis", that is, beardless. So below, chapter 12: "for both (the Sun and Mercury) are fashioned by you hairless and with a smooth face." See Bünemann's Index to Lactantius under this word. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Qui in veritate habet oculos caesios› · lemma note, cap. 10, col 1181

Qui in veritate habet oculos caesios. Vide supra, ad lib. v, c. 28, et lib iii, cap. 14. ORELL.

"Who in truth has grey-blue eyes." See above on Book V, chapter 28, and Book III, chapter 14. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Displosas ut gestitet nares, quem esse vos facitis figuratisque nasicam› · lemma note, cap. 10, col 1181

Displosas ut gestitet nares, quem esse vos facitis figuratisque nasicam. Vide ad lib. iii, cap. 14. ORELL.

"That he carries flared nostrils, whom you make and shape as snub-nosed." See on Book III, chapter 14. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Quod non pariles lineas principali ab ore traducat› · lemma note, cap. 10, col 1181

Quod non pariles lineas principali ab ore traducat. Hoc est, quod non traducat lineas pares ori sui principis, numinis scilicet quod repraesentat. Lineare, lineae, lineamenta verba pictorum extremas corporis alicujus circumcaesuras (die Umrisse) penicillo suo adumbrantium. Vide, qui hac de re multus est, Salmas., ad Solin., pag. 4 et 5. Eodem sensu filum supra lib. iii, cap. 13: filo et adterminatis humano, ubi vide notas. ORELL.

"Which does not carry over lines matching the original face." That is, which does not carry over lines equal to the face of its original, namely of the deity it represents. "Lineare, lineae, lineamenta" are painters' words for sketching with the brush the outermost contours of a body (German "die Umrisse", the outlines). See Salmasius, who treats this at length, on Solinus, pp. 4 and 5. In the same sense "filum" above, Book III, chapter 13: "with a human outline and boundaries"; see the notes there. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Teretem esse solem› · lemma note, cap. 10, col 1181

Teretem esse solem. Teretem proprio sensu, id est, globi ad instar undique sui similem, aequabilem, laevem, perpolitum, von allen seiten gleich abgerundet. Sic Horatius in loco notissimo ii, serm. vii, 86, de sapiente.....: et in se ipso totus, teres atque rotundus. Ubi vid. Lambin. et Heindorf. V. Cl. ORELL.

"That the sun is round." "Teres" in its proper sense, that is, like a globe, alike on every side, even, smooth, highly polished (German: "von allen Seiten gleich abgerundet", evenly rounded on all sides). So Horace in the well-known passage, Satires II, 7, 86, on the wise man: "... and whole in himself, smooth and round." On which see Lambinus and the distinguished Heindorf. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Intelligimus omnes ventos aeris fluorem pulsi et mundanis rationibus concitati› · lemma note, cap. 10, cols 1181–1182

Intelligimus omnes ventos aeris fluorem pulsi et mundanis rationibus concitati. Verissimam hanc lectionem ex msto. revocavit Stewechius. Antea edebatur: Ventos aeris esse fluorem pulsos et mundanis rationibus concitatos. Fulv. Ursinus conj.: fluores pulsos.... concitatos. Mundanae rationes sunt rationes, causae coelestes. Sic Avienus, in Arateis vers. 47: Mundanique ortus mens immemor. ORELL.

"We understand that all winds are the flow of air driven and stirred by the workings of the heavens." Stewech recalled this most true reading from the manuscript. Before, it was printed: "that the winds are the flow of air, driven and stirred (accusative plural) by the workings of the heavens." Fulvio Orsini conjectures "fluores pulsos .... concitatos". "Mundanae rationes" are the heavenly workings and causes. So Avienus, in the Aratea, line 47: "a mind unmindful of its heavenly origin." ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Per vos hominum formae sunt buccinarum animantes tortus› · lemma note, cap. 10, col 1182

Per vos hominum formae sunt buccinarum animantes tortus. Optime: quia buccina est tortuosa, ac in semet ipsam aereo circulo flectitur, ac differt a directa tuba, ut docet Vegetius libro iii, de re milit., c. 5. Haec est στρογγύλη σάλπιγξ Graecorum. HERALD. —Venti buccinam inflantis delineationem vide in Montfaucon. Antiquitt., tab. li, Fig. 9, ed. Schazii. ORELL.

"Through you they are human figures, filling the coils of trumpets with breath." Excellent: for the buccina is coiled and bends back on itself in a bronze circle, and differs from the straight tuba, as Vegetius teaches, On Military Matters, Book III, chapter 5. This is the "round trumpet" of the Greeks. HERALDUS. — For a drawing of a wind blowing a buccina, see Montfaucon, Antiquités, plate LI, figure 9, Schatz's edition. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Intestinis et domesticis flatibus› · lemma note, cap. 10, col 1182

Intestinis et domesticis flatibus. τοῖς οἴκοθεν. Sic dicit ille ap. Plautum: tergum habere se familiare domi, ne quaerat foris. HERALD.

"With internal and home-grown blasts." Greek "tois oikothen" (from home). So says that character in Plautus: that he has a back of his own at home, so he need not look for one abroad. HERALDUS.

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(11) ‹Inter deos vestros leonis torvissimam faciem mero oblitam minio et nomine Frugiferi nuncupari› · lemma note, cap. 10, col 1182

Inter deos vestros leonis (Cod. ms. leones) torvissimam faciem mero oblitam minio et nomine Frugiferi Cod. ms. frugiferio) nuncupari. Mirum quantum obscurus hic locus eruditorum ingenia exercuerit. Latinus autem Latinius (Bibl. sacr. et profan. p. 90.) nodum hujusce difficultatis secare potius quam solvere videtur, cum haec verba sic corrigi voluit: Inter deos videmus leones torvissima facie mero oblita minio. Sed mera est conjectura, quae nullius Codicis auctoritate fundatur. Quapropter qui in veterum scriptis nihil nisi certissima ratione mutatum volunt, ex iis nonnulli suspicantur, de Sole intelligenda esse haec auctoris nostri verba. Sed ab illis redarguuntur, quia de Sole privatim locutus est. Probabilius itaque quibusdam videtur ab illo indicari leones, qui in templorum fastigiis quandoque sculpebantur. Verum haec ad aedificii ornamentum posita potius videbantur, quam ad deorum faciem exprimendam. Nobis itaque facilius persuadebitur, Arnobium his verbis eadem significare, quae post Tertullianum (Apologet., cap. 16, et lib. i, ad Nation., cap. 12) Minucius Felix dixit: De capro et leone deos mixtos et leonum et canum vultus deos dedicatis. Arnobius siquidem post citata verba adjecit: Sine reliquo corpore persona est, et facies sola fremebundis hiatibus, torvis rictibus, sanguineo decoroto..... atque fessi canes. Quis autem facile non concedet, utrumque loqui de simulacris, quemadmodum Panis, Satyrorum aliorumque hujusmodi? Quod vero Arnobius addit faciem oblitam minio, ad eum ethnicorum morem plane ridiculum spectat, quo simulacrorum facies minio oblinere solebant. Scriptum quippe a Plinio (Hist. Nat., lib. xxxv, c. 7.) legimus: Jovis ipsius simulacri faciem diebus festis minio illini solitam. De Panis vero effigie Virgilius, Eclog. x, 26: Pan Deus Arcadiae venit, quem vidimus ipsi / Sanguineis ebuli baccis minioque rubentem.

"That among your gods the most savage face of a lion, smeared with pure vermilion, is called by the name of Frugifer" (manuscript: "leones" for "leonis"; "frugiferio" for "Frugiferi"). It is remarkable how much this obscure passage has exercised the wits of the learned. Latino Latini (Bibliotheca sacra et profana, p. 90) seems to cut rather than untie the knot of this difficulty, wanting these words corrected thus: "Among the gods we see lions with most savage face smeared with pure vermilion." But it is mere conjecture, founded on the authority of no manuscript. So some of those who want nothing in the writings of the ancients changed except on the surest grounds suspect that these words of our author are to be understood of the Sun. But they are refuted, because he has spoken of the Sun separately. So it seems more probable to some that he points to the lions sometimes carved on the gables of temples. But these seemed to be placed rather for the adornment of the building than to represent the face of gods. We shall therefore more easily be persuaded that Arnobius means by these words the same thing that, after Tertullian (Apology, chapter 16, and To the Nations Book I, chapter 12), Minucius Felix said: "You dedicate gods compounded of goat and lion, and gods with the faces of lions and dogs." For Arnobius, after the words quoted, added: "It is a mask without the rest of the body, a face alone with roaring jaws, savage gaping mouths, blood-red colouring ..... and weary dogs." Who will not readily grant that both speak of images such as those of Pan, the Satyrs and others of that kind? As for Arnobius's adding "a face smeared with vermilion", this refers to that plainly ridiculous custom of the heathen by which they used to smear the faces of images with vermilion. For we read it written by Pliny (Natural History, Book XXXV, chapter 7): "that the face of the image of Jupiter himself used to be smeared with vermilion on feast days." And of the image of Pan, Virgil, Eclogue X, 26: "Pan, god of Arcadia, came, whom we ourselves saw, red with the blood-red berries of the dwarf elder and with vermilion."

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ore traducat : quod esse planum et certum, manifestis poterit a rebus agnosci. Nam cum omnes homines teretem esse solem indubitabili luminum contemplatione videamus : os illi vos hominis, et mortalium corporum liniamenta donatis. Luna semper in motu est, et ter denas facies in restitutione accipit menstrua : vobis ducibus et figurationibus femina est vultuque est uno, quae per habitus mille quotidiana instabilitate mutatur. Intelligimus omnes ventos aeris esse fluorem pulsi, et mundanis rationibus concitati : per vos hominum formae sunt buccinarum animantes tortus intestinis et domesticis flatibus. Inter deos videmus vestros leonis torvissimam faciem, mero oblitam minio, et nomine frugiferi nuncupari. Si simulacra haec omnia superorum sunt imagines

face: which will be able to be recognized as plain and certain from manifest things. For while all we men see by the indubitable contemplation of our eyes that the sun is round, you bestow upon him the face of a man and the features of mortal bodies. The moon is always in motion, and receives thrice ten faces in her monthly renewal: under your guidance and fashionings she is a woman and has one countenance, she who is changed through a thousand forms with daily instability. We all understand that the winds are a flow of air driven and stirred up by cosmic causes: through you they are the forms of men animating the twists of trumpets with internal and domestic blasts. Among your gods we see the most grim face of a lion, smeared with pure vermilion, and called by the name of the fruit-bearer. If all these images are likenesses of the powers above,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1182

Footnotes

Lationibus. Male.

"Lationibus". Wrong.

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(d) ‹superorum› · call in col 1182

Superiorum. Sab.

"Superiorum" (of the higher ones): Sabaeus.

Commentarius

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PL 5:1183

numinum, ergo et in coelo habitare dicendus est deus talis, ad cujus formam et speciem simulacri hujus similitudo directa est : et videlicet ut hic iste, ita illic ille, sine reliquo corpore persona est, et facies sola, fremebundus hiatibus torvidis, dirus, sanguineo

then such a god must also be said to dwell in heaven, after whose form and appearance the likeness of this image has been directed: and plainly, just as this one is here, so that one is there, a mask without the rest of a body, and a face alone, roaring with grim-gaping jaws, dreadful, from blood-red

Editors' notes and page, col. 1183

Footnotes

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(1) (continued; lines missing before and within) · cap. 10, cols 1183–1184

[…]tionem Salmasii. Codex mstus. sic habet (teste N. Heinsio in Epistola ad Gisb. Cuper. 428. Sylloges Burmann., tom. ii, pag. 714): Inter deos videmus vestros leones, novissimam faciem, mero oblita minio et de nomine frug.... serio nuncupari. Unde Sabaeus effecit: Et nomine frugi serio nuncupari. Gelenius: Mero oblita nimio et nomine frugi serio nuncupari. J. Lipsius, Epistol. Quaest., lib. i, Epist xx, conjicit: Et nomine truci serio nuncupari, probante Th. Cantero. Heraldus: Et nomine trucis ferae. Meursius: Frugi ferae. Alii: Frugi feri. Fulv. Ursinus: Mero oblitos nimio, in caeteris Sabaeum sequens. C. Barthius, Adversar., lib. xxix, cap. 18, pag. 1391: Et nomine a frugi ferino nuncupari, hoc est, ab iis qui frugi sunt. N. Heinsius, in Epistola modo citata: Inter deos videmus vestros leones torvissimam faciem mero oblitos minio, deae nomine Frugiae fere nuncupari, vel: de dominae Frugiae imperio nuncupari, ut sit domina vel dea Frugia archaismus Arnobio familiaris pro dea Phrygia, id est Cybele, ut dea Suria, dea Syria, Venus; quam tamen conjecturam retractans in Epistola ad J. G. Graevium 260, ejusdem Sylloges Burm., tom. iv, pag. 335 (qui in praecedenti epistola legendum conjecerat: Leonis torvissimam faciem et ora oblita minio in dominae Phrygiae imperio nuncupari), totum locum ita mutat: leonis torvissimam faciem, ceroto oblitam minio, et numen e rugitu ferino nuncupari, vel: de rugitu ferino nuncupari. Graevius autem in responsione sua p. 337, sic refinxit: leonis torvissimam faciem cereo oblitam minio et numen ritu ferino nuncupari, ubi, et caetera taceam, cereum minium dici posse pro cera mixta vel illita minia rothes Wachs, maximopere dubito. Nec minus diversae sunt loci explicationes. «Laur. Pignorius et Elmenhorstius arbitrantur, auctorem loqui de diis, qui capite leonino effingebantur, quales exhibent describuntque Minucius Felix (cap. 28, pag. 292.) et Tertullianus (Apologet. cap. 16), colebantur apud Aegyptios, solis radios significantes. Damnat hoc, modo in hanc modo in illam partem sese torquens nihilque certi statuens, Des. Heraldus, cujus viri doctissimi rationes non examinabo, ne videar aliorum erroribus operose redarguendis gloriam aucupari. Vel igitur describitur homo facie leonina, vel leo animal, quo Solem Graeci, Romani, Aegyptii, aliique, licet male neget Heraldus, exprimebant, atque ex ea superstitione totus locus interpretandus est. Hinc puto, faciem ejus minio impleri solere, ut rubrum solis colorem igneosque radios referret, et eamdem ob causam apud Achaeos Bacchi statuam cinnabari inunctam fuisse, teste Pausania, lib. vii. Hinc et frugiferum nominari, quia sol frugum parens, faecunditatisque praecipua causa et scaturigo est. Atque ita in Albini Numismatis Mercurius radiatus, Solis insigne, occurrit cum Inscriptione Saeculo Frugifero et Statius, lib. i. Thebaid., Osirim sive Solem Frugiferum nominat.» Haec sunt verba Gisb. Cuperi, in Epistola ad Nic. Heinsium, 426 (Syllog. Burm., tom. ii, pag. 713), cum quo consentiunt etiam Salmasius, ad Flav. Vopisc. Aurelian., cap. v, putans, ab Arnobio intelligi Solem Mithrem, quem Persae colebant […] Schow.: Κατὰ τὸν ἐν λέοντι ἥλιον ἀναχεῖται ὁ Νεῖλος. Sed hunc locum difficillimum doctioribus explanandum relinquo. ORELL.

(continued) […] of Salmasius. The manuscript reads thus (according to N. Heinsius in his letter to Gisbert Cuper, 428, Burmann's Sylloge, vol. II, p. 714): "Among your gods we see lions, a newest face, smeared with pure vermilion and called in earnest by the name frug....". From which Sabaeus made: "and called in earnest by the name frugi". Gelenius: "smeared with too much and called in earnest by the name frugi". J. Lipsius, Epistolicae Quaestiones, Book I, letter XX, conjectures: "and called in earnest by a savage name", approved by Th. Canterus. Heraldus: "and by the name of a savage beast". Meursius: "frugi ferae". Others: "frugi feri". Fulvio Orsini: "mero oblitos nimio", following Sabaeus in the rest. C. Barth, Adversaria, book XXIX, chapter 18, p. 1391: "and called by a name from frugal savagery", that is, by those who are frugal. N. Heinsius, in the letter just cited: "Among your gods we see lions, smeared on their most savage face with pure vermilion, called roughly by the name of the goddess Frugia", or: "called by command of the lady Frugia", so that "lady" or "goddess Frugia" would be an archaism familiar to Arnobius for "the Phrygian goddess", that is, Cybele, as "dea Suria" for "dea Syria", Venus. But retracting this conjecture in his letter to J. G. Graevius, 260, in the same Sylloge of Burmann, vol. IV, p. 335 (having conjectured in the preceding letter: "the lion's most savage face and mouth smeared with vermilion, called by command of the Phrygian lady"), he changes the whole passage thus: "the lion's most savage face, smeared with vermilion mixed in wax salve, and called a deity from its savage roaring", or: "called from its savage roaring". Graevius in his reply, p. 337, refashioned it so: "the lion's most savage face smeared with waxen vermilion, and called a deity in savage fashion"; where, to say nothing of the rest, I very much doubt that "cereum minium" can be said for wax mixed or smeared with vermilion (German "rothes Wachs", red wax). The explanations of the passage are no less various. "Lorenzo Pignoria and Elmenhorst think the author speaks of gods who were represented with a lion's head, such as Minucius Felix (chapter 28, p. 292) and Tertullian (Apology, chapter 16) show and describe; they were worshipped among the Egyptians, signifying the rays of the sun. Desiderius Heraldus condemns this, twisting now this way now that and settling nothing certain; I will not examine that most learned man's reasons, lest I seem to hunt for glory by laboriously refuting the errors of others. Either, then, a man with a lion's face is described, or the lion, the animal by which the Greeks, Romans, Egyptians and others represented the Sun (though Heraldus wrongly denies it), and the whole passage is to be interpreted from that superstition. Hence, I think, its face used to be filled with vermilion to recall the red colour and fiery rays of the sun; and for the same reason among the Achaeans the statue of Bacchus was smeared with cinnabar, as Pausanias testifies, Book VII. Hence too it was named fruit-bearing, because the sun is the parent of crops and the chief cause and spring of fertility. And so on the coins of Albinus a radiate Mercury, the Sun's emblem, appears with the inscription 'To the Fruit-bearing Age', and Statius, Thebaid Book I, calls Osiris, or the Sun, Fruit-bearing." These are the words of Gisbert Cuper in his letter to Nicolaas Heinsius, 426 (Burmann's Sylloge, vol. II, p. 713). With him Salmasius also agrees, on Flavius Vopiscus's Aurelian, chapter V, thinking that Arnobius means the Sun Mithras, whom the Persians worshipped […] Schow: "When the sun is in Leo, the Nile overflows." But I leave this most difficult passage for more learned men to explain. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Si simulacra haec omnia superorum sunt imagines numinum› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1184

Si simulacra haec omnia superorum sunt imagines numinum. Ita Meursius, sequente Salmasio. Antea legebatur superiorum, etc. ORELL.

"If all these images are likenesses of the deities above." So Meursius, followed by Salmasius. Before, "superiorum" was read, etc. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Sine reliquo corpore persona est, et facies sola fremebundus hiatibus torvidis› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1184

Sine reliquo corpore persona est, et facies sola fremebundus hiatibus torvidis. Est persona tantum, quia, quemadmodum est depicta sola leonis facies, ita et illic, in coelo scil., solam faciem, et sic quasi personam tantum esse oportet. Commode autem persona: nam personae sunt quoque fremebundae hiatibus torvidis. Quare Tatianus contra Graecos: Τί μοι συμβάλλεται πρὸς ὠφέλειαν ὁ κατὰ τὸν Εὐριπίδην μαινόμενος, καὶ τὴν Ἀλκμαίωνος μητροκτονίαν ἀπαγγέλλων; ᾧ μηδὲ τὸ οἰκεῖον πρόσεστι σχῆμα· κέχηνέ τε μέγα καὶ ξίφος περιφέρει. Omitto alia loca ab aliis prolata. Propter hanc deformitatem ῥύγχος quandoque poetae Graeci appellaverunt. Athenaeus (l. iii, c. 15, p. 95, ed. Casaubon.): ὅτι δὲ κυρίως λέγεται ῥύγχος ἐπὶ τῶν συῶν, προείρηται. ὅτι δὲ καὶ ἐπ' ἄλλων ζώων, Ἄρχιππος Ἀμφιτρύωνι δευτέρῳ κατὰ παιδιὰν εἴρηκε καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ προσώπου, etc. HERALD. — Alii legunt et facie sola. Conf. W. Worth., ad Tatiani, l. l. ORELL.

"It is a mask without the rest of the body, and a face alone, roaring with savage gaping jaws." It is a mask only because, just as the lion's face alone is depicted, so there too, namely in heaven, there must be the face alone, and so as it were a mask only. "Mask" is apt, for masks too roar with savage gaping jaws. Hence Tatian, Against the Greeks: "What does it contribute to my benefit, the man who raves as in Euripides and recounts Alcmaeon's matricide, who does not even have his own proper bearing, but gapes wide and carries a sword about?" I pass over other passages cited by others. Because of this ugliness Greek poets sometimes called the mask a "rhynchos" (snout). Athenaeus (Book III, chapter 15, p. 95, Casaubon's edition): "That 'rhynchos' is properly said of pigs has been said already; that it is also said of other animals, Archippus in the second Amphitryon has said jokingly also of the face," etc. HERALDUS. — Others read "et facie sola". Compare W. Worth on Tatian at the place cited. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Fremebundus hiatibus torvidis, dirus› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1184

Fremebundus hiatibus torvidis, dirus. Salmasius in edit. Lugd. Bat. haec audacius ita refinxit: Fremebundis hiatibus torvis rectibus. Sed torvidus pro torvus supra jam legebatur. Itaque nil mutandum. ORELL.

"Roaring with savage gaping jaws, dreadful." Salmasius in the Leiden edition boldly refashioned this thus: "with roaring gapes, savage grins". But "torvidus" for "torvus" has already been read above. So nothing is to be changed. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Dirus sanguineo de ceroto› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1184

Dirus sanguineo de ceroto. Haec est emendatio sagacissima N. Rigaltii ad Artemidor Oneirocrit., l. ii, p. 100, ed. Reiffii, probata etiam ab Heraldo, cum proxime absit a vitiosa scriptura codicis mss. et editionis principis: Dirus sanguineo decoroto, unde Gelenius solemni temeritate effecit sanguineo de gutture. Meursius, p. 186, conjicit sanguine decolorus, natum decens mendum ex abbreviata scriptura decolor. Ita unicolorus, versicolorus, multicolorus apud Prudentium. Canterus legendum suspicatur, sanguineo de colore. J. G. Graevius in Epistola ad N. Heinsium, 261. Syllog. Burm., vol. iv, p. 337, sanguineo decolor ore. Salmasius edidit, sanguinea (scil. facies) de ceroto. Cerotum, κηρωτόν, sanguineum dicit Arnobius merum minium, quo facies leonis oblinebantur. Et revera homines etiam ψιμμυθίῳ et minio et quasi ceroto vel cerato (nam ceratum et cerotum idem) sanguineo ac rubro linebantur. Ita Camillum minio pictum triumphasse auctor est Plinius, Hist. nat., l. 33, c. 7. Conf. quae observavimus ad Jac. Balde, iii; Lyr., Od. 31. Proba autem locutio et usitata apud hos scriptores: Dirus sanguineo de ceroto. Sic Tertullianus Apologet., cap. 5: Tentaverat et Domitianus, portio Neronis de crudelitate, et cap. 9: O Jovem Christianum, et solum patris filium de crudelitate, quae exempla citavit Heraldus. ORELL

"Dreadful with blood-red wax salve." This is the most acute emendation of N. Rigault on Artemidorus's Oneirocritica, Book II, p. 100, Reiff's edition, approved also by Heraldus, since it comes closest to the faulty reading of the manuscript and the first edition, "Dirus sanguineo decoroto", from which Gelenius, with his usual rashness, made "sanguineo de gutture" (from a bloody throat). Meursius, p. 186, conjectures "sanguine decolorus" (discoloured with blood), a fitting error born of the abbreviated writing "decolor". So "unicolorus, versicolorus, multicolorus" in Prudentius. Canterus suspects one should read "sanguineo de colore". J. G. Graevius, in his letter to N. Heinsius, 261, Burmann's Sylloge, vol. IV, p. 337: "sanguineo decolor ore" (discoloured with a blood-red mouth). Salmasius printed "sanguinea (namely facies) de ceroto". By blood-red "cerotum" (wax salve, "kērōton") Arnobius means pure vermilion, with which the lions' faces were smeared. And in fact men too were smeared with white lead and vermilion and, as it were, with a blood-red and ruddy wax salve or cerate (for "ceratum" and "cerotum" are the same). So Pliny relates that Camillus triumphed painted with vermilion, Natural History, Book 33, chapter 7. Compare what we observed on Jacob Balde, Lyrics III, Ode 31. And the expression "Dirus sanguineo de ceroto" is sound and usual in these writers. So Tertullian, Apology, chapter 5: "Domitian too had tried it, a portion of Nero in cruelty"; and chapter 9: "O Christian Jupiter, and only son of his father in cruelty"; which examples Heraldus cited. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Malum dentibus suis comprimens› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1184

Malum dentibus suis comprimens. Tamquam manducus. Vide Festum. HERALD. — C. Barthius, Adversar., l. xxix, c. 18, p. 1391, legendum censet dentibus saevis. ORELL.

"Pressing an apple in its teeth." Like the Manducus (the chewing ogre mask). See Festus. HERALDUS. — C. Barth, Adversaria, book XXIX, chapter 18, p. 1391, thinks one should read "dentibus saevis" (with savage teeth). ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Atque ut fessi canes linguam ore de patulo potius› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1184

Atque ut fessi canes linguam ore de patulo potius (continues)

"And like weary dogs, [lolling] the tongue rather from the open mouth" (continues)

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PL 5:1184

deceroto, malum dentibus suis comprimens, atque ut fessi canes linguam ore de patulo potus aviditate projiciens. Quod si utique non est, ita ut omnes existimamus non esse, quaenam tanta audacia est, formam tibi quam volueris fingere, ac discere esse simulacrum

wax-salve, crushing an apple with his teeth, and like weary dogs thrusting out his tongue from a wide-open mouth in eagerness for drink. Which if it certainly is not so, just as we all judge that it is not, what so great audacity is this, to fashion for yourself whatever form you wish, and to say that it is the

Editors' notes and page, col. 1184

Footnotes

(none)

Misprints

- "discere" (ac discere esse simulacrum): printed so, kept as printed; the sense requires "dicere" (to say), which the English follows. UNSURE whether a printer's error or a reading.

Footnotes

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(1) (continued; beginning not visible) · col 1185

[…]masio. Cod. ms. accidere. Gelenius edidit: Ac credere esse simulacrum Dei. ORELL.

[…] Salmasius. The manuscript: "accidere". Gelenius printed: "Ac credere esse simulacrum Dei" (and to believe it to be the image of God). ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Ridetis temporibus priscis Persas fluvium coluisse› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1185

XI. — Ridetis temporibus priscis Persas fluvium coluisse, etc., etc. Haec est sequentia iterum petita ex Clemente Protrept., p. 40, ed. Potter.: Πάλαι μὲν οὖν οἱ Σκύθαι τὸν ἀκινάκην, οἱ Ἄραβες τὸν λίθον, οἱ Πέρσαι τὸν ποταμὸν προσεκύνουν, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων οἱ ἔτι παλαιότεροι ξύλα ἱδρύοντο περιφανῆ, καὶ κίονας ἵστων ἐκ λίθων, ἃ δὴ καὶ ξόανα προσηγορεύετο, διὰ τὸ ἀποξέεσθαι τῆς ὕλης. Ἀμέλει ἐν Ἰκάρῳ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τὸ ἄγαλμα ξύλον ἦν οὐκ εἰργασμένον, καὶ τῆς Κιθαιρωνίας Ἥρας ἐν Θεσπίᾳ πρέμνον ἐκκεκομμένον· καὶ τὸ τῆς Σαμίας Ἥρας, ὥς φησιν Ἀέθλιος, πρότερον μὲν ἦν σανίς, ὕστερον δέ, ἐπὶ Προκλέους Ἄρχοντος, ἀνδριαντοειδὲς ἐγένετο. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνθρώποις ἀπεικονίζεσθαι τὰ ξόανα ἤρξατο, βρέτη τὴν ἐκ βροτῶν ἐπωνυμίαν ἐκαρπώσατο. Ἐν Ῥώμῃ δὲ τὸ παλαιὸν δόρυ φησὶν γεγονέναι τοῦ Ἄρεως τὸ ξόανον Οὐάρρων ὁ συγγραφεύς, οὐδέπω τῶν τεχνιτῶν ἐπὶ τὴν εὐπρόσωπον ταύτην κακοτεχνίαν ὡρμηκότων. CANTER.

XI. — "You laugh that in ancient times the Persians worshipped a river," etc. What follows is again taken from Clement's Protrepticus, p. 40, Potter's edition: "Of old, then, the Scythians worshipped the dagger, the Arabs the stone, the Persians the river; and of other men the still more ancient set up conspicuous logs and erected pillars of stone, which were called xoana from the material being scraped (apoxeesthai). Certainly in Icaros the image of Artemis was an unworked log, and that of Cithaeronian Hera at Thespiae a hewn-off stump; and that of Samian Hera, as Aethlius says, was at first a plank, but later, in the archonship of Procles, took the form of a statue. And when the xoana began to be shaped in the likeness of men, they got the name 'brete' from 'brotoi' (mortals). At Rome, the historian Varro says, the image of Mars was of old a spear, the craftsmen not yet having set out on this specious-faced evil art." CANTERUS.

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(3) ‹Persas fluvios coluisse› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1185

Persas fluvios coluisse. Herodotus (l. i, c. 138): Ἐς ποταμὸν δὲ οὔτε ἐνουρέουσι, οὔτε ἐμπτύουσι, οὐ χεῖρας ἐναπονίζονται, οὐδὲ ἄλλο τι οὐδὲν ποιέουσι, ἀλλὰ σέβονται ποταμοὺς τῶν πάντων μάλιστα. ELMENH.—Conferendus J. Fr. Gronovius, Obss., l. iv, c. 10, p. 638, seq., ed. Platneri religionem istam Persarum pluribus exemplis illustrans. ORELL.

"That the Persians worshipped rivers." Herodotus (Book I, chapter 138): "Into a river they neither urinate nor spit, nor wash their hands in it, nor do anything else of the kind, but they revere rivers most of all things." ELMENHORST. — Compare J. F. Gronovius, Observationes, Book IV, chapter 10, p. 638 f., Platner's edition, who illustrates this religion of the Persians with several examples. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Memoralia ut indicant scripta› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1185

Memoralia ut indicant scripta. Memoralia scripta sunt memoriae apud a Gellium et Tertullianum passim. Antiquas lectionum memorias dicit Julius Firmicus, l. vi, Mathes., c. 26. HERALD.

"As the memorial writings show." "Memorial writings" are the "memoriae" (records) found everywhere in Gellius and Tertullian. Julius Firmicus speaks of "ancient records of readings", Mathesis Book VI, chapter 26. HERALDUS.

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(5) ‹Informem Arabes lapidem› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1185

Informem Arabes lapidem. Λίθον simpliciter dicit Clemens. Maximus Tyrius quadratum lapidem dicit: Λίθον τετράγωνον Ἀράβιοι σέβουσι μέν, ὅντινα δέ, οὐκ οἶδα· τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα, ὃ εἶδον, λίθος ἦν τετράγωνος. Sed Arnobius non sine caussa informem adjicit. Sic enim ἄσημον λίθον dicit Dio Chrysostomus sermone xii: Ὥστε πολλοὶ τῶν βαρβάρων, πενίᾳ τε καὶ ἀπορίᾳ τέχνης, ὄρη θεοὺς ἐπονομάζουσι, καὶ δένδρα ἀργά, καὶ ἀσήμους λίθους. HERALD.—Pariter Suidae in Θεὸς Ἄρης hujusce Dei ἄγαλμα dicitur λίθος μέλας, τετράγωνος, ἀτύπωτος, ὕψος ποδῶν δ', εὖρος δύο; quem Petrae in templo pulcherrimo erectum memorat. Sed errare Suidam Martem denotari putantem, et pro Θεὸς Ἄρης legendum esse Δουσάρης, quod nomen fuit Bacchi apud Nabataeos, ostendunt J. Davisius, ad Maximi Tyrii, l. l., dissert. viii, § 8, p. 142, ed. Reiskii, et, qui ea de re multus est, Sam. Bochartus, in Phaleg, l. ii, c. 14, p. 126, ed. Francofurt. Sic hodie quoque Mecchae in Alcahaba lapidem nigrum colunt Arabes et ob reverentiam osculantur. Vid. Bochart., p. l., et Nerreter in l. t. Neueröffnete Mahometanische Moschea, p. 282, seqq.; et de lapidum apud antiquos adoratione doctissime disputantem Gisb. Cuper. ad Lactant., de Mortib. persecut., t. ii, p. 154, edit. Bauldri. ORELL.

