Arnobii Afri Disputationum adversus gentes liber tertius

COMMENTARIUS (lemma-keyed commentary, no call letters; the page's notes run across both columns) (printed under page 471) (I) ‹anchor: Neque enim stare› · lemma in col 938 I. — Neque enim stare sine assertoribus non potest religio christiana. Stare hoc loco significat permanere et perdurare, ut ap. Virgil., Æn. IV, 539 : Et bene apud memores veteris stat gratia facti. Sueton. in Oth., c. 5 : Neque enim dissimulabat, nisi principem se stare non posse nihilque referre, ab hoste in acie, an in foro sub creditoribus caderet. Vet. interpres Libri Ecclesiast. (Jesu Siracidæ), c. XL. : Fides in sæculum stabit. ELMENH.—Cod. ms. habet : Neque enim restare, etc., quod defendere conatur Meursius in Append., et Salmas., in Exercitt. Plin., ad Solin., p. 21. Restare verbum antiquum pro stare, permanere, adstruens exemplo Propertii III, el. VIII, 31 : Dum vincunt Danai, dum restat barbarus Hector. Idem tamen retractasse videtur hanc sententiam ; nam in editione Lugd. Bat. locum ita dedit : Neque enim res stare sine assertoribus non potest, et religio christiana, ubi et esset idem quod id est. Vide ad lib. II, (continues)

I. — "For the Christian religion cannot fail to stand without defenders." "Stand" here means to remain and endure, as in Virgil, Aeneid 4.539: "And gratitude for a past deed stands firm among those who remember it." Suetonius, Otho, ch. 5: "For he did not hide that unless he were emperor he could not stand, and that it made no difference whether he fell to the enemy in battle or to his creditors in the forum." The old translator of the Book of Ecclesiasticus (Jesus son of Sirach), ch. 40: "Faith shall stand for ever." ELMENHORST. — The manuscript has "Neque enim restare," etc., which Meursius tries to defend in his Appendix, and Salmasius in his Plinian Exercises on Solinus, p. 21, maintaining that "restare" is an old verb for "stare," "to remain," by the example of Propertius 3, elegy 8, 31: "While the Danaans conquer, while barbarian Hector still stands." Yet he seems to have retracted this view, for in the Leiden edition he gave the passage thus: "For a thing cannot fail to stand without defenders, and the Christian religion," where "et" would be the same as "id est" ("that is"). See on Book II, (continues)

(printed under page 471)

LIBER TERTIUS.

BOOK THE THIRD.

INDEX CAPITUM.

INDEX OF CHAPTERS.

Christiana religio ab eximiis viris jamdudum satis superque adserta; quae tamen nullo prorsus vindice indiget per seipsam plane inconcussa. Cap. 1.

The Christian religion has long since been asserted enough and more than enough by eminent men; yet it needs no defender at all, being of itself wholly unshaken. Ch. 1.

Interceptam defensionem resumens Arnobius, ethnicis respondet, cur christiani deos nec colerent nec adorarent. In Deo rerum omnium creatore quidquid colendum et adorandum est, a christianis coli et adorari. Si qui ergo dii sint, ab illo originem suam ducunt atque in eo coluntur. Cap. 2, 3.

Resuming the defence that had been broken off, Arnobius answers the heathen as to why the Christians neither worshipped nor adored the gods. Whatever is to be worshipped and adored is in God, the creator of all things, and is worshipped and adored by the Christians. If, therefore, there are any gods, they draw their origin from Him and are worshipped in Him. Chs. 2, 3.

At illos revera esse deos probari numquam potuit ab ethnicis quibus incompertum semper fuit, aut unde nomina sua acceperint, aut quanta sit eorum multitudo. Cap. 4, 5.

But that they are in truth gods could never be proved by the heathen, to whom it was always unknown either whence they received their names or how great their multitude is. Chs. 4, 5.

Ulterius progreditur auctor atque ex his quae ethnici de diis suis praedicabant, nullos esse apertissime demonstrat. Primo enim deos mares et feminas venerabantur, at divinam naturam nullius esse sexus capacem comprobatur. Praeterea si dii gentium generare ac generari possent, quum fingantur immortales, jam infinitus esset eorum numerus. Cap. 6, 7, 8, 9.

The author goes further and, from the very things which the heathen proclaimed of their gods, demonstrates most plainly that there are none. For, first, they venerated gods male and female, whereas it is proved that the divine nature is capable of no sex. Further, if the gods of the Gentiles could beget and be begotten, since they are feigned to be immortal, their number would by now be infinite. Chs. 6, 7, 8, 9.

Ad haec foedis cupiditatibus ac voluptatibus contaminarentur dii. Non est ergo, cur ethnici aegre ferant, deos ejusmodi generantes ac genitos reprobari a christianis. Cap. 10, 11, 12.

Besides this, the gods would be defiled by foul lusts and pleasures. There is therefore no reason why the heathen should take it ill that gods of this kind, begetting and begotten, are rejected by the Christians. Chs. 10, 11, 12.

Deinde perstringit gentiles Arnobius, quod persuasum habebant, quemadmodum saducaei, deos corporea humanaque forma figurari atque componi. Cap. 12, 13.

Next Arnobius censures the Gentiles because they held the persuasion, like the Sadducees, that the gods are shaped and framed in a bodily and human form. Chs. 12, 13.

Hoc autem semel admisso, dii sibi invicem aut similes aut dissimiles dici deberent. Utrumque vero absonum. Cap. 14, 15.

But once this is admitted, the gods would have to be called either like or unlike one another; and either is absurd. Chs. 14, 15.

Neque eos esse audiendos, qui diis humanam formam accommodari, honoris tantum causa, respondebant, evincit Arnobius. Cap. 16.

Arnobius proves that those are not to be heeded who replied that human form is ascribed to the gods merely for the sake of honour. Ch. 16.

Nulla igitur Dei, tametsi audiat, videat, intelligat, species aut figura esse potest. Unum scimus, nihil corporei aut humanorum affectuum esse in Deo, cujus natura nullo potest explicari mortali sermone. Cap. 17, 18, 19.

God, therefore, although He hears, sees and understands, can have no appearance or figure. One thing we know: that there is nothing bodily, nor any of human affections, in God, whose nature can be expressed by no mortal speech. Chs. 17, 18, 19.

Irridet Arnobius ethnicos, quod deos inducant humanis officiis, negotiis, rebusque aliis sive bonis sive malis praesidentes. Cap. 20, 21.