"The Arabs a shapeless stone." Clement says simply "stone". Maximus of Tyre says a square stone: "The Arabians worship a square stone, but whom, I do not know; the image I saw was a square stone." But Arnobius adds "shapeless" not without reason. For so Dio Chrysostom speaks of an "unmarked stone", Discourse XII: "So that many of the barbarians, from poverty and want of art, call mountains gods, and unworked trees, and unmarked stones." HERALDUS. — Likewise in Suidas, under "Theos Ares", the image of this god is called "a black stone, square, unshaped, four feet high, two wide", which he records was set up at Petra in a most beautiful temple. But that Suidas errs in thinking Mars is meant, and that for "Theos Ares" one should read "Dousares", the name of Bacchus among the Nabataeans, is shown by J. Davis on Maximus of Tyre at the place cited, dissertation VIII, § 8, p. 142, Reiske's edition, and, at length on this subject, by Samuel Bochart, Phaleg, Book II, chapter 14, p. 126, Frankfurt edition. So today too at Mecca, in the Kaaba, the Arabs worship a black stone and kiss it out of reverence. See Bochart at the place cited, and Nerreter in the book entitled "The Newly Opened Mahometan Mosque", p. 282 ff.; and Gisbert Cuper, who discusses most learnedly the worship of stones among the ancients, on Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, vol. II, p. 154, Bauldri's edition. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Acinacem Scythiae nationes› · lemma note, cap. 11, cols 1185–1186

Acinacem Scythiae nationes. Tametsi ἀκινάκης vocabulum sit Persicum, ensem significans, ut tradit in Polyhymnia Herodotus: καὶ τὸ Περσικὸν ξίφος ἀκινάκην καλέουσι· Graeci tamen etiam pro gladio Scythico usurpare solent, quem sicut Deum quemdam […] Gruteri, vol. ii, p. 533. — Idem tradit Herodotus, l. iv, c. 62, qui locus est classicus, et Lucianus in Jove Tragoedo, c. 42, et Toxari, c. 38. ORELL.

"The nations of Scythia a dagger." Although "akinakēs" is a Persian word meaning a sword, as Herodotus relates in the Polyhymnia ("and they call the Persian sword akinakēs"), the Greeks also use it for the Scythian sword, which as a kind of god […] Gruter, vol. II, p. 533. — Herodotus relates the same, Book IV, chapter 62, which is the classic passage; and Lucian in Zeus the Tragedian, chapter 42, and in the Toxaris, chapter 38. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Ramum pro Cinxia Thespios› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1186

Ramum pro Cinxia Thespios. Sic e codice ms. restituit felicissime Janus Guilielmus verba corruptissima editionis primae: Ramum procincxia Thespios, unde Gelenius constanti temeritate fecit: Ramum Prognes Thespios. Lilius Gyraldus locum nostrum in libro suo de diis gentilium ita citat: Ramum proconnesii Athespios, nullo sensu. Canterus e Clementis, loco supra laudato, καὶ τῆς Κιθαιρωνίας Ἥρας ἐν Θεσπίᾳ πρέμνον ἐκκεκομμένον, legendum suspicatur: Ramum pro Cithaeronia Thespios. Gentianus Hervetus in notis ad Clementem: Ramum putatum pro Junone Thespios. Sed unice verum pro Cinxia, quod probat etiam Salmasius ad Solinum, p. 14. Cinxia est Juno, eo nomine a Romanis culta, quod cingulo novae nuptae praeesset. Vide supra, ad l. iii, c. 25. ORELL.

"The Thespians a branch for Cinxia." So Janus Gulielmius most happily restored from the manuscript the very corrupt words of the first edition, "Ramum procincxia Thespios", from which Gelenius, with his constant rashness, made "Ramum Prognes Thespios" (a branch for Procne). Lilio Gyraldi cites our passage in his book on the gods of the Gentiles thus: "Ramum proconnesii Athespios", which makes no sense. Canterus, from the passage of Clement praised above, "and that of Cithaeronian Hera at Thespiae a hewn-off stump", suspects one should read "Ramum pro Cithaeronia Thespios". Gentian Hervet, in his notes on Clement: "Ramum putatum pro Junone Thespios" (a pruned branch for Juno). But "pro Cinxia" is the only true reading, which Salmasius too approves on Solinus, p. 14. Cinxia is Juno, worshipped by the Romans under that name because she presided over the girdle of the new bride. See above on Book III, chapter 25. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Lignum Icarios pro Diana indolatum› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1186

Lignum Icarios pro Diana indolatum. Ita legendum cum Clemente pro Carios. Dianae enim templum apud Icarios fuisse testis est Strabo, l. xiv, p. 639 (ed. Casaubon.): Παράκειται δὲ τῇ Σάμῳ νῆσος ἡ Ἰκαρία, ἀφ' ἧς τὸ Ἰκάριον πέλαγος· αὐτὴ δ' ἐπώνυμός ἐστιν Ἰκάρου παιδὸς τοῦ Δαιδάλου, ὅν φασι τῷ πατρὶ κοινωνήσαντα τῆς φυγῆς, ἡνίκα ἀμφότεροι πτερωθέντες ἀπῆραν ἐκ Κρήτης, πεσεῖν ἐνθάδε, μὴ κρατήσαντα τοῦ δρόμου. Et paulo post: ἄκρα δ' ἐστὶν ἀνατείνουσα πρὸς ζέφυρον· ἔστι δὲ καὶ Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερὸν καλούμενον Ταυροπόλιον ἐν τῇ νήσῳ. CANTERUS.—Fallitur itaque C. Barthius ad Stat. Theb. iv, 225. T. ii, p. 978, legendum existimans Caryos a Caryo, Laconiae oppido, a quo Diana Caryatis, quod illic coleretur. ORELL.

"The Icarians an unhewn log for Diana." So it should be read with Clement, instead of "Carios". For that there was a temple of Diana among the Icarians Strabo testifies, Book XIV, p. 639 (Casaubon's edition): "Next to Samos lies the island Icaria, from which the Icarian Sea is named; and it takes its name from Icarus son of Daedalus, who, they say, shared his father's flight, when both, fitted with wings, set off from Crete, and fell here, not having mastered his course." And a little later: "There is a headland stretching towards the west; and there is also a temple of Artemis on the island called the Tauropolium." CANTERUS. — So C. Barth is mistaken on Statius, Thebaid IV, 225 (vol. II, p. 978), in thinking one should read "Caryos", from Caryae, a town of Laconia, from which Diana is called Caryatis because she was worshipped there. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Aethlius› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1186

Aethlius. Ita lego cum Clemente pro Ethedius. Ethedii enim nullibi mentionem fieri inveni. Aethlii autem praeter Clementem meminit Athenaeus lib. xiv, Dipnosophist. (pag. 650, ed. Casauboni): Ἀέθλιος δὲ ἐν πέμπτῳ Ὅρων Σαμίων, εἰ γνήσια τὰ συγγράμματα, ὁμομηλίδας αὐτὰς καλεῖ. Et paulo post eodem libro (pag. 653): Τί οὖν παράδοξον ἱστορεῖν δοκεῖ Ἀέθλιος ὁ Σάμιος ἐν πέμπτῳ Σαμίων ὡραίων (Casaubon. leg. ὅρων) λέγων, Σῦκον καὶ σταφυλὴ καὶ ὁμομηλὶς καὶ μῆλα καὶ ῥόδα δὶς τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐγένετο. Magnopere autem ad hanc lectionem corroborandam facit, quod Athenaeus hunc fuisse Samium et de eorum rebus scripsisse testetur. CANTER. Meminit ejus etiam Etymologus Magnus v. Νένωται. Vid. Voss., de Hist. Gaecis, lib. iii. V. Aethlius. ORELL.

"Aethlius." So I read with Clement, instead of "Ethedius". For I have found no mention of an Ethedius anywhere. Aethlius, besides Clement, is mentioned by Athenaeus, Deipnosophists, Book XIV (p. 650, Casaubon's edition): "Aethlius, in the fifth book of the Samian Annals, if the writings are genuine, calls them homomēlides." And a little later in the same book (p. 653): "What marvel, then, does Aethlius of Samos seem to relate in the fifth book of his Samian Seasons (Casaubon reads 'Annals'), saying that the fig, the grape, the homomēlis, apples and roses bore twice a year?" It does much to confirm this reading that Athenaeus testifies that he was a Samian and wrote of their affairs. CANTERUS. The Etymologicum Magnum also mentions him, under "Nenōtai". See Vossius, On the Greek Historians, Book III, under Aethlius. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Ante usum disciplinamque fictorum› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1186

Ante usum disciplinamque fictorum. Fictorum a fictor, is, id est statuarius, signifex, ut infra appellat Arnobius, Graece πλάστης. Cicero, de Nat. deor., ii, cap. 29. Reliquos deos ea facie novimus, qua pictores fictoresque voluerunt. ORELL.

"Before the practice and art of the modellers." "Fictorum" from "fictor", that is, a statue-maker, an image-maker, as Arnobius calls him below; in Greek "plastēs". Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods II, chapter 29: "The other gods we know in the form which painters and modellers have chosen." ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Pluteum Samios pro Junone› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1186

Pluteum Samios pro Junone. Verissima haec et levissima emendatio debetur Ob. Gifanio et Th. Cantero, qui eam protulit in Var. Lect., lib. ii, cap. 25. In Lampade Gruteri, t. iii, pag. 771. Antea legebatur: Puteum Samios pro Junone. Sed unice verum esse pluteum liquet ex Eusebio et Clemente, qui de eadem re loquentes exprimunt per σανίς. Gentianus Hervetus mavult: purum asserem pro Junone, male. ORELL.

"The Samians a plank for Juno." This most true and slightest of emendations is owed to Obertus Giphanius and Th. Canterus, who put it forward in his Variae Lectiones, Book II, chapter 25, in Gruter's Lampas, vol. III, p. 771. Before, "Puteum Samios pro Junone" (a well) was read. But that "pluteum" is the only true reading is clear from Eusebius and Clement, who, speaking of the same thing, express it by "sanis" (plank). Gentian Hervet prefers "purum asserem pro Junone" (a bare board), wrongly. ORELLI.

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Page

running head: 1185 LIBER SEXTUS
marginal letters: A mulacrum dei, quem probare; B XI. — Ridetis temporibus (in commentary); C ρας ἐναπονίζονται (in commentary); D cherrimo erectum memorat. (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: begins with fragment mulacrum; full-width heading COMMENTARIUS and commentary at foot not set

PL 5:1186

pro Cinxia Thespios : lignum Icarios pro Diana indolatum ; Pessinuntios silicem pro deum matre : pro Marte Romanos hastam, Varronis ut indicant Musae : atque, ut Aethlius memorat, ante usum disciplinamque fictorum pluteum Samios pro Junone : et

in place of Cinxia; the Icarians an unhewn piece of wood in place of Diana; the Pessinuntians a flint in place of the mother of the gods; the Romans a spear in place of Mars, as the Muses of Varro show; and, as Aethlius records, before the practice and art of sculptors, the Samians a plank in place of Juno: and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1186

Page

running head: LIBER SEXTUS. 1186
marginal letters: A pro Cinxia Thespios; B Ramum pro Cinxia Thespios. (in commentary); C ἀφ' ἧς τὸ Ἰκάριον πέλαγος (in commentary); D δὶς τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐγένετο. (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: full-width heading COMMENTARIUS. and commentary at foot not set

PL 5:1187

abstinetis a risu, cum pro diis immortalibus sigilliosis hominum, et formis supplicatis humanis. Quinimmo deos esse sigillaria ipsa censetis, nec praeter haec quidquam vim creditis habere divinam. Quid dicitis, o isti ! ergone dii coelites habent aures, et tempora, cervices, occipitium, spinam, lumbos, latera, poplites, nates, suffragines talos, membraque alia caetera, quibus constructi nos sumus, et quae prima in parte paulo plenius dicta sunt, et scripto uberiore prolata ? Utinam liceret introspicere sensus vestros, recessusque ipsos mentis, quibus varias volvitis, atque initis obscurissimas cogitationes : reperiremus et vos ipsos eadem sentire, quae nos : neque alias gerere super numinum figuratione sententias. Sed studiis facere quid pervicacibus possumus, quid intentantibus gladios, novasque excogitantibus poenas ? Animantis asseritis

you refrain from laughter when in place of the immortal gods you supplicate the little figures of men and human forms. Nay rather, you judge that the little images themselves are gods, nor besides these do you believe anything to possess divine power. What do you say, O you men! Do the heavenly gods then have ears, and temples, necks, the back of the head, a spine, loins, sides, hams, buttocks, hocks, ankles, and all the other limbs of which we are constructed, and which in the first part were spoken of a little more fully and set forth in a more copious writing? Would that it were permitted to look into your thoughts, and the very recesses of your mind, in which you turn over various and enter upon most obscure reflections: we should find that you yourselves also feel the same things as we, and do not hold other opinions concerning the fashioning of the divinities. But what can we do with stubborn partisanships, what with those brandishing swords and devising new punishments? Knowing full well, you maintain

Editors' notes and page, col. 1187

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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(a) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 1187

Illa ms.

"Illa": the manuscript.

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(1) ‹Quinimmo deos esse sigillaria ipsa censetis› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1187

Quinimmo deos esse sigillaria ipsa censetis. Sigillaria h. l., ut et praecedens sigilliola, sensu insolentiore de statuis justae magnitudinis dici ab Arnobio, pluribus ostendit Gisb. Cuperus in Harpocrate, pag. 86. Pro ipsa Ms. illa. ORELL.

"Nay rather, you think the little figures themselves are gods." That "sigillaria" here, like the preceding "sigilliola", is used by Arnobius in an unusual sense of statues of full size, Gisbert Cuper shows at length in his Harpocrates, p. 86. For "ipsa" the manuscript has "illa". ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Membraque alia caetera› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1187

Membraque alia caetera. Vide supra, ad lib. iii, cap. 6. ORELL.

"And all the other limbs." See above on Book III, chapter 6. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Animantis asseritis malam scientissimi causam› · lemma note, cap. 11, col 1187

Animantis asseritis malam scientissimi causam. Heic est aliquod vitium. Scientissimi est scientes, non autem ignoratione malam causam asseritis. Pro animantis igitur an argumentis? ut legatur: argumentis asseritis etc. HERALD. — Meursius conjicit: Amentes asseritis, etc. Equidem legendum conjicio: Animose asseritis, etc. id est, summo studio et contentione. ORELL.

"You maintain a bad cause most knowingly ... animantis." There is some fault here. "Most knowingly" means knowing, and not from ignorance, you maintain a bad cause. For "animantis", then, perhaps "argumentis"? so that it reads: "you maintain with arguments", etc. HERALDUS. — Meursius conjectures: "Amentes asseritis" (madly you maintain), etc. For my part I conjecture one should read "Animose asseritis", etc., that is, with the greatest zeal and vehemence. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Ex hujusmodi causis illud etiam vobis conniventibus consecutum est› · lemma note, cap. 12, col 1187

XII. — Ex hujusmodi causis illud etiam vobis conniventibus consecutum est, etc. Sequitur jam locus classicus de deorum insignibus et attributis, plura continens, quae alibi frustra quaesiveris. ORELL.

XII. — "From causes of this kind this too has followed, with you conniving," etc. Now follows the classic passage on the insignia and attributes of the gods, containing many things you would look for elsewhere in vain. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Quae cuilibet tristi possent esse derisui› · lemma note, cap. 12, col 1187

Quae cuilibet tristi possent esse derisui. Cuilibet tristi, id est, gravi, severo, austero, scilicet homini, vel philosopho, ein finstrer Sauertopf, quales erant, verbi causa, Heraclitus et Cato. Ita Lucilius ap. Non., verbo TRISTIS: Tristis ac severus philosophus. Ubi vid. Dousa, pag. 404, edit. Censorin. Havercamp, qui apposite citat Afranii versum ex Privigno: Non ego te novi tristem, severum, serium. ORELL.

"Which might be a laughing-stock to any gloomy man." "To any gloomy man", that is, grave, severe, austere, a man, namely, or a philosopher (German "ein finstrer Sauertopf", a gloomy sourpuss), such as were, for example, Heraclitus and Cato. So Lucilius in Nonius under the word "tristis": "a gloomy and severe philosopher." On which see Dousa, p. 404, and Havercamp's edition of Censorinus, who aptly cites a line of Afranius from the Privignus: "Did I not know you as gloomy, severe, serious?" ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Itaque Hammon cum cornibus jam formatur et fingitur arietinis› · lemma note, cap. 12, col 1187

Itaque Hammon cum cornibus jam formatur et fingitur arietinis. De diis cornutis majorum gentium locus classicus est apud Porphyrium de Abstinentia, lib. iii, (pag. 250, ed. de Rhoer.): Οὕτω δὴ οἱ Ἕλληνες τῷ μὲν τοῦ Διὸς ἀγάλματι κριοῦ προσῆψαν κέρατα, ταύρου δὲ Διονύσῳ, τὸν δὲ Πᾶνα ἐξ ἀνθρώπου καὶ αἰγὸς συνέθηκαν. De cornibus diis fluviorum attributis res notissima. Conf. intpp. ad Minuc. Fel., cap. 21, et, qui de diis illis docte fuseque disputat et Jovis Hammonis imaginem nitidissime aeri incisam repraesentat. Ez. Spanhem. De Usu Numism., dissert. vii, pag. 389 et seq. ORELL.

"So Hammon is now shaped and fashioned with ram's horns." On the horned gods of the greater nations the classic passage is in Porphyry, On Abstinence, Book III (p. 250, de Rhoer's edition): "So the Greeks attached ram's horns to the image of Zeus, and bull's horns to Dionysus, and they composed Pan of man and goat." The horns given to river gods are very well known. Compare the interpreters on Minucius Felix, chapter 21, and Ezechiel Spanheim, On the Use of Coins, dissertation VII, p. 389 ff., who discusses those gods learnedly and at length and shows an image of Jupiter Hammon most finely engraved on copper. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Cum petaso gnatus Maiae, tanquam vias aggredi praeparet› · lemma note, cap. 12, cols 1187–1188

Cum petaso gnatus Maiae, tanquam vias aggredi praeparet. Martianus Capella, de Nuptiis Philologiae, lib. i, pag. 2. Petaso autem ac talaribus concitatis coepit praeire Mercurius. Conf. Xiphilinus in Vita Commodi et Plaut. Amphitryon., Prolog. 143. ELMENH. Petasi enim et pilei in itinere usus, cum alias raro uterentur pileis, quod ab eruditissimis hominibus pridem observatum (v. c. J. Lipsio de Amphiteatro cap. 19). HERALDUS. Petasus, graece πέτασος, galerus erat, seu pileus, sic dictus, quod latos habebat margines. Scribit autem Athenaeus (Dipnos. lib. xii, pag. 537), Alexandrum Magnum aliquando in conviviis gestasse indumentum Mercurii, et τὸν πέτασον ἐπὶ κεφαλῇ, καὶ τὸ κηρύκειον ἐν τῇ χειρί. Plautus vero (in Prolog. Amphitr.) Mercurium sic loquentem inducit: Ego has habebo hic usque in petaso pinnulas. Quem in versum Lambini, si lubet, observationes consule. NOURR., pag. 489. Petasus capitis tegmen galero persimile, cujus delineationem vide in Montefalconii Antiqq., tab. lxxxv, fig. 9 et 10, ed. Schazii. ORELL.

"Maia's son with a petasus, as though preparing to set out on the roads." Martianus Capella, On the Marriage of Philology, Book I, p. 2: "Then Mercury, with his petasus and his winged sandals astir, began to lead the way." Compare Xiphilinus in the Life of Commodus, and Plautus, Amphitryo, Prologue 143. ELMENHORST. For the petasus and the felt cap were used on journeys, though otherwise caps were seldom worn, as the most learned men have long observed (for example J. Lipsius, On the Amphitheatre, chapter 19). HERALDUS. The petasus, Greek "petasos", was a hat or cap, so called because it had a broad brim. Athenaeus writes (Deipnosophists, Book XII, p. 537) that Alexander the Great sometimes wore the dress of Mercury at banquets, "with the petasus on his head and the herald's staff in his hand". And Plautus (in the Prologue of the Amphitryo) brings on Mercury speaking thus: "I shall keep these little wings here on my petasus all the time." On which line consult, if you like, Lambinus's observations. LE NOURRY, p. 489. The petasus was a head-covering very like a hat; for a drawing of it see Montfaucon's Antiquités, plate LXXXV, figures 9 and 10, Schatz's edition. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Liber membris cum mollibus, et liquoris feminei dissolutissimus laxitate› · lemma note, cap. 12, col 1188

Liber membris cum mollibus, et liquoris feminei dissolutissimus laxitate. Nam Bacchus λυσιμελής, quemadmodum Venus. Elegantissime autem: liquoris feminei dissolutissimus laxitate. Sic feminae dicuntur molles, et quasi liquescentes ac diffluentes, unde incessus earum laxior et dissolutior. Apuleius, Milesia ii: Incessu perfluo feminam mentiebatur: ὑγρὸν βάδισμα Graeci dicunt. Clemens Alexandrinus, lib. iii. Paedagogi: Οὐ γὰρ ὥς τινες τὴν ὑπόκρισιν ζηλοῦσαι τῆς κωμῳδίας, καὶ τὰς κατεαγυίας τῶν ὀρχηστῶν κινήσεις παραφυλάττουσαι, παρὰ τὰς ὁμιλίας σκηνοβατοῦσιν, αὐτοῖς τοῖς κινήμασι τοῖς ἁβροῖς, καὶ τοῖς ὑγροῖς βαδίσμασι, καὶ φωναῖς ταῖς πεπλασμέναις, κλαδαρὸν περιβλέπουσαι, δέλεαρ ἡδονῆς ἐξησκημέναι. Dio Chrysostomus, sermone iv, de Regno τὸ ὑγρὸν καὶ μαλακὸν εἶδος opponit τῷ ἀρρενωπῷ καὶ σεμνῷ. Ἆρ' οὖν, inquit, ἀρρενωπόν τι καὶ σεμνὸν εἶδος τῷ τοιούτῳ δαίμονι πρέπει, ἢ μᾶλλον ὑγρόν τε καὶ μαλακόν. Hinc ὑγρὸς βίος Graecis, quae Latinis vita madens et deliciis diffluens. Optime igitur et elegantissime Arnobius: liquoris feminei dissolutissimus laxitate. Dissolutus est διαλελυμένος et deliciis fluens. Tertullianus, de Spectaculis, cap. x: Et est quoque in artibus scenicis Liberi et Veneris patrocinium, quae privata et propria sunt scenae, de gestu et corporis fluxu. Nam mollitiam Veneri et Libero immolant: illi per sexum, isti (sic enim legendum pro illi) per fluxum dissoluti. — HERALD. Opp. corpora sicca, quibus, ut ait Catullus, avida cutis siccis haeret ossibus. Conf. J. Fr. Gronov., in Diatribe ad Statii Silv., cap. xxv, pag. 151, sq. locum nostrum multis exemplis illustrans et Turneb., Advers., lib. xxiii. Male itaque locum hunc sanissimum sollicitavit Meursius legens: liquoris seminei, quia liberum veteres masculinis seminibus praeficiebant, et pejus etiam C. Barthius, Advers., lib. lviii, cap. 15, liquorem femineum vinum interpretatur. ORELL.

"Liber with soft limbs, and utterly dissolute in the looseness of a woman's fluidity." For Bacchus is "lysimelēs" (limb-loosening), as is Venus. Most elegantly: "utterly dissolute in the looseness of a woman's fluidity." So women are called soft, and as it were melting and flowing, whence their gait is looser and more relaxed. Apuleius, Milesian Tale II: "with a flowing gait he feigned a woman"; the Greeks call it a "liquid walk". Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus Book III: "Not as some women, imitating the acting of comedy and studying the broken movements of the dancers, play the stage in their conversation, with these delicate movements and liquid walks and affected voices, casting languishing glances about, trained as a bait of pleasure." Dio Chrysostom, Discourse IV, On Kingship, contrasts "the liquid and soft form" with "the manly and dignified". "Does then," he says, "a manly and dignified form befit such a deity, or rather a liquid and soft one?" Hence the Greeks' "liquid life", which in Latin is a life soaked and flowing with pleasures. So Arnobius says it excellently and most elegantly: "utterly dissolute in the looseness of a woman's fluidity". "Dissolutus" is "dialelymenos", flowing with pleasures. Tertullian, On the Spectacles, chapter X: "And in the stage arts too there is the patronage of Liber and Venus, in what is private and proper to the stage, in gesture and the fluidity of the body. For they sacrifice their softness to Venus and Liber, dissolute, the one through sex, the other (for so one should read 'isti' instead of 'illi') through fluidity." HERALDUS. — The opposite is dry bodies, in which, as Catullus says, "the greedy skin clings to the dry bones". Compare J. F. Gronovius, Diatribe on Statius's Silvae, chapter XXV, p. 151 f., who illustrates our passage with many examples, and Turnebus, Adversaria, Book XXIII. So Meursius wrongly tampered with this perfectly sound passage, reading "liquoris seminei" (seminal fluid), because the ancients set Liber over male seed; and C. Barth did worse still, Adversaria, Book LVIII, chapter 15, interpreting "liquor femineus" as wine. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Tanquam si illam dicas publicare, divendere meritorii corporis formam› · lemma note, cap. 12, col 1188

Tanquam si illam dicas publicare, divendere meritorii corporis formam. Id est, τὴν ὥραν ὥσπερ τι ὤνιον πιπράσκειν. Formam enim dicit heic τὴν ὥραν. In eamden sententiam Jul. Firmicus lib. vi, Mathes, cap. 31. Si vero mulieris fuerit ista genitura, meretricem publicam et famosam nundinato pudore perficiet, (continues)

"As though you should say she makes public and sells off the beauty of a hireling body." That is, to sell her bloom like some piece of merchandise. For by "forma" he means here "hōra", the bloom of youth. To the same effect Julius Firmicus, Mathesis Book VI, chapter 31: "But if this is a woman's nativity, it will make her a public and notorious prostitute, her modesty put up for sale," (continues)

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running head: 1187 ARNOBII ADVERSUS GE
marginal letters: A abstinetis a risu; B dios, novasque excogitantibus; C seritis, etc. id est (in commentary); D δὲ Διονύσῳ, τὸν δὲ Πᾶνα (in commentary)
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malam scientissimi causam, et quod semel sine ratione fecistis, ne videamini aliquando nescisse, defenditis ; meliusque putatis, non vinci, quam confessae cedere atque annuere veritati.

a bad cause, and what you once did without reason, lest you should seem ever to have been ignorant, you defend; and you think it better not to be conquered than to yield and assent to acknowledged truth.

XII. Ex hujusmodi causis illud etiam vobis conniventibus consecutum est, ut in deorum corporibus lasciviae artificum luderent, darent que his formas, quae cuilibet tristi possent esse derisui. Itaque Hammon cum cornibus jam formatur et fingitur arietinis : Saturnus cum obunca falce, custos ruris ut aliquis, ramorum luxuriantium tonsor : cum petaso gnatus Maiae, tamquam vias aggredi praeparet, et solem, pulveremque declinet : Liber membris cum mollibus et liquoris feminei dissolutissimus laxitate : Venus nuda, et aperta, tamquam si illam dicas publicare, divendere meritorii corporis formam : cum pileo

XII. From causes of this kind this also has followed with your connivance, that on the bodies of the gods the wantonnesses of craftsmen played, and gave to them forms which could be a mockery to any grave person whatever. And so Hammon is now formed and fashioned with ram's horns; Saturn with a hooked sickle, like some guardian of the country, a pruner of luxuriant branches; the son of Maia with a broad-brimmed hat, as though he were preparing to set out on roads, and were shunning the sun and dust; Liber with soft limbs and most slack with the looseness of womanish fluidity; Venus naked and uncovered, just as if you should say that she prostitutes and sells for hire the beauty of a courtesan's body; with a cap

Editors' notes and page, col. 1188

Footnotes

(b) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 1188

Suffragiaem Sab.

"Suffragiaem": Sabaeus.

Commentarius

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running head: ADVERSUS GENTES 1188
marginal letters: A seritis malam scientissimi; B divendere meritorii corporis; C les, et quasi liquescentes (in commentary); D corporis fluxu. (in commentary)
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Vulcanus, et malleo, manu librans dextera, et fabrili expeditione succinctus : cum plectro et fidibus Delius citharistae gestus servans, cantaturi et naenias histrionis : cum fuscina rex maris, tamquam illi pugna sit gladiatorii obeunda certaminis : neque ullum est reperire figmentum alicujus numinis, quod non habitus certos ferat fabrorum liberalitate donatos. Ecce si aliquis, vobis nescientibus et ignaris, rex urbanus et callidus ex foribus suis Solem tollat, et in Mercurii transferat sedem : Mercurium rursus arripiat, atque in Solis faciat commigrare delubrum, uterque enim a vobis glaber, atque ore compingitur levi, detque huic radios, Solis capiti petasunculum superponat : quibus modis internoscere poteritis, utrumne Sol iste sit, an ille Mercurius, cum habitus

Vulcan, and with a hammer, poising it with his right hand, and girt up in a smith's outfit; with plectrum and lyre-strings the Delian keeping the gestures of a cithara-player and of an actor about to sing ditties; with a trident the king of the sea, as though he had to engage in the battle of a gladiatorial contest: nor is it possible to find any image of any divinity which does not bear fixed attires bestowed by the generosity of craftsmen. Behold, if without your knowledge and awareness some witty and clever king should take the Sun from his doors and transfer him to the seat of Mercury, and again seize Mercury and make him migrate into the shrine of the Sun—for each of the two is fashioned by you beardless and with a smooth face—and should give rays to the latter, and place the little travelling-hat upon the head of the Sun: by what means will you be able to distinguish whether this one is the Sun or that one Mercury, when attire

Editors' notes and page, col. 1189

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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(a) ‹capiti petasunculum› · call in col 1189

Petasjoculum ms. Ridicule.

"Petasjoculum": the manuscript. Absurdly.

Commentarius

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(1) (continued) · cap. 12, col 1189

HERALD.—Innuit autem Arnobius Venerem Vulgariam, πάνδημον, de qua Eugraphius ad Terent. Eunuch. I. scen. ii, 5: Menander aperte dixit, meretrices juxta domum suam, vel in atrio solitas habere arum Veneris Vulgariae, cui quotidie sacrificarent. (Conf. Murr. ad Tab. Herculan., tom. 7, pag. 4, tab. 16. ORELL. — Meritorii corporis. Quare et ipsum lupanar meritorium appellant, ἐργαστήριον. Jul. Firmicus, lib. iv, Mathes., cap. 25: Si autem iis Veneris stella accesserit, illustribus viris de meritorio detracta mulier conjugali gratia copulatur. HERALD.

(continued) HERALDUS. — Arnobius hints at the Common Venus, "pandēmos", of whom Eugraphius on Terence's Eunuch, Act I, scene ii, 5: "Menander said openly that prostitutes used to have an altar of the Common Venus beside their house or in the hall, to which they sacrificed daily." (Compare Murr on the Herculaneum plates, vol. 7, p. 4, plate 16.) ORELLI. — "Of a hireling body." That is why they also call the brothel itself a "meritorium", a workshop ("ergastērion"). Julius Firmicus, Mathesis Book IV, chapter 25: "But if the star of Venus joins them, a woman taken from the brothel is joined to illustrious men in the favour of marriage." HERALDUS.

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(2) ‹Cum pileo Vulcanus et malleo, manu librans dextera› · lemma note, cap. 12, col 1189

Cum pileo Vulcanus et malleo, manu librans dextera. In textum recepi correctionem hanc verissimam Cannegieteri, qui aliam quoque proponit emendationem: Cum pileo Vulcanus et malleo, malleum librans dextera. Sed priorem longe praefero ob ingratam repetitionem v. malleus. Antea edebatur: Cum pileo Vulcanus et malleo, manu liber sed dextera, quod videtur esse corruptum, nisi forte Arnobius ad talem imaginem respexit, qualem nobis repraesentat Montfaucon in Antiquitt., tab. 11, fig. 4. Compendii Schaziani, Vulcani scil. liberi dextra manu, sinistra autem obvoluta pallio. Meursius conj. mancus; liber sed dextera, quod quid sibi velit, dispicere nequeo, nisi mancus dici possit Graecorum χωλός, qualis erat Vulcanus, cujus autem significationis exempla desidero. Nam mancus est proprie manu carens, non pede tortus claudicans. ORELL. Fabros ferrarios pileatos fuisse, ex Arriani Diss. Epictet., lib. iv, cap. 8, jam alii (Heraldus) observarunt. ELMENH.

"Vulcan with cap and hammer, poising it in his right hand." I have received into the text this most true correction of Cannegieter, who also proposes another emendation: "Vulcan with cap and hammer, poising the hammer in his right hand". But I much prefer the former because of the unpleasant repetition of the word "malleus". Before, it was printed: "Vulcan with cap and hammer, free but in his right hand", which seems corrupt, unless perhaps Arnobius had in view such an image as Montfaucon shows us in his Antiquités, plate 11, figure 4 of Schatz's abridgement: Vulcan, that is, with his right hand free and his left wrapped in a cloak. Meursius conjectures "mancus; liber sed dextera" (maimed; but free in the right hand), what he means by which I cannot make out, unless "mancus" could be said for the Greek "chōlos" (lame), as Vulcan was; but I lack examples of that meaning. For "mancus" properly means lacking a hand, not limping with a twisted foot. ORELLI. That smiths wore caps others (Heraldus) have already observed from Arrian's Discourses of Epictetus, Book IV, chapter 8. ELMENHORST.

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(3) ‹Et fabrili expeditione succinctus› · lemma note, cap. 12, col 1189

Et fabrili expeditione succinctus. Id est, περίζωμα περιθέμενος. Arrianus eodem capite: Οὐδεὶς δ' ἐρεῖ, Ἐγὼ μουσικός εἰμι, ἂν πλῆκτρον καὶ κιθάραν ἀγοράσῃ. Οὐδ' Ἐγὼ χαλκεύς εἰμι, ἂν πῖλον καὶ περίζωμα περίθηται. HERALD. — De voce expeditione dubito, significatur id, quod nostro sermone dicimus ein Schurzfell. Forte graece scriptum περιζώματι, quod librarius graece nescius mutavit. Possis tamen expeditionem fabrilem dicere modum et rationem, qua faber expedit opus suum, quanquam et hoc dicendum, parum aptam esse ei rationi vocem succinctum. CANNEGIETER. Insolentissima haec vocis expeditio significatio, neque verosimile est Arnobium scripsisse περιζώματι, cum in toto opere nullum graecum legatur vocabulum. Sed omnia sana erunt, si cum Stewechio legamus: fabrili expeditioni succinctus, id est, ad febrilem expeditionem. Talem Vulcanum succinctum vide sis apud Montefalconium in Antiquitt., tab. 11, fig. 2 et 3, ed. Schaz. ORELL.

"And girt in a smith's readiness." That is, having put on an apron. Arrian in the same chapter: "No one will say, 'I am a musician', if he buys a plectrum and a lyre; nor 'I am a smith', if he puts on a cap and an apron." HERALDUS. — I have doubts about the word "expeditione"; what is meant is what in our language we call "ein Schurzfell" (a leather apron). Perhaps "perizōmati" was written in Greek, which a copyist ignorant of Greek changed. Yet one could call "expeditio fabrilis" the manner and method by which a smith gets his work done, although it must be said that the word "succinctus" suits that sense poorly. CANNEGIETER. This meaning of the word "expeditio" is most unusual, nor is it likely that Arnobius wrote "perizōmati", since no Greek word is read in the whole work. But all will be sound if we read with Stewech: "fabrili expeditioni succinctus", that is, girt for the smith's task. For such a girt Vulcan see, if you please, Montfaucon's Antiquités, plate 11, figures 2 and 3, Schatz's edition. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Cum plectro et fidibus Delius citharistae gestus servans, cantaturi et naenias histrionis› · lemma note, cap. 12, cols 1189–1190

Cum plectro et fidibus Delius citharistae gestus servans, cantaturi et naenias histrionis. Haec est lectio omnium editionum, excepta Lugduno-Batava, quae habet: Delius citharista, fortassis operarum vitio. Nam ita si legimus posterius, et non habet ad quod referatur. Naenias designare non solum carmina funebria, sed quaecumque dicta vulgata, puerilia, nugatoria docent Taubmannus ad Plaut. Bacchid., act. 4, scen. 8, et Gesnerus in Thesauro. Sic infra lib. vii, cap. 32, nutricum cantiones, quibus pueris inducunt sommos, naeniae vocantur: Somni enim quiete solvantur, occupari que ut possint, lenes audiendae sunt naeniae. ORELL.

"The Delian with plectrum and strings, keeping the gestures of a lyre-player and of an actor about to sing trifles." This is the reading of all the editions except the Leiden one, which has "Delius citharista", perhaps by a printers' error. For if we read so, the later "et" has nothing to refer to. That "naeniae" means not only funeral songs but any common sayings, childish and trifling, is taught by Taubmann on Plautus's Bacchides, Act 4, scene 8, and by Gesner in his Thesaurus. So below, Book VII, chapter 32, the nurses' songs by which they bring sleep on children are called "naeniae": "For, that they may be released in the quiet of sleep and overtaken by it, gentle lullabies must be heard." ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Cum fuscina rex maris, tanquam illi pugna sit gladiatorii obeunda certaminis› · lemma note, cap. 12, col 1190

Cum fuscina rex maris, tanquam illi pugna sit gladiatorii obeunda certaminis. Fuscina enim retiarii in gladiatoriis ludis utebantur. Juvenalis, satyr. ii, vers. 143. Vicit et hoc monstrum tunicati fuscina Gracchi. Vid. Lipsius Saturnal., lib. ii, cap. 8. ELMENH. Quia nimirum gladiatores, ac imprimis retiarii, tridente armati contra myrmillones pugnabant, unde Juvenalis, sat. ii, vers. 143: Vicit et hoc monstrum tunicati fuscina Gracchi, / Lustravitque fuga mediam gladiator arenam. Vide sis in hos versus variorum observationes et Lipsium, lib. ii, Saturn., cap. 8, NOURR., pag. 490.

"The king of the sea with a trident, as though he had to fight a gladiatorial contest." For the net-fighters used the trident in the gladiatorial games. Juvenal, Satire II, line 143: "This monstrosity too was outdone by the trident of the tunic-clad Gracchus." See Lipsius, Saturnalia, Book II, chapter 8. ELMENHORST. Because, of course, gladiators, and especially the net-fighters, fought armed with a trident against the myrmillones; whence Juvenal, Satire II, line 143: "This monstrosity too was outdone by the trident of the tunic-clad Gracchus, and the gladiator ran in flight all round the middle of the arena." See, if you please, the various commentators' observations on these lines and Lipsius, Saturnalia Book II, chapter 8. LE NOURRY, p. 490.

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(6) ‹Rex urbanus et callidus ex foribus suis Solem tollat› · lemma note, cap. 12, col 1190

Rex urbanus et callidus ex foribus suis Solem tollat. Numquam existimassem, posse aliquem (Gelenium, qui conj. ex aedibus. ORELL.). De hac lectione dubitare. Sol recte in foribus, unde προστατήριος appellabatur. Sophocles in Electra (vers. 637): Κλύοις ἂν ἤδη, Φοῖβε προστατήριε, / Κεκρυμμένην μου βάξιν. Scholiastes: Προστατήριε....... ὅτι πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν ἵδρυται. Atque ita Pausanias. Tertullianus de idololatria: Etiam apud Graecos Appollinem θυραῖον et Antelios daemonas ostiorum praesides legimus. Προπύλαιον Ἀπόλλωνα dicit Aristides hymno in Minervam. HERALD.

"Let a witty and clever king remove the Sun from his doors." I should never have thought that anyone (Gelenius, who conjectured "ex aedibus", from his house. ORELLI.) could doubt this reading. The Sun is rightly at the doors, whence he was called "prostatērios" (standing before). Sophocles in the Electra (line 637): "Hear now, Phoebus who stands before the house, my hidden word." The scholiast: "Prostatērie ....... because he is set up before the doors." And so Pausanias. Tertullian, On Idolatry: "Among the Greeks too we read of Apollo 'of the door' and the Antelii, demons guarding the entrances." Aristides, in his hymn to Minerva, speaks of Apollo "Propylaeus" (before the gate). HERALDUS.

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(7) ‹Cum habitus vobis deos› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1190

Cum habitus vobis deos, etc. Prudentius: Formatum Fortunae habitum, cum simplice cornu. Insignia appellat Tertullianus libro de Idololatria: Nec enim differt, an exstruas, vel exornes, si templum, si aram, si aediculam ejus instruxeris, si bracteam expresseris, aut insignia, aut etiam domum fabricaris. HERALD.

"When the dress [shows] the gods to you," etc. Prudentius: "The fashioned dress of Fortune, with a single horn." Tertullian calls them insignia in his book On Idolatry: "For it makes no difference whether you build or adorn, if you have furnished its temple, altar or shrine, if you have pressed out the gold leaf, or made its insignia, or even its house." HERALDUS.

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(8) ‹Interstitio› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1190

Interstitio. H. l. idem quod discrimen, ab intersto are, cujus significationis aliud exemplum desidero. Alias interstitio est cessatio, vacatio. Alii legunt interstinctio, quod supra habuimus cap. 3.: Et sidereos evomant variata interstinctione fulgores. ORELL.

"Interstitio." Here the same as "discrimen" (distinction), from "intersto, -are"; I lack another example of this meaning. Elsewhere "interstitio" is a pause, an intermission. Others read "interstinctio", which we had above, chapter 3: "And pour forth starry gleams with varied spangling." ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Nomina illis tamquam propria dedicare› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1190

Nomina illis tamquam propria dedicare. Meursius mavult numina, male. ORELL.

"To dedicate names to them as their own." Meursius prefers "numina" (deities), wrongly. ORELLI.

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running head: 1189 LIBER SEXTUS.
marginal letters: A Vulcanus, et malleo; B utrumne Sol iste sit; C dationem : Cum pileo Vulcanus (in commentary); D HERALD. — De voce expeditione (in commentary)
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vobis deos, non oris soleat proprietas indicare ? Consimili rursus translatione si nudo Jovi cornua detranat, et Martis temporibus affigat, Martem armis spoliet, et his rursus circumcludat Hammonem : interstitio quae fieri poterit singulorum, cum qui Jupiter fuerat, idem possit existimari Mars esse, et qui Mavors fuerat, subintroire speciem Jovis possit Hammonis? Usque adeo ludus est simulacra ista confingere, nomina illis tamquam propria dedicare, quibus si habitum detrahas, tollatur cognitio singulorum : deus pro deo credi, alter videri pro altero, immo pro utroque uterque possit existimari ?

and not the proper character of the face is wont to point out the gods to you? Again, by a similar transposition, if from naked Jove he should pull off the horns and fasten them to the temples of Mars, strip Mars of his arms and with these again enclose Hammon: what distinction of each will be able to be made, when he who had been Jupiter can be judged to be the same as Mars, and he who had been Mavors can enter secretly into the appearance of Jove Hammon? Is it to such a degree a game to fashion those images, to dedicate names to them as if their own, from which if you take away the attire, the recognition of each is taken away: a god can be believed in place of a god, one seem in place of the other, nay each be judged in place of both?

XIII. Sed quid ego diis dotas falses et fulcinas rideo? quid cornua, malleos, et galeros, cum simulacra quaedam sciam certorum esse hominum formas, et

XIII. But why do I laugh at sickles and tridents given to the gods? Why at horns, hammers, and caps, when I know that certain images are the forms of definite men, and

Editors' notes and page, col. 1190

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running head: BER SEXTUS. 1190
marginal letters: A vobis deos, non oris; B cra quaedam sciam; C Vicit et hoc monstrum (in commentary); D ἵδρυται. Atque ita Pausanias. (in commentary)
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PL 5:1191

infamium liniamenta meretricum? Quis est enim, qui ignoret Athenienses illos Hermas Alcibiadis ad corporis similitudinem fabricatos ? Quis Praxitelem nescit, Posidippum si relegat, ad formam Cratinae meretricis, quam infelix perdite diligebat, os Veneris Gnidae solertiarum coegisse certamine ? Sed sola est haec Venus, cui de scorti vultu translaticium decus auctum est ? Phryne illa Thespiaca, sicut illi referunt, qui negocia Thespiaca scriptitarunt, cum in acumine ipso esset pulchritudinis, venustatis, et floris, exemplarium fuisse perhibetur cunctarum, quae in opinione sunt Venerum : sive per urbes graias, sive istic quo fluxit amor talium cupiditasque signorum. Itaque artifices omnes, ipsis iisdem qui temporibus existerunt, quibusque primas dabat exprimendarum similitudinum veritas, omni cura studioque certabant, filum capitis prostituti cythereia in simulacra traducere : ardebant artificum scita : alterque alterum vincere contentiosa aemulatione quaerebant, non Venus ut augustior fieret, sed ut Phryne pro Venere staret.

the features of infamous courtesans? For who is there who does not know that those Athenian Hermae were fashioned after the likeness of the body of Alcibiades? Who does not know, if he reads Posidippus, that Praxiteles, by a contest of his skills, shaped the face of the Cnidian Venus after the form of the courtesan Cratina, whom the unhappy man desperately loved? But is this Venus the only one whose borrowed beauty has been increased from the countenance of a harlot? That Thespian Phryne, just as those report who wrote of Thespian affairs, when she was at the very peak of beauty, charm, and bloom, is said to have been the model of all the Venuses that are held in esteem, whether throughout the Grecian cities, or here whither the love and desire for such statues flowed. And so all the craftsmen who existed in those very same times, and to whom truth in expressing likenesses gave the first place, strove with all care and zeal to transfer the contour of a prostituted head into Cytherean images: the conceptions of the craftsmen burned, and with contentious emulation they sought the one to surpass the other, not that Venus might become more august, but that Phryne might stand in place of Venus.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1191

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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(1) ‹Quis est enim qui ignoret Athenienses illos Hermas› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1191

XIII. — Quis est enim qui ignoret Athenienses illos Hermas, etc. Clemens in Protrept. (pag. 47. ed. Potter.): ὥσπερ αὖ καὶ οἱ λιθοξόοι τοὺς Ἑρμᾶς Ἀθήνησιν πρὸς Ἀλκιβιάδην ἀπείκαζον. CANTER.

XIII. — "For who does not know that those Athenian Herms," etc. Clement in the Protrepticus (p. 47, Potter's edition): "just as the stone-cutters at Athens modelled the Herms on Alcibiades." CANTERUS.

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(2) ‹Quis Praxitelem nescit› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1191

Quis Praxitelem nescit, etc. Idem Clemens (eadem pagina): Ὁ Πραξιτέλης δέ, ὡς Ποσίδιππος ἐν τῷ περὶ Κνίδου διασαφεῖ, τὸ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ἄγαλμα τῆς Κνιδίας κατασκευάζων, τῷ Κρατίνης τῆς ἐρωμένης εἴδει παραπλήσιον πεποίηκεν αὐτήν, ἵν' ἔχοιεν οἱ δείλαιοι τὴν Πραξιτέλους ἐρωμένην προσκυνεῖν. CANTER.

"Who does not know that Praxiteles," etc. The same Clement (same page): "Praxiteles, as Posidippus explains in his book on Cnidus, when he made the statue of Cnidian Aphrodite, made her like the form of his mistress Cratine, so that the wretched people might have Praxiteles's mistress to worship." CANTERUS.

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(3) ‹Posidippum si relegat› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1191

Posidippum si relegat. In Romano Codice (editione 1) legitur: Posidippi si relegat, scil. scripta. CANTER. — Si sana est lectio editionis Lugd. Bat.: Posidippi si relegat, excidit aliquid post v. relegat, forte librum de Gnido. Nam Clemens, quem et hic exscripsit Arnobius: Ὡς Ποσίδιππος ἐν τῷ περὶ Κνίδου διασαφεῖ. Editiones veteres, v. c. prior Elmenhorstii, habent: Posidippum si relegat. De hoc Posidippo vid. Voss. de Hist. graec., lib. iii. ORELL.

"If he reads Posidippus again." In the Roman codex (the first edition) we read "Posidippi si relegat", namely his writings. CANTERUS. — If the reading of the Leiden edition, "Posidippi si relegat", is sound, something has fallen out after the word "relegat", perhaps "the book on Cnidus". For Clement, whom Arnobius copied here too, says: "as Posidippus explains in his book on Cnidus." The old editions, for example Elmenhorst's first, have "Posidippum si relegat". On this Posidippus see Vossius, On the Greek Historians, Book III. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Solertiarum coegisse certamine› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1191

Solertiarum coegisse certamine, hoc est, summa diligentia et solertiarum contentione, omnibus solertiis (Kunstfertigkeiten, Geschicklichkeiten), quae in ipso erant, quasi in certamen vocatis. Quare falsissima est conjectura Fulv. Ursini: solerti aliarum contentione. ORELL.

"To have brought together in a contest of skills," that is, with the greatest care and a striving of skills, all the skills that were in him (German: "Kunstfertigkeiten, Geschicklichkeiten", artistic abilities, dexterities) being as it were called into the contest. So Fulvio Orsini's conjecture "solerti aliarum contentione" is quite false. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Phryne illa Thespiaca› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1191

Phryne illa Thespiaca. Clemens l. l.: Φρύνη δὲ ὁπηνίκα ἤνθει ἡ ἑταίρα ἡ Θεσπιακή, οἱ ζωγράφοι πάντες τῆς Ἀφροδίτης εἰκόνας πρὸς κάλλος ἀπεμιμοῦντο Φρύνης. CANTER. — Conf. Pausanias in Boeoticis pag. 302 et 330. ORELL.

"That Phryne of Thespiae." Clement at the place cited: "When Phryne the Thespian courtesan was in her bloom, all the painters copied their images of Aphrodite from Phryne's beauty." CANTERUS. — Compare Pausanias in the Boeotica, pp. 302 and 330. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Qui negotia Tespiaca scriptitarunt› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1191

Qui negotia Tespiaca scriptitarunt. Id est, res Thespiaca, ut docebamus ad lib. i. (cap. 3.) Male igitur Fulv. Ursinus inducit τὸ negotia. HERALD.

"Who wrote of Thespian affairs." That is, Thespian history, as we showed on Book I (chapter 3). So Fulvio Orsini wrongly strikes out the word "negotia". HERALDUS.

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(7) ‹Cum in acumine ipso esset pulchritudinis› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1191

Cum in acumine ipso esset pulchritudinis. In acumine, id est, ἐν ἀκμῇ ὥρας, κάλλους. Vide interpp. ad Achill. Tat. Amor., lib. iii, cap. 8, pag. 260, ed. Boden. Pessime itaque alii mutant culmine. ORELL.

"When she was at the very peak of her beauty." "In acumine", that is, "at the height of bloom, of beauty". See the interpreters on Achilles Tatius, Loves, Book III, chapter 8, p. 260, Boden's edition. So others very wrongly change it to "culmine". ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Exemplarium› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1191

Exemplarium. Idem quod exemplar. Rarior formatio obvia tamen in Digestis. Vid. Brisson., de verb. Signif., hoc verbo. ORELL.

"Exemplarium." The same as "exemplar" (model). A rarer formation, yet found in the Digest. See Brisson, On the Meaning of Words, under this word. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Sive istic, quo amor fluxit› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1191

Sive istic, quo amor fluxit. Sic edidi ex emendatione Meursii probatissima. Caeteri: sive iste quo amor fluxit. ORELL.

"Or there, where love flowed." So I have printed from Meursius's most approved emendation. The rest: "sive iste quo amor fluxit". ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Quibusque primas dabat exprimendarum similitudinum veritas› · lemma note, cap. 13, cols 1191–1192

Quibusque primas dabat exprimendarum similitudinum veritas. Pro veritas Fulv. Ursinus legendum suspicatur navitas. Male. Similem locutionem habuimus supra lib. ii.: in quibus nihil ipsa desideraret integritas. ORELL.

"And to whom truthfulness in rendering likenesses gave the first place." For "veritas" Fulvio Orsini suspects one should read "navitas" (diligence). Wrongly. We had a similar expression above, Book II: "in which integrity itself would miss nothing." ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Filum capitis prostituti› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1192

Filum capitis prostituti. Vide supra ad lib. iii. cap. 13. init. ORELL.

"The outline of a prostitute's head." See above on Book III, chapter 13, at the beginning. ORELLI.

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(12) ‹Ardebant artificum scita› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1192

Ardebant artificum scita. Locus difficilis. Scita intelligo de formis conceptis in animis artificum, die Ideale der Künstler. Editio Lugd. Bat. Habet: Ardebant artificium scita. Ardebant; scil. ob amorem Phrynes: Sie waren voll Feuer und Leben. Credo, operarum vitio, nam ardere aliquem nihil aliud significare potest, quam impense amare. ORELL.

"The artists' conceptions were ablaze." A difficult passage. By "scita" I understand the forms conceived in the minds of the artists (German: "die Ideale der Künstler", the artists' ideals). The Leiden edition has: "Ardebant artificium scita" — I believe by a printers' error. "Ardebant", namely for love of Phryne (German: "they were full of fire and life"); for "to burn for someone" can mean nothing else than to love intensely. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Inter significes› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1192

Inter significes. Signifex pro statuario aeneae latinitatis vocabulum, usurpatum praeter nostrum ab Apuleio, Martiano Capella et Sidonio, ubi vid. Savaro ad lib. vi, epist. xii, pag. 403. Conf. C. Sciopp. Verosimil. lib. i., cap. 7, pag. 33, et Colv. ad Apulei. Met., i, 22. p. 92. ORELL.

"Among the image-makers." "Signifex" for a sculptor is a word of brazen-age Latinity, used besides our author by Apuleius, Martianus Capella and Sidonius; on which see Savaro on Book VI, letter XII, p. 403. Compare C. Scioppius, Verisimilia Book I, chapter 7, p. 33, and Colvius on Apuleius, Metamorphoses I, 22, p. 92. ORELLI.

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(14) ‹Inter significes ille memoratus Phidias est› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1192

Inter significes ille memoratus Phidias est, etc. Clemens p. l.: Ὁ μὲν Ἀθηναῖος Φειδίας ἐπὶ τῷ δακτύλῳ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου ἐπιγράψας, ΠΑΝΤΑΡΚΗΣ ΚΑΛΟΣ. Οὐ γὰρ καλὸς αὐτῷ ὁ Ζεύς, ἀλλ' ὁ ἐρώμενος ἦν. CANTER.

"Among the image-makers that famous Phidias," etc. Clement at the place cited: "The Athenian Phidias, inscribing on the finger of Olympian Zeus: PANTARCES IS BEAUTIFUL. For to him it was not Zeus who was beautiful, but his beloved." CANTERUS.

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(15) ‹Super Dei digito Pantarces inscripsit pulcher› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1192

Super Dei digito Pantarces inscripsit pulcher. Sic ex emendatione Th. Canteri, in Var. Lectt., lib. ii, cap. 14, in Gruteri Lampade, tom. iii, p. 752, legendum esse liquet cum ex Clementis loco modo citato, tum ex Pausania, lib. vi, pag. 362, ed. Sylburg.: Μετὰ δὲ Ἴκκον καταπαλαίσας παῖδας Παντάρκης ἕστηκεν ὁ Ἠλεῖος ὁ ἐρώμενος Φειδίου. Conf. pag. 306. Antea edebatur: Pantauches. ORELL.

"On the god's finger he inscribed 'Pantarces is beautiful'." That this should be read, from Th. Canterus's emendation (Variae Lectiones, Book II, chapter 14, in Gruter's Lampas, vol. III, p. 752), is clear both from the passage of Clement just cited and from Pausanias, Book VI, p. 362, Sylburg's edition: "After Iccus stands Pantarces of Elis, who won the boys' wrestling, the beloved of Phidias." Compare p. 306. Before, "Pantauches" was printed. ORELLI.

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(16) ‹Inscripsit pulcher› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1192

Inscripsit pulcher. Suidas in καλοὶ dicit, amatores amasionum nomina inscripsisse in parietibus vel foliis arborum, addito titulo: Ille est pulcher. Verba ejus sunt: Καλοὶ Ἀριστοφάνης. Ἐν τοῖσι τοίχοις ἔγραφον Ἀθηναῖοι καλοί. Ἴδιον ἐραστῶν ἦν τὸ τὰ ἐρωμένων ὀνόματα γράφειν ἐν τοῖς τοίχοις, ἢ δένδροις, ἢ φύλλοις δένδρων οὕτως· Ὁ δεῖνα καλός. ELMENH. — Conf., qui hac de re multus est, Boettiger. V. Cl. in Sabina pag. 322 et 346, et ejusd. Erklarungen alter Vasengemahlde. Tom. iii, pag. 66 seq. ORELL.

"He inscribed 'beautiful'." Suidas, under "kaloi", says that lovers inscribed the names of their beloved on walls or the leaves of trees, with the title added: "So-and-so is beautiful." His words are: "Kaloi: Aristophanes. 'On the walls the Athenians wrote kaloi.' It was the lovers' custom to write the names of their beloved on walls, or trees, or the leaves of trees, thus: 'So-and-so is beautiful.'" ELMENHORST. — Compare the distinguished Böttiger, who treats this subject at length, in his Sabina, pp. 322 and 346, and his Erklärungen alter Vasengemählde (Explanations of Ancient Vase Paintings), vol. III, p. 66 f. ORELLI.

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(17) ‹Ludere ac lascivire› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1192

Ludere ac lascivire. Vide supra ad lib. v, cap. 1. ORELL.

"To play and wanton." See above on Book V, chapter 1. ORELLI.

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Page

running head: 1191 ARNOBII ADVERSUS
marginal letters: A infamium liniamenta; B num veritas, omni cura; C Κνίδου διασαφεῖ (in commentary); D Super Dei digito (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: full-width headings LECTIONES VARIA and COMMENTARIUS and apparatus/commentary at foot not set

PL 5:1192

atque ita perducta est res eo, ut pro diis immortalibus sacra meretricibus fierent, et infelix regio signorum fabricationibus falleretur. Inter significes ille memoratus Phidias est primus, cum Olympii formam Jovis molimine operis extulisset immensi, super dei digito PANTARCES inscripsit PULCHER : nomen autem fuerat amati ab se pueri, atque obscoena cupiditate dilecti : neque ullo metu est aut religione commotus, deum nomine prostibuli nuncupare ; quinimo exoleto Jovis numen simulacrumque sacrare. Usque adeo ludus est, et puerilis affectio, sigillaria ista formare, adorare pro diis ea, sanctitatibus accumulare divinis : cum ipsos videamus artifices in effingendis his ludere, et libidinum propriarum monumenta sancire. Quid est enim si quaeras, cur Phidias ludere ac lascivire dubitaret, cum ante paululum temporis Jovem ipsum, quem fecerat, sciret aurum fuisse, lapides, atque ossa informia, disparata, confusa, seque horum omnium congregatorem, atque vinctorem, habitus eis per se

And thus the matter was brought to such a pass that sacred rites were performed to courtesans in place of the immortal gods, and an unhappy region was deceived by the fabrications of statues. Among statue-makers that renowned Phidias is first: when he had raised up the form of Olympian Jove by the effort of an immense work, upon the finger of the god he inscribed PANTARCES IS FAIR: now it had been the name of a boy loved by him, and cherished with obscene desire: nor was he moved by any fear or religion from calling the god by the name of a catamite, nay rather from consecrating the divinity and image of Jove to a debauchee. To such a degree is it a game and a childish whim to form those little figures, to adore them in place of gods, to heap them with divine sanctities, when we see the craftsmen themselves playing in fashioning them, and consecrating monuments of their own lusts. For what reason is there, if you ask, why Phidias should hesitate to play and be wanton, when a little while before he knew that Jove himself, whom he had made, had been gold, stones, and shapeless, separate, confused bones, and that he himself was the collector and binder of all these, that their bearings had been given to them by himself

Editors' notes and page, col. 1192

Footnotes

(a) ‹congregatorem, atque vinctorem› · call in col 1192

Junctorem ms.

"Junctorem" (joiner): the manuscript.

Commentarius

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Page

running head: II ADVERSUS GENTES 1192
marginal letters: A atque ita perducta est; B dubitaret, cum ante paululum; C cap. 13. init. ORELL. (in commentary); D Super Dei digito Pantarces (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: full-width headings TIONES VARIANTES. and OMMENTARIUS. and commentary at foot not set

PL 5:1193

datos in membrorum similitudine fabricata, et, quod inter omnia primum est, sui esse beneficium muneris, quod natus per se esset, atque in rebus adoraretur humanis ?

in a fashioned likeness of limbs, and, what is first among all things, that it was the favour of his own gift that he had been born through him and was adored in human affairs?

XIV. Libet in hoc loco, tamquam si omnes adsint terrarum ex orbe nationes, unam facere concionem, atque in aures haec omnium communiter audienda depromere. Quidnam est istud homines, quod ipsi vos ultro in tam promptis ac perspicuis rebus voluntaria fallitis et circumscribitis caecitate? Discutite aliquando caliginem, regressique ad lumen mentis intuemini propius, et videte istud, quod agitur, quale sit : si modo retinetis jus vestrum, atque in finibus his datae rationis consiliique versamini. Simulacra ista, quae vos terrent, quaeque templis in omnibus

XIV. It pleases me in this place, just as if all nations from the circle of the lands were present, to make one assembly, and to bring forth these things into the ears of all to be heard in common. What is this, O men, that in matters so manifest and clear you yourselves of your own accord deceive and hem yourselves in with voluntary blindness? Scatter at length the darkness, and returning to the light of the mind look more closely, and see of what sort this thing is which is being done: if only you retain your own right, and abide within these bounds of the reason and counsel given to you. Those images which terrify you, and which in all temples

Editors' notes and page, col. 1193

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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(a) ‹his datae rationis› · call in col 1193

Ita Sab. Alii: vobis, quod praefero.

So Sabaeus. Others: "vobis" (to you), which I prefer.

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(1) ‹Habitus eis per se datos in membrorum similitudine fabricata› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1193

Habitus eis per se datos in membrorum similitudine fabricata. Haec est lectio antiqua merito in textum revocata ab editore Lugd. Bat. Neque opus habemus emendatione Fulvii Ursini: habitu eis per se dato, quod elegantius quidem, sed alterum convenientius stylo Arnobii parum limato. Multo minus intelligo, quid sibi velit Heraldi interpunctio: habitus eis per se datos? in membrorum, etc. Nam verba, habitus eis per se datos, etc. pendent a praecedente sciret. ORELL.

"The dress given them by him, fashioned in the likeness of limbs." This is the old reading, rightly recalled into the text by the Leiden editor. Nor do we need Fulvio Orsini's emendation "habitu eis per se dato", which is more elegant indeed, but the other suits Arnobius's little-polished style better. Much less do I understand what Heraldus's punctuation means: "habitus eis per se datos? in membrorum", etc. For the words "habitus eis per se datos", etc., depend on the preceding "sciret". ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Adoraretur› · lemma note, cap. 13, col 1193

Adoraretur. Fulvius Ursinus: adnotaretur. Alii: adornaretur. Male utrumque. ORELL.

"Adoraretur" (would be worshipped). Fulvio Orsini: "adnotaretur". Others: "adornaretur". Both wrong. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Simulacra ista, quae vos terrent› · lemma note, cap. 14, col 1193

XIV. — Simulacra ista, quae vos terrent, etc. Regreditur ad disputationem de simulacris in genere, atque ex eorum materia argumentatur. Est igitur argumentum contra omnia simulacra generale. De ista autem adorandi formula, quam tangit Arnobius, diximus ad lib. i. HERALD.

XIV. — "These images which frighten you," etc. He returns to the discussion of images in general, and argues from their material. It is, then, a general argument against all images. Of that form of worship which Arnobius touches on, we spoke on Book I. HERALDUS.

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(4) ‹Aut commistum glutinum gypso› · lemma note, cap. 14, col 1193

Aut commistum glutinum gypso. Prudentius, libro in Symmachum I: ..... Mollis si bractea gypsum / Texerit, infido rarescit glutine sensim. HERALD.

"Or glue mixed with gypsum." Prudentius, Against Symmachus Book I: "..... if soft gold leaf has covered the gypsum, it gradually thins away on the untrustworthy glue." HERALDUS.

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(5) ‹Indici animalis› · lemma note, cap. 14, col 1193

Indici animalis. Elephanti. ORELL.

"Of the Indian animal." Of the elephant. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Ex caccubulis› · lemma note, cap. 14, col 1193

Ex caccubulis. Ita scribendum esse, non cacabulis, docet Havercampius ad simillimum locum Tertulliani in Apologet., cap. xiii, p. 132: Domesticos deos, quos Lares dicitis, domestica potestate tractatis pignerando, venditando, demutando, aliquando in caccubulum de Saturno, aliquando in trullam de Minerva, etc. Ibi caccabulum et trulla designant instrumenta immunda, quibus ventri onus et vesicae accipitur. Sed cum caccabula h. l. conjungantur cum ollulis, candelabris, etc., et paulo post mentio fiat aliorum vasculorum obscoeniorum, Gesnerus in thesauro caccabulum h. l. rectius interpretatur de culinae instrumento, Küchenkessel, Küchentopf, quo sensu utitur et Apicius aliquoties. Caccabulum itaque deminutivum a cacabus, κάκκαβος, vas ubi cibum coquebant, χύτρα, ut explicat Varro de Ling. lat., lib. iv. Erat et pistorum vas. Vid. Casaubon., ad Ael. Lamprid. Heliogabal., cap. 19, p. 828, seq. ORELL.

"From little cooking-pots." That it should be written so, and not "cacabulis", Havercamp teaches on a very similar passage of Tertullian, Apology, chapter XIII, p. 132: "Your household gods, whom you call Lares, you treat with household authority, pawning, selling, exchanging them, sometimes turning Saturn into a cooking-pot, sometimes Minerva into a ladle," etc. There "caccabulum" and "trulla" denote unclean utensils by which the burden of the belly and bladder is received. But since here the "caccabula" are joined with little pots, candlesticks, etc., and a little later other more obscene vessels are mentioned, Gesner in his Thesaurus more rightly interprets "caccabulum" here as a kitchen utensil (German "Küchenkessel, Küchentopf", kitchen kettle, kitchen pot), in which sense Apicius too uses it several times. "Caccabulum", then, is a diminutive of "cacabus", Greek "kakkabos", a vessel in which they cooked food, a "chytra" (pot), as Varro explains, On the Latin Language, Book IV. It was also a bakers' vessel. See Casaubon on Aelius Lampridius's Heliogabalus, chapter 19, p. 828 f. ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Aut ex aliis obscoenioribus vasculis› · lemma note, cap. 14, col 1193

Aut ex aliis obscoenioribus vasculis. Minucius Felix, cap. xxiii, p. 240, ed. Gronov): Deus aereus vel argenteus de immundo vasculo, ut saepius factum, Aegyptio regi conflatur, tunditur malleis, et incudibus figuratur. ELMENH.

"Or from other more obscene little vessels." Minucius Felix, chapter XXIII, p. 240, Gronovius's edition: "A god of bronze or silver is cast for an Egyptian king from an unclean little vessel, as has often been done, beaten with hammers, and shaped on anvils." ELMENHORST.

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(8) ‹Atque in formas quas cernitis exierunt› · lemma note, cap. 14, col 1193

Atque in formas quas cernitis exierunt. Proprie. Horatius (Art. Poet. vs. 22): ..... Amphora coepit / Institui: currente rota cur urceus exit? HERALD.