Arnobius mocks the heathen because they bring in gods presiding over human duties, occupations and other matters, whether good or evil. Chs. 20, 21.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 472)

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Tacita vi se sentit Sab.

"Tacita vi se sentit" ("it feels itself by a silent force"): the Sabaeus edition.

COMMENTARIUS (I, continued) ‹anchor: Neque enim stare› · lemma in col 938

(continued) c. 70, notam Stewechii. Et omnino nihil probat locus ille Propertii. Nam ibi restat Hector est idem quod resistit, obnititur, repugnat. Quæ Heraldus ad hunc locum profert, meræ argutiæ sunt. Alii interpungunt : Neque enim. . . . . religio christiana? male. Nam neque enim numquam potest stare in exordio interrogationis. ORELL.

(printed under page 472) (I) ‹anchor: Ad fidem illius abrogandam› · lemma in col 939 Ad fidem illius abrogandam. Cod. ms. : ad finem illius adrogandam. Pessime. MEURS. In Append.

"To abolish its credit." The manuscript: "ad finem illius adrogandam" ("to claim its end"). Very bad. MEURSIUS, in the Appendix.

(printed under page 472) (II) ‹anchor: Possumus interim dicere› · lemma in col 939 II. — Possumus interim dicere : Interim id quod Græcorum τέως, für jetzt, für einmal. Ita Tacit., Annal., I, cap. 5. : Duobusque insuper adolescentibus, qui rempublicam interim premant, quandoque distrahant. Ubi vid. Oberlin. ORELL.

II. — "We may meanwhile say": "interim" is the same as the Greek τέως, "for now, for once." So Tacitus, Annals 1, ch. 5: "and two young men besides, to oppress the state for the present and some day to tear it apart." See Oberlin there. ORELLI.

(printed under page 472) (II) ‹anchor: Deus primus› · lemma in col 939 Deus primus. Nourrius putat, Arnobium Deum patrem primum appellasse respectu Dei filii, id est Christi. Sed Deus primus nihil aliud est quam Deus omnium rerum principium, fons, origo. ORELL.

"The first God." Le Nourry thinks Arnobius called God the Father "first" with respect to God the Son, that is, Christ. But "the first God" is nothing other than God the beginning, fount and origin of all things. ORELLI.

(printed under page 472) (III) ‹anchor: Nominatim cum principibus adorare› · lemma in col 939 III. — Nominatim cum principibus adorare. Cum principibus, id est juxta, prope principes, pari cum illis honore. Ita Stat. Achill., I. 13 : . . . . . . . Meque inter prisca parentum Nomina, cumque suo memorant Amphione Thebæ. ubi vid. C. Barth., vol. III, pag. 1590, sq., et vol. 1, pag. 20. ORELL.

III. — "To adore by name together with the princes." "Together with the princes," that is, beside, near the princes, with equal honour with them. So Statius, Achilleid 1.13: ". . . and Thebes names me among the ancient names of its fathers, and together with its own Amphion." See there C. Barth, vol. 3, p. 1590 ff., and vol. 1, p. 20. ORELLI.

(printed under page 472) (III) ‹anchor: Adoratio› · lemma in col 939 Adoratio regibus etiam attributa : unde sacram purpuram adorare passim. HERALD. — Conf. Elmenhorst., ad hunc locum et Arntzen., ad Mamertini Genethliac. Maximin. cap. XI, in Panegyr. Vet., vol. I, pag. 142. Nominatim. Id est singulorum nomina compellante. Cæterum de adoratione sacræ purpuræ videndus imprimis Valesius ad Ammian. Marcell., lib. XVI, cap. 5, § 18, p. 132, seq., ed Wagner. ORELL.

Adoration was attributed to kings too: hence "to adore the sacred purple" here and there. HERALDUS. — Compare Elmenhorst on this passage, and Arntzen on Mamertinus's Genethliacus of Maximian, ch. 11, in the Panegyrici Veteres, vol. 1, p. 142. "By name": that is, addressing the names of each one. On the adoration of the sacred purple see above all Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, book 16, ch. 5, § 18, p. 132 ff., Wagner's edition. ORELLI.

(printed under page 472) (III) ‹anchor: Et hoc quidem a nobis› · lemma in col 939 Et hoc quidem a nobis fuerit ita prolatum, si modo liquet et constat præter ipsum regem et principem esse alia etiamnum capita. Secutus sum emendationem editoris Lugd. Bat. Codex ms. habet : esse alia non capita, quod merito suspectum viris doctis. Gelenius ed. non esse alia capita. Meursius, pag. 87 : esse nonnulla capita. Alii : Esse alia nova capita. Tuetur autem Heraldus, putans, alia non capita dici ab Arnobio plebem deorum præter caput et principem. Mihi non profectum videtur a librario vocem capita male intelligente. Nimirum capita hoc loco minime sunt principes, primores deorum, sed contra dii minorum gentium, plebs deorum, ut in sequentibus dicit, quasi proletarii et capite censi. Ita sæpissime apud Romanos caput dicitur cum quodam contemptu et irrisione, verbi causa, turpe caput, lepidum caput. Ita gregis capita non arietes, sed quæ totum gregem efficiunt. Vide Gesner., in Thesauro. Facessat itaque C. Barthius, Adversar., lib. XLIII., cap. 6, p. 1935 sq. legens monoptota, quasi Arnobius alluserit ad monoptota grammaticorum, id est nomina, quibus unus tantum casus est, ut sponte, quod ab hoc loco alienissimum. ORELL.

"And let this indeed have been put forward by us thus, provided it is clear and established that besides the king and prince himself there are still other heads." I have followed the emendation of the Leiden editor. The manuscript has "esse alia non capita" ("that there are other non-heads"), rightly suspect to scholars. Gelenius's edition: "non esse alia capita." Meursius, p. 87: "esse nonnulla capita." Others: "esse alia nova capita." Heraldus, however, defends it, thinking that the common herd of gods besides the head and prince is called by Arnobius "other non-heads." To me the "non" seems to have come from a copyist who misunderstood the word "capita." For "capita" here are by no means the princes, the chief gods, but on the contrary the gods of the lesser clans, the common herd of gods, as he says in what follows, like proletarians and those counted by head. So among the Romans "caput" is very often said with a certain contempt and mockery, for example "a base head," "a pretty head." So "heads of the flock" are not the rams but the animals that make up the whole flock. See Gesner, in his Thesaurus. Away, then, with C. Barth, Adversaria, book 43, ch. 6, p. 1935 f., who reads "monoptota," as though Arnobius alluded to the grammarians' monoptotes, that is, nouns with only one case, such as "sponte" — which is utterly foreign to this passage. ORELLI.