"And they came out into the forms you see." Properly said. Horace (Art of Poetry, line 22): "..... An amphora was begun: why, as the wheel runs, does a pitcher come out?" HERALDUS.

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(9) ‹Grosfis rasa› · lemma note, cap. 14, cols 1193–1194

Grosfis rasa. Sic emendavit Gelenius pro grossis, quod antea legebatur nullo sensu, grosfus sive grosphus, i, γρόσφος. a Gesnero in Thesauro exponitur hastae cuspis. Hoc loco significare videtur instrumentum illud, quod Polluci Onom. vii, 113, et x, 146, dicitur ἀρίς, limae cognatum. Sed aliam hujus vocabuli auctoritatem desidero. Salmasius in ed. Lugd. Bat. dedit: Tornis rasa, tornus, das Dreheisen. Drechslereisen, de quo pluribus agit Heyne V. S. in l. t.: Antiquarische Aufsatze, partic. ii. p. 143, seq ORELL.

"Scraped with grosfi." So Gelenius emended for "grossis", which was read before with no sense. "Grosfus" or "grosphus", Greek "grosphos", is explained by Gesner in his Thesaurus as the point of a spear. Here it seems to mean the tool which in Pollux, Onomasticon VII, 113, and X, 146, is called "aris", related to the file. But I lack any other authority for this word. Salmasius, in the Leiden edition, printed "Tornis rasa" (scraped with lathe-chisels); "tornus" (German "das Dreheisen, Drechslereisen", the turning-chisel, turner's iron), on which the distinguished Heyne treats at length in the book entitled "Antiquarische Aufsätze", part II, p. 143 f. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Descobinata de limis› · lemma note, cap. 14, col 1194

Descobinata de limis. Haec est lectio vetus. pro qua Gelenius: Descobinata limis. Atqui observavimus antea, particulas istas saepe πλεονάζειν apud hos scriptores. Servius ad x Aeneid.: Ex more Romanorum, propter porcum, qui de lapide feritur. HERALD. Descobinare a scobs. is, ῥίνημα. quod lima abraditur. Descobinatum, ἀπορινηθέν. Hinc scobina lima dicta, quod terendo scobem faciat, Gloss. Isidor. Vide Salmas. ad Solin. p. 758; et Meurs. in Critico, p. 188. ORELL.

"Rasped off with files." This is the old reading, for which Gelenius has "Descobinata limis". But we have observed before that these particles are often redundant in these writers. Servius on Aeneid X: "According to the custom of the Romans, on account of the pig which is struck with a stone." HERALDUS. "Descobinare" from "scobs, -is", Greek "rhinēma", what is scraped off by a file. "Descobinatum", Greek "aporinēthen" (filed off). Hence "scobina", a file so called because by rubbing it makes sawdust (Glossary of Isidore). See Salmasius on Solinus, p. 758, and Meursius in his Criticus, p. 188. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Furfuraculis, asciis› · lemma note, cap. 14, col 1194

Furfuraculis, asciis. Ita legendum esse docet Salmasius ad Solin., p. 774. Cod. ms. et editio princeps habent: Furfuribus aculeis, asciis, corruptissime. Fulv. Ursinus conj: forcipibus, asciis. Alii: perforaculis asciis. Sed furfuraculis est vera lectio, et proxime accedens ad scripturam Codicis furfuraculum et perforaculum unum idemque significant, nempe τὸ τρύπανον, terebrae genus, dictum vel perforaculum a perforando, vel apud sequioris latinitatis scriptores furfuraculum, quod furfures, in ligno perforando faciat, hoc est scobem furfuribus similem. Glossae: furfuraculum..... τρύπανον Nec refert hilum, quod terebrarum mentio mox additur. Nam terebrae diversae a furfuraculis vel perforaculis. Ita et Graeci distinguunt τέρετρα et τρύπανα. Graecum epigramma de instrumentis fabrilibus: Τρύπανα δ' εὐδίνητα καὶ ὀξέντα τέρετρα. Terebra est τέρετρον: Perforaculum sive furfuraculum τρύπανον. Haec Salmasius. ORELL.

"With bran-borers, adzes." That this should be read Salmasius teaches on Solinus, p. 774. The manuscript and the first edition have "Furfuribus aculeis, asciis", very corruptly. Fulvio Orsini conjectures "forcipibus, asciis" (with tongs, adzes). Others: "perforaculis asciis". But "furfuraculis" is the true reading, and comes nearest to the writing of the manuscript. "Furfuraculum" and "perforaculum" mean one and the same thing, namely the "trypanon", a kind of drill, called either "perforaculum" from perforating, or, among writers of later Latinity, "furfuraculum", because in boring wood it makes bran ("furfures"), that is, sawdust like bran. The Glossaries: "furfuraculum ..... trypanon". Nor does it matter a jot that mention of augers ("terebrae") is added soon after. For augers are different from bran-borers or perforators. So the Greeks too distinguish "teretra" and "trypana". A Greek epigram on the tools of the carpenter: "and well-turning drills and sharp augers". "Terebra" is "teretron"; "perforaculum" or "furfuraculum" is "trypanon". So Salmasius. ORELLI.

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(12) ‹Terebrarum excavata vertigine› · lemma note, cap. 14, col 1194

Terebrarum excavata vertigine. Vertigo h. l. circumactus in gyrum, das Umdrehen, nihil amplius. Ita Propertius, lib. iii, eleg. vii, 65. Subtrahit haec santem torta vertigine fluctus. et ipse Arnobius supra, lib. i, cap. 2: Vertigo haec mundi, ubi vid. not. ORELL.

"Hollowed by the whirling of augers." "Vertigo" here is a turning round in a circle (German "das Umdrehen", the turning), nothing more. So Propertius, Book III, elegy VII, 65: "The wave with its twisting eddy draws her down as she goes under." And Arnobius himself above, Book I, chapter 2: "this whirling of the world"; see the note there. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Runcinarum levigata de planis› · lemma note, cap. 14, col 1194

Runcinarum levigata de planis. De runcina vide supra ad lib. v, cap. 28, et Turneb. Adversar., lib. xxiii, cap. 28. Planis est a plana, ae, vocabulo, obsoleto, cujus deminutivum planula in Glossis exponitur runcina. Conjungit itaque Arnobius more suo duo vocabula idem significantia, nisi planis accipere velimus de parte runcinae lignum levigante. de h. l. abundat, ut saepius. ORELL.

"Smoothed by the flat blades of planes." On "runcina" (plane) see above on Book V, chapter 28, and Turnebus, Adversaria, Book XXIII, chapter 28. "Planis" is from "plana, -ae", an obsolete word, whose diminutive "planula" is explained in the Glossaries as "runcina". So Arnobius, as is his way, joins two words meaning the same thing, unless we take "planis" of the part of the plane that smooths the wood. "De" here is redundant, as it often is. ORELLI.

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Page

running head: 1193 LIBER SEXTU
marginal letters: A datos in membrorum; B ista, quae vos terrent; C atque ex eorum materia (in commentary); D lum h. l. rectius interpretatur (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: column number in running head smudged like 1195; full-width headings LECTIONES VARIA and COMMENTARIU and apparatus/commentary at foot not set

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prostrati atque humiles adoratis, ossa, lapides, aera sunt, argentum, aurum, testa, lignum sumptum ex arbore, aut commixtum glutinum gypso : ex ornatibus fortasse meretriciis, aut ex muliebri mundo, camelinis ex ossibus, aut ex Indici animalis dente, ex caccabulis, ollulis, ex candelabris, et lucernis, aut ex aliis obscoenioribus vasculis congesta, conflata, in has species ducta sunt, atque in formas, quas cernitis, exierunt : fornacibus incocta figulinis, ex incudibus et malleis nata, grosfis rasa, descobinata de limis, serris, furfuraculis, asciis, secta, dolata, effossa terebrarum excavata vertigine, runcinarum levigata de planis. Ita iste non error est ? non, ut proprie dicatur, amentia, deum credere, quem tute ipse formaris ? supplicare tremebundum fabricatae abs te rei ;

prostrate and humble you adore, are bones, stones, bronzes, silver, gold, potsherd, wood taken from a tree, or glue mixed with gypsum: gathered and melted down perhaps from courtesans' ornaments, or from women's toilet-ware, from camels' bones, or from the tooth of the Indian animal, from cooking-pots, little jars, from candlesticks and lamps, or from other more filthy vessels, they have been drawn into these appearances, and have come forth into the forms which you see: baked in potters' furnaces, born from anvils and hammers, scraped with rasps, filed down with files, cut, hewn, hollowed out with saws, augers, adzes, excavated by the whirling of drills, smoothed by the planes of planing-tools. Is not this then an error? Is it not, to speak properly, madness, to believe that to be a god which you yourself have formed? To supplicate trembling a thing fashioned by yourself;

Editors' notes and page, col. 1194

Footnotes

(b) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 1194

Et Sab.

"Et": Sabaeus.

Commentarius

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Page

running head: LIBER SEXTUS. 1194
marginal letters: A prostrati atque humiles; B maris ? supplicare; C binare a scobs, is (in commentary); D Τρύπανα δ' εὐδίνητα (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: full-width headings TIONES VARIANTES. and COMMENTARIUS. and apparatus/commentary at foot not set

PL 5:1195

et cum scias, et certus sis tui esse operis, et digitorum artem, pronum in faciem ruere, opem rogare suppliciter, adversisque in rebus, atque in temporibus asperis propitii numinis favore succurrere ?

and when you know and are certain that it is of your own work and the art of your fingers, to fall flat upon your face, to beg suppliantly for help, and in adverse circumstances and in harsh times to ask it to succour you with the favour of a propitious divinity?

XV. Ecce si aliquis ponat in medio aes rude, atque in opera nulla conjectum, argenti massas indomiti, infectum aurum, lignum, lapides, atque ossa, resque alias caeteras, quibus signa consueta sunt et numinum simulacra constare : immo si aliquis ponat in medio collisorum deorum vultus, conflata atque imminuta simulacra ; jubeatque vos idem frustis hostias et fragminibus caedere, informibus massis sacra et munia impertire divina : audire a vobis exposcimus, facturine istud sitis, an contra quam imperabitur recusaturi ? Fortasse dicetis, qua causa ? quia nemo est in rebus humanis tam stolide caecus, qui argentum, aes, aurum, gypsum, ebur, argillam, deorum in numerum referat, ipsaque per se dicat vim habere atque obtinere divinam. Quaenam est ergo ratio, ut si omnia haec corpora intacta atque infecta permanserint, careant vi numinis atque auctoritate coelesti ; ea formas si accipiant hominum, si auriculas, nasos,

XV. Behold, if someone should set in the midst rough bronze, and cast into no works, masses of unworked silver, unwrought gold, wood, stones, and bones, and all the other things of which statues and images of the divinities are wont to consist; nay, if someone should set in the midst the faces of shattered gods, melted down and broken images, and the same person should bid you slay victims to the pieces and fragments, and impart sacred rites and divine services to shapeless masses: we demand to hear from you whether you will do this, or on the contrary refuse what shall be commanded? Perhaps you will say, for what reason? Because no one in human affairs is so stupidly blind as to reckon silver, bronze, gold, gypsum, ivory, clay in the number of the gods, and say that they of themselves have and possess divine power. What therefore is the reason that, if all these bodies remain untouched and unwrought, they lack the power of a divinity and heavenly authority; if they receive the forms of men, if ears, noses,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1195

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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(a) ‹digitorum artem› · call in col 1195

Patrem Sab.

"Patrem": Sabaeus.

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(b) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 1195

Fuerant Fulv.

"Fuerant": Fulvio Orsini.

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Retinent. Fulv.

"Retinent": Fulvio Orsini.

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(1) ‹Digitorum artem› · lemma note, cap. 14, col 1195

Digitorum artem. Editio princeps partem. Meursius conj. partum. ORELL. — Lactantius: Nam ista mortalium digitorum ludicra et fragilia figmenta. Et: Homo igitur illorum quasi parens putandus est; per cujus manus nata sunt: per quem speciem, figuram, pulchritudinem habere coeperunt. HERALD.

"The art of the fingers." The first edition: "partem". Meursius conjectures "partum" (offspring). ORELLI. — Lactantius: "For these are playthings and fragile figments of mortal fingers." And: "Man, then, must be thought as it were their parent, through whose hands they were born, through whom they began to have appearance, shape and beauty." HERALDUS.

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(2) ‹Atque in temporibus asperis propitii numinis favore succurrere› · lemma note, cap. 14, col 1195

Atque in temporibus asperis propitii numinis favore succurrere. Haec est lectio vetus, pro qua Gelenius: favorei accurrere. Sed nihil fortasse mutandum. Pendent enim fortasse haec a verbo rogare. Orantur igitur dii in rebus adversis propitii nominis favore succurrere et opem ferre, id est, succurrant et opem ferant. Et ita sane propitium numen, quod scil. succurrit et prope est, cui respondet ἵλεως apud Graecos; nimirum ὁ πρόθυμος ἐποπτεύειν τοὺς δεομένους. Ἱλάω γάρ, inquit Eustathius, τὸ ἵεμαι λάειν, ἤγουν ἐφίεμαι καὶ ὁρμῶ ἐπιβλέπειν. Non poterat igitur Arnobius loqui expressius. HERALD. — Constructione scil. Graeca, αἰτεῖν, ἀλέξειν. Ita Virgilius, Eclog. ii, 43: Jampridem a me illos abducere Thestylis orat. Plura exempla vide ap. Vechneri Hellenolex., pag. 354, et Cort. in Sallust. Catil., cap. lii, § 24, Ed. Lugd. Bat.: Propitii numinis favorem succurrere. Meursius conj.: favores acquirere. Non opus. ORELL.

"And in hard times to come to their aid with the favour of a propitious deity." This is the old reading, for which Gelenius has "favorei accurrere". But perhaps nothing should be changed. For perhaps these words depend on the verb "rogare" (to ask). The gods, then, are begged in adversity to come to aid with the favour of a propitious name and to bring help, that is, that they may come to aid and bring help. And so indeed a "propitious deity" is one that comes to aid and is near, to which "hileōs" corresponds among the Greeks, namely "one eager to watch over those in need". For "hilaō", says Eustathius, is "hiemai laein", that is, "I desire and am eager to look upon". So Arnobius could not have spoken more expressly. HERALDUS. — That is, by the Greek construction, as with "aitein" (to ask), "alexein" (to ward off). So Virgil, Eclogue II, 43: "Thestylis has long been begging to take them away from me." See more examples in Wechner's Hellenolexia, p. 354, and Cortius on Sallust's Catiline, chapter LII, § 24. The Leiden edition: "Propitii numinis favorem succurrere." Meursius conjectures "favores acquirere" (to obtain favours). There is no need. ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Argenti massas indomiti› · lemma note, cap. 15, col 1195

XV. — Argenti massas indomiti. Indomitum argentum dicit igni vel caelamine nondum domitum, in formam coactum, quod alias rude dicitur. De v. massa vid. Savaro ad Sidon., lib. vi, Epist. i, pag. 383. ORELL.

XV. — "Masses of untamed silver." He calls "untamed" silver not yet tamed by fire or engraving and forced into shape, what is elsewhere called "rough". On the word "massa" see Savaro on Sidonius, Book VI, letter I, p. 383. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Infectum aurum› · lemma note, cap. 15, col 1195

Infectum aurum. Isidorus Origg. lib. xv, cap. 17: Tria sunt autem genera argenti et auri et aeris, signatum, factum, infectum. Signatum est, quod in nummis est: factum est, quod in vasis et signis: infectum, quod in massis est, quod et grave dicitur. Conf. Serv. ad Virgil. Aeneid., lib. x, vers. 527, et, qui ea de re multus est, J. Fr., Gronov., de Sestertiis, lib. i, cap. vii, pag. 53, seqq. ORELL.

"Unworked gold." Isidore, Origins, Book XV, chapter 17: "There are three kinds of silver, gold and bronze: stamped, worked, unworked. Stamped is what is in coins; worked, what is in vessels and statues; unworked, what is in masses, which is also called heavy." Compare Servius on Virgil's Aeneid, Book X, line 527, and, at length on this subject, J. F. Gronovius, On Sesterces, Book I, chapter VII, p. 53 ff. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Auriculas› · lemma note, cap. 15, cols 1195–1196

Auriculas. Id est aures. Poeta: Auriculas asini Mida rex habet, et Lactantius de Mortib. Persecut., cap. xxxvi, fin.: Itaque confessoribus effodiebantur oculi, amputabantur manus, pedes detruncabantur, nares et auriculae desecabantur. Ubi vid. Gisb. Cuper., par. 214, ed. Bauldr. ORELL.

"Little ears." That is, ears. The poet: "King Midas has the ears of an ass"; and Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, chapter XXXVI, end: "So the confessors' eyes were gouged out, their hands cut off, their feet lopped, their noses and ears sliced off." On which see Gisbert Cuper, p. 214, Bauldri's edition. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹In aurum aes mutat aut testulae vilitatem in argenteam cogit degenerare materiam?› · lemma note, cap. 15, col 1196

In aurum aes mutat aut testulae vilitatem in argenteam cogit degenerare materiam? Sic egregie sanavit locum Stewechius. Antea legebatur corruptissime: In aurum, aes mutata ut testula vilitatem in argenteam cogat degenerare materiam. Heraldus conj.: in aurum, aes, mutatae aut testulae vilitatem, in argenteam cogat degenerare materiam, explicans: quid est quod Deos cogat in has materias transire? Male. Nam mutat et cogit pendent a praecedenti novitatis fictio. ORELL.

"Does it change bronze into gold, or force the cheapness of a potsherd to degenerate into silver material?" So Stewech excellently healed the passage. Before, it was read very corruptly: "In aurum, aes mutata ut testula vilitatem in argenteam cogat degenerare materiam." Heraldus conjectures: "in aurum, aes, mutatae aut testulae vilitatem, in argenteam cogat degenerare materiam", explaining: what is it that forces the gods to pass into these materials? Wrongly. For "mutat" and "cogit" depend on the preceding "the fiction of novelty". ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Quae insensilia fuere paulo ante› · lemma note, cap. 15, col 1196

Quae insensilia fuere paulo ante. Ita Stewechius et ed. Lugd. B. Alii: insensibilia. Sed insensilia, quod Codex ms. habet, est vocabulum Lucretianum, ii, 865, seqq.: Ex insensilibus tamen omnia confiteare / Principiis constare: neque id manifesta refutant / Nec contra pugnant, in promptu cognita quae sunt: / Sed magis ipsa manu ducunt, et credere cogunt, / Ex insensilibus, quod dico, animalia gigni. et vers. 887: Ex insensilibus ni credas sensile gigni. quae loca citavit Elmenhorstius. ORELL.

"Which a little before were insensible." So Stewech and the Leiden edition. Others: "insensibilia". But "insensilia", which the manuscript has, is a Lucretian word, II, 865 ff.: "Yet you must admit that all things consist of insensible first-beginnings; nor do the manifest things that are plainly known refute this or fight against it, but rather they themselves lead us by the hand and compel us to believe that living things, as I say, are born from insensible things." And line 887: "unless you believe that the sentient is born from the insensible." Elmenhorst cited these passages. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Facit, ut sint viva› · lemma note, cap. 15, col 1196

Facit, ut sint viva. Facit, scil. novitatis fictio. Male igitur Fulv. Ursinus: faciat. ORELL.

"Makes them to be alive." "Makes", namely the fiction of novelty. So Fulvio Orsini's "faciat" is wrong. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Moveantur› · lemma note, cap. 15, col 1196

Moveantur. Stewechius conj.: motentur. ORELL.

"Moveantur" (are moved). Stewech conjectures "motentur". ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Itaque immemores et obliti simulacrorum substantiae et originis quae sit› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1196

XVI. — Itaque immemores et obliti simulacrorum substantiae et originis quae sit. Heraldus in Curis ii, legendum suspicatur: Itaque immemores et obliti simulacrorum substantiae et origines quae sint. ORELL.

XVI. — "So, unmindful and forgetful of what the substance and origin of images is." Heraldus, in his Curae II, suspects one should read: "unmindful and forgetful of what the substance and origins of images are." ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Rationale homines animal› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1196

Rationale homines animal. Glossae: Animal, ζῷον λογικόν, ἄνθρωπος. ELMENH.

"Men, a rational animal." The Glossaries: "Animal: a rational living being, man." ELMENHORST.

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(12) ‹Aeris laminas adoratis› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1196

Aeris laminas adoratis. Id est, prostrati adprecamini. Nam adorare est precari ad. lib. i (cap. xxxvi). HERALD.

"You worship plates of bronze." That is, you pray to them prostrate. For "adorare" is to pray to: see on Book I (chapter XXXVI). HERALDUS.

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(13) ‹Acquisitiones, lucra› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1196

Acquisitiones, lucra. Meursius: Adquisitiones lucri, contra morem Arnobii talia vocabula ejusdem significationis coacervantis. ORELL.

"Acquisitions, gains." Meursius: "Adquisitiones lucri" (acquisitions of gain), against the habit of Arnobius, who heaps up such words of the same meaning. ORELLI.

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(14) ‹Et cum pateat, luceat rebus fieri verba cum brutis› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1196

Et cum pateat, luceat rebus fieri verba cum brutis. (continues)

"And though it is plain and clear as day that words are being addressed to senseless things." (continues)

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running head: 1195 ARNOBII ADVERSUS
marginal letters: A et cum scias; B turi ? Fortasse dicetis; C igitur illorum quasi parens (in commentary); D Plura exempla vide (in commentary)
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buccas, labra, oculos, cilia, continuo dii fiant, et in ordinem coelitum referantur, et censum ? Novitatis aliquid fictio corporibus his addit, ut adjectione ipsa cogamini aliquid eis credere divinitatis majestatisque collatum ? In aurum aes mutat, aut testulae vilitatem in argenteam cogit degenerare materiam ? quae insensilia fuerunt paulo ante, facit ut sint viva, et spiritali agitatione moveantur ? Si quas foris habuere naturas, eas omnes retinebant simulacrorum in corporibus constituta ; stupiditas quae tanta est, detrecto enim dicere caecitatem, rerum existimare naturas formarum qualitate mutari, et accipere numen ex habitu, quod in primigenio corpore iners fuerit et brutum, et sensus mobilitate privatum.

cheeks, lips, eyes, eyelids, they forthwith become gods, and are enrolled in the order and register of the heavenly ones? Does the fashioning add something of novelty to these bodies, so that by the addition itself you are compelled to believe that something of divinity and majesty has been conferred upon them? Does it change bronze into gold, or compel the cheapness of a potsherd to pass over into silver matter? Does it cause things which a little while before were insensate to be alive, and to be moved with spiritual activity? If whatever natures they had outside, they retained them all when set up in the bodies of images, what so great stupidity is it—for I decline to say blindness—to think that the natures of things are changed by the quality of their forms, and that what in its original body was sluggish and brute and deprived of the mobility of sense receives divinity from its outward shape!

XVI. Itaque immemores et obliti simulacrorum substantiae atque originis, quae sit, rationale homines animal, et sapientiae munere consiliique donatum coctilibus testis succumbitis, aeris laminas adoratis, elephantorum a dentibus secundas poscitis valetudines, magistratus, imperia, potestates, victorias, acquisitiones, lucra, messes opimas, feracissimasque vindemias ; et cum pateat, luceat, rebus fieri verba cum brutis, exaudiri vos remini, ipsique vos ultro

XVI. And so, unmindful and forgetful of what the substance and origin of the images is, you men, a rational animal and endowed with the gift of wisdom and counsel, bow down to baked potsherds, you adore plates of bronze, from the teeth of elephants you ask for favourable health, magistracies, commands, powers, victories, acquisitions, gains, rich harvests, and most fruitful vintages; and although it is plain and clear that words are being held with brute things, you suppose that you are heard, and you yourselves of your own accord

Editors' notes and page, col. 1196

Footnotes

(d) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 1196

Corporalibus ms.

"Corporalibus": the manuscript.

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(e) ‹acquisitiones› · call in col 1196

Acquisitionis Sab.

"Acquisitionis": Sabaeus.

Commentarius

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running head: II ADVERSUS GENTES 1196
marginal letters: A buccas, labra; B substantiae atque originis; C In aurum aes mutat (in commentary); D et vers. 887 : (in commentary)
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credulitatis vacuae circumscriptione traducitis ? O utinam liceret in simulacri alicujus medias introire pendigines ! immo utinam liceret, Olympiacos illos et Capitolinos Joves diducere in membra resolutos, omnesque illas partes, quibus summa concluditur corporum, discretas ac singulas contueri. Jamdudum istos videretis deos, quos exterior levitas lenocinio fulgoris angustat, laminarum flatilium esse crates, particularum coagmenta deformium, a ruinarum casibus, et dissolutionis metu subscudibus, et catenis, uncis, atque ansulis retentari ; interque omnes sinus, commissurarumque juncturas plumbum ire suffusum ; et salutares moras signorum diuturnitatibus commodare. Videretis, inquam, jamdudum solas sine occipitiis facies, manus sine brachiis semiplenas, ventres

cheat yourselves by the delusion of an empty credulity? O would that it were permitted to enter into the midst of the internal frameworks of some image! Nay, would that it were permitted to part asunder those Olympian and Capitoline Joves resolved into their limbs, and to behold separate and singly all those parts by which the whole of their bodies is enclosed! Long ago you would see that those gods, whom an outward smoothness makes august with the allurement of brightness, are wattles of cast plates, joinings of shapeless bits, held back from accidents of collapse and fear of dissolution by dovetails, and chains, hooks, and clamps; and that among all the hollows and joints of the seams molten lead runs poured in, and lends saving delays to the endurance of the statues. You would see, I say, long ago faces alone without backs of heads, half-complete hands without arms, bellies

Editors' notes and page, col. 1197

Footnotes

Commentarius

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(1) (continued) · cap. 16, col 1197

Sic Origenes contra Celsum, lib. iii: πάντες γὰρ καθ' ἡμᾶς μεθύουσιν οἱ τοῖς ἀψύχοις ὡς θεῷ προσλαλοῦντες· καὶ τί λέγω μεθύουσιν; μᾶλλον γὰρ μεμήνασιν, εἰς τοὺς νεὼς σπεύδοντες, καὶ ὡς θεοῖς τοῖς ἀγάλμασιν προσκυνοῦντες. ORELL.

(continued) So Origen, Against Celsus, Book III: "For in our view all are drunk who address lifeless things as God; and why do I say drunk? Rather they are mad, hurrying to the temples and worshipping the statues as gods." ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Credulitatis vacuae› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1197

Credulitatis vacuae. Fulv. Ursinus mavult: Credulitatis fatuae. Sed vacuus hoc loco idem quod vanus, inanis. Sic infra: vacua imaginatio. ORELL.

"Of empty credulity." Fulvio Orsini prefers "credulitatis fatuae" (of foolish credulity). But "vacuus" here is the same as "vanus", "inanis" (vain, empty). So below: "an empty imagining". ORELLI.

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(3) ‹Pendigines› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1197

Pendigines. Pendigines sunt cava simulacri interstitia. Vide Gesner. et Schneider. ad Veget. de Mulomed. lib. iii, cap. 44, § 1. Alii exponunt velamenta simulacri. Salmasius ad Solinum, pag. 268, interpretatur juncturas et nexus partium, τὰ πήγματα. Plura de h. v. vide in Thesauro Gesneri. ORELL.

"Pendigines." "Pendigines" are the hollow interstices of an image. See Gesner and Schneider on Vegetius, On Veterinary Medicine, Book III, chapter 44, § 1. Others explain them as the coverings of the image. Salmasius, on Solinus, p. 268, interprets them as the joints and connections of the parts, "ta pēgmata" (the fixings). See more on this word in Gesner's Thesaurus. ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Diducere in membra resolutos› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1197

Diducere in membra resolutos. Ita legendum esse pro deducere docuit J. G. Graevius, in Epistola ad N. Heinsium 261 (Syllog. Burm., tom. iv, pag. 337). Quam correctionem verissimam non dubitavi in textum recipere. ORELL.

"To separate them, loosened, into their limbs." That this should be read instead of "deducere" J. G. Graevius showed in his letter to N. Heinsius, 261 (Burmann's Sylloge, vol. IV, p. 337). I have not hesitated to receive this most true correction into the text. ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Subscudibus› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1197

Subscudibus. Subscudes, ait Festus, appellantur tabellae, quibus tabulae inter se configuntur; quia, quo immittuntur, succuditur. Eam vocem Cato lib. de Re Rust. (cap. 18), usurpavit, qua quidem, sicut Arnobius, retinacula significat. NOURR. pag. 566.—Subscudes dicebantur tabellae ligneae cuneatae ad trabes aliaque committenda. Vide Fest., h. v., ibique intpp. et Schneider, ad Caton. de Re Rust. cap. 18. Haynischius in Indice vertit: Zungen. Graece πελεκῖνοι. Germ. Döbelhölzer. ORELL.

"With dovetails." "Subscudes", says Festus, "is the name for the little pieces of wood by which boards are fastened together, because where they are inserted it is hammered in underneath." Cato used this word in his book On Agriculture (chapter 18), meaning by it, as Arnobius does, fastenings. LE NOURRY, p. 566. — "Subscudes" was the name for wedge-shaped little wooden pieces for joining beams and other things. See Festus under this word, and the interpreters there, and Schneider on Cato, On Agriculture, chapter 18. Haynisch in his Index translates "Zungen" (tongues). In Greek "pelekinoi"; in German "Döbelhölzer" (dowels). ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Ansulis› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1197

Ansulis. Ansulae proprie dicebantur crepidarum vel unci vel annuli, per quos trajecta lora pedem adstringunt. Vide Gesner, in Thesauro et Boettiger. in Sabina, pag. 275. H. l. significari videntur ligamenta ferrea, quibus firmantur simulacra, eiserne Bander, Klammern. ORELL.

"With little handles." "Ansulae" were properly the hooks or rings of sandals, through which the straps are passed to bind the foot. See Gesner in his Thesaurus, and Böttiger in his Sabina, p. 275. Here iron ties by which the images are made firm seem to be meant (German "eiserne Bänder, Klammern", iron bands, clamps). ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Quae si utique perspici obscuritatis arte non quirent› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1197

Quae si utique perspici obscuritatis arte non quirent. Fulv. Ursinus legendum conj.: obscurata arte. Male. Ars obscuritatis est artificiosa obscuritas, ars statuarii scil., quae illa obscurat, eorum vitia obtegit spectatorum oculis. ORELL.

"Which, if they could not at all be seen through, by the art of obscurity." Fulvio Orsini conjectures one should read "obscurata arte" (the art being obscured). Wrongly. "The art of obscurity" is an artful obscurity, namely the sculptor's art, which obscures those things and hides their faults from the eyes of the spectators. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Agere vos nihil› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1197

Agere vos nihil. Vide supra ad hujus libri cap. 5. ORELL.

"That you do nothing." See above on chapter 5 of this book. ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Officiorum impendere vanitates› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1197

Officiorum impendere vanitates. Fulvius Ursinus mavult navitates, male. Officiorum vanitates sunt officia vana, frustranea, quibus nihil efficitur. ORELL.

"To spend the vanities of services." Fulvio Orsini prefers "navitates" (diligences), wrongly. "Vanities of services" are vain, useless services by which nothing is achieved. ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Spirantia haec signa› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1197

Spirantia haec signa. Virgilius (Aen. vi, 848): Excudent alii spirantia mollius aera. HERALD.

"These breathing statues." Virgil (Aeneid VI, 848): "Others will beat out breathing bronzes more softly." HERALDUS.

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(11) ‹Quorum plantas et genua contingitis et contrectatis orantes› · lemma note, cap. 16, cols 1197–1198

Quorum plantas et genua contingitis et contrectatis orantes. Genua deorum a supplicantibus fuisse contacta, protrita observatio est. Sed non solum genua, verum etiam pedes quandoque ipsos et plantas, ut ait Arnobius, et vestigia comprehendebant, et saepe osculabantur. Unde Prudentius contra Judaeos: Augustum caput ante pedes curvare Minervae, / Fictilis et soleas Junonis lambere, plantis / Herculis advolvi, genua incurvare Dianae. Nota Soleas Junonis lambere. Apuleius, Milesia vi: Tunc Psyche pedes ejus advoluta et ubere fletu rigans deae vestigia, humumque verrens crinibus suis; et Miles. xi: Exin gaudio delibuti populares, thallos, verbenas, corollas ferentes, exosculatis vestigiis deae, quae gradibus haerebant argento formata, ad suos discedunt lares. Hoc Graeci dicunt τοῖς ἴχνεσι τοῦ ἀγάλματος προσφῦναι. Heliodorus, lib. v Aethiop. Hist.: Εἰς τὸ ἄδυτον παρελθών, καταλαμβάνει τοῖς ἴχνεσι τοῦ ἀγάλματος προσπεφυκυῖαν. Et lib. vii: Τοῖς δὲ ἴχνεσι προσφὺς τοῦ ἀγάλματος, ὡρῶν τε ἐπιπλεῖστον οὕτως ἔχων, ὀλίγου μὲν καὶ ἐκθανεῖν ἐδέησεν. Sic aliquando in supplicatione humana. Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xvii: Manus ad dimicandum aptatas, armorum abjecto munimine pone terga vinxerunt; restareque solam salutem contemplantes in precibus, effusi sunt vestigiis Augusti clementis. Sed haec alibi fusius. HERALD.

"Whose feet and knees you touch and handle as you pray." That the knees of the gods were touched by suppliants is a well-worn observation. But not only the knees: sometimes they also clasped the very feet and soles, as Arnobius says, and the footprints, and often kissed them. Hence Prudentius against the Jews: "To bow the imperial head before the feet of Minerva, and to lick the sandals of earthen Juno, to grovel at the soles of Hercules, to bend the knee to Diana." Note "to lick the sandals of Juno". Apuleius, Milesian Tale VI: "Then Psyche, falling at her feet and watering the goddess's footprints with abundant tears, sweeping the ground with her hair"; and Milesian Tale XI: "Then the people, steeped in joy, bearing green boughs, sacred herbs and garlands, kissed the footprints of the goddess, which, formed in silver, clung to the steps, and went off to their homes." This the Greeks call "to cling to the feet of the statue". Heliodorus, Aethiopica Book V: "Going into the shrine, he finds her clinging to the feet of the statue." And Book VII: "Clinging to the feet of the statue and staying so for many hours, he very nearly died." So sometimes in supplication to men. Ammianus Marcellinus, Book XVII: "They tied behind their backs the hands fitted for fighting, casting away the protection of their arms; and seeing that their only remaining safety lay in prayers, they threw themselves at the feet of the merciful Augustus." But this elsewhere at more length. HERALDUS.

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(12) ‹Fumo suffita› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1198

Fumo suffita. Ita Sidonius, lib. ii, epist. xiii.: Hinc suffita cinnamomo ac thure coenatio spargeret peregrinos naribus odores; ubi vide Savaron., pag. 175, qui de hoc verbo multus est. ORELL.

"Fumigated with smoke." So Sidonius, Book II, letter XIII: "Hence the dining-room, fumigated with cinnamon and incense, would spread foreign scents for the nostrils"; on which see Savaro, p. 175, who has much to say on this word. ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Perdant situ speciem et rubigine convulnerentur exesa› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1198

Perdant situ speciem et rubigine convulnerentur exesa. Sic edidi cum Fulvio Ursino. Vetus lectio corruptissima est: perdant situs specie. Heraldus, transpositis vocabulis, legendum putat: perdant speciem, situ et rubigine convulnerentur exesa. Editio Lugd. Bat. habet: perdant situs, species, etc. ut sit situs perdere, collabi, moveri e basi sua et fundamento. ORELL.

"Lose their appearance through neglect and, eaten away, are wounded all over with rust." So I have printed it with Fulvio Orsini. The old reading is very corrupt: "perdant situs specie". Heraldus, transposing the words, thinks one should read: "perdant speciem, situ et rubigine convulnerentur exesa". The Leiden edition has "perdant situs, species", etc., so that "to lose their position" would mean to collapse, to be moved from their base and foundation. ORELLI.

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(14) ‹Sub istorum simulacrorum cavis› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1198

Sub istorum simulacrorum cavis. Verissima haec emendatio debetur Gelenio. Antea legebatur causis, nullo sensu. Stewechius mavult caveis, intelligens de thecis et armariis, quibus recludi solebant deorum simulacra ut in cavea volucres. Sed ipsa simulacra arrosa a talibus animalculis intelligenda esse liquet e locis simillimis Minucii Felicis, c. xxiv, init.: Quanta vero de diis vestris animalia muta naturaliter judicant? mures, hirundines, milvi, non sentire eos sciunt, norunt, inculcant, insident, ac, nisi abigatis, in ipso dei vestri ore nidificant. Araneae vero faciem ejus intexunt, et de ipso capite sua fila suspendunt. Vos tergitis, mundatis, eraditis, et illos, quos facitis, protegitis et timetis. Et Tertulliani Apologet. cap. xii: Igitur si statuas, et imagines frigidas mortuorum suorum simillimas non adoramus, quas milvi et mures et araneae intelligunt, nonne laudem magis quam poenam merebatur repudium agniti erroris. ORELL.

"Under the hollows of these images." This most true emendation is owed to Gelenius. Before, "causis" was read, with no sense. Stewech prefers "caveis", understanding the cases and cupboards in which the images of the gods used to be shut up like birds in a cage. But that the images themselves, gnawed by such little creatures, are meant is clear from very similar passages of Minucius Felix, beginning of chapter XXIV: "How truly the dumb animals judge of your gods by nature! Mice, swallows, kites know that they do not feel; they trample them, perch on them, and, unless you drive them off, they nest in your god's very mouth. Spiders weave over his face and hang their threads from his very head. You wipe, clean and scrape them, and you protect and fear those whom you make." And Tertullian, Apology, chapter XII: "So if we do not worship statues and cold images, so very like their dead, which kites and mice and spiders understand, did not the rejection of a recognized error deserve praise rather than punishment?" ORELLI.

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Page

running head: 1197 LIBER SEXTUS.
marginal letters: A credulitatis vacuae; B pitiis facies, manus; C Plura de h. v. vide (in commentary); D ferrea, quibus firmantur (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
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cum lateribus dimidiatos, plantarum imperfecta vestigia, et quod maxime risum ferat, parte ligneos ex una, at ex altera saxeos inaequabili corporum constructione contractos. Quae si utique perspici obscuritatis arte non quirent, vel ipsa vos saltem, quae in medio sita sunt, docere, atque monere debuerunt, agere vos nihil, et circa res cassas officiorum impendere vanitates. Ita enim non videtis spirantia haec signa, quorum plantas et genua contingitis, et contrectatis orantes, modo casibus stillicidiorum labi, putredinis modo carie relaxari, ut nidoribus, atque fumo suffita ac decolorata nigrescant, quemadmodum saecli longioris incuria perdant situ speciem, et rubigine convulnerentur exesa? Ita, inquam, non videtis sub istorum simulacrorum cavis stelliones,

halved with their sides, incomplete soles of feet, and what would especially bring laughter, put together of wood on one part, and of stone on the other, by an unequal construction of bodies. Which things, even if they could not at all be seen through by the art of concealment, at least those very things which are set in the open ought to have taught and warned you that you accomplish nothing, and expend vanities of services around empty things. For do you not thus see these breathing statues, whose soles and knees you touch and handle while praying, now slipping away by the droppings of eaves, now loosened by the rot of decay, how fumigated and discoloured by steams and smoke they grow black, how through the neglect of a longer age they lose their appearance by mould, and are wounded all over by eating rust? Do you not thus, I say, see beneath the hollows of those images newts,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1198

Footnotes

(a) ‹longioris incuria› · call in col 1198

Injuria Fulv.

"Injuria" (injury): Fulvio Orsini.

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(b) ‹simulacrorum cavis› · call in col 1198

Casts Fulv.

"Casts" [so printed; presumably "castis" or "cassis"]: Fulvio Orsini.

Commentarius

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running head: BER SEXTUS. 1198
marginal letters: A cum lateribus dimidiatos; B videtis sub istorum; C Heliodorus, lib. V (in commentary); D Bat. habet : perdant situs (in commentary)
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sorices, blattasque lucifugas nidamenta ponere, atque habitare? spurcitias huc omnes, atque alia usibus accommodata conducere, semirosi duritias panis, ossa in sepem tracta, pannos, lanuginem, chartulas nidulorum in mollitiem scilicet, et miserorum fomenta pullorum? Non in ore aliquando simulacri ab araneis ordiri retia, atque insidiosos casses, quibus volatus innectere stridularum possint, impudentiumque muscarum? Non hirundines denique intra ipsos aedium circumvolantes tholos, jacularier stercoris plenas, et modo ipsos vultus, modo numinum ora depingere, barbam, oculos, nasos, aliasque omnes partes, in quascumque se detulerit deonerati proluvies podicis? Erubescite ergo vel sero, atque ab animantibus mutis vias, rationes accipite, doceantque vos eadem nihil numinis inesse simulacris : in quae obscoena dejicere neque metuunt, neque vitant leges suas sequentia, et instincta veritate naturae.

shrew-mice, and light-shunning cockroaches laying their nests and dwelling? Bringing together hither all filth and other things suited to their uses, the hard crusts of half-gnawed bread, bones dragged into a hedge, rags, down, bits of paper for the softness of their little nests, forsooth, and the warmings of their wretched young? Are not webs and treacherous snares sometimes begun by spiders in the very face of an image, by which they may entangle the flights of buzzing and shameless flies? Finally, do not swallows flying around within the very domes of the temples, full of dung, hurl it forth, and paint now the very countenances, now the faces of the divinities, the beard, eyes, noses, and all the other parts, upon whichever the discharge of their unburdened fundament has borne itself? Blush therefore even late, and receive ways and reasons from dumb animals, and let the same teach you that nothing of divinity is in the images: upon which they neither fear nor shun to cast down filthy things, following their own laws and prompted by the truth of nature.

XVII. Sed erras, inquit, et laberis, nam neque

XVII. But you err, says one, and slip: for neither

Editors' notes and page, col. 1199

Footnotes

Lectiones variantes

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(a) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 1199

Mollitie sollicite Sab. Male.

"Mollitie sollicite": Sabaeus. Wrong.

Commentarius

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(1) ‹Sorices› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1199

Sorices. Vide ad lib. ii, cap. 59. ORELL.

"Shrews." See on Book II, chapter 59. ORELLI.

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(2) ‹Nidamenta ponere› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1199

Nidamenta ponere. Locutio Plautina, Rud. act. iii, scen. vi. In nervum mille hodie nidamenta congeret. NOURR., pag. 560.

"To lay nesting materials." A Plautine phrase, Rudens, Act III, scene VI: "Today he will pile a thousand nesting materials into the stocks." LE NOURRY, p. 560.

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(3) ‹Ossa in sepem tracta› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1199

Ossa in sepem tracta. In textum recepi emendationem hanc palmariam C. Barthii in Adversar. lib. xxix, cap. 18, p. 1391. Notum enim omnibus, ossibus in nidamentorum munimina abuti ista animantia. Vulgata lectio est: Ossa in spem tracta, quam frustra tuetur Heraldus, putans sensum esse, mures, sorices, etc., etsi ossa rodere nequeant, ea tamen trahere nihilominus, sperantes scil. iis posse se vesci, nondum satis tentatis dentium viribus, necdum iis cum ossium duritie compositis. Qualem argutiam in mentem venisse Arnobio maximopere dubito. Fulv. Ursinus legendum existimat: Ossa in stupam tracta. Stupa, stiva id quo nidi stipantur, firmantur. Vid. Voss. Etymol. Rom. Meursius conj.: duritias panis ossu in speciem tracti. . . . . . in mollitiem, etc., more loquendi antiquo. Os, osse, ossum, ossu, ut testum, testu, ap. Ovid., Fast. ii, 645, V. 519. Salmasius edidit: famis ossa in spem tracta, hoc est, ossa tracta (in nidum) in spem famis. Spes pro expectatione, metu, ut centies apud antiquos. Sed longe praefero correctionem Barthii. Jam vero praefero lectionem antiquam: In spem tracta. In spem scilicet futuri, ut habeant quibus vescantur. Sic Horatius i, serm. i, 35: Pervola, nam exemplo est, magni formica laboris / Ore trahit quodcumque potest, atque addit acervo. / Quem struit haud ignara ac non incauta futuri. ORELL.

"Bones dragged into a hedge." I have received into the text this prize emendation of C. Barth, Adversaria, book XXIX, chapter 18, p. 1391. For everyone knows that these creatures make use of bones to strengthen their nests. The common reading is "Ossa in spem tracta" (bones dragged in hope), which Heraldus defends in vain, thinking the sense is that mice, shrews, etc., though they cannot gnaw bones, nevertheless drag them away, hoping, that is, that they can eat them, not yet having sufficiently tried the strength of their teeth nor matched them against the hardness of bones. I very much doubt that such subtlety came into Arnobius's mind. Fulvio Orsini thinks one should read "Ossa in stupam tracta" (bones dragged into tow): "stupa", the stuffing with which nests are packed and made firm. See Vossius, Etymologicon Romanum. Meursius conjectures: "duritias panis ossu in speciem tracti . . . . . . in mollitiem", etc., in the ancient manner of speaking: "os, osse, ossum, ossu", like "testum, testu" in Ovid, Fasti II, 645, and V, 519. Salmasius printed: "famis ossa in spem tracta", that is, bones dragged (into the nest) in expectation of hunger, "spes" for expectation or fear, as a hundred times in the ancients. But I much prefer Barth's correction. Now, however, I prefer the old reading: "In spem tracta", in hope, that is, of the future, so that they may have something to eat. So Horace, Satires I, 1, 35: "Just as the tiny ant, for she is the example, of great toil, drags with her mouth whatever she can and adds it to the heap she builds, not unaware nor careless of the future." ORELLI.

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(4) ‹Nidulorum in mollitiem scilicet, et miserorum fomenta pullorum› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1199

Nidulorum in mollitiem scilicet, et miserorum fomenta pullorum. Sic editio Lugd. Bat. cod. ms. habet: Nidulorum in mollitiem sollicite et miserorum fomenta pullorum. Editio princeps: Nidulorum in mollitie sollicite, etc. Caeteri editores v. sollicite inducunt. ORELL.

"That is, for the softness of their little nests and to warm their wretched young." So the Leiden edition. The manuscript has: "Nidulorum in mollitiem sollicite et miserorum fomenta pullorum" (anxiously for the softness ...). The first edition: "Nidulorum in mollitie sollicite", etc. The other editors strike out the word "sollicite". ORELLI.

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(5) ‹Ab araneis ordiri retia› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1199

Ab araneis ordiri retia. Ordiri h. l. passiva significatione, quod notandum. Ordiri vel antiquum ordire proprium verbum telae et textrini operis. Vid. Nonius et Festus h. v. ibique intpp. et Gesner. in Thesauro. ORELL.

"That webs are begun by spiders." "Ordiri" here in a passive sense, which is to be noted. "Ordiri", or the old "ordire", is the proper verb for the web and the work of weaving. See Nonius and Festus under this word, and the interpreters there, and Gesner in his Thesaurus. ORELLI.

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(6) ‹Non hirundines denique› · lemma note, cap. 16, cols 1199–1200

Non hirundines denique, etc. Clemens Alexandrinus in Protrept. p. 46, ed. Potteri: Αἱ δὲ χελιδόνες καὶ τῶν ὀρνέων τὰ πλεῖστα κατεξαιροῦσιν αὐτῶν ἀγαλμάτων ἐσπετόμενα, οὐδὲν φροντίσαντα οὔτε Ὀλυμπίου Διός, οὔτε Ἐπιδαυρίου Ἀσκληπίου, οὐδὲ μὴν Ἀθηνᾶς Πολιάδος, ἢ Σαράπιδος Αἰγυπτίου. ORELL.

"Not, finally, the swallows," etc. Clement of Alexandria in the Protrepticus, p. 46, Potter's edition: "But the swallows and most of the birds fly in and befoul the very statues, caring nothing for Olympian Zeus, nor Epidaurian Asclepius, nor even Athena Polias, or Egyptian Sarapis." ORELLI.

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(7) ‹Inter ipsos aedium circumvolantes tholos› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1200

Inter ipsos aedium circumvolantes tholos. Tholus, testudo, id est, camera rotunda ac convexa, Kuppel. vid. Lindenbrog., et Vales. ad Ammian. Marcell., l. xxviii, c. 4, § 9, p. 241, ed. Wagner. ORELL.

"Flying round among the very domes of the temples." "Tholus" is a vault, that is, a round and convex ceiling (German "Kuppel", dome). See Lindenbrog and Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, Book XXVIII, chapter 4, § 9, p. 241, Wagner's edition. ORELLI.

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(8) ‹Jacularier stercoris plenas› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1200

Jacularier stercoris plenas. Laudant interpretes conjecturam Jo. Aurati: stercoris splenas, citantes Martialem, l. ii, epigr. xxix, vers. 10: Ignoras quis sit? splenia tolle, leges; ubi vide intpp., ut sensus sit, jaculari hirundines stercoris splenas vel splenia, id est emplastra. Sed splena, ae, frustra quaesivi in Lexicis, et splen, is, cujus accusativus graecus posset esse splenas, nulla alia significatione inveni quam lienis, sedis risus et tristitiae, die Milz. Vide Voss. in Etymol. Rom Neque video, quare sollicitanda sit vulgata lectio, hoc sensu: hirundines plenas stercoris jaculari, id est ventrem exonerare. Jaculari scil. indefinite positum ab Arnobio, verbum honestum pro inhonesto, Fulv. Ursinus conj.: Jacularier stercoris tela. ORELL.

"That they, full of dung, shoot it out." The interpreters praise Jean Dorat's conjecture "stercoris splenas" (patches of dung), citing Martial, Book II, epigram XXIX, line 10: "Do you not know who he is? Take off the patches and you will read"; on which see the interpreters; so that the sense would be that the swallows shoot patches or plasters of dung. But I have looked for "splena, -ae" in the lexicons in vain, and for "splen, -is", whose Greek accusative could be "splenas", I have found no other meaning than the spleen, the seat of laughter and sadness (German "die Milz"). See Vossius in the Etymologicon Romanum. Nor do I see why the common reading should be tampered with, in this sense: that the swallows, full of dung, shoot, that is, relieve their bellies. "Jaculari", namely, is used by Arnobius without an object, a decent word for an indecent one. Fulvio Orsini conjectures: "Jacularier stercoris tela" (shoot darts of dung). ORELLI.

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(9) ‹Obscoena dejicere› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1200

Obscoena dejicere. Haec est palmaria emendatio Fulvii Ursini pro vitiosa lectione Codicis: obscoena dicere, unde Gelenius fecerat: obscoena facere. Stewechius mavult: Obscoena digerere. ORELL.

"To drop their filth." This is the prize emendation of Fulvio Orsini for the faulty reading of the manuscript, "obscoena dicere" (to say obscene things), from which Gelenius had made "obscoena facere". Stewech prefers "Obscoena digerere". ORELLI.

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(10) ‹Instincta veritate naturae› · lemma note, cap. 16, col 1200

Instincta veritate naturae. Codex ms. et editio princeps: distincta, vitiose. Instincta veritate naturae est vero proprioque naturae instinctu. Itaque non necessaria Meursii conjectura: instincta severitate (id est necessitate) naturae. ORELL.

"Prompted by the truth of nature." The manuscript and the first edition: "distincta", faultily. "Prompted by the truth of nature" means by the true and proper instinct of nature. So Meursius's conjecture "instincta severitate (that is, necessity) naturae" is unnecessary. ORELLI.

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(11) ‹Quos dedicatio infert sacra› · lemma note, cap. 17, col 1200

XVII. — Quos dedicatio infert sacra. Minucius (cap. xxiii, fin.): Quando igitur hic nascitur? Ecce funditur, fabricatur, scalpitur. Nondum deus est. Ecce plumbatur, construitur, erigitur. Nec adhuc deus est. Ecce ornatur, consecratur, oratur. Tum postremo deus est, cum homo ille voluit et dedicavit. HERALD.

XVII. — "Whom a sacred dedication brings in." Minucius (end of chapter XXIII): "When, then, is he born? See, he is cast, wrought, carved: he is not yet a god. See, he is soldered with lead, put together, set up: still he is not a god. See, he is adorned, consecrated, prayed to: then at last he is a god, when man has willed it and dedicated him." HERALDUS.

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(12) ‹Junctioni› · lemma note, cap. 17, col 1200

Junctioni. Alii: vinctioni. ORELL.

"Junctioni" (to the joining). Others: "vinctioni" (to the binding). ORELLI.

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(13) ‹Necessitatibus irrogatis› · lemma note, cap. 17, col 1200

Necessitatibus irrogatis. Editio princeps: necessitatibus irrogati, vitiose. ORELL.

"With constraints imposed." The first edition: "necessitatibus irrogati", faultily. ORELLI.

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(14) ‹Si inviti hoc faciunt› · lemma note, cap. 17, col 1200

Si inviti hoc faciunt. Fulvius Ursinus delet si, quia in altero orationis membro, Si voluntariae obsecutionis assensu, si deerat in Codice ms. Sed melius additur in utroque loco cum Salmasio. ORELL.

"If they do this unwillingly." Fulvio Orsini deletes "si", because in the other member of the sentence, "If by the assent of voluntary compliance", "si" was missing in the manuscript. But it is better added in both places, with Salmasius. ORELLI.

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nos aera, neque auri argentique materias, neque alias, quibus signa confiunt, eas esse per se deos, et religiosa decernimus numina ; sed eos in his colimus, eosque veneramur, quos dedicatio infert sacra, et fabrilibus efficit inhabitare simulacris. Non improba, neque aspernabilis ratio, qua possit quivis tardus, necnon et prudentissimus credere deos, relictis sedibus propriis, id est coelo, non recusare, nec fugere habitacula inire terrena ; quinimmo jure dedicationis impulsos simulacrorum coalescere junctioni. In gypso ergo mansitant, atque in testulis dii vestri? quinimmo testularum et gypsi mentes, spiritus, atque animae dii sunt ? atque ut fieri augustiores vilissimae res possint, concludi se patiuntur, et in sedis obscurae coercitione latitare? Ergo illud a vobis parte in hac primum desideramus et postulamus audire, invitine hoc faciunt, id est, jure dedicationis attracti simulacrorum ineunt mansiones? an proni et faciles, neque ullis necessitatibus irrogatis? Si inviti hoc faciunt, et qui fieri potis est, ut in aliquam necessitatem imminuta

do we decree that bronzes, or the materials of gold and silver, or other things of which statues are made, are of themselves gods and religious divinities; but in these we worship and venerate those whom sacred dedication introduces, and causes to dwell in craftsman-wrought images. Not a bad nor a despicable reason, whereby any slow-witted person, and also the most prudent, might believe that the gods, having left their own seats, that is heaven, do not refuse nor shun to enter earthly dwellings; nay rather, impelled by the right of dedication, grow together into the joining of images! Do your gods then abide in gypsum and in potsherds? Nay rather, are the gods the minds, spirits, and souls of potsherds and gypsum? And that the vilest things may become more august, do they suffer themselves to be shut up, and to lie hid in the confinement of a dark seat? Therefore in this part we first desire and demand to hear this from you: do they do this unwillingly, that is, drawn by the right of dedication do they enter the dwellings of images? Or inclined and willing, and with no necessities imposed upon them? If they do this unwillingly, how is it possible that they should be compelled into any necessity with diminished

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majestate cogantur ? si voluntariae obsecutionis assensu, et quid in testulis dii petunt, ut eas sedibus sidereis anteponant, vinctionis vi propemodum colligati, nobilitent testulas, et caetera quibus signa confiunt? Si concedamus, ut coelo et sidereis sedibus eas anteponant, divinitatis suae perdiderint potestatem.

majesty? If by the assent of voluntary compliance, what too do the gods seek in potsherds, that they should prefer them to starry seats, bound fast almost by the force of a fetter, and ennoble potsherds and the other things of which statues are made? If we grant that they prefer them to heaven and starry seats, they would have lost the power of their divinity.

XVIII. Quid ergo ? in materiis talibus semperne dii mansitant, neque abeunt uspiam, etiamsi res postulaverit maxima ? An habent itus liberos, cum libuerit abire quocumque, et ab suis sedibus simulacrisque discedere? Si permanendi necessitatem patiuntur, quid miserius his esse, aut quid infelicius poterit, quam si eos in basibus ita unci retinent, et plumbeae vinctiones? Sin autem, cum voluerint, evolant, et absolutum jus habent, inania relinquere simulacra ; ergo aliquo tempore desinent esse dii signa, et in dubio stabit, quando sacra debeant reddi ; quando his conveniat, atque oporteat abstinere. Saepe numero videmus ab artificibus haec signa modo parvula fieri, et palmarem in minutiem contrahi, modo in immensum tolli, et admirabilem in amplitudinem sublevari. Ratione hac ergo sequitur, ut intelligere debeamus in sigilliolis parvulis contrahere se deos, et alieni ad corporis similitudinem coarctari ; at vero in vastis

XVIII. What then? Do the gods always abide in such materials, and never go away anywhere, even if the greatest matter should demand it? Or do they have free goings, when it pleases them to depart whithersoever, and to withdraw from their seats and images? If they suffer the necessity of remaining, what will be able to be more wretched than they, or what more unhappy, than if hooks and leaden fastenings thus hold them back upon their pedestals? But if, when they wish, they fly away, and have the absolute right to leave the images empty, then at some time the statues will cease to be gods, and it will stand in doubt when sacred rites ought to be rendered, and when it is fitting and proper to refrain from them. Oftentimes we see these statues made by craftsmen now tiny, and contracted into a palm's smallness, now raised to an immense size, and lifted up into an admirable amplitude. By this reasoning therefore it follows that we must understand that in tiny little figures the gods contract themselves, and are cramped to the likeness of an alien body; whereas in vast ones

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Si Sab. omittit. Fulv. distinguit: cogantur. Voluntariae.

Sabaeus omits "Si". Fulvius punctuates: "cogantur. Voluntariae."

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porrigere se longius, atque in maximitatem producere. Ergo si hoc ita est, et in sedentibus signis deum sedere dicendum est, et in stantibus stare, in procurrentibus currere, jacularier in jacientibus tela, ad illorum formare, atque aptare se vultus, et ad reliquos habitus figurati corporis similitudinem commodare.

they stretch themselves out further, and lengthen themselves into vastness. Therefore, if this is so, both in sitting statues the god must be said to sit, and in standing ones to stand, in running ones to run, in those hurling weapons to hurl, to form and fit his countenances to theirs, and to adapt the likeness of a fashioned body to the remaining postures.

XIX. In simulacris dii habitant, singuline in singulis toti, an partiliter, atque in membra divisi? Nam neque unus Deus in compluribus potis est uno tempore inesse simulacris, neque rursus in partes sectione interveniente divisus. Constituamus enim decem millia simulacrorum toto esse in orbe Vulcani ; numquid esse, ut dixi, decem omnibus in millibus potis est unus uno in tempore? Non opinor. Qua causa ? quia quae sunt priva, singulariaque natura, multa fieri nequeunt simplicitatis suae integritate servata ; et hoc amplius nequeunt, si hominum formas dii habeant, opinatio ut vestra declarat. Neque enim manus a capite separata, aut pes divisus a corpore summam possunt praestare totius ; aut dicendum est, portiones idem posse quod totum, cum consistere nequeat, nisi fuerit partium congregatione conflatum. Si autem in cunctis idem esse dicetur, perit omnis ratio atque integritas veritati, si hoc fuerit sumptum, posse unum

XIX. Do the gods dwell in images, each one whole in each single image, or partially, and divided into limbs? For neither can one God be in several images at one time, nor again divided into parts by an intervening cutting. For let us suppose that there are ten thousand images of Vulcan in the whole world: can one, as I said, be in all ten thousand at one time? I think not. For what reason? Because things which are individual and single by nature cannot become many while the integrity of their simplicity is preserved; and this they are still less able to do if the gods have the forms of men, as your opinion declares. For neither can a hand separated from the head, or a foot divided from the body, furnish the sum of the whole; or else it must be said that parts have the same power as the whole, although it cannot exist unless it has been put together by a gathering of parts. But if the same one shall be said to be in all, all reason and integrity of truth perishes, if this be assumed, that one can

Editors' notes and page, col. 1202

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Instantibus Sab. Male.

"Instantibus" Sabaeus. Wrongly.

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: In aliquam necessitatem…… cogantur› · col 1201 In aliquam necessitatem...... cogantur. Codex ms.: In aliqua necessitate...... cogantur, quod Heraldus in Curis II, defendit more Arnobii ablativum ponendi pro accusativo, quem aliquoties jam observavimus, v. c., ad l. II, c. 2. Orell.

"Into some necessity …… they are forced." The manuscript: "in some necessity …… they are forced," which Heraldus, in his Second Thoughts (Curae II), defends from Arnobius's habit of putting the ablative for the accusative, which we have already noted several times, for example on book II, chapter 2. Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Et quid› · col 1201 Et quid. Et heic Stewechius ecquid. Orell.

"And what." Here too Stewech reads "ecquid" ("whether anything"). Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Vinctionis vi propemodum colligati› · col 1201 Vinctionis vi propemodum colligati. Ita editio Lugd. Bat. Caeteri: Vincti omnes et propemodum colligati. Orell.

"Bound together, as it were, by the force of fastening." So the Leiden edition. The others: "all fastened and, as it were, bound together." Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Nobilitantes testulas› · col 1201 Nobilitantes testulas. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. pro nobilitatis. quod scribendi vitium in cod. ms. ortum e nobilitantis. Meursius et caeteri editores: nobilitent testulas. Heraldus: Nobilitent ut testulas. Orell.

"Ennobling little potsherds." So the Leiden edition, for "nobilitatis," a scribal fault in the manuscript arising from "nobilitantis." Meursius and the other editors: "let them ennoble the potsherds." Heraldus: "let them ennoble them as potsherds." Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Si concedamus, ut caelo et sidereis sedibus eas anteponant, divinitatis suae perdiderint potestatem› · col 1201 Si concedamus, ut caelo et sidereis sedibus eas anteponant, divinitatis suae perdiderint potestatem. Haec verba, quae in editionibus caeteris turpiter sunt luxata, et in sequente demum capite leguntur post verba: Quam si eos in basibus ita unci retinent et plumbeae vinctiones, huc revocavit tamquam in locum convenientissimum editor Lugduno-Batavus. Meursius autem rejecit post verba capitis sequentis: Quando his conveniat atque oporteat abstinere. At meo judicio glossema sapiunt: quamobrem ea uncinis inclusi. Orell.

"If we grant that they prefer them to heaven and the starry seats, they have lost the power of their divinity." These words, shamefully dislocated in the other editions and read only in the following chapter after the words "Than if hooks and leaden fastenings so hold them on their bases," the Leiden editor recalled to this place as the most fitting. Meursius, however, moved them to after the words of the following chapter: "When it is fitting and proper to abstain from these." But in my judgement they smack of a gloss; I have therefore enclosed them in brackets. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: XVIII. — An habent itus liberos› · col 1201 XVIII — An habent itus liberos, etc. Recte. Nam liber ἀπὸ τοῦ λύειν, ὁ λελυμένος, qui ἐλεύθερος Graecis, quia habet itus liberos. Plautus in Menaechmis: Mess.: Sic sine igitur, qui tuum negas me esse, abire liberum. Men.: Mea quidem Hercule causa liber esto, atque abito, quo voles. Quare ἀφεῖναι et amittere liberum. Ibidem: Ob eam rem, quia te servavi, me amisisti liberum. Tum Menaechmus: Liberum ego te jussi abire. Et: Numquid me morare, quin ego liber, ut jussisti, eam? Men: Liber esto. Herald.

Chapter XVIII. "Or have they free comings and goings," etc. Rightly. For "liber" (free) comes from λύειν, "to loose": one who is loosed, whom the Greeks call ἐλεύθερος, because he has free goings. Plautus in the Menaechmi: Messenio: "Then let me go free, since you deny that I am yours." Menaechmus: "For my part, by Hercules, be free, and go where you will." Hence ἀφεῖναι, "to let go free." In the same place: "For this, because I saved you, you have let me go free." Then Menaechmus: "I bade you go free." And: "Do you hold me back from going free, as you bade?" Menaechmus: "Be free." Heraldus.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Sacra reddi› · col 1202 Sacra reddi. Vide supra ad lib. IV, cap. 16. Orell.

"Rites be rendered." See above on book IV, chapter 16. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: At vero in vastis› · col 1202 At vero in vastis, etc. Ita Meursius et Salmasius, optime. Caeteri: aut vero. Orell.

"But indeed in huge ones," etc. So Meursius and Salmasius, excellently. The others: "or indeed." Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: In maximitatem producere› · col 1202 In maximitatem producere. Editio princeps: in maximitate, quod defendi potest stylo Arnobii ablativum ponere amantis loco accusativi, quod aliquoties jam observavimus. Maximitas vox est Lucretiana, II, 497: Ne quaedam cogas immani maximitate / Esse, supra quod jam docui non posse probari.

"To draw out into hugeness." The first edition: "in hugeness" (ablative), which can be defended from the style of Arnobius, who likes to put the ablative in place of the accusative, as we have already noted several times. "Maximitas" is a word of Lucretius, II, 497: "lest you force certain things to be of monstrous hugeness, which I have shown above cannot be proved."

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Et in sedentibus signis deum sedere dicendum est› · col 1202 Et in sedentibus signis deum sedere dicendum est. Deos enim suos ἀντιτύπουν σχήμασι διαφόροις καὶ ἡλικίαις, καθέδραις τε καὶ στάσεσι καὶ ἀμφιάσεσιν, ait apud Eusebium Porphyrius. Herald.

"And in seated statues the god must be said to sit." For their gods [they represent] by a counterpart in varied shapes and ages, in seated and standing postures and in dress, says Porphyry in Eusebius. Heraldus.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: XIX. — Quia quae sunt priva singulariaque natura› · col 1202 XIX. — Quia quae sunt priva singulariaque natura. Ita Fulv. Ursinus et Meursius, probante Stewechio. Alii: privata singulariaque. At priva veteres dixisse, quae nos singula, et inde privata atque privilegia formata, docent nos Festus, Nonius et A. Gellius, lib. X, cap. 20. Vide Scaliger. et Dacer. ad Fest. h. v. pag. 374. Caeterum privus etiam vocabulum Lucretianum, cujus noster diligens imitator est. Sic de Rer. Natura lib. III, 722: Quod si forte animas extrinsecus insinuari / Vermibus et privas in corpora posse venire / Credis. Et lib. V, 732: Inque dies privos abolescere quaeque creata. Et alibi saepius. Orell. et Stewech.