(printed under page 472) (III) ‹anchor: illa simulacra velitis ostendere› · lemma in col 940 Illa et simulacra velitis ostendere. Constructio vere Arnobiana. Miscet enim et trajicit sæpe particulas istas. HERALDUS. — Ed. Lugd. Bat. et illa simulacra, etc. ORELL.

"That you would show those images too." A truly Arnobian construction, for he often mixes and transposes these particles. HERALDUS. — The Leiden edition: "et illa simulacra," etc. ORELLI.

(printed under page 472) (III) ‹anchor: Quæ intelligitis vos quoque› · lemma in col 940 Quæ intelligitis vos quoque, sed recusatis et renuitis confiteri. Sic edidi cum Heraldo in Curis secundis, qui ita correxit ex ms. ubi legitur ses pro sed recusatis. Alii : et renuitis, omisso recusatis, quod Arnobio e Cod. Reg. primus restituit Stewechius : Heraldus autem in editione sua de glossa suspectum habet : male, opinor, nam Arnobium talia verba idem significantia conjungere sæpissime ipse observavit. Idem in editione sua legendum censet : nec renuitis, quia, inquit, ipsi gentiles neutiquam diffitebantur, simulacra illa a fabris esse composita ex ære, luto, argento. Sed ipse, ut vidimus, retractavit hanc sententiam in Curis secundis. Salmasius edidit : at recusatis et renuitis, etc.; quod recipiendum, cum a msto. fluxerit, teste Stewechio et Meursio. ORELL.

"Which you too understand, but refuse and decline to confess." So I have printed with Heraldus in his Second Thoughts, who corrected it thus from the manuscript, where "ses" is read for "sed recusatis." Others: "et renuitis," omitting "recusatis," which Stewechius was the first to restore to Arnobius from the Codex Regius; Heraldus, however, in his edition suspects it of being a gloss — wrongly, I think, for he himself very often observed that Arnobius joins such words of the same meaning. In his edition the same scholar holds that one should read "nec renuitis" ("nor do you decline"), because, he says, the gentiles themselves in no way denied that those images were made by craftsmen of bronze, clay and silver. But he himself, as we have seen, retracted this view in his Second Thoughts. Salmasius printed: "at recusatis et renuitis," etc., which is to be accepted, since it came from the manuscript, on the testimony of Stewechius and Meursius. ORELLI.

(printed under page 472) (III) ‹anchor: nominis› · lemma in col 940 Nominis. Meursius conj. numinis. ORELL.

"Of name." Meursius conjectures "numinis" ("of divine power"). ORELLI.

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 473)

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In nulla Sab.

"In nulla": the Sabaeus edition.

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Sunt Sab. Desint ms.

"Sunt" ("are"): Sabaeus. "Desint" ("are lacking"): the manuscript.

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(c) ‹anchor: populares (per the commentary on ch. V)› · call in col 941 or 942 (not visible)

Hanc vocem Fulv. inducit. Popularem ms.

Fulvius [Ursinus] strikes out this word. "Popularem": the manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS (printed under page 473) (IV) ‹anchor: Adstipulamur, acquiescimus, connivemus› · lemma in col 941 IV. — Adstipulamur, acquiescimus, connivemus. Connivemus addiderunt e msto. Heraldus et Stewechius. ORELL.

IV. — "We assent, we acquiesce, we connive." Heraldus and Stewechius added "connivemus" from the manuscript. ORELLI.

(printed under page 473) (IV) ‹anchor: Dubitabile istud ambiguumque configimus› · lemma in col 941 Dubitabile istud ambiguumque configimus. Meursius mavult conficimus. Sed significantius est configimus quasi telis. ORELL.

"We pierce this doubtful and ambiguous thing." Meursius prefers "conficimus" ("we finish off"). But "configimus," as if with darts, is more expressive. ORELLI.

(printed under page 473) (IV) ‹anchor: An hæc ipsa sibi diebus imposuerint lustricis› · lemma in col 941 An hæc ipsa sibi diebus imposuerint lustricis. Ita Meursius et Heraldus, probante editore Lugd. Bat. Recte. Dies enim lustricus is est, quo infantes lustrantur et nomen accipiunt ; is erat apud Romanos maribus nonus, feminis octavus, teste Macrobio, sat. I, cap. 16, Festo, Plutarcho. Apud Græcos autem decimus, ut liquet ex Harpocratione, Suida, Hesychio, Auctore Proverbiorum, Aristophanis Scholiaste et aliis, nonnumquam et septimus. Vide Meurs., pag. 87. Cod. ms. diebus.....ludibriis, quod unus tuetur Stewechius accipiens pro diebus ludicris ; ut dies autumnos pro autumnales. Vid. supra, ad lib. I, cap. 21. Gelenius leg. diebus ludicris, quod defendit C. Barth., Adversar., lib. XLIII, cap. 6, ludicros dies intelligens de diebus, quibus ludi sacraque Deo cuilibet fiebant. Fulv. Ursinus : De rebus..... ludicris. Sed unice vera Meursii emendatio. ORELL.

"Whether they gave themselves these very names on their days of purification." So Meursius and Heraldus, with the approval of the Leiden editor. Rightly, for the "dies lustricus" is the day on which infants are purified and receive their name; among the Romans it was the ninth for boys and the eighth for girls, on the testimony of Macrobius, Saturnalia 1, ch. 16, of Festus and of Plutarch. Among the Greeks, however, it was the tenth, as is clear from Harpocration, the Suda, Hesychius, the author of the Proverbs, the scholiast on Aristophanes and others, and sometimes also the seventh. See Meursius, p. 87. The manuscript: "diebus . . . ludibriis," which Stewechius alone defends, taking it for "diebus ludicris," as "dies autumnos" for "autumnales." See above, on Book I, ch. 21. Gelenius reads "diebus ludicris," which C. Barth defends, Adversaria, book 43, ch. 6, understanding "ludicros dies" as the days on which games and rites were held for any god. Fulvius Ursinus: "De rebus . . . ludicris." But Meursius's emendation is the only true one. ORELLI.