Chapter XIX. "Because things that are by nature single and individual." So Fulvius Ursinus and Meursius, with Stewech's approval. Others: "privata singulariaque." But that the ancients said "priva" for what we call "singula," and that "privata" and "privilegia" were formed from it, Festus, Nonius and Aulus Gellius (book X, chapter 20) teach us. See Scaliger and Dacier on Festus under this word, page 374. Moreover "privus" is also a word of Lucretius, of whom our author is a careful imitator. Thus On the Nature of Things, book III, 722: "But if perhaps you believe that souls are slipped into worms from outside and can come singly into bodies." And book V, 732: "and that each created thing perishes day by day." And often elsewhere. Orelli and Stewech.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: Perit omnis ratio atque integritas veritati› · col 1202 Perit omnis ratio atque integritas veritati. Ita Sabaeus et ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii: veritatis. Orell.

"All reason and soundness perishes for truth." So Sabaeus and the Leiden edition. Others: "of truth." Orelli.

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in omnibus uno tempore permanere ; aut deorum est unusquisque dicendus, ita ipsum semet ab ipso sese dividere, ut et ipse sit, et alter, non aliquo discrimine separatus, sed ipse idem, et alius. Quod quoniam recusat, et respuit, aspernaturque natura ; aut innumeros dicendum est, confitendumque esse Vulcanos, si in cunctis volumus eum degere, atque inesse simulacris ; aut erit in nullo, quia esse divisus natura prohibetur in plurimis.

remain in all at one time; or each one of the gods must be said so to divide his very self from himself, that he is both himself and another, separated by no difference, but himself the same and another. Which, since nature refuses, and rejects, and spurns, either we must say and confess that there are innumerable Vulcans, if we wish him to live and be in all the images; or he will be in none, because he is forbidden by nature to be divided in very many.

XX. Et tamen, o isti ! si apertum vobis et liquidum est, in signorum visceribus deos vivere, atque habitare coelites, cur eos sub validissimis clavibus, ingentibusque sub claustris, sub repagulis, pessulis, aliisque hujusmodi rebus custoditis, conservatis, atque habetis inclusos, ac ne forte fur aliquis, aut nocturnus irrepat latro, aedituis mille protegitis, atque excubitoribus mille? Cur canes in Capitoliis pascitis? cur anseribus victum, alimoniamque praebetis?

XX. And yet, O you men! if it is open and clear to you that the gods live in the bowels of statues, and the heavenly ones dwell there, why do you guard, preserve, and keep them shut up under the strongest keys, and under huge bolts, under bars, latches, and other things of this kind, and lest perchance some thief or nightly robber should creep in, protect them with a thousand temple-wardens and a thousand watchmen? Why do you feed dogs in the Capitols? Why to geese do you afford food and nourishment?

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Sic ms. melius Sab. Ab ipso se ipse.

So the manuscript. Sabaeus has, better: "Ab ipso se ipse" ("he himself from himself").

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Quinimmo si fiditis deos istic esse, nec ab signis uspiam, simulacrisque discedere ; permittite illis curam sui, reserata sint semper, atque aperta delubra ; ac si quid a quopiam temeraria fuerit fraude subreptum, vim numinis monstrent, et sub ipso furti atque operis momine sacrilegos poenis convenientibus figant. Indigna enim res est, et potentiam destruens, auctoritatemque, summorum custodiam numinum canum sollicitudinibus credere ; et cum aliquam quaeras prohibendis formidinem furibus, non ab ipsis petere, sed in anserum ponere atque collocare gingritibus.

Nay rather, if you trust that the gods are there, and never depart anywhere from their statues and images, leave to them the care of themselves, let the shrines be always unbarred and open; and if anything has been secretly stolen by anyone through rash fraud, let them show the power of their divinity, and under the very impulse of the theft and deed transfix the sacrilegious with fitting punishments. For it is an unworthy thing, and one that destroys their power and authority, to entrust the guardianship of the highest divinities to the watchfulness of dogs; and when you seek some terror for warding off thieves, not to ask it from the gods themselves, but to place and set it in the cacklings of geese.

XXI. Antiochum Cyzicenum ferunt quindecim cubitorum Jovem ex delubro aureum sustulisse, et ex aere bracteolis substituisse fucatum. Si in simulacris praesto sunt atque habitant dii suis, quibus negotiis Jupiter, quibus curis fuerat illigatus, quominus privatas persequeretur injurias, et suppositum

XXI. They report that Antiochus of Cyzicus took away from his shrine a golden Jove of fifteen cubits, and substituted one of bronze gilded over with thin leaves. If the gods are present at hand and dwell in their images, in what business, in what cares had Jupiter been entangled, that he should not avenge his private injuries, and vindicate himself when a counterfeit had been substituted

Editors' notes and page, col. 1204

Footnotes

(b) ‹operis momine› · call in col 1204

Crimine Fulv.

"Crimine" (by the crime) Fulvius.

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: XX. — Custoditis, conservatis, atque habetis inclusos› · col 1203 XX. — Custoditis, conservatis, atque habetis inclusos. Cyprianus ad Demetrianum: Sic illos laesos altio vestra defendit, quomodo et clausos, ne pereant, tutela vestra custodit. Pudeat te eos colere, quos ipse defendis; pudeat de illis tutelam sperare, quos tu tueris. Herald.

Chapter XX. "You guard, preserve and keep them shut in." Cyprian to Demetrianus: "Thus your vengeance defends them when they are injured, just as your protection guards them shut up, lest they perish. Be ashamed to worship those whom you yourself defend; be ashamed to hope for protection from those whom you protect." Heraldus.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Aedituis mille protegitis atque excubitoribus mille› · col 1203 Aedituis mille protegitis atque excubitoribus mille. Tertullianus de Corona Militis: Jam et stationes aut alii magis faciet, quam Christo? aut et dominica die, quando nec Christo? Et excubabit pro templis, quibus renunciavit? Servabant autem cum propter delubra et simulacra deorum, tum etiam propter opes, quae ibi saepius asservabantur. Plautus in Bacchidibus: Quin ipsi in aede Dianae conditum est ibi / Ibidem publicitus servant. Herald. Aeditui erant, quibus data erat procuratio templi, et in eo vigilias noctu agebant. Veteres autem aeditimum, recentiores aedituum dixisse, testis Varro, de Re Rust., lib. I. Conf. Petr. Daniel ad Pseudo-Plaut. Querol. pag. 64, et Duker. de Latinit. Jureconsultt., pag. 28. Orell.

"You protect them with a thousand temple-wardens and a thousand sentries." Tertullian, On the Soldier's Crown: "Will he keep guard for another rather than for Christ? Or on the Lord's day too, when not even for Christ? And will he keep watch for the temples he has renounced?" They kept guard both for the sake of the shrines and images of the gods and for the treasures that were often stored there. Plautus in the Bacchides: "Why, it is deposited in the temple of Diana itself; there they keep it at public charge." Heraldus. The aeditui were those charged with the care of a temple, who kept watch in it by night. The older writers said "aeditimus," the more recent "aedituus," as Varro witnesses, On Agriculture, book I. Compare Pierre Daniel on the pseudo-Plautine Querolus, page 64, and Duker on the Latinity of the Jurists, page 28. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Cur anseribus victum alimoniamque praebetis?› · col 1203 Cur anseribus victum alimoniamque praebetis? Codex ms. habet alimonia ab alimonium, ii, quod antiquius est et aliquoties usurpatum Varroni in libris de Re Rustica. De canum anserumque custodiis videndi Cicero pro Roscio Amerin., cap. XX; Augustinus, de Civ. Dei, lib. II, cap. 22. Vegetius de Re Milit., lib. IV, cap. 26, ibique Collectanea Stewechii. Orell.

"Why do you supply geese with food and nourishment?" The manuscript has "alimonia," from "alimonium, -ii," which is older and used several times by Varro in his books On Agriculture. On the watch kept by dogs and geese see Cicero, For Roscius of Ameria, chapter XX; Augustine, City of God, book II, chapter 22; Vegetius, On Military Affairs, book IV, chapter 26, and Stewech's Collectanea there. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Sub ipso operis momine› · col 1203 Sub ipso operis momine. Sic emendavit Fulv. Ursinus et Meursius, rectissime. Alii: nomine. Vide supra, ad lib. II, cap. 28. Orell.

"At the very moment of the deed." So Fulvius Ursinus and Meursius corrected, most rightly. Others: "nomine" (name). See above on book II, chapter 28. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Sacrilegos poenis sufficientibus figant› · cols 1203–1204 Sacrilegos poenis sufficientibus figant. Emendo fligant. Fligere antiquum verbum: hodie composita magis in usu. Livius Aegistho: Ipse se in terram saucius fligit cadens. Accius ἐπὶ ναυσὶ μάχη: Nec perdolescit fligi socios morte, campos contegi. Et Aegistho: Heu cujatis stirpem funditus fligi studet. Lucretius, lib. II, 85. .....Nam cita superne / Obvia cum flixere, sit, ut diversa repente / Dissiliant. Meurs. Stewechius legendum existimat subsigant, scil. cruci, patibulo, quod proprium sacrilegorum supplicium fuisse docet Justus Lipsius de Cruce, lib. I, cap. 13. Orell.

"Let them fix the sacrilegious with sufficient punishments." I emend to "fligant" (strike down). "Fligere" is an old verb; today its compounds are more in use. Livius in the Aegisthus: "Wounded, he dashes himself to the ground as he falls." Accius in the Battle at the Ships: "Nor does he grieve that his comrades are struck down in death, that the plains are covered." And in the Aegisthus: "Alas, he strives to strike down utterly the stock of whose race?" Lucretius, book II, 85: ".....For when, swift from above, they have dashed together, it happens that they suddenly leap apart in different directions." Meursius. Stewech thinks "subsigant" should be read, that is, fix them to the cross, the gibbet, which Justus Lipsius, On the Cross, book I, chapter 13, shows was the proper punishment of the sacrilegious. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Summorum custodiam numinum canum sollicitudinibus credere› · col 1204 Summorum custodiam numinum canum sollicitudinibus credere. Magna enim vigilum istorum et intensa sollicitudo: qui idcirco dormire jubentur interdiu, noctu ut vigilent. Varro, de Re Rustica, libro I: Canes potius cum dignitate, et acres paucos habendum, quam multos. Quos consuefacias potius noctu vigilare et interdiu clausos dormire. Quare apud Phaedrum canis fab. XLVI (lib. III, fab. VII): Alligant me interdiu, / Luce ut quiescam, et vigilem, nox cum venerit. Hinc igitur ille apud Aeschylum in ipso Agamemnonis limine queritur, vigilem se stare continuis noctibus canis instar vigilis: Θεοὺς μὲν αἰτῶ τῶνδ' ἀπαλλαγὴν πόνων, / Φρουρᾶς ἐτείας μῆκος, ἣν κοιμώμενος / Στέγαις Ἀτρειδῶν ἄγκαθεν, κυνὸς δίκην / Ἄστρων κάτοιδα νυκτέρων ὁμήγυριν. Herald.

"To entrust the guarding of the highest deities to the vigilance of dogs." For great and intense is the vigilance of those watchmen, who are therefore made to sleep by day so that they may watch by night. Varro, On Agriculture, book I: "One should keep rather a few dogs of quality and fierce than many. Train them rather to watch at night and to sleep shut up by day." Hence the dog in Phaedrus, fable XLVI (book III, fable VII): "They tie me up by day, so that I rest in daylight and watch when night has come." Hence that man in Aeschylus, at the very threshold of the Agamemnon, complains that he stands watch through continual nights like a watchdog: "I ask the gods for release from these toils, the length of a year-long watch, in which, lying on the roof of the Atreidae on my elbows, like a dog, I have come to know the assembly of the nightly stars." Heraldus.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Gingritibus› · col 1204 Gingritibus. Festus: Gingrire — anserum vocis proprium est; ubi vid. Scaligerum nostrum locum citantem. Glossae: Gingriunt, χῆνες ἐκβοῶσι. Gingrum, φωνὴ χηνός. Inde γιγγράζειν et γιγγρίζειν. Vide Salmas., ad Solin., pag. 87, et Schneider. in Lexico, hoc verbo. Et omnino vario modo apud veteres exprimitur vox anserum: gingrire, trinnire, graccitare, gratitare. Vide Wernsdorf. ad Juventii Eleg. de Philomela vs. 19. in Poet. Lat. min. tom. VI, pag. 391. Clangere vocem anserum appellat Columella. Graeci χηνίζειν. De custodia anserum sic Aelianus, Hist. animal., lib. XII, cap. 33: Φυλάττειν δὲ ἄρα χηνῶν κύνες ἀχρειότεροι, καὶ τοῦτο κατεφώρασαν Ῥωμαῖοι. Vide Gonsal. de Salas. ad Petron., pag. 424 et seq. Orell.

"With cacklings." Festus: "Gingrire is proper to the voice of geese"; see Scaliger there, who cites our passage. The Glossaries: "Gingriunt: geese cry out. Gingrum: the voice of a goose." Hence γιγγράζειν and γιγγρίζειν. See Salmasius on Solinus, page 87, and Schneider's Lexicon under this word. Altogether the voice of geese is expressed in various ways among the ancients: gingrire, trinnire, graccitare, gratitare. See Wernsdorf on Juventius's Elegy on the Nightingale, verse 19, in the Poetae Latini minores, volume VI, page 391. Columella calls the voice of geese "clangere"; the Greeks χηνίζειν. On the watch kept by geese Aelian says this, History of Animals, book XII, chapter 33: "Dogs, it seems, are less useful than geese at keeping guard, and the Romans found this out." See González de Salas on Petronius, page 424 and following. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: XXI. — Antiochum Cyzicenum ferunt› · col 1204 XXI. — Antiochum Cyzicenum ferunt, etc. Clemens in Protrept. (pag. 46. ed. Potter.): Ἀντίοχος δέ, ὁ Κυζικηνός, ἀπορούμενος χρημάτων, τοῦ Διὸς τὸ ἄγαλμα τὸ χρυσοῦν, πεντεκαίδεκα πηχῶν τὸ μέγεθος ὄν, προσέταξε χωνεῦσαι, καὶ τῆς ἄλλης τῆς ἀτιμοτέρας ὕλης ἄγαλμα παραπλήσιον ἐκείνῳ, πετάλοις κεχρυσωμένον, ἀναθεῖναι πάλιν. Canter. — Quindecim cubitorum pro decem c., quod antea legebatur, pessimeque retinuit etiam recentissimus editor Oberthür., primus e Clemente restituit Meursius, pag. 195, sequente ed. Lugd. Bat. Orell.

Chapter XXI. "They say that Antiochus of Cyzicus," etc. Clement in the Exhortation (page 46 of Potter's edition): "Antiochus of Cyzicus, being in want of money, ordered the golden statue of Zeus, fifteen cubits in size, to be melted down, and a statue like it, of other, cheaper material, covered with gold leaf, to be set up again." Canter. — "Fifteen cubits," for "ten cubits," which was read before and which even the most recent editor, Oberthür, very wrongly kept, Meursius was the first to restore from Clement, page 195, followed by the Leiden edition. Orelli.

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running head: ADVERSUS GENTES 1204
marginal letters: A betis? Quinimmo; B cris praesto sunt; C terdiu clausos dormire. (in commentary); D gratitare. Vide Wernsdorf. (in commentary)
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: begins with fragment betis?; full-width headings TIONES VARIANTES. and OMMENTARIUS. and apparatus/commentary at foot not set

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se sibi viliore in materia vindicaret? Dionysius ille, sed junior, cum velamine aureo spoliaret Jovem, et pro illo lanaeum subderet, jocularibus etiam facetiis ludens, cum esse illud in rigoribus algidum, hoc vaporum, onerosum illud in aestatibus diceret, hoc rursus sub ardoribus flabile : ubinam fuerat rex poli, ut praesentem se esse formidine aliqua comprobaret, et urbanum scurrulam cruciatibus revocaret ad seria ? Nam quid Aesculapii gravitatem ab eo esse commemorem risam? quem cum barba spoliaret amplissima, boni ponderis, et philosophicae densitatis, facinus esse dicebat indignum, ex Apolline procreatum patre levi et glabro, simillimoque impuberi, ita barbatum filium fingi, ut in ancipiti relinquatur, uter eorum pater sit, uter filius, immo an sint generis et cognationis unius? Quae cum omnia fierent, et cum

for himself in a cheaper material? When that famous Dionysius—though the younger—stripped Jove of his golden robe and put a woollen one in its place, playing too with jocular witticisms, saying that the former was chilly in frosts while the latter was warm, that the former was heavy in summers while the latter again was airy under heat: where had the king of the sky been, to prove by some terror that he was present, and by torments to recall the witty buffoon to serious matters? For why should I mention that the gravity of Aesculapius was laughed at by him? Whom when he stripped of a most ample beard, of good weight and philosophical thickness, he said it was an unworthy outrage that a son begotten of Apollo, a smooth and beardless father and most like a youth, should be fashioned so bearded that it is left in doubt which of them is the father, which the son, nay whether they are of one race and kinship! When all these things were being done, and when

Editors' notes and page, col. 1205

Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: Dionysius ille (sed junior)› · col 1205 Dionysius ille (sed junior), etc. Clemens, pag. laud.: Διονύσιος μὲν γὰρ ὁ τύραννος ὁ νεώτερος, θοἰμάτιον τὸ χρύσεον περιελόμενος Διὸς ἐν Σικελίᾳ, προσέταξεν αὐτῷ ἐρεοῦν περιτεθῆναι, χαριέντως φήσας, τοῦτο ἄμεινον εἶναι τοῦ χρυσίου, καὶ θέρους κουφότερον, καὶ κρύους ἀλεεινότερον. Canter. — Male igitur verba sed junior tamquam glossema expungenda existimant Stewechius et Heraldus, qui tamen ipse suam sententiam retractat in Curis II. Majori Dionysio attribuunt hanc facetiam Cicero, de Nat. deor., III, cap. 34, Lactantius, Inst., lib. II, cap. 4, et Aelianus, Var. Hist. lib. I, cap. 20; ubi vid. Kuhn. Conf. P. Victorii Var. Lectt. lib. XXI, c. 10. Orell.

"That Dionysius (but the younger)," etc. Clement, at the page cited: "For Dionysius the tyrant, the younger, having stripped the golden cloak from Zeus in Sicily, ordered a woollen one to be put on him, saying wittily that this was better than the gold, lighter in summer and warmer in the cold." Canter. — Stewech and Heraldus are therefore wrong to think the words "but the younger" should be struck out as a gloss; Heraldus himself, however, retracts his opinion in his Second Thoughts. Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, III, chapter 34, Lactantius, Institutes, book II, chapter 4, and Aelian, Varied History, book I, chapter 20 (see Kühn there), attribute this jest to the elder Dionysius. Compare Pietro Vettori, Variae Lectiones, book XXI, chapter 10. Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Cum velamine aureo spoliaret Jovem› · col 1205 Cum velamine aureo spoliaret Jovem. Quo eum ornarat ex manubiis Carthaginiensium tyrannus Gelo, ait M. Tullius. Habebant autem dii sua velamenta atque amicula, quibus vestiebantur atque ornabantur. Suetonius in Caligula: In templo simulacrum stabat aureum iconicum, amiciebaturque quotidie veste, quali ipse uteretur. Lactantius, lib. II, cap. 4: Ergo is ludicris, et ornatis, et grandibus puppis et unguenta, et thura, et odores inferunt. His opimas et pingues hostias immolant; quibus est quidem os, sed carens officio dentium; his peplos et indumenta pretiosa, quibus usus velaminis nullus est, etc. Eleganter Philo in explicatione decalogi observat, significes et simulacrorum artifices saepissime omnibus miseriis conflictari, cum simulacra ab iis ficta et formata purpura, auro caeterisque pretiosis ornamentis decorentur. Verba Philonis sunt: Καὶ οἱ μὲν τεχνῖται πολλάκις ἄποροι καὶ ἄδοξοι κατεγήρασαν, ἀτυχίαις ἐπαλλήλοις ἀποθανόντες· τὰ δὲ τεχνιτευθέντα πορφύρᾳ καὶ χρυσῷ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις πολυτελείαις, ἃς πλοῦτος χορηγεῖ, σεμνοποιεῖται. Erant igitur saepius ornamenta ista pretiosissima. Vid. Lact. lib. II, cap. 4 et 7, et lib. VI, cap. 13. Herald.

"When he stripped Jupiter of his golden mantle." With which the tyrant Gelo had adorned him from the spoils of the Carthaginians, says Marcus Tullius. The gods had their own coverings and mantles, with which they were clothed and adorned. Suetonius in the Caligula: "In the temple stood a golden statue in his likeness, and it was dressed every day in such clothing as he himself wore." Lactantius, book II, chapter 4: "So to these toys, these decked-out great dolls, they bring ointments and incense and perfumes. To these they sacrifice rich, fat victims, which have a mouth indeed but lacking the use of teeth; to these they offer robes and costly garments, which have no use for covering," etc. Philo, in his exposition of the Decalogue, elegantly observes that the sculptors and makers of images very often struggle with every misery, while the images they have fashioned and formed are decked with purple, gold and other precious ornaments. Philo's words are: "And the craftsmen have often grown old in want and obscurity, dying after misfortune upon misfortune, while the things they crafted are made majestic with purple and gold and the other costly things that wealth supplies." These ornaments, then, were often most precious. See Lactantius, book II, chapters 4 and 7, and book VI, chapter 13. Heraldus.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Ludens› · col 1205 Ludens. Fulv. Ursinus conj. lusit. Orell.

"Jesting." Fulvius Ursinus conjectures "lusit" (he jested). Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: In rigoribus algidum› · col 1205 In rigoribus algidum. Meursius, pag. 195, mavult: in frigoribus algidum, quod valde placet. Rigor enim est affectio corporum a frigore. Orell.

"Cold in the stiff frosts." Meursius, page 195, prefers "cold in the cold seasons," which pleases very much; for "rigor" is a condition of bodies caused by cold. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Vaporum› · col 1205 Vaporum. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Ms. male vaporem, unde alii fecerunt vaporeum, alii vaporosum, vaporum, quod multum vaporem edit. Nemesianus, eclog. IV, 63: Ter vittis, ter fronde sacra, ter ture vaporo / Lustravit. Orell.

"Steamy." So the Leiden edition. The manuscript wrongly has "vaporem," from which some made "vaporeum," others "vaporosum"; "vaporus" is what gives off much vapour. Nemesianus, Eclogue IV, 63: "Thrice with fillets, thrice with sacred foliage, thrice with smoking incense he purified." Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Urbanum scurrulam› · cols 1205–1206 Urbanum scurrulam. Plautus, Mostell., act. I, scen. I: Tu urbanus vero scurra, deliciae popuIi. Trinummo, act. II, scen. I: Nihil est profecto stultius, neque stolidius, / Neque mendaciloquius, neque argutum magis, / Neque confidentiloquius, neque perjurius, / Quam urbani assidui cives, quos scurras vocant. Elmenh. Scurram autem urbanum poeta aliique veteres appellabant facetum politumque hominem, qui minime sit rusticus. Atque hoc sensu ab Arnobio scurrulae nomen similiter accipitur. Postea tamen alia sane et contraria significatione usurpatum est. Vid. Turneb., lib. XIX Adversar., cap. 13; Vossium, in Etymologico et alios. Nourr. pag. 565.

"A town buffoon." Plautus, Mostellaria, act I, scene I: "You, truly, a town wit, the people's darling." Trinummus, act II, scene I: "There is surely nothing more foolish, nor more stupid, nor more lying, nor more glib, nor more brazen-tongued, nor more perjured, than the idle townsmen whom they call wits." Elmenhorst. The poet and other ancients called a town "scurra" a witty and polished man, as far as possible from a rustic; and in this sense Arnobius likewise takes the name "scurrula." Later, however, it was used in a different and indeed contrary sense. See Turnèbe, Adversaria book XIX, chapter 13; Vossius in his Etymologicon, and others. Le Nourry, page 565.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Aesculapii gravitatem ab eo risam› · col 1206 Aesculapii gravitatem ab eo risam. Vide Lactant. lib. II, cap. 4; Cic. de Nat. Deor., lib. III, cap. 34; Valer. Max., lib. I, cap. 1, extern. 3. Orell.

"That he laughed at the gravity of Aesculapius." See Lactantius, book II, chapter 4; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book III, chapter 34; Valerius Maximus, book I, chapter 1, foreign examples 3. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Philosophicae densitatis› · col 1206 Philosophicae densitatis. Philosophi enim barbati. Prudentius, lib. II, contra Symmachum: Sophista barbatus. Περὶ στεφάνων: barbatus Plato. Juvenalis, sat. XIV, vs. 12: barbati magistri. Tatianus, contra Graecos, pag. 287; Theodoret., de Providentia, serm. 1. Elmenh. — Talis philosophus graphice depingitur ab Apuleio, Met. XI.: Qui pallio baculoque et baxeis et hircino barbitio philosophum fingeret. Stewech.

"Of philosophic thickness." For philosophers were bearded. Prudentius, book II Against Symmachus: "the bearded sophist." On the Crowns: "bearded Plato." Juvenal, Satire XIV, verse 12: "bearded masters." Tatian, Against the Greeks, page 287; Theodoret, On Providence, discourse 1. Elmenhorst. — Such a philosopher is vividly drawn by Apuleius, Metamorphoses XI: "who, with cloak and staff and sandals and goatish beard, played the philosopher." Stewech.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Immo an sint› · col 1206 Immo an sint. Sic omnes editores post Canterum ex emendatione Meursii. Antea legebatur: an sit. Orell.

"Nay, whether they are." So all the editors after Canter, from Meursius's emendation. Before, "an sit" was read. Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Jocaretur› · col 1206 Jocaretur. Sabaeus: loqueretur. Male. Orell.

"He jested." Sabaeus: "loqueretur" (he spoke). Wrongly. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Cur oris contumeliam levigati› · col 1206 Cur oris contumeliam levigati, etc. Barbae evulsio cum summo conjuncta erat dedecore. Philostratus de Vita Apollonii, lib. VII, cap. 14. Procopius in Esaiam, pag. 120. Herodianus, in Maxim. et Balbo. Elmenh. — Persius, sat. I, 132. seq.: Scit risisse vafer, multum gaudere paratus, / Si Cynico barbam petulans nonaria vellet. Atrox haec contumelia, quam etiam Chanun, Hammonitarum rex, legatis a Davide missis irrogavit. Lib. II Samuel. cap. X. At mulieres circumtundebantur. Lucianus in Dialogis meretriciis: Εἴ τις δέ, ὦ Χρυσί, μήτε ζηλοτυπεῖ, μήτε ὀργίζεται, μήτε ἐρράπισέ ποτε, ἢ περιέκειρεν, ἢ τὰ ἱμάτια περιέσχισεν, ἔτι ἐραστὴς ἐκεῖνός ἐστιν; Herald.

"Why the insult of a smooth-shaven face," etc. The plucking of the beard was joined with the utmost disgrace. Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, book VII, chapter 14; Procopius on Isaiah, page 120; Herodian on Maximus and Balbinus. Elmenhorst. — Persius, Satire I, 132 ff.: "The sly fellow knows how to laugh, ready to rejoice greatly if a saucy strumpet plucks a Cynic's beard." This was a savage insult, which Hanun, king of the Ammonites, also inflicted on the envoys sent by David (II Samuel, chapter X). Women, on the other hand, had their hair cropped. Lucian in the Dialogues of the Courtesans: "But if a man, Chrysis, is neither jealous nor angry, has never slapped you or cropped your hair or torn your clothes, is he still a lover?" Heraldus.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: Suas aedes› · col 1206 Suas aedes. Ita Salmasius ex ms. Alii: suas sedes. Orell.

"Their own houses." So Salmasius from the manuscript. Others: "their own seats." Orelli.

(comm. 13) ‹lemma: XXII. — In quibus spretos se ultione in aliqua significare non curant› · col 1206 XXII. — In quibus spretos se ultione in aliqua significare non curant. Se addidit Fulv. Ursinus, sensu flagitante. Orell.

Chapter XXII. "In which they do not trouble to show by any vengeance that they have been scorned." Fulvius Ursinus added "se," as the sense demands. Orelli.

(comm. 14) ‹lemma: Philostephanus in Cypriacis auctor est, Pygmalionem› · col 1206 Philostephanus in Cypriacis auctor est, Pygmalionem, etc. Clemens, in Protrept. (p. 50 seq. ed. Potteri): Οὕτως ὁ Κύπριος ὁ Πυγμαλίων ἐκεῖνος ἐλεφαντίνου ἠράσθη ἀγάλματος. Τὸ ἄγαλμα Ἀφροδίτης ἦν, καὶ γυμνὴ ἦν· νικᾶται ὁ Κύπριος τῷ σχήματι, καὶ συνέρχεται τῷ ἀγάλματι· καὶ τοῦτο Φιλοστέφανος ἱστορεῖ. Ἀφροδίτη δὲ ἄλλη ἐν Κνίδῳ λίθος ἦν, καὶ καλὴ ἦν· ἕτερος ἠράσθη ταύτης, καὶ μίγνυται τῇ λίθῳ· Ποσίδιππος ἱστορεῖ. ὁ μὲν πρότερος, ἐν τῷ περὶ Κύπρου· ὁ δὲ ἕτερος, ἐν τῷ περὶ (continues)

"Philostephanus in his Cypriaca reports that Pygmalion," etc. Clement in the Exhortation (page 50 ff. of Potter's edition): "So that Cypriot Pygmalion fell in love with an ivory statue. The statue was of Aphrodite, and it was naked; the Cypriot is overcome by its form and has intercourse with the statue; Philostephanus records this too. Another Aphrodite at Cnidus was of stone, and beautiful; another man fell in love with her and coupled with the stone; Posidippus records it. The former in his work on Cyprus; the latter in his work on (continues)

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sacrilegis praedo irrisionibus jocaretur, si suberat numen in statua nomini ejus majestatique sacrata : cur oris contumeliam levigati, et dehonestati vultus non justa et merita persecutus est ultione, demonstravitque hoc facto se esse praesentem, et custodia pertinaci suas aedes simulacraque tutari?

the robber was jesting with sacrilegious mockeries, if the divinity was present beneath the statue consecrated to his name and majesty, why did he not avenge with just and deserved punishment the insult of his smoothed face and dishonoured countenance, and show by this deed that he was present, and that he guarded his temples and images with steadfast watch?

XXII. Nisi forte negligere deos dicitis haec damna, nec putare esse idoneam causam, propter quam se exerant, et nocentibus poenam violatae religionis infligant. Ergo si haec ita sunt, nec simulacra ipsa habere desiderant, quae convelli et diripi perpetiuntur impune : immo e contrario perdocent aspernari se illa, in quibus spretos ultione in aliqua significare non curant. Philostephanus in Cypriacis auctor est, Pygmalionem regem Cypri simulacrum Veneris, quod sanctitatis apud Cyprios et religionis habebatur antiquae,

XXII. Unless perhaps you say that the gods disregard these losses, and do not think there is a suitable cause on account of which they should put themselves forth and inflict upon the guilty the penalty of violated religion. Therefore, if these things are so, neither do they desire to have the images themselves, which they suffer to be torn down and plundered with impunity: nay, on the contrary, they thoroughly teach that they despise those things in which they do not care to signify by any vengeance that they have been spurned. Philostephanus in his Cypriaca is authority that Pygmalion, king of Cyprus, loved as a woman an image of Venus which was held among the Cyprians to be of ancient sanctity and religion,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1206

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adamasse ut foeminam, mente, anima, lumine rationis judiciique caecatis ; solitumque dementem, tamquam si uxoria res esset, sublevato in lectulum numine copularier amplexibus atque ore, resque alias agere libidinis vacuae imaginatione frustrabiles. Consimili ratione Posidippus in eo libro, quem scriptum super Gnido indicat, superque rebus ejus, adolescentem haud ignobilem memorat, sed vocabulum ejus obscurat, correptum amoribus Veneris, propter quam Gnidus in nomine est, amatorias et ipsum miscuisse lascivias, cum ejusdem numinis signo genialibus usum toris, et voluptatum consequentium finibus. Ut similiter rursum interrogem, si in aere, atque in materiis caeteris, quibus signa formata sunt, superorum potentiae delitescunt : ubinam gentium fuerant una atque altera Veneres, ut impudicam petulantiam juvenum propulsarent ab se

his mind, soul, and the light of reason and judgement being blinded; and that the madman was wont, just as if it were a wife, having lifted the divinity onto a couch, to join with it in embraces and mouth, and to do other things baffling by the imagination of an empty lust. In like manner Posidippus, in that book which he entitles as written concerning Cnidus and concerning its affairs, records that a youth far from ignoble—though he conceals his name—seized with love for the Venus on account of whom Cnidus is renowned, himself also mingled amatory wantonnesses with the statue of the same divinity, enjoying the marriage-couch and the consummations of consequent pleasures. To ask again in like manner: if in bronze and in the other materials of which statues are formed the powers of the gods above lie hid, where in the world had the one and the other Venus been, to drive away from themselves the shameless impudence of the youths

Editors' notes and page, col. 1207

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 606)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 1207

Ita Sab. Alii: vacua. Melius.

So Sabaeus. Others: "vacua" (empty). Better.