(printed under page 473) (IV) ‹anchor: Videbatis› · lemma in col 941 Videbatis. Meursius et Heraldus legendum censent videratis, quia sequitur noratis. Sed tales temporum ἐναλλαγαὶ frequentes apud Arnobium. ORELL.

"You saw." Meursius and Heraldus think "videratis" should be read, because "noratis" follows. But such interchanges of tenses are frequent in Arnobius. ORELLI.

(printed under page 473) (V) ‹anchor: Nominibus appellentur his etiam› · lemma in col 941 or 942 V. — Nominibus appellentur his etiam, quibus eos populares censeri popularis vulgaritas ducit. Ejiciunt nonnulli vocem, quam existimant superfluam et inutilem, populares. Sed hanc lectionem asserit etiam ms. reg. ubi scriptum perperam popularem. Atque hæc luculenter explicant ea quæ præcesserunt : esse alia (non) capita, quæ digesta et separata per numerum, velut quemdam populum plebeiæ multitudinis faciant. Hinc igitur eos appellat populares, quasi plebeios et non illo primo loco. Lactantius, lib. I, cap. 5 : Antisthenes multos quidem esse populares Deos, unum tamen naturalem, id est, summæ totius artificem. HERALD. — C. Barthius in Adversariis, lib. XLIII, cap. 6, pag. 1937, legendum censet : Nominibus appellentur his etiam, quibus eos populatim censeri popularis vulgaritas ducit. Non male. ORELL.

V. — "That they are called also by these names, by which popular vulgarity holds them to be rated as gods of the people." Some throw out the word "populares," which they think superfluous and useless. But the Codex Regius also supports this reading, where it is miswritten "popularem." And what went before explains it plainly: "that there are other heads, which, arranged and separated by number, make up as it were a people of plebeian multitude." Hence, then, he calls them "populares," as plebeian and not of that first rank. Lactantius, book 1, ch. 5: "Antisthenes [said] that there are indeed many gods of the people, but one by nature, that is, the maker of the whole universe." HERALDUS. — C. Barth, in the Adversaria, book 43, ch. 6, p. 1937, thinks one should read: "Nominibus appellentur his etiam, quibus eos populatim censeri popularis vulgaritas ducit" ("by which popular vulgarity holds them to be rated people by people"). Not bad. ORELLI.

(printed under page 473) (V) ‹anchor: Unde tamen vobis, quæ nominibus his censum complent› · lemma in col 942 Unde tamen vobis, quæ nominibus his censum complent. Ita e Cod. Reg. edidit Heraldus, nisi quod sensum, quod erat in membranis, mutavit in censum. Sed, ut recte observat C. Barthius, in Advers., l. I., illud quæ non habet ad quod referatur, nisi dicamus, Arnobium properanter scribentem in animo habuisse numina, cum tamen in antecedentibus scripserit dii. Melius itaque Fulv. Ursinus : qui nominis hujus censum complent, id est, qui digni sunt, ut in censum nominis hujus, scil. deorum, referantur. Alludit nimirum Arnobius ad censum Romanorum. Ita censum patrum, equitum complere dicitur de eo, qui satis habet pecuniæ, ut in album patriciorum vel equitum possit inscribi : quam loquendi rationem non intelligentes Sabæus et Gelenius ediderunt : quæ nominis hujus sensum complent. C. Barthius in Advers., l. I., putat legendum ; Unde tamen quæso nominibus his censum complent? Meursius : unde tamen vobis quæso nominis hujus censum complent. Stewechius legit : Unde tamen vobis cognominis hujus censum complent? Editor Lugd.. Bat. locum sic refingit ; Unde tamen vobis scire (scil. est), quot nominis hujus sensum compleant. Mihi vobis videtur cum sequentibus verbis, an sunt aliqui vobis, etc., ingratam efficere repetitionem, et, si quid tentare liceat, locum ita mutarem : unde tamen nostis, qui vel quot nominibus suis censum compleant. Censum intelligo album, cui deorum nomina inferuntur, das Gotterregister. Verterem itaque : Woher wisst, kennt ihr alle diejenigen, die mit, ihren Nahmen das Gotterregister anfüllen? Vel etiam stare potest his, scil. nominibus plebeiis, minorum gentium, de quibus in antecedentibus egerat Arnobius. ORELL.

"Yet whence do you [know] which fill up the census with these names?" So Heraldus printed it from the Codex Regius, except that he changed "sensum," which was in the parchment, to "censum." But, as C. Barth rightly observes in the Adversaria, book 1, that "quæ" has nothing to refer to, unless we say that Arnobius, writing hastily, had "numina" in mind, though in what precedes he wrote "dii." Better, then, Fulvius Ursinus: "qui nominis hujus censum complent," that is, who are worthy to be entered in the census of this name, namely of the gods. Arnobius is plainly alluding to the Roman census. So one is said "to fill the census of the senators or of the knights" who has money enough to be inscribed on the roll of the patricians or the knights; not understanding this manner of speaking, Sabaeus and Gelenius printed "quæ nominis hujus sensum complent." C. Barth, in the Adversaria, book 1, thinks one should read: "Unde tamen quæso nominibus his censum complent?" Meursius: "unde tamen vobis quæso nominis hujus censum complent." Stewechius reads: "Unde tamen vobis cognominis hujus censum complent?" The Leiden editor recasts the passage thus: "Unde tamen vobis scire (that is, est), quot nominis hujus sensum compleant." To me "vobis" seems to make an unwelcome repetition with the words that follow, "an sunt aliqui vobis," etc., and if one may try anything, I would change the passage thus: "unde tamen nostis, qui vel quot nominibus suis censum compleant" ("whence yet do you know who or how many fill up the census with their names?"). By "census" I understand the roll on which the gods' names are entered, "das Götterregister." I would therefore translate: "Whence do you know, are you acquainted with, all those who fill the register of gods with their names?" Or "his" may also stand, namely with the plebeian names of the lesser clans, which Arnobius had dealt with in what precedes. ORELLI.

(printed under page 473) (V) ‹anchor: Populositas summa sit› · lemma in col 942 Populositas summa sit. Populositas pro frequentia, ut populosus, declinantis latinæ linguæ vocabula, usurpata Apuleio, Solino, Vegetio. Ammiano Marcellino, Vid. Voss. de Vitiis serm. et Ol. Borrich. Cogitt. p. 197. Constructio est : An populositas (eorum) sine ulla summa sit, hoc est numeris exprimi nequeat, quod in sequentibus dicit : Potest deorum summa esse nulla, nec numerabili circumscriptione finita. ORELL.

"Whether their populousness is the sum." "Populositas" for "a crowd," like "populosus," words of the declining Latin tongue, used by Apuleius, Solinus, Vegetius and Ammianus Marcellinus. See Vossius, On Faults of Speech, and Ole Borch, Cogitationes, p. 197. The construction is: "whether their populousness is without any sum," that is, cannot be expressed in numbers, as he says in what follows: "The sum of the gods may be none, and not bounded by any countable limit." ORELLI.

(printed under page 473) (V) ‹anchor: An sunt aliqui vobis incogniti nomine› · lemma in col 942 An sunt aliqui vobis incogniti nomine in usum aliquando notitiamque perlati ? Recepi in textum emendationem hanc sagacissimam, et, ut mihi quidem videtur, verissimam C. Barthii, in Adversar., lib. XLIII, cap. 6, pag. 1937 : « Interrogat scil. Arnobius suos adversarios ; unde sciant, omnia se deorum nomina scire? unde ipsis constet, plures deos non esse, quam ipsi colant, et an umquam aliquibus, incognitis nomine, numerus ille ab ipsis institutus fuerit auctus. Non poterant hinc elabi quomodocumque balathrones illi. Nam, singulis gentibus devictis, nova numina a Romanis erant consecrata. Et possibile non erat ipsis docere certum numerum, vel deorum eorum, quos adorabant, nedum omnium, quorum numerus per ipsos infinitus esse poterat. Hæc sententia clare a sequentibus confirmatur, in cognitione fuit in scripto libro : unde nos incogniti nomine fecimus. One enim nomine est abreviatione vetusta. Et de nominibus deorum hic est omnis quæstio, ut et de numero. » Hæc Barthius. Recte, Dei incogniti nomine sunt itaque illi, quorum notitia aliqua ad homines pervenit, sed de quorum nomine, numero, potestate, etc. ambigitur, ut dii Novensiles, Penates, Consentes, Lares, etc. de quibus infra, cap. 41. seq. Talis (continues)

"Or are there some, unknown to you by name, brought at some time into use and notice?" I have taken into the text this most shrewd and, as it seems to me at least, most true emendation of C. Barth, in the Adversaria, book 43, ch. 6, p. 1937: "Arnobius, that is, asks his opponents how they know that they know all the names of the gods? how is it certain to them that there are no more gods than they themselves worship, and whether that number they established has ever been increased by some unknown by name? Those babblers could in no way slip out of this. For as each nation was conquered, new deities were consecrated by the Romans. And it was not possible for them to state a fixed number even of the gods they worshipped, much less of all, whose number on their own showing could be infinite. This sense is clearly confirmed by what follows. 'In cognitione' stood in the written book; from which we have made 'incogniti nomine.' For 'one' is an old abbreviation for 'nomine.' And the whole question here is about the names of the gods, as also about their number." So Barth. Rightly: those, then, are the gods "unknown by name" of whom some knowledge has reached men, but about whose name, number, power and so on there is doubt, such as the Novensiles, the Penates, the Consentes, the Lares and the like, of whom below, ch. 41 ff. Such (continues)

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COMMENTARIUS (no variant notes on this page) (V, continued) ‹anchor: An sunt aliqui vobis incogniti nomine› · lemma in col 942

(continued) erat etiam θεὸς ille ἄγνωστος Atheniensium, cujus aram D. Paulus inspexit. Vid. Act. Apost., XVII, 23. In cognitione, quod in ms. legitur, multo melius est, quam in cognitionem, quod substituere voluerunt Meursius et editor Lugd. Bat.; nam in cognitione penderet a præcedenti sunt. Sunt in cognitione vobis idem itaque est quod sunt vobis cogniti. At in cognitionem et in notitiam perferri plane unum idemque est. Novimus quidem, Arnobium sæpissime talia verba idem significantia conjungere. Sed hoc loco, si quid video, verba in usum aliquando notitiamque perlati manifeste disjungit a præcedentibus in cognitione. Stewechius legendum suspicatur ; an sunt aliqui vobis in cognitionem quam in usum notitiamque perlati, suppressa scil. particula prius, quam sæpius omitti ab Arnobio, ipse Stewechius docet supra ad lib. II, cap. 77, ita ut cognitio, hoc est plena et perfecta deorum scientia, distinguatur ab obscura tantum eorum notitia. Pro in usum Meursius et Heraldus in Curis secundis malunt in visum, male. Usus est idem quod cultus. ORELL.

(printed under page 474) (V) ‹anchor: Fingamus enim vos deos mille percolere› · lemma in col 943 Fingamus enim vos deos mille percolere. Orpheus ap. Theophilum, lib. III, ad Autolycum, deos CCCLX confitetur. Varro, ap. Tertullian., Apologet, cap. XIV, trecentos Joves sive Jupiteres. ELMENHORST.

"For let us suppose that you worship a thousand gods." Orpheus, in Theophilus, To Autolycus, book 3, acknowledges 360 gods; Varro, in Tertullian, Apology, ch. 14, three hundred Joves or Jupiters. ELMENHORST.

(printed under page 474) (V) ‹anchor: Potest ut hoc amplius› · lemma in col 943 Potest ut hoc amplius. Hoc amplius scil. numero. Supra lib. II, cap. 28. ante annos plures, si velis dicere, vel octoginta, vel hoc amplius, ubi suppl. tempore. Vide de hoc Ellipsi Sanct. Minerv., lib. IV, cap. 4, et Bunemann., ad Lactant. Inst., lib. VII, cap. 14, pag. 951. ORELL.

"It may be even more than this." "More than this," that is, in number. Above, Book II, ch. 28: "many years before — eighty, if you like, or even more than this," where "time" is to be supplied. On this ellipsis see Sanctius, Minerva, book 4, ch. 4, and Bünemann on Lactantius, Institutes, book 7, ch. 14, p. 951. ORELLI.

(printed under page 474) (V) ‹anchor: Pro parte consimili› · lemma in col 943 Pro parte consimili. Id est pro uno vero Deo, quem colimus. ORELL.

"For a like part." That is, for the one true God whom we worship. ORELLI.