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: Philostephanus in Cypriacis auctor est, Pygmalionem — continued› · col 1207

(continued) Κνίδου. Canter. — Pygmalionem alii non regem, sed statuarium fuisse, et a se factae statuae amore arsisse referunt. Conf. Ovid. Metam. X, vers. 243 seqq. Pygmalionis statuarii meminit Philostratus, in Vita Apollonii, lib. V, cap. 5. De Veneris Cnidiae amoribus, vid. Plinius, Hist. Nat., lib. XXXVI, cap. 4 et 5. Val. Maximus, lib. VIII, cap. 11. Philostrat. de Vita Apollonii, lib VI, cap. 40. Similium amorum alia quaedam exempla memorat Aelianus, Var. Hist, lib. IX, cap. 39. Potter. ad Clement. l. l. — Callimachi Cyrenaei conterraneus et σύγχρονος sive aequalis eidemque familiaris fuit, ut auctor est Athenaeus, lib. VIII, pag. 331. De Civitatibus Asiae scripsisse idem narrat, lib. VII, p. 297; περὶ εὑρημάτων Clemens Alexandr., l. I Strom p. 308; περὶ νήσων Harpocration, v. Στρύμη; περὶ Κυλλήνης Schol. Pindari. Harduin., Ind. ad Plin. — De Philostephano Cyrenaeo, familiari Callimachi, vid. G. J. Voss., de Hist. Graec., lib. I, cap. 15. Scripsit inter alia opus περὶ Νήσων, cujus pars fuisse videtur liber ille de Cypro. Orell.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Animo› · col 1207 Animo. Edit. princeps et Gelenii: anima. Orell.

"In mind." The first edition and Gelenius's: "anima." Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Uxoria res› · col 1207 Uxoria res. Fulv. Ursinus: uxoris. Orell.

"A wifely matter." Fulvius Ursinus: "uxoris" (of a wife). Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Posidippus› · col 1207 Posidippus. Vid. supra ad hujus libri cap. 13.

Posidippus. See above on chapter 13 of this book.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Quem scriptum super Gnido indicat› · col 1207 Quem scriptum super Gnido indicat. Meurs, p. 196, legendum censet: indigitat. Sed nihil opus est mutatione. Nam indicat est inscribit, et librorum index ἐπιγραφή. Haec autem historia narrata et a Luciano in Amoribus. Herald.

"Which he indicates as written on Cnidus." Meursius, page 196, thinks "indigitat" should be read. But there is no need of change: for "indicat" means "entitles," and the "index" of books is their ἐπιγραφή (title). This story is also told by Lucian in the Amores. Heraldus.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Superque rebus ejus› · col 1207 Superque rebus ejus. Haec est emendatio Gelenii. Editio princeps: superque re a se ejus. Unde efficiebat Canterus: superque reapse, quam conjecturam confirmat ms. reg. Herald. — Stewechius conj.: superque reatu ejus, h. e. crimine. Vocabulum jureconsultis frequentatissimum. Equidem praefero lectionem Gelenii: super rebus ejus, scil. Gnidi, περὶ τῶν ἐν Κνίδῳ. Orell.

"And on its affairs." This is Gelenius's emendation. The first edition: "superque re a se ejus," from which Canter made "superque reapse," a conjecture which the royal manuscript confirms. Heraldus. — Stewech conjectures "superque reatu ejus," that is, on his crime, a word very frequent among the jurists. For my part I prefer Gelenius's reading, "on its affairs," namely of Cnidus: περὶ τῶν ἐν Κνίδῳ. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Obscurat› · col 1207 Obscurat. Id est, in obscuro relinquit, omittit. Nil amplius. Orell.

"Obscures." That is, leaves in obscurity, omits. Nothing more. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Propter quam Gnidus in nomine est› · col 1207 Propter quam Gnidus in nomine est. Ὀνομαστός ἐστιν. Dixit supra in opinione, cap. 13: Exemplarium fuisse perhibetur cunctarum, quae in opinione sunt, Venerum (Herald.) Sic etiam in fama, ut apud Graecos ἐν φήμῃ. ἐν ὀνόματι. Vid. Salmas. ad Tertullian., de Pallio, pag. 39. Orell.

"On account of which Cnidus is renowned." [That is,] ὀνομαστός ἐστιν. He said above "in opinione," chapter 13: "She is said to have been the model of all the Venuses that are of repute" (Heraldus). So also "in fama," as the Greeks say ἐν φήμῃ, ἐν ὀνόματι. See Salmasius on Tertullian, On the Cloak, page 39. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Genialibus usum toris et voluptatum consequentium finibus› · cols 1207–1208 Genialibus usum toris et voluptatum consequentium finibus. Secutus sum emendationem Meursii valde probabilem. Antea legebatur: genialibus fusum toris. Sed fusum cum sequenti finibus male congruit, possit tamen defendi tamquam zeugma vel syllepsis. Voluptatum fines sunt τὰ τέλη τῶν ἀφροδισίων die Befriedigung des Wollusttriebes. Orell.

"Enjoying the marriage bed and the consummations of the pleasures that follow." I have followed Meursius's very probable emendation. Before, "genialibus fusum toris" ("stretched on the marriage bed") was read; but "fusum" agrees badly with the following "finibus," though it could be defended as a zeugma or syllepsis. The "ends of pleasures" are τὰ τέλη τῶν ἀφροδισίων, "the satisfaction of the sexual drive." Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Ubinam gentium fuerant una atque altera Veneres, ut impudicam petulantiam› · col 1208 Ubinam gentium fuerant una atque altera Veneres, ut impudicam petulantiam, etc Puto legendum: ut non impudicam petulantiam. Orell.

"Where in the world were the one and the other Venus, that [they should drive] shameless wantonness," etc. I think "that [they should] not [drive] shameless wantonness" should be read. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Quantum fuerat, miseris furialia ut restinguerent gaudia› · col 1208 Quantum fuerat, miseris furialia ut restinguerent gaudia. Meurs. conj.: curandum fuerat, deleo puncto interrogationis post sensibus. Male. Quantum est pro quantillum, quam parvum, quam facile, ut centies apud veteres. Ita Phaedr. lib. II, Fab. VIII, vs. 23: ....... Tollere haec aranea / Quantum est laboris! Id est quam parum laboris. Et Lucanus, Phars., III, 392. Quantum est, quo fata tenentur! ubi vid. Burmann. p. 192, et Ernest. ad Tacit. Agricol. c. 15. Sic et Martialis: Quantum erat, infelix, pannis fraudare duobus / (Quid renuis?) non te, Naevole, sed tineas? quem locum apposite citat Heraldus. Orell.

"How little it would have been for them to quench the wretches' frenzied joys." Meursius conjectures "it would have been their concern," deleting the question mark after "sensibus." Wrongly. "Quantum est" stands for "how slight, how small, how easy," as a hundred times in the ancients. So Phaedrus, book II, fable VIII, verse 23: ".......To clear away these cobwebs, how much labour is it!", that is, how little labour. And Lucan, Pharsalia, III, 392: "How little it is by which the fates are held!", where see Burmann, page 192, and Ernesti on Tacitus, Agricola chapter 15. So too Martial: "How little it would have cost, wretch, to defraud of two rags (why do you shake your head?) not yourself, Naevolus, but the moths?", a passage Heraldus aptly cites. Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: XXIII. — Quod ab se subdi› · col 1208 XXIII. — Quod ab se subdi. Fulv. Ursinus conj. quod se subdi. Male. Orell.

Chapter XXIII. "That by themselves [it should be] set under." Fulvius Ursinus conjectures "that it be set under them." Wrongly. Orelli.

(comm. 13) ‹lemma: Cum Capitolium toties edax ignis absumeret› · col 1208 Cum Capitolium toties edax ignis absumeret, etc., etc. Et hunc etiam locum a Clemente mutuatus est. Ejus haec sunt verba (in Protrept., pag. 46, seq., ed. Potteri): Ἀλλ' οὔτι γε τὸ πῦρ καὶ οἱ σεισμοὶ κερδαλέοι, οὐδὲ μὴν φοβοῦνται ἢ δυσωποῦνται, οὐ τοὺς δαίμονας, οὐ τὰ ἀγάλματα, οὐ μᾶλλον ἢ τὰς ψηφίδας τὰς παρὰ τοῖς αἰγιαλοῖς σεσωρευμένας τοῖς κύμασιν· Οἶδα ἐγὼ πῦρ ἐλεγκτικὸν καὶ δεισιδαιμονίας ἰατικόν. Εἰ βούλει παύσασθαι τῆς ἀνοίας, φωταγωγήσει σε τὸ πῦρ. Τοῦτο τὸ πῦρ καὶ τὸν ἐν Ἄργει νεὼν σὺν καὶ τῇ ἱερείᾳ κατέφλεξε Χρυσίδι· καὶ τὸν ἐν Ἐφέσῳ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος, δεύτερον μετὰ Ἀμαζόνας, καὶ τὸ ἐν Ῥώμῃ Καπιτώλιον ἐπινενέμηται πολλάκις· οὐκ ἀπέσχετο δὲ οὐδὲ τοῦ ἐν Ἀλεξανδρέων πόλει Σαράπιδος ἱεροῦ. Ἀθήνησι γὰρ τοῦ Διονυσίου τοῦ Ἐλευθερέως κατήρειψε τὸν νεών· καὶ τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος πρότερον ἥρπασεν θύελλα, ἔπειτα ἠφάνισε πῦρ σωφρονοῦν. Τοῦτό σοι προοίμιον ἐπιδείκνυται, ὧν ὑπισχνεῖται τὸ πῦρ. Canter. — Conf. Lactant., lib. III, cap. 17, § 12 et 13. Orell. — Capitolium saepius fuisse exustum testantur historiae. Nam et bello servili fuit exustum, ut videre licet apud D. Augustinum, de Civ. Dei, lib. III, cap. 17, quod quidem fuit a Sylla restitutum. Vitelliana quoque seditione fuisse exustum, memorant Suetonius et Cornelius Tacitus. Vide Alexandr. ab Alexandro Genial. Dier., lib. V, cap. 11. Gentian. Hervet., ad Clement., l. l.

"When devouring fire so often consumed the Capitol," etc., etc. This passage too he has borrowed from Clement, whose words are these (Exhortation, page 46 f. of Potter's edition): "But fire and earthquakes are no respecters; they neither fear nor stand in awe of the demons or the images, any more than of the pebbles heaped up by the waves on the shores. I know a fire that convicts and heals superstition. If you will cease from your folly, the fire will light your way. This fire burned down the temple at Argos together with its priestess Chrysis; and that of Artemis at Ephesus, the second after the Amazons; and it has often fed upon the Capitol at Rome; nor did it spare the temple of Sarapis in the city of the Alexandrians. At Athens it threw down the temple of Dionysus Eleuthereus; and the temple of Apollo at Delphi a storm first carried off, then a chastening fire destroyed. This it shows you as a prelude to what fire promises." Canter. — Compare Lactantius, book III, chapter 17, §§ 12 and 13. Orelli. — The histories attest that the Capitol was burned more than once. It was burned in the Servile War, as may be seen in St Augustine, City of God, book III, chapter 17, and was restored by Sulla. Suetonius and Cornelius Tacitus record that it was also burned in the Vitellian sedition. See Alessandro Alessandri, Genial Days, book V, chapter 11. Gentian Hervet on Clement, at the place cited.

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longe, et contactus impios cruciabili coercitione punirent ? Aut, quoniam mites, et ingeniis tranquillioribus deae sunt, quantum fuerat, miseris furialia ut restinguerent gaudia, mentemque insanam recreatis reducerent sensibus?

afar, and punish their impious touches with tormenting restraint? Or, since the goddesses are mild and of calmer dispositions, how little a thing had it been to quench the frenzied joys for the wretched men, and to bring back their mad mind with restored senses!

XXIII. Nisi forte, ut vos fertis, libidinis et voluptatum deae contumelias istas habuere gratissimas ; nec ultione facinus existimavere condignum, quod suas quoque mulceret mentes, et quod ab se subdi humanis cupiditatibus scirent. Sed si deae Veneres ingeniis placidioribus praeditae, gerendum esse morem infortuniis judicavere caecorum, cum Capitolium toties edax ignis absumeret, Jovemque ipsum Capitolinum cum uxore corripuisset ac filia, ubinam fulminator tempore illo fuit, ut sceleratum illud arceret incendium, et a pestifero casu res suas ac semet, et cunctam familiam vindicaret? Ubi Juno regina,

XXIII. Unless perhaps, as you report, the goddesses of lust and pleasures held those insults most welcome; nor did they deem worthy of vengeance a deed which soothed their own minds also, and which they knew was suggested by themselves to human desires. But if the goddesses the Venuses, endowed with calmer dispositions, judged that indulgence should be shown to the misfortunes of blind men, when consuming fire so many times devoured the Capitol, and seized Capitoline Jove himself with his wife and daughter, where was the thunderer at that time to ward off that accursed conflagration, and to save his own possessions and himself and his whole household from a pestilential calamity? Where was Queen Juno,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1208

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cum inclytum ejus fanum sacerdotemque Chrysidem eadem vis flammae Argiva in civitate deleret ? Ubi Serapis Aegyptius, cum consimili casu jacuit solutus in cinerem, cum mysteriis omnibus, atque Iside ? Ubi Liber Eleutherius cum Athenis? ubi Diana, cum Ephesi? ubi Dodonaeus Jupiter, cum Dodonae? ubi denique Apollo divinus, cum a piratis maritimisque praedonibus et spoliatus ita est, et incensus, ut ex tot auri ponderibus, quae infinita congesserant saecula,

when the same force of flame destroyed her renowned sanctuary and her priestess Chrysis in the Argive city? Where was Egyptian Serapis, when by a like calamity he lay dissolved into ashes, with all his mysteries, and with Isis? Where was Liber Eleutherius, when at Athens? Where Diana, when at Ephesus? Where Dodonaean Jupiter, when at Dodona? Where finally the divine Apollo, when by pirates and sea-robbers he was both so despoiled and burned that out of so many weights of gold, which infinite ages had heaped together,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1209

Footnotes

[Image limit: the notes on this page begin above the rendered foot images in both columns. The first visible note in col 1209 starts mid-sentence, and col 1210 opens mid-note with words that do not follow on from the foot of col 1209. Any variant notes or note openings printed above the crop are NOT set here. Gaps are marked […].] COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: not visible (opening above the image); probably Arnobius's "Ubi Juno regina, cum Argis …"› · col 1209 […] tate deleret. Thucydides Hist. IV, cap. 133: Καὶ ὁ νεὼς τῆς Ἥρας τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέρους κατεκαύθη, Χρυσίδος τῆς ἱερείας λύχνον τινὰ θείσης ἡμμένον πρὸς τὰ στέμματα, καὶ ἐπικαταδαρθούσης· ὥστε ἔλαθεν ἀφθέντα πάντα καὶ καταφλεχθέντα. Καὶ ἡ Χρυσὶς μὲν εὐθὺς τῆς νυκτός, δείσασα τοὺς Ἀργείους, ἐς Φλειοῦντα φεύγει· οἱ δὲ ἄλλην ἱέρειαν ἐκ τοῦ νόμου τοῦ προκειμένου κατεστήσαντο, Φαεινίδα ὄνομα. Pausanias, lib. II, cap. 19, pag. 113, et lib. III, c. 36, p. 167, ed. Sylburgii, eamdem historiam referens Chrysidem hanc Tegeam ad Aleae Minervae aram confugisse memorat. Aliam itaque traditionem secuti Clemens et Arnobius. Conf. Pauli Leopardi Emendatt. lib. VI, cap. 11. Factum autem hoc incendium Olymp. LXXXIX 2 belli Peloponnesii anno 9 Urbis conditae, secundum Varronis computum. Orell.

[…] destroyed. Thucydides, History IV, chapter 133: "And the temple of Hera at Argos was burned down the same summer, when Chrysis the priestess set a lighted lamp near the garlands and then fell asleep, so that everything caught fire and was burned before anyone noticed. And Chrysis, that very night, fearing the Argives, fled to Phlius; and they appointed another priestess under the established law, Phaeinis by name." Pausanias, book II, chapter 19, page 113, and book III, chapter 36, page 167, of Sylburg's edition, telling the same story, records that this Chrysis took refuge at Tegea at the altar of Minerva Alea. Clement and Arnobius therefore followed another tradition. Compare Paolo Leopardi, Emendationes book VI, chapter 11. This fire took place in the 2nd year of the 89th Olympiad, the 9th year of the Peloponnesian War, in the year of the City [as printed], by Varro's reckoning. Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Ubi Serapis Aegyptius› · col 1209 Ubi Serapis Aegyptius, etc. De Serapidis templi exustione, de ea, inquam, quae fuit ante tempus Clementis, ne verbum quidem legi. De ejus autem excidio, quod fuit post tempus Clementis, vide Historicos ecclesiasticos. Gentian. Hervet.

"Where was Egyptian Serapis," etc. Of the burning of the temple of Serapis, I mean the one before Clement's time, I have not read a word. For its destruction, which came after Clement's time, see the ecclesiastical historians. Gentian Hervet.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Ubi Liber Eleutherius, cum Athenis› · col 1209 Ubi Liber Eleutherius, cum Athenis. Templi istius originem et descriptionem vide ap. Pausaniam in Atticis, p. 72, ed. Sylburg. De ejus autem incendio mentio nulla exstat. Gentian. Hervet.

"Where was Liber Eleutherius, when at Athens." For the origin and description of that temple see Pausanias in the Attica, page 72 of Sylburg's edition. Of its burning, however, no mention survives. Gentian Hervet.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Ubi Diana, cum Ephesi› · col 1209 Ubi Diana, cum Ephesi. Ita Sabaeus, Meursius, etc., rectissime. Gelenius: Epheso. Incensum id templum ab Herostrato nullam aliam ob causam, quam ut eo facinore perpetuam sibi famam compararet. Quae historia tritissima et tironibus nota. Orell.

"Where was Diana, when at Ephesus." So Sabaeus, Meursius and others, most rightly. Gelenius: "Epheso." That temple was set on fire by Herostratus for no other reason than to win himself everlasting fame by the crime: a story very well worn and known to beginners. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Ubi Dodonaeus Jupiter, cum Dodonae?› · col 1209 Ubi Dodonaeus Jupiter, cum Dodonae? Haec Arnobius de suo addidit. Quando hoc templum conflagraverit, incertum. Alii legunt: Dodone. Orell.

"Where was Dodonaean Jupiter, when at Dodona?" Arnobius added this of his own. When this temple burned is uncertain. Others read "Dodone." Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Ubi denique Apollo divinus› · col 1209 Ubi denique Apollo divinus, etc. De Delphici templi abolitione Pausanias, lib. X, pag. 618, ed. Sylb.: Οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τρόπον ὅντινα ἀφανισθῆναι συνέπεσε τῷ ναῷ κατὰ ταὐτὰ εἰρημένα εὕρισκον. Καὶ γὰρ ἐς χάσμα γῆς ἐκπεσεῖν αὐτὸν καὶ ὑπὸ πυρὸς τακῆναι λέγουσι. Τέταρτος δὲ ὑπὸ Τροφωνίου μὲν εἰργάσθη καὶ Ἀγαμήδους· λίθου δὲ αὐτὸν ποιηθῆναι μνημονεύουσι. Κατεκαύθη δὲ Ἐρξικλείδου μὲν Ἀθήνῃσιν ἄρχοντος, πρώτῳ δὲ τῆς ὀγδόης ὀλυμπιάδος ἔτει καὶ πεντηκοστῆς, ἣν Κροτωνιάτης ἐνίκα Διόγνητος. Idem multiplicia ejusdem templi fata recenset, p. 620, seqq. Orell.

"Where, finally, was divine Apollo," etc. On the destruction of the Delphic temple, Pausanias, book X, page 618 of Sylburg's edition: "Nor did I find the way the temple happened to vanish told in the same terms; for they say it fell into a chasm of the earth, and also that it was melted by fire. The fourth was built by Trophonius and Agamedes; they record that it was made of stone. It was burned when Erxicleides was archon at Athens, in the first year of the fifty-eighth Olympiad, in which Diognetus of Croton won." He also reviews the many fortunes of the same temple, page 620 ff. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Ne unum quidem habuerit scripulum› · cols 1209–1210 Ne unum quidem habuerit scripulum. Cod. scrypulum. Veteres scriptulum dicebant, ut graecam vocem γράμμα exprimerent: posteriores scripulum sine t. Sosipater Charisius, lib. I: Scriptulum, quod nunc vulgus sine t dicit. Rhemnius Fannius de Ponderibb., vs. 9: Γράμμα vocant nostri, scriptlum dixere priores. Glossae: Scripulum..... Γράμμα, σταθμός. Cur autem γράμμα dicatur, docet idem Rhemnius, vs. 24: ..... Unde putandum / Γράμματα dicta, quod haec viginti quatuor in se / Uncia habet. Vel legendum: ne unum quidem habuerit scrupulum. Ita effert Vitruvius, lib. VII, cap 8: Centenario sublato, si ibi auri scrupulum imponatur, natat in summo. […] rege devicto. Q. Aelio Tuberoni genero suo quinque pondo argenti ex praeda donaret. Et profecto scrupulum, non scripulum, Arnobium scripsisse adducor ut credam, cum Varronis verbis dicat, qui ita extulit quoque Plutophthoryne et Annali, quod fragmentum exstat apud Charisium, lib. I: Nummum argenteum conflatum primum a Servio Tullio dicunt, is quatuor scrupulis major fuit, quam nunc. Meursius, in Crit. Arnob., p. 197, seq. — Scriptulum, scripulum, scrypulum, scrupulum idem. Nos dicimus ein Gran. Conf., qui de h. v. multus est, Petr. Daniel ad Pseudoplauti Querol. p. 69, ed. Patavin. Sic et scripulos horarum dicit Cornel. Fronto, epist. ad. Marc.Caes. II, 1, pag. 69, ed. Ang. Maii: In singulis scripulis horarum frigidius, aut tepidius, aut horridius, fit. Orell.

"It would not have had even one scruple." The codex: "scrypulum." The ancients said "scriptulum," to render the Greek word γράμμα; later writers "scripulum" without the t. Sosipater Charisius, book I: "Scriptulum, which the common people now say without the t." Remmius Fannius, On Weights, verse 9: "Our people call it gramma; earlier writers said scriptlum." The Glossaries: "Scripulum ..... gramma, a weight." Why it is called gramma the same Remmius teaches, verse 24: "..... Whence one must think they are called grammata, because the ounce contains twenty-four of them." Or one should read "ne unum quidem habuerit scrupulum." So Vitruvius expresses it, book VII, chapter 8: "If a hundred-pound weight is lifted off and a scruple of gold placed there, it floats on the top." […] the king defeated, he gave his son-in-law Quintus Aelius Tubero five pounds of silver from the spoils. And I am indeed led to believe that Arnobius wrote "scrupulum," not "scripulum," since he speaks in the words of Varro, who also used that form in the Plutophthoryne and in the Annals, a fragment of which survives in Charisius, book I: "They say that silver coin was first cast by Servius Tullius; it was four scruples heavier than now." Meursius, Criticus Arnobianus, page 197 f. — Scriptulum, scripulum, scrypulum, scrupulum are the same. We say "a grain." Compare Pierre Daniel, who has much to say on this word, on the pseudo-Plautine Querolus, page 69 of the Padua edition. So Cornelius Fronto too speaks of "scruples of hours," letter to Marcus Caesar II, 1, page 69 of Angelo Mai's edition: "In every scruple of the hours it becomes colder, or warmer, or rougher." Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Hirundinibus hospitis› · col 1210 Hirundinibus hospitis. Nihil reconditi hic quaerendum, ut Heraldus autumat. Hospitae dicuntur hirundines, quia in templis, domibus aliisque aedificiis, quae homines inhabitant, nidos suos exstruunt, adeoque cara sunt animalia diis Penatibus. Ita ciconia etiam dicitur Petronio Sat., c. 55: ..... grata, peregrina, hospita, ubi vide Intpp. Alii: hospitiis; alii: hospitibus. Orell.

"By guest swallows." Nothing recondite is to be sought here, as Heraldus supposes. Swallows are called "guests" because they build their nests in temples, houses and other buildings where men live, and so are creatures dear to the household gods. So the stork too is called by Petronius, Satyricon chapter 55, "..... welcome, foreign, a guest"; see the commentators there. Others: "hospitiis"; others: "hospitibus." Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Varro ut dicit Menippeus› · col 1210 Varro ut dicit Menippeus. Sic ed. Lugd. Bat. e correctione L. Carrionis Emendd., lib. II, cap. 17. Menippeus dicitur Varro propter satyras quas scripsit Menippeas. Vid. A. Gell., Noct. Att., lib. II, cap. 18. Codex ms., et editio romana habent: Varro ut dicit se Theuipeus ostenderet, nullo sensu; unde Gelenius effecit: Varro ut dicit in Menippis. Meursius, p. 197: Varro ut dicit satiris Menippeis, vel: (Varro ut dicit) se denique ostenderet, scil. Apollo, vel etiam: se dein deus ostenderet. Sed omnibus praeferenda emendatio Carrionis. Orell.

"As Varro the Menippean says." So the Leiden edition, from Louis Carrion's correction, Emendationes book II, chapter 17. Varro is called "Menippean" for the Menippean satires he wrote. See Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights, book II, chapter 18. The manuscript and the Roman edition have "Varro ut dicit se Theuipeus ostenderet," which makes no sense; from it Gelenius made "as Varro says in the Menippean [satires]." Meursius, page 197: "as Varro says in the Menippean satires," or "(as Varro says) he finally showed himself," namely Apollo, or even "then the god showed himself." But Carrion's emendation is to be preferred to all. Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Et ipsi suspicione aversa nudaverint› · col 1210 Et ipsi suspicione aversa nudaverint. Stewechius mavult: suspectione, eodem sensu, scil. ita ut ipsi omnem abs se suspicionem averterent, ut nulla esset suspicio tam sanctos homines sacrilegos exstitisse. Orell.

"And they themselves, suspicion turned away, stripped them." Stewech prefers "suspectione," with the same sense: that is, so that they turned all suspicion from themselves, and there was no suspicion that men so holy had been sacrilegious. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Et obserata pandentes remedorum obscuritate Canacheni› · col 1210 Et obserata pandentes remedorum obscuritate Canacheni. Haec est lectio codicis ms., quam, cum loci hujus obscurissimi vera lectio incerta sit, retinere maluimus cum Salmasio. Quid sunt Canacheni? Gesnerus in Thesauro interpretatur fures astutos, forsitan ita dictos a Canacho, subtili artifice, de quo Plinius, Hist. Nat., lib. XXXIV, cap. 8: Canachus Apollinem nudum, qui Philesius cognominatur, in Didymaeo Aeginetica aeris temperatura: cervumque una ita vestigiis suspendit, ut linum subter pedes trahatur, alterno morsu digitis calceque retinentibus solum, ita vertebrato dente utrisque in partibus, ut a repulsu per vices resiliat. Idem et Celetizontas (h. e. κελητίζοντας, equum singularem regentes, desultorios) pueros fecit. Fortassis Canacheni sunt tales fures et sacrilegi, quales a Canacho illo anaglypho aliquo antiquitus celebrato ad vivum repraesentabantur. Heraldus autem in Curis secundis vocem Canacheni suspectam habens legendum suspicatur Saraceni, loci hujus explicationem in commentariis uberioribus promittens, qui autem lucem non viderunt. Certum quidem est Saracenos jam ante Arnobii tempora Romanis inno- (continues)

"And the Canacheni, opening what was barred by the obscurity of their devices." This is the reading of the manuscript, which, since the true reading of this very obscure passage is uncertain, we have preferred to keep, with Salmasius. What are the Canacheni? Gesner in his Thesaurus interprets them as cunning thieves, perhaps so called from Canachus, a subtle craftsman, of whom Pliny writes, Natural History, book XXXIV, chapter 8: "Canachus [made] a nude Apollo, surnamed Philesius, in the Didymaeum, in the Aeginetan alloy of bronze; and with it a stag, so poised on its feet that a thread can be drawn under them, heel and toes alternately gripping the ground, with a jointed tooth in both parts so that it springs back by turns from the push." He also made boys riding single horses, "Celetizontes" (that is, κελητίζοντας, riders of a single horse, vaulters). Perhaps the Canacheni are such thieves and temple-robbers as were represented to the life by that Canachus in some relief famous in antiquity. Heraldus, however, in his Second Thoughts, suspecting the word "Canacheni," conjectures that "Saraceni" should be read, promising an explanation of this passage in fuller commentaries, which never saw the light. It is certain indeed that the Saracens even before Arnobius's time were [known] to the Romans (continues)

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running head: 1209 LIBER SEXTUS
marginal letters: A cum inclytum ejus; B ἐπικαταδαρθούσης (in commentary); C Atticis, p. 72, ed. Sylburg. (in commentary); D Idem multiplicia ejusdem (in commentary)
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nec unum quidem habuerit scripulum, quod hirundinibus hospitis, Varro, ut dicit Menippeus, ostenderet? Infiniti operis res esset, in toto orbe describere, quae sint fana convulsa terrae motibus et tempestatibus ; quae incensa ab hostibus, quae ab regibus et tyrannis, quae antistites et sacerdotes ipsi suspicione aversa nudaverint ; quae ad ultimum fures, et obserata pandentes remedorum obscuritate Canacheni, quae tuta utique permanerent, et nullis

he did not have even a single scruple to show to his guest-swallows, as Varro the Menippean says? It would be a matter of infinite labour to describe in the whole world what sanctuaries have been shattered by earthquakes and tempests; what ones burned by enemies, what by kings and tyrants, what ones the chief priests and priests themselves have stripped bare after turning away suspicion; what ones finally thieves and Canacheni opening barred doors by the obscurity of spells have plundered—which certainly would remain safe, and exposed to no

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running head: LIBER SEXTUS. 1210
marginal letters: A cula, nec unum; B credam, cum Varronis (in commentary); C hospitibus. ORELL. (in commentary); D hujus obcurissimi (in commentary)
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obnoxia fortuitis, si adessent dii praesides, aut haberent aliquas templorum, quemadmodum dicitur, curas. Nunc vero, quia cassa sunt, et nullis habitationibus tecta, habet in illis fortuna jus suum, et perinde cunctis subjecta sunt casibus, quam sunt omnia caetera motu interiore privata.

chance accidents, if guardian gods were present, or had any care for the temples, as is said. Now, however, because they are empty, and protected by no indwellings, fortune holds her own right in them, and they are just as much subject to all accidents as are all other things deprived of inward motion.

XXIV. In parte hac eadem illud etiam dicere simulacrorum assertores solent, non ignorasse, antiquos nihil habere numinis signa, neque ullum omnino inesse his sensum ; sed propter indomitum atque imperitum vulgus, quae pars in populis atque in civitatibus maxima est, salutariter ea consilioque formasse : ut velut quadam specie objecta his numinum abjicerent asperitatem metu ; arbitratique praesentibus sese sub diis agere, facta impia deponerent, et ad humana officia morum mutatione transirent. Nec

XXIV. In this same part the defenders of images are wont to say this also, that the ancients were not ignorant that statues possess nothing of divinity, and that no sense at all is in them; but that on account of the untamed and ignorant rabble, which is the greatest part in peoples and in states, they formed them wholesomely and with design: so that a certain appearance of divinities being as it were set before them, they might cast away their savagery through fear; and supposing that they were acting beneath the eyes of present gods, might lay aside impious deeds, and pass over to human duties by a change of morals. Nor

Editors' notes and page, col. 1211

Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: Et obserata pandentes remedorum obscuritate Canacheni — continued› · col 1211

(continued) tuisse. Prima eorum memoratio fit sub Marco Antonino. Vide Ammianum Marcell., lib. XIV, cap. 4, qui eos ita describit: Saraceni nec amici nobis umquam nec hostes optandi, ultro citroque discursantes, quidquid inveniri poterat, momento temporis parvi vastabant, milvorum rapacium similes, qui si praedam dispexerint celsius, volatu rapiunt celeri, aut si impetraverint, non immorantur......... Apud has gentes, quarum exordiens initium ab Assyriis ad Nili cataractas porrigitur et confinia Blemyarum, omnes pari sorte sunt bellatores seminudi, coloratis sagulis pube tenus amicti, equorum adjumento pernicium graciliumque camelorum per diversa reptantes in tranquillis vel turbidis rebus; nec eorum quisquam aliquando stivam apprehendit, vel arborem colit, aut arva subigendo quaeritat victum: sed errant semper per spatia longe lateque distenta, sine lare, sine sedibus fixis aut legibus, et quae sequuntur lectu dignissima; ubi conf. notae Valesii, Reitemeier. ad Zosim., IV, 22, p. 638, et Gothofred. ad vet. orbis descript. sub Constantino Magno, p. 9. Potuit itaque nationis illius celeritas et artificium non tantum in rapinis, sed etiam in clandestinis furtis, effractione domorum, etc., ut hodie Cingarorum (der Zigeuner), in proverbium abire. Priora verba, et obserata pandentes remedorum obscuritate, nolim equidem temere mutare, neque cum Heraldo legere obserata pandentes remota obscuritate, neque cum Fulvio Ursino tenebrarum obscuritate, neque adeo cum Gesnero corrigere remediorum pro remedorum, quod dicere potuit Arnobius more scribendi antiquioribus usitato, qui concursum duarum vocalium sedulo vitantes scripserunt verbi causa alis pro alius, alimodi pro aliusmodi, ut docet Meursius in Critico Arnobiano, lib. II, cap. 17. Sed judicent doctiores. — Si pro remedorum obscuritate cum Heraldo in Curis secundis legamus remota omni obscuritate, tolerandum fortasse v. Canacheni. Sic enim Arnobius appellare videtur latrones, non furto doloque clandestino, sed vi aperta in domos irrumpentes portasque et januarum claustra effringentes, a κάναχος, tumultus, strepitus. Opp. fures, qui tacite et clanculum domos intrant. Canachenis respondet nostrum Bramarbas, Eisenfresser. Denique etiam Nourrius intelligit praedones, qui, si tenebrarum obscuritate legamus, noctu, vel, si remedorum obscuritate praeferamus, artibus magicis deorum simulacra aut spoliaverant, aut ex templis abstulerant. Remedorum pro remediorum antiquum est. Ita dicebant vulturus pro vulturius, etc. Orell.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Habitationibus tecta› · col 1211 Habitationibus tecta. Sic restituit Stewechius, sequente ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii: habitatoribus. Orell.