(printed under page 474) (VI) ‹anchor: Sacramenta nolle suscipere cæterorum› · lemma in col 943 VI. — Sacramenta nolle suscipere cæterorum, etc. Apte utitur verbo militiæ. Vegetius, lib. II, c. 3, Festinant militiæ sacramenta suscipere. Glossæ : Sacramentum — ὅρκος στρατιωτικός. ELMENH. — Heraldus putat, Arnobium hoc loco alludere ad morem, cute pungendi milites, ut hoc pacto militiæ consecratos et devotos se discerent, quæ notæ quasi memoracula quædam erant sacramenti militaris, ut in mysteriis etiam notaculis quibusdam signabantur οἱ μεμυημένοι, quod sphragitidas accipere dicit Prudentius, in Martyrio Romani. Sed vide supra, ad lib. II, cap. 5. ORELL.

VI. — "To be unwilling to take up the oaths of the others," etc. He aptly uses a word of soldiering. Vegetius, book 2, ch. 3: "They hasten to take the oaths of military service." The Glosses: "Sacramentum" — "a soldier's oath." ELMENHORST. — Heraldus thinks Arnobius alludes here to the custom of pricking the skin of soldiers, so that in this way they might learn they were consecrated and devoted to the service, these marks being as it were reminders of the military oath, just as in the mysteries too the initiated were sealed with certain marks, which Prudentius, in the Martyrdom of Romanus, calls receiving "sphragitides" (seals). But see above, on Book II, ch. 5. ORELLI.

(printed under page 474) (VI) ‹anchor: Devotas etenim mentes› · lemma in col 943 Devotas etenim mentes. Proprie. Nam devovebant se milites, seque totos reipublicæ aut Cæsari consecrabant. Vegetius : Jurant autem per Deum et per Christum et per Spiritum Sanctum, et per majestatem imperatoris, quæ secundum Deum generi humano diligenda est, et colenda. Nam imperatori quum Augusti nomen accepit tamquam præsenti et corporali Deo fidelis est præstanda devotio, et impendendus pervigil famulatus. Quare illi apud Dionem lib. LIII. σοὶ καθοσιώμεθα. Nam devovere est καθοσιοῦν, ut recte interpretantur veteres glossæ. HERALD.— Conf. Lips., ad Tacit. Ann., l. XV, c. 67, pag. 1005. ed. Oberlin. Devotas mentes, idem quod pias, religiosas. Ita Lactantius, lib. VII : Hunc sequamur omnes, hunc audiamus, huic devotissime pareamus, et Juvencus, Hist. Evang., lib. I, vers. 407 : Ut justus cœli Dominum devotus adoret. Ubi Kœnig., pag. 80, ed. Reusch., nostrum locum citans observat, devotus pro pius vocem esse latinitatis ecclesiasticæ. ORELL.

"For devoted minds." Properly said, for soldiers devoted themselves and consecrated their whole selves to the state or to Caesar. Vegetius: "They swear by God and by Christ and by the Holy Spirit, and by the majesty of the emperor, which after God is to be loved and honoured by the human race. For when the emperor has received the name of Augustus, faithful devotion must be shown him as to a present and bodily god, and watchful service rendered." Hence in Dio, book 53, they say "we are consecrated to you." For "devovere" is καθοσιοῦν, as the old glosses rightly render it. HERALDUS. — Compare Lipsius on Tacitus, Annals, book 15, ch. 67, p. 1005, Oberlin's edition. "Devoted minds," the same as pious, religious. So Lactantius, book 7: "Let us all follow him, hear him, obey him most devotedly"; and Juvencus, Gospel History, book 1, line 407: "That the just man may devoutly adore the Lord of heaven." Where Koenig, p. 80, Reusch's edition, citing our passage, observes that "devotus" for "pius" is a word of ecclesiastical Latin. ORELLI.

(printed under page 474) (VI) ‹anchor: Et manus protendimus supplices› · lemma in col 944 Et manus protendimus supplices. Profecto existimo, hic esse glossema. Quorsum enim supplices? Hanc vocem adjecit aliquis, quum, unde hæc essent translata, non intelligeret. Milites igitur quum citati paratos se sacramento dicere vellent ostendere, manus tendebant. Hinc igitur legendum existimo : Et manus protendimus. HERALD.

"And we stretch out suppliant hands." I certainly think there is a gloss here. For why "suppliant"? Someone added this word because he did not understand whence these expressions were transferred. Soldiers, then, when summoned and wishing to show themselves ready to take the oath, stretched out their hands. Hence I think one should read: "And we stretch out our hands." HERALDUS.

(printed under page 474) (VI) ‹anchor: Neque aspernamur, quocumque invitaveritis, accedere› · lemma in col 944 Neque aspernamur, quocumque invitaveritis, accedere. Et hoc a militia petitum. Jurabant enim milites, secuturos se duces, quocumque ducturi essent. Dionysius Halicarn., lib. XI : Ὁ στρατιωτικὸς ὅρκος, ὃν ἁπάντων μάλιστα ἐμπεδῶσι Ῥωμαῖοι, τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἀκολουθεῖν κελεύει, ὅποι ποτ' ἂν ἄγωσιν. Huc alludebat Horatius, II Od. XVII, vers. 9 et seqq. : . . . . . . Non ego perfidum Dixi sacramentum ibimus, ibimus, Utcumque præcedes, supremum Carpere iter comites parati. HERALD.

"Nor do we disdain to go wherever you invite us." This too is taken from soldiering. For soldiers swore that they would follow their generals wherever they should lead. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book 11: "The soldier's oath, which the Romans keep more faithfully than any other, bids them follow their generals wherever they lead." Horace alluded to this, Odes 2.17, line 9 ff.: ". . . I have sworn no faithless oath: we shall go, we shall go, whenever you lead the way, ready as companions to take the final road." HERALDUS.

(printed under page 474) (VI) ‹anchor: Saturnus ; inquit, et Janus› · lemma in col 944 Saturnus ; inquit, et Janus. Inquit, scil. adversarius, quem sibi causam gentilium agere fingebat Arnobius. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 3 et 34, quibus hoc loco addere liceat, quæ mecum communicavit vir amicissimus Jac. Ochsnerus : Heraldi observationem, inquit pro inquiunt, præter Ernest. Clav. Cic. illustrant hæc Benteleii ad Horat., I, serm. IV, 79 : Inquit perpetua forma est, ubi aliquid ex adverso nobis objici et opponi fingimus, sive id ab uno, seu pluribus, sive ab absente, seu præsente fiat. Similiter ait (ut græc. φησί) indefinite posuit idem Horatius I, Epist. XIX, 43). » Frustra itaque sollicitarunt hunc locum Fulv. Ursinus et Jo. Schefferus Argentoratensis in Adversariorum libro inserto Obss. Miscell. Crit., vol. IX, pag. 163, legi volentes inquiunt. ORELL.

"'Saturn,' he says, 'and Janus.'" "He says," that is, the opponent whom Arnobius imagined pleading the gentiles' cause against him. See above on Book I, chs. 3 and 34, to which let me add here what my very good friend Jac. Ochsner shared with me: "Heraldus's observation, 'inquit' for 'inquiunt,' is illustrated, besides Ernesti's Clavis Ciceroniana, by these words of Bentley on Horace, Satires 1.4.79: 'Inquit is a fixed form wherever we imagine something being objected and opposed to us by the other side, whether by one or by several, whether by someone absent or present. Similarly the same Horace used "ait" indefinitely (like the Greek φησί), Epistles 1.19.43.'" In vain, then, did Fulvius Ursinus and Johann Scheffer of Strasbourg, in the book of Adversaria included in the Observationes Miscellaneae Criticae, vol. 9, p. 163, disturb this passage, wanting "inquiunt" to be read. ORELLI.

(printed under page 474) (VI) ‹anchor: Æsculapius atque alii cæteri› · lemma in col 944 Æsculapius atque alii cæteri. Ita scribendum pro alii et cæteri (ex emendatione Meursii). Alii cæteri est Arnobiana phrasis. Infra lib. VI, cap. 11 : Suffragines, talos, membraque alia cætera et lignum, lapides atque ossa, resque alias cæteras, quibus signa consueta sunt, et numinum simulacra constare. HERALD.—Conf. Oudendorp., ad Apulei., Met. VII, pag. 489. Editio Lugd. Bat. habet : Æsculapius et cæteri. ORELL.

"Aesculapius and all the others." So it should be written for "alii et cæteri" (from Meursius's emendation). "Alii cæteri" is an Arnobian phrase. Below, Book VI, ch. 11: "hocks, ankles and all the other limbs, and wood, stones and bones, and all the other things of which statues and images of the deities are customarily made." HERALDUS. — Compare Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses 7, p. 489. The Leiden edition has "Æsculapius et cæteri." ORELLI.

(printed under page 474) (VI) ‹anchor: Confingeretis› · lemma in col 944 Confingeretis, pro confinxissetis. De hac Enallage scriptoribus istis usitata antea dicebamus. HERALD.— Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 54. ORELL.

"You would invent," for "you would have invented." We spoke earlier of this interchange, usual with those writers. HERALDUS. — See above on Book I, ch. 54. ORELLI.

(printed under page 474) (VI) ‹anchor: Quæ non modo illorum pollueren dignitatem› · lemma in col 944 Quæ non modo illorum polluerent dignitatem, sed minime illos esse qualitatibus comprobarent adjunctis. (continues)

"Which would not only defile their dignity, but would prove by the qualities attached that they are not gods at all." (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 475) (VI) ‹anchor: Esse partem unam mares, partem esse alteram feminas› · lemma in col 945 Esse partem unam mares, partem esse alteram feminas. Prudentius περὶ Στεφάνων : Jubes, relictis patris et Christi sacris, Ut tecum adorem feminas mille ac mares, Deos deasque, deque sexu duplici Natos, nepotes, abnepotes, editos Ac tot stuprorum sordidam prosapiam, etc. Conf. Lactant., lib. I, cap. 16. ELMENH.

"That one part are males, the other part females." Prudentius, On the Crowns [of the Martyrs]: "You bid me, forsaking the rites of the Father and of Christ, adore with you a thousand females and males, gods and goddesses, and those born of the double sex, sons, grandsons, great-grandsons, offspring, and the sordid lineage of so many debaucheries," etc. Compare Lactantius, book 1, ch. 16. ELMENHORST.

(printed under page 475) (VI) ‹anchor: Homines pectoris vivi› · lemma in col 945 Homines pectoris vivi. Id est, homines ingenii perspicacis et judicii liberi. Ita Plin., Paneg., cap. 44, § 6 : Amas constantiam civium, rectos et vividos animos, ubi vid. Arntzen. Idem, lib. VIII, epist. VI, extr. : Scio, quam sit tibi vivus et ingenuus animus, ubi tamen nuperus editor Gierig. edidit verus. Plura exempla collegit J. Fr. Gronovius, Obss., lib. III, cap. 4. ORELL.

"Men of lively breast." That is, men of keen wit and free judgement. So Pliny, Panegyric, ch. 44, § 6: "You love steadfastness in citizens, upright and lively spirits," where see Arntzen. The same, book 8, letter 6, at the end: "I know how lively and frank a mind you have," where, however, the recent editor Gierig printed "verus" ("true"). J. F. Gronovius has collected more examples, Observationes, book 3, ch. 4. ORELLI.

(printed under page 475) (VI) ‹anchor: Tullius romani disertissimus generis› · lemma in col 945 Tullius romani disertissimus generis, etc. Catullus, Carmen XLIX, 1 : Disertissime Romuli nepotum, Quot sunt, quotque fuere, Marce Tulli. ELMENH. Cæterum hoc citatum e capite deperdito tertii libri Ciceronis de Natura deorum, ad calcem editionis suæ, pag. 325, rejecit Davisius. ORELL.

"Tullius, the most eloquent of the Roman race," etc. Catullus, Poem 49.1: "Most eloquent of the descendants of Romulus, as many as are and as many as have been, Marcus Tullius." ELMENHORST. Davies, moreover, placed this quotation, as from a lost chapter of the third book of Cicero's On the Nature of the Gods, at the end of his edition, p. 325. ORELLI.

(printed under page 475) (VI) ‹anchor: Verborum luculentias› · lemma in col 945 Verborum luculentias. Id est, verborum lumina, nitores, splendores, ut explicat Gesnerus in Thesauro, qui nostrum locum adducens hanc vocem citat tamquam ἅπαξ λεγόμενον. ORELL.

"Brilliancies of words." That is, the lights, polish and splendours of words, as Gesner explains in his Thesaurus, who, adducing our passage, cites this word as occurring only once. ORELLI.

(printed under page 475) (VI) ‹anchor: Perorata esset hæc causa› · lemma in col 945 Perorata esset hæc causa. Alii : Perorata esset et hæc causa. Sed sequor Davisium delentem copulam et, quam verbi præcedentis esset repetitus finis procreavit. OR.