"Roofs for dwellings." So Stewech restored it, followed by the Leiden edition. Others: "habitatoribus" (for inhabitants). Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Subjecta› · col 1211 Subjecta Sabaeus: objecta. Orell.

"Subjecta": Sabaeus reads "objecta." Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: XXIV. — Sed propter indomitum atque imperitum vulgus› · cols 1211–1212 XXIV. — Sed propter indomitum atque imperitum vulgus. Haec est alia simulacrorum excusatio. Dicebant enim nonnulli, scire quidem sapientes, nullam esse in simulacris divinitatem, sed ea inventa, ut eorum contemplatione et aspectu imperitum vulgus in officio contineretur, quasi diis ubique praesentibus. Hanc eamdem doctrinam proponit M. Tullius, lib. II, de Legibus: Melius Graeci atque nostri, qui ut augerent pietatem in deos, easdem illos urbes, quas nos incolere voluerunt. Affert enim haec opinio religionem utilem civitatibus. Siquidem et illud bene dictum est a Pythagora, doctissimo viro, tum maxime et religionem, et pietatem versari in animis, quum rebus divinis operam daremus. Et quod Thales, qui sapientissimus in septem fuit, homines existimare oportere, omnia quae cernerent, deorum esse plena: fore enim omnes castiores, veluti quiin fanis essent, maxime religiosos. Est enim quaedam opinione species deorum in oculis, non solum in mentibus. Dicebant praeterea, imagines esse veluti libros plebeculae, et idcirco earum usum propter imperitum vulgus esse necessarium. Hoc ait apud Eusebium Porphyrius, libro III de Praeparat. Evangel.: Σοφίας θεολόγου νοήματα δεικνύς, οἷς καὶ τὸν Θεὸν καὶ τοῦ Θεοῦ τὰς δυνάμεις διὰ εἰκόνων συμφύλων αἰσθήσει ἐμήνυσαν ἄνδρες τὰ ἀφανῆ φανεροῖς ἀποτυπώσαντες πλάσμασι, τοῖς καθάπερ ἐκ βίβλων τῶν ἀγαλμάτων ἀναλέγειν τὰ περὶ θεῶν μεμαθηκόσι γράμματα. Θαυμαστὸν δὲ οὐδὲν ξύλα καὶ λίθους ἡγεῖσθαι τὰ ξόανα τοὺς ἀμαθεστάτους· καθὰ δὴ καὶ τῶν γραμμάτων οἱ ἀνόητοι, λίθους μὲν ὁρῶσι τὰς στήλας, ξύλα δὲ τὰς δέλτους, ἐξυφασμένην δὲ πάπυρον τοὺς βίβλους. Herald.

Chapter XXIV. "But for the sake of the untamed and ignorant common people." This is another excuse for the images. For some said that the wise know indeed that there is no divinity in images, but that they were devised so that by gazing at them and seeing them the ignorant populace might be kept to its duty, as if the gods were present everywhere. Marcus Tullius sets out this same doctrine in book II of On the Laws: "The Greeks and our own people did better, who, to increase piety towards the gods, willed that they should dwell in the same cities as we. For this belief brings a religion useful to states. Indeed Pythagoras, a most learned man, well said that piety and religion are most present in our minds when we are engaged in divine things; and Thales, the wisest of the Seven, that men ought to think that everything they see is full of gods, for all would then be purer, as if they were in temples, and most devout. For there is, by belief, a certain image of the gods before our eyes, and not only in our minds." They said further that images are like the books of the common folk, and that their use was therefore necessary for the sake of the ignorant populace. Porphyry says this in Eusebius, book III of the Preparation for the Gospel: "Showing the thoughts of a theological wisdom, in which men made known God and God's powers by images akin to sense, shaping the invisible in visible forms for those who have learned to read, as from books, the writing about the gods in the statues. It is no wonder that the most ignorant think the statues are wood and stone, just as those unlettered in writing see the inscribed slabs as stones, the tablets as wood, and books as woven papyrus." Heraldus.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Vulgus, quae pars in civitatibus maxima est› · col 1212 Vulgus, quae pars in civitatibus maxima est. Constructionem hanc notissimam pluribus illustrat L. Bunemann. ad Lactant., lib. IV, c. 16, p. 496, et Corte ad Sallustium aliquoties. Orell.

"The common people, which is the largest part in states." This very well-known construction is illustrated at length by L. Bünemann on Lactantius, book IV, chapter 16, page 496, and by Corte on Sallust several times. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Mutatione› · col 1212 Mutatione. Gelenius: immutatione. Orell.

"By change." Gelenius: "immutatione." Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Nec propter alium causam› · col 1212 Nec propter alium causam, etc. Lactantius, lib. II, cap. 7: Et quanto fuerint ornatiora templa, et pulchriora simulacra, tanto plus majestatis habere creduntur. Adeo religio deorum nihil aliud est, quam quod cupiditas humana miratur. Herald.

"Nor for any other reason," etc. Lactantius, book II, chapter 7: "And the more ornate the temples and the more beautiful the images, the more majesty they are believed to have. So true is it that the religion of the gods is nothing other than what human greed admires." Heraldus.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Quod ratione eum aliqua› · col 1212 Quod ratione eum aliqua. Ita Canterus ex editione Romana pro: ratione in aliqua, quod interpolaverat Gelenius. Sic Libro VII: Quod cum ratione aliqua et audiri forsitan potuisset et dici. Orell.

"Which with some reason." So Canter, from the Roman edition, for "ratione in aliqua," which Gelenius had interpolated. So in book VII: "which with some reason could perhaps have been both heard and said." Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Innocentiae pene interierit nomen› · col 1212 Innocentiae pene interierit nomen. Sic eleganter Graeci, quam rem penitus sublatam significare volunt, ejus ne nomen quidem superesse dicunt. Theocritus in Hierone: ἀράχνια δ' εἰς ὅπλ' ἀράχναι / Λεπτὰ διαστήσαιντο· βοᾶς δ' ἔτι μηδ' ὄνομ' εἴη. Herald.

"The very name of innocence has almost perished." So the Greeks elegantly, when they wish to signify that a thing has been utterly removed, say that not even its name survives. Theocritus in the Hiero: "May spiders spin their fine webs over the arms, and may not even the name of the war-cry remain." Heraldus.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Pariantur› · col 1212 Pariantur. Nescio quid in mentem venerit Stewechio hoc deducere a pario, are. Atqui contextus docet, pariantur, conjunctivum a pario, ere, pendere a (continues)

"Are brought forth." I do not know what came into Stewech's mind to derive this from "pario, -are" (to balance). But the context shows that "pariantur," a subjunctive of "pario, -ere" (to bring forth), depends on (continues)

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marginal letters: A obnoxia fortuitis; B humana officia; C errant semper (in commentary); D tate cum Heraldo (in commentary)
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propter aliam causam venerabiles formas auro eis argentoque quaesitas, nisi ut adesse vis quaedam ipsis in fulgoribus crederetur, quae non oculorum tantum perstringeret sensum, verum etiam mentes ipsas augustissimae lucis radiationibus territaret. Quod ratione cum aliqua videretur forsitan dici, si post condita deorum templa, atque instituta simulacra nullus esset in mundo malus, nulla omnino nequitia, justitia, pax, fides mortalium pectora possideret : neque quisquam in terris nocens, neque innocens diceretur, scelerosa opera nescientibus cunctis. Nunc vero cum contra malis omnia plena sint, innocentiae pene interierit nomen, per momenta, per puncta, examina maleficiorum nova noxiorum improbitate pariantur : dicere qui convenit, ad incutiendas formidines vulgo instituta simulacra ; cum praeter innumeras criminum

for any other cause were venerable forms sought for them in gold and silver, than that a certain power might be believed to be present in the brightnesses themselves, which should not only dazzle the sense of the eyes, but also terrify the very minds by the beamings of a most august light. Which perhaps might seem to be said with some reason, if after the founding of the temples of the gods and the setting up of images there were no evil man in the world, no wickedness at all, and justice, peace, and good faith possessed the breasts of mortals: and neither were anyone on earth called guilty nor innocent, all men being ignorant of wicked works. Now however, since on the contrary all things are full of evils, the name of innocence has almost perished, and every moment, every instant, new swarms of crimes are brought forth by the wickedness of the guilty: how is it fitting to say that images were instituted to strike terrors into the rabble, when besides innumerable forms of crimes

Editors' notes and page, col. 1212

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et facinorum formas ipsa etiam videamus templa sacrilegis violationibus appeti ab tyrannis, ab regibus, ab latronibus, et nocturnis a furibus ; ipsosque illos deos, quos ad metus faciendos, vetus finxit et consecravit antiquitas, vadere in antra praedonum, cum ipsis suis aureis metuendisque fulgoribus?

and outrages we see the very temples also assailed with sacrilegious violations by tyrants, by kings, by robbers, and by nightly thieves; and those very gods whom olden antiquity fashioned and consecrated to create fears, going into the dens of brigands, with their very own golden and dread-inspiring brightnesses?

XXV. Quid enim, si verum, et sine ulla gratificatione perspicias, signa ista quae dicunt, habent in se magnum, ut merito sperarit atque existimarit antiquitas, conspectu illorum posse frangi hominum vitia, et mores a maleficio temperari? Falx messoria scilicet, quae est attributa Saturno, metum fuerat injectura mortalibus, vitam vellent ut pacificam degere, ac malitiosas abjicere voluntates ; fronte Janus ancipiti, aut dentata illa, qua insignitus est, clavis ; riciniatus Jupiter atque barbatus, dextera fomitem sustinens perdolatum in fulminis morem ; Junonius ille caestus, aut militari sub galea puellula delitescens ; deum mater cum tympano ; cum tibiis, et cum psalteriis Musae ; Mercurius pinnatus Argiphontes ; Aesculapius baculo, Ceres mammis cum grandibus, aut in Liberi

XXV. For what great thing, if you look at the truth and without any partiality, do those statues of which they speak have in themselves, that antiquity should deservedly have hoped and judged that by the sight of them the vices of men could be broken, and their morals restrained from evil-doing? The reaping-sickle, forsooth, which is attributed to Saturn, was about to cast fear into mortals, that they should wish to lead a peaceful life and cast away malicious wills; Janus with double-facing brow, or that toothed key with which he is marked; Jupiter veiled with a mantle and bearded, holding in his right hand a chip of wood hewn in the manner of a thunderbolt; that girdle of Juno, or the little maiden hiding beneath a military helmet; the mother of the gods with her timbrel; the Muses with flutes and with psalteries; winged Mercury the slayer of Argus; Aesculapius with his staff, Ceres with huge breasts, or in the right hand of Liber

Editors' notes and page, col. 1213

Footnotes

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 609)

(a) ‹anchor: Mercurius pinnatus Argiphontes;› · call in col 1213

Argiforontes ms. Inepte.

"Argiforontes" the manuscript. Absurdly.

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dextera pendens potorius cantharus ; Mulciber fabrili cum habitu ; aut fortuna cum cornu, pomis, ficis, aut frugibus autumnalibus pleno ; semitectis femoribus Diana ; aut ad libidinem concitans Venus nuda ; Anubis canina cum facie ; aut genitalibus propriis inferior Priapus.

a hanging drinking-tankard; Mulciber in a smith's garb; or Fortune with her horn full of apples, figs, or autumn fruits; Diana with half-covered thighs; or naked Venus inciting to lust; Anubis with a dog's face; or Priapus smaller than his own genitals.

XXVI. O species formidinum dirae, metuendique terrores, propter quos genus hominum torpedine in perpetua affigeretur, nihil moliretur, attonitum, ab omnique se actu sceleroso flagitiosoque fraenaret ! Falciculae, claves, caliendra, fomites, talaria, baculi, tympaniola, tibiae, psalteria, mammae, promptae, atque ingentes, cantharuli, forcipes, cornuaque pomifera, nuda corpora foeminarum, et veretrorum magnitudines publicatae. Nonne satius fuerat saltitare, cantare, quam sub titulo gravitatis, et severitatis, obtentu tam frigida, tamque inepta narrare simulacra, ab antiquis ad peccata cohibenda, et ad nocentium formata impiorumque formidines ? Usque adeone mortales saeculi illius ac temporis corde

XXVI. O dread forms of terrors, and fears to be dreaded, on account of which the race of men should be fastened down in perpetual stupor, attempt nothing, thunderstruck, and bridle itself from every wicked and shameful act! Little sickles, keys, head-dresses, wood-chips, winged sandals, staves, little timbrels, flutes, psalteries, breasts exposed and huge, little tankards, tongs, and fruit-bearing horns, naked bodies of women, and the huge sizes of privy members made public! Had it not been better to dance and sing, than under the title of gravity and the pretext of severity to tell of images so frigid and so silly as having been formed by the ancients to restrain sins and for the terrors of the guilty and impious? To such a degree were the mortals of that age and time

Editors' notes and page, col. 1214

Footnotes

(b) ‹anchor: hominum› · call in col 1214

Ita Sab. Alii: humanum.

So Sabaeus. Others: "humanum."

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: Pariantur — continued› · col 1213

(continued) praecedenti cum, et in verbis demum dicere qui convenit, etc., sequi apodosin. Orell.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Sacrilegis violationibus› · col 1213 Sacrilegis violationibus. Stewechius mavult: sacrilegiis violationibus, quod non abhorret a stylo Arnobii synonyma talia congerentis. Orell.

"By sacrilegious violations." Stewech prefers "by sacrileges, violations," which is not foreign to the style of Arnobius, who heaps up such synonyms. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: XXV. — Fronte Janus ancipiti aut dentata illa qua insignitus est clavis› · col 1213 XXV. — Fronte Janus ancipiti aut dentata illa qua insignitus est clavis. Ovidius, Fast. I, 95.: Tum sacer, ancipiti mirandus imagine, Janus. Et vs. 99: Ille tenens dextra baculum, clavemque sinistra. Elmenh.

Chapter XXV. "Janus with his double brow, or with that toothed key by which he is marked." Ovid, Fasti I, 95: "Then holy Janus, wondrous in his two-faced form." And verse 99: "He, holding a staff in his right hand and a key in his left." Elmenhorst.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Riciniatus Jupiter› · col 1213 Riciniatus Jupiter. Non togatus viriliter, ut quidam exponunt, sed caliendro tectus, tamquam ricinio, sive lacinia togae in caput rejecta. Hanc enim veram esse hujus loci explicationem, ostendunt quae sequuntur postea: Falciculae, claves, caliendria, fomites, etc. Glossae: Rica, μίτρα. Isidorus in Glossis: Ricinius verticum vocatus est, quod rejectum de toga in verticem. In his verbis vitii aliquid est. Idem in Originibus. lib. XIX, cap. 25: Stola matronale operimentum, quod cooperto capite et scapula a dextro latere in laevum humerum mittitur. Stola autem Graece vocatur, quod superemittitur. Eadem et ricinium latino nomine appellatur, eo quod dimidia ejus pars retro rejicitur, quod vulgo mavortem dicunt. Vocatam autem dicunt mavortem quasi Martem. Signum enim maritalis dignitatis et potestatis in eo est. Riciniatus itaque Jupiter quasi stolatus. Herald. — Conf. Varro, de Ling. Lat., lib. IV, pag. 37, ed. Bipont. Interpretes ad XII Tabulas distinguunt duplex ricinium, alterum muliebre, alterum virile. Vid. Th. Marcilius in S. Leuwii Auctoribus Juris Civilis Romani, pag. 300. Orell.

"Jupiter in a ricinium." Not in a man's toga, as some explain, but covered with a caliendrum, as with a ricinium, that is, a flap of the toga thrown back over the head. That this is the true explanation of the passage is shown by what follows later: "little sickles, keys, headdresses, tinder," etc. The Glossaries: "Rica: a headband (μίτρα)." Isidore in the Glosses: "The ricinium is so called from the top of the head, because it is thrown back from the toga onto the head." There is some fault in these words. The same in the Etymologies, book XIX, chapter 25: "The stola is a matron's covering, which, the head and shoulder being covered, is passed from the right side onto the left shoulder. It is called stola in Greek because it is thrown over. The same is also called by the Latin name ricinium, because half of it is thrown back; commonly they call it mavors. They say it is called mavors as if Mars, for there is in it a sign of marital dignity and power." Jupiter "riciniatus," then, is as it were Jupiter in a stola. Heraldus. — Compare Varro, On the Latin Language, book IV, page 37 of the Bipontine edition. The commentators on the Twelve Tables distinguish a twofold ricinium, the one a woman's, the other a man's. See Th. Marcile in S. Leeuwen's Auctores Juris Civilis Romani, page 300. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: Fomitem› · col 1213 Fomitem. Fomes est materia sicca et arida, quae facile ignescit, vel etiam scintillae sunt, quae ex candenti ferro excutiuntur. Nour., pag. 490. — H. l. igitur Feuerkiel. Orell.

"Tinder." "Fomes" is dry, parched matter that easily catches fire, or else the sparks struck out of glowing iron. Le Nourry, page 490. — Here, then, a "Feuerkiel" (fire-shaft). Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Junonius ille caestus› · col 1213 Junonius ille caestus. Caestus non tantum Veneri, sed et Junoni tribuitur. Martialis: A te Juno petat caeston et ipsa Venus. Turneb., Advers., lib. XIII, cap. 27.

"That girdle of Juno." The girdle is attributed not only to Venus but also to Juno. Martial: "From you let Juno beg the girdle, and Venus herself." Turnèbe, Adversaria, book XIII, chapter 27.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Militari sub galea puellula delitiscens› · cols 1213–1214 Militari sub galea puellula delitiscens. Prudentius, libro II Contra Symmach.: Non armata Venus, non tunc clypeata Minerva / Venere auxilio. Elmenh.

"A little girl hiding under a soldier's helmet." Prudentius, book II Against Symmachus: "Not armed Venus, not Minerva with her shield, came then to help." Elmenhorst.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Cum psalteriis Musae› · col 1214 Cum psalteriis Musae. Videtur h. l. Arnobius psalteria dixisse, sensu generali, de instrumentis musicis fidibus obductis, adeoque de lyris et citharis, quae Musis attribuuntur. Proprie enim psalterium differt a cithara decem constans chordis. Vide Isidor. Origg. II, cap. 2; Gesner., in Thes., et Graev., ad Cic. Orat., de Harusp. Respons., cap. 21. Orell.

"The Muses with their psalteries." Arnobius seems here to have said "psalteria" in a general sense, of musical instruments strung with strings, and so of the lyres and citharas attributed to the Muses. For properly the psaltery, having ten strings, differs from the cithara. See Isidore, Etymologies II, chapter 2; Gesner in his Thesaurus; and Graevius on Cicero's speech On the Response of the Haruspices, chapter 21. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Aesculapius baculo› · col 1214 Aesculapius baculo. Ovidius, lib. XV Metam., 654 seqq: .... Sed qualis in aede / Esse solet, baculumque tenens agreste sinistra / Caesariem longae dextra deducere barbae. Elmenh.

"Aesculapius with his staff." Ovid, Metamorphoses book XV, 654 ff.: ".... but as he is wont to be in his temple, holding a rustic staff in his left hand and with his right stroking the hair of his long beard." Elmenhorst.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Aut Fortuna cum cornu› · col 1214 Aut Fortuna cum cornu, etc. Vide de cornu pomifero Fortunae attributo doctissime disputantem Ez. Spanhem., de Praest. et usu numism., dissert. 13, tom. II, pag. 536, et seqq. Orell.

"Or Fortune with her horn," etc. On the fruit-bearing horn attributed to Fortune see Ezechiel Spanheim's very learned discussion, On the Excellence and Use of Coins, dissertation 13, volume II, page 536 ff. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹lemma: Anubis canina cum facie› · col 1214 Anubis canina cum facie. Prudentius contra Unionitas: Quaeve superstitio tam sordida? quae caniformem / Latrantemque throno coeli praeponat Anubim. Elmenh.

"Anubis with a dog's face." Prudentius against the Unionites: "Or what superstition so base, as to set dog-shaped, barking Anubis on the throne of heaven?" Elmenhorst.

(comm. 12) ‹lemma: XXVI. — Torpidine in perpetua affigeretur› · col 1214 XXVI. — Torpidine in perpetua affigeretur. Meursius mavult affligeretur. Sed affigi est multo significantius et torpori proprium. Orell.

Chapter XXVI. "Should be fixed in perpetual torpor." Meursius prefers "affligeretur" (be struck down). But "affigi" is much more expressive and proper to torpor. Orelli.

(comm. 13) ‹lemma: Caliendra› · col 1214 Caliendra. Sic legendum pro caliendria, quod habet editio Romana. Glossae: Caliendrum, κόσμιον κεφαλῆς. Horatius, lib. I, sat. VIII, 48: Canidiae dentes, altum Saganae caliendrum / Excidere. Ubi Acron: Caliendrum dicitur ornatus capitis mulierum, sive suppositus crinis, quem pro naturalibus capillis accipiebant. Meurs. pag. 198. — Conf. Auson. Popm. ad Varronis Fragment., pag. 396, ed. Bipont. qui caliendrum exponit velamentum capitis instar galeri altum atque elatum. Videtur autem h. l. Arnobius intellexisse ricinium, quod Graeci vocabant κρήδεμνον vel θέριστρον, cum in praecedenti capite riserit Jovem riciniatum. Vide Baxter. Ad Horatii l. l. G. Cuper., Obss., lib. III, cap. 14, et Turneb., Adversar., lib. VII, cap 20. Orell.

"Headdresses." So it should be read for "caliendria," which the Roman edition has. The Glossaries: "Caliendrum: an ornament of the head." Horace, book I, Satire VIII, 48: "Canidia's teeth and Sagana's tall wig fell out." Where Acron: "A caliendrum is a women's head-ornament, or false hair put on, which they wore in place of natural hair." Meursius, page 198. — Compare Ausonius Popma on the Fragments of Varro, page 396 of the Bipontine edition, who explains the caliendrum as a head-covering high and raised like a cap. But here Arnobius seems to have meant the ricinium, which the Greeks called κρήδεμνον or θέριστρον, since in the preceding chapter he mocked Jupiter "riciniatus." See Baxter on Horace at the place cited; G. Cuper, Observationes, book III, chapter 14; and Turnèbe, Adversaria, book VII, chapter 20. Orelli.

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fuerant vacui, rationis sensusque nullius, ut ab actionibus improbis tamquam parvuli pusiones, personarum monstruosissima torvitate sannis etiam constringerentur et maniis? Et unde est in contrarium res versa, ut cum tam multa in civitatibus templa sint plena omnium simulacris deorum, tot legibus et generibus suppliciorum tantis, iri obviam nequeat multitudini noxiorum : neque ullis remediis audacia possit abscidi : tantoque se magis maleficia congeminata multiplicent, quanto legibus judiciisque contenditur imminuere facta crudelia, et poenarum coercitione sedare? Quod si metus aliquos infligerent simulacra mortalibus, legum latio cessaret, nec tam diversae cruces facinorosorum constituerentur audaciae. Nunc vero quia constitit, comprobatumque est, reipsa inanem esse opinionem timoris, qui ab signis dicatur effluere, ad legum decursum est sanctiones :

empty of heart, and of no reason and sense, that like tiny little boys they should be restrained from wicked actions by the most monstrous grimness of masks, and even by grimaces and bugbears? And whence has the matter been turned to the contrary, that although so many temples in the cities are full of the images of all the gods, with so many laws and such great kinds of punishments, the multitude of the guilty cannot be met, nor can audacity be cut off by any remedies, and redoubled crimes multiply themselves all the more, the more it is striven by laws and courts to diminish cruel deeds and to allay them by the restraint of punishments? Whereas if images inflicted any fears upon mortals, the enacting of laws would cease, nor would such diverse crosses be set up for the audacity of criminals. Now however, because it has been established and proved by the fact itself that the opinion of fear which is said to flow forth from statues is empty, recourse has been had to the sanctions of laws,

Editors' notes and page, col. 1215

Footnotes

COMMENTARIUS (comm. 1) ‹lemma: Corde fuerunt vacui› · col 1215 Corde fuerunt vacui. Meursius conj.: corde fuerant vacui. Orell.

"They were empty of heart." Meursius conjectures "fuerant" (they had been). Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹lemma: Personarum monstruosissima torvitate, sannis etiam constringerentur et maniis› · cols 1215–1216 Personarum monstruosissima torvitate, sannis etiam constringerentur et maniis. Secutus sum emendationem felicissimam Salmasii. Editio princeps habet inquinatissime: monstruosissimas torvitates annis etiam constringerentur et manus e cod. ms., qui pro annis habet annuis, nullo sensu; unde Gelenius et Fulv. Ursinus fecerunt: Monstruosissima torvitate animos etiam constringerentur et manus. Meursius in Appendice legendum putat: monstruosissima torvitate animis etiam constringerentur et manibus. (De formis monstruosus et monstrosus, hirtuosus et hirtosus vid. Oudend. ad Apulei. Met. V, p. 350.) Sed verissima et lenissima simul emendatio est Salmasii, quam optimus sui interpres ipse explicat in Commentario ad Tertullian. de Pallio, pag. 300. Haec afferens: « Manias turpes deformesque personas esse, aut larvas, quas nutrices minitantur pueris, ex Festo sciunt docti. Sannae sunt ridiculae aut etiam horribiles vultus distortiones, quas grimacias (Fratzengesichter) vulgo dicimus, quibus pueruli terrentur. Hinc sanniones, qui facie magis quam facetiis ridiculi sunt. » Hancque correctionem felicissimam probat etiam Ruhnkenius ὁ μακαρίτης ad Timaei Lexic. Platon. v. μερμορύττει, pag. 181 ed. novae, nisi quod pro sannis mavult legere Lamiis, citans Casaubonum ad Strabon. I, pag. 36, qui tales puerorum terriculas recenset, Lamiam, Gellonem, Gorgonem, Maniam. Sed equidem multum praefero sannis, quae est vera ms. codicis lectio (excepta tantum prima litera retracta ad praecedentem vocem torvitate ab inscio librario), et contextui accommodatissima. Eodem sensu sannae apud Persium Sat. V, vs. 91. Disce; sed ira cadat naso, rugosaque sanna. Sententiam quod attinet, conferri meretur cum nostro Seneca, de Const. Sap., cap. 4: Ut non dolore tantum, sed doloris opinione vexemur, more puerorum, quibus metus incutit umbra et personarum deformitas et depravata facies. Conf. Ruhnken. ad Timaei l. l. Orell.

"They would be held in check by the most monstrous grimness of masks, by grimaces too and bogey-masks." I have followed Salmasius's most happy emendation. The first edition has, most corruptly, "monstruosissimas torvitates annis etiam constringerentur et manus," from the manuscript, which for "annis" has "annuis," making no sense; from this Gelenius and Fulvius Ursinus made "by the most monstrous grimness they would be held in check in their minds also, and their hands." Meursius in his Appendix thinks one should read "by the most monstrous grimness they would be held in check in mind also and in hand." (On the forms "monstruosus" and "monstrosus," "hirtuosus" and "hirtosus," see Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses V, page 350.) But the truest and at the same time the gentlest emendation is Salmasius's, which he himself, its best interpreter, explains in his Commentary on Tertullian's On the Cloak, page 300, saying: "That maniae are ugly, misshapen masks, or bogeys with which nurses threaten children, the learned know from Festus. Sannae are comic or even horrible distortions of the face, which we commonly call grimaces (Fratzengesichter), by which little boys are frightened. Hence 'sanniones,' who are comic more by their face than by their wit." Ruhnken of blessed memory also approves this most happy correction, on Timaeus's Platonic Lexicon under μερμορύττει, page 181 of the new edition, except that for "sannis" he prefers to read "Lamiis," citing Casaubon on Strabo I, page 36, who lists such terrors of children: Lamia, Gello, Gorgo, Mania. But I for my part much prefer "sannis," which is the true reading of the manuscript (except only that its first letter was drawn back onto the preceding word "torvitate" by an ignorant copyist), and best suited to the context. "Sanna" is used in the same sense in Persius, Satire V, verse 91: "Learn; but let the anger drop from your nose, and the wrinkled sneer." As for the thought, it deserves comparison with our Seneca, On the Constancy of the Wise Man, chapter 4: "So that we are troubled not only by pain but by the idea of pain, like children, whom a shadow, the ugliness of masks and a distorted face strike with fear." Compare Ruhnken on Timaeus at the place cited. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹lemma: Nec tam diversae cruces› · col 1216 Nec tam diversae cruces, etc. Cruces pro suppliciis in genere supra habuimus, lib. I, cap. 17. Orell.

"Nor such diverse crosses," etc. We have had "cruces" for punishments in general above, book I, chapter 17. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹lemma: Etiam fixa constitutaque damnatio› · col 1216 Etiam fixa constitutaque damnatio. Sic restituit Stewechius e cod. ms. pro affixa, quod antea legebatur; fixa, id est rata, certa, indubia. Orell.

"Even a fixed and established condemnation." So Stewech restored it from the manuscript, for "affixa," which was read before; "fixa," that is, ratified, certain, beyond doubt. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹lemma: XXVII. — Circumlocutionibus› · col 1216 XXVII. — Circumlocutionibus, Fulv. Ursinus conj. circumlationibus. Male. Orell.

Chapter XXVII. "By circumlocutions": Fulvius Ursinus conjectures "circumlationibus" (by carryings-around). Wrongly. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹lemma: Attribuamus› · col 1216 Attribuamus. Ita Meursius ex ms. Alii: tribuamus. Orell.

"Let us attribute." So Meursius from the manuscript. Others: "tribuamus." Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹lemma: Appellare nos atheos› · col 1216 Appellare nos atheos. Ad sacrificia scilicet coacti sunt christiani, quia nullum evidentius signum erat deos colendi; unde et PIETAS in nummis cernitur cum instrumentis sacrificio adhiberi solitis, quod quia facere recusabant, athei audiebant. Gisb. Cuper., ad Lactant., de Mortib. persecut., cap. 10, pag. 152, ed. Bauldri.

"To call us atheists." The Christians, that is, were forced to sacrifice, because there was no clearer sign of worshipping the gods; hence PIETAS (Piety) is seen on coins with the implements used in sacrifice; and because they refused to do this, they were called atheists. Gisbert Cuper on Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, chapter 10, page 152 of Baudry's edition.

(comm. 8) ‹lemma: Poenas etiam capitis irrogare› · col 1216 Poenas etiam capitis irrogare. Poenas, supplicia, bellum, arma, manus, vim, mortem, etc., irrogare pro inferre latinitatis esse ecclesiasticae, docent J. Fr. Gronov., monobibl., in script. eccles., cap. 1, pag. 15, et P. Bauldri, ad Lactant., de Mortib. persecut. cap. 1, pag. 13. Orell.

"To inflict even capital punishments." That "irrogare" with punishments, tortures, war, arms, hands, violence, death and the like, for "inferre" (to inflict), belongs to ecclesiastical Latin is shown by J. F. Gronovius, Monobiblos on the Church Writers, chapter 1, page 15, and by P. Baudry on Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, chapter 1, page 13. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹lemma: Quod quidem nos fatemur› · col 1216 Quod quidem nos fatemur. Ita Meursius, sequente Lugd. Bat. Antea: quod quidem non nos fatemur. Orell.

"Which indeed we confess." So Meursius, followed by the Leiden [edition]. Before: "which indeed we do not confess." Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹lemma: Hujus potentias nominis› · col 1216 Hujus potentias nominis. Meursius: numinis. Male. Orell.

"The powers of this name." Meursius: "numinis" (of this divinity). Wrongly. Orelli.

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a quibus formido esset certissima etiam fixa, constitutaque damnatio : quibus debent et ipsa simulacra, quod incolumia adhuc perstant, et honoris alicujus concessione munita.

from which there might be a most certain fear, and even a fixed and established condemnation: to which the images themselves also owe it that they still remain unharmed, and fortified by the grant of some honour.

XXVII. Sed quoniam satis, ut res tulit, quam inaniter fiant simulacra, monstratum est : de sacrificiis deinceps, de caedibus atque immolationibus hostiarum, de mero, de thure, deque aliis omnibus, quae in parte ista confiunt, possit ordo quam paucis et sine ullis circumlocutionibus dicere. In hac enim consuestis parte, invidias nobis tumultuosissimas concitare, appellare nos atheos ; et quod minime attribuamus diis, poenas etiam capitis belluarum crudelitatibus irrogare. Quod quidem nos fatemur non contemptu facere, atque aspernatione divina ; sed quod existimemus, hujus potentias nominis nihil tale deposcere, neque rerum hujusmodi cupiditatibus attineri.

XXVII. But since it has been sufficiently shown, as the matter allowed, how vainly images are made: next, concerning sacrifices, concerning the slaughters and immolations of victims, concerning unmixed wine, concerning frankincense, and concerning all the other things which are done in that department, the order of our discourse may allow us to speak in as few words as possible and without any circumlocutions. For in this department you have been accustomed to stir up the most tumultuous hatreds against us, to call us atheists, and because we by no means render these things to the gods, to inflict even punishments of death with the cruelties of wild beasts. This indeed we confess we do, not from contempt and spurning of the divine, but because we judge that the powers of this name demand nothing of the kind, nor are held fast by desires for things of this sort.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1216