"This case would have been pleaded to its close." Others: "Perorata esset et hæc causa." But I follow Davies, who deletes the conjunction "et," produced by repeating the ending of the preceding word "esset." ORELLI.

(printed under page 475) (VI) ‹anchor: Nec secundas, ut dicitur, actiones› · lemma in col 945 Nec secundas, ut dicitur, actiones nobis ab infantibus postularet. Τὴν δευτερολογίαν, quia, si quid a primo actore, ὑπὸ τοῦ πρωταγωνιστήσαντος, omissum erat, addebat ὁ δευτεραγωνιστῶν ἤγουν δευτερολογῶν. HERALD.—Nobis ab infantibus, scil. si comparemur cum Cicerone Romanorum eloquentissimo. ORELL.

"Nor would it demand from us tongue-tied men second pleadings, as the saying is." The "second speech," because if anything had been left out by the first pleader — by the one who played the first part — the one playing the second part, that is, speaking second, added it. HERALDUS. — "From us tongue-tied men," that is, if we are compared with Cicero, the most eloquent of the Romans. ORELLI.

(printed under page 475) (VI) ‹anchor: Sic infantia› · lemma in col 945 Sic infantia. Proprio sensu legimus etiam apud Cornel. Frontonem, lib. I de Orationibus opp., pag. 223, edit. Angeli Maii : Tum si eligendum sit ; longe longeque eloquentiam infantiæ præfero. ORELL.

"So 'infantia.'" We read it in its proper sense also in Cornelius Fronto, On Speeches, book 1, Works, p. 223, Angelo Mai's edition: "Then, if one must choose, I far and away prefer eloquence to speechlessness." ORELLI.

(printed under page 475) (VII) ‹anchor: De hoc› · lemma in col 945 VII. — De hoc. Id est, propter hoc, ut sæpe. Vid. Tursellin., de Particulis Ling. lat. ORELL.

VII. — "De hoc." That is, "on account of this," as often. See Torsellino, On the Particles of the Latin Language. ORELLI.

(printed under page 475) (VII) ‹anchor: Oportere statui per senatum› · lemma in col 945 Oportere statui per senatum, aboleantur, ut hæc scripta, etc. Hoc enim fiebat ex auctoritate senatus, Vid. Valer. Max., lib. I, cap. 4, § 12 ; Lactant., Inst I, cap. 22 ; S. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. VII. cap. 34, ibique L. Vives et Elmenhorst. ad hunc locum. ORELL. — Ergo fieri potest, ut superstitiosis his ethnicis debeatur, quod mutilus sit tertius de Nat. deorum liber. Fortasse tamen meticulosi quidam Christiani hac culpa non fuerunt immunes. Non alii certe, quam hi multos ms. a lib. II, cap. 6, ad cap. 53, mancos reddidere. DAVIS., ad Cic. de Nat. D., p. l.

"That it ought to be decreed by the senate that these writings be destroyed," etc. For this was done by authority of the senate. See Valerius Maximus, book 1, ch. 4, § 12; Lactantius, Institutes 1, ch. 22; St Augustine, City of God, book 7, ch. 34, with Vives there, and Elmenhorst on this passage. ORELLI. — So it may be that we owe to these superstitious pagans the mutilated state of the third book On the Nature of the Gods. Perhaps, however, some timid Christians were not free of this fault. Certainly no others than these made many manuscripts defective from Book II, ch. 6, to ch. 53. DAVIES, on Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, at the place cited.

(printed under page 475) (VII) ‹anchor: Erroris convincite Ciceronem› · lemma in col 946 Erroris convincite Ciceronem, temeraria et impia dictave refellitote, redarguite, reprobate. Ita Editor Leid. e cod. ms. nisi quod membranæ pro refellitote habent refellite, quod Gelenius ita mutavit : Temeraria et impia dicta refellitote, redarguite, reprobate. Stewechius autem locum luxatum credens, ita disposuit : Erroris convincite Ciceronem, refellitote, redarguite, temeraria et impia dictitare comprobate, quod valde placet, et vix mihi temperare potui, quin in textum reciperem. ORELL.

"Convict Cicero of error; refute, rebut and condemn his rash and impious sayings." So the Leiden editor from the manuscript, except that the parchment has "refellite" for "refellitote," which Gelenius changed thus: "Temeraria et impia dicta refellitote, redarguite, reprobate." Stewechius, however, believing the passage dislocated, arranged it thus: "Convict Cicero of error, refute, rebut him, prove that he habitually says rash and impious things" — which pleases me greatly, and I could hardly keep from taking it into the text. ORELLI.

(VIII) ‹anchor: Nam consuestis in precibus, sive tu Deus es› · lemma in col 946 VIII. — Nam consuestis in precibus, sive tu Deus es, sive Dea, dicere. Ita emendavit L. Carrio, Emendd., lib. I, c. 3 in Lampad. Crit. Gruteri, vol. III, pag. 110. Hac scil. formula, SI DEUS, SI DEA, utebantur Romani in precationibus, quando sive terra movisset, sive aliud quid accidisset, de quo ambigebatur, qua causa, cujusque Dei vi ac numine effectum sit. Vid. A. Gell., Noct. Att., lib. II, cap. 28, ibique Gronov. Solemnis etiam formula, qua dii tutelares urbium evocitabantur e civitatibus oppugnatione cinctis, ambiguo nomine SI DEUS, SI DEA, ne videlicet alium pro alio nominando, aut sexum confundendo, falsa religione populum alligarent. Vid. Macrob. Saturn., lib. III, cap. 9, et Brisson., de formulis et solemn. Pop. Rom. verbis. Cæterum de confuso sæpissime apud antiquos deorum sexu (verbi causa Venere mare et femina, Luno et Luna) vide Casaubon. et Salmas. ad Ælii Spartiani Caracall., cap. 7. Hist. Aug., vol. I, pag. 720 seqq., et, qui eos refutat. Seldenum, de Diis Syris, Syntagm. II, cap. 2, pag. 149 seq. : Cod. ms. sive tu Deus es, sive tu Dea, male. ORELL.

VIII. — "For you are accustomed to say in your prayers, 'Whether you are a god or a goddess.'" So L. Carrion emended it, Emendationes, book 1, ch. 3, in Gruter's Lampas Critica, vol. 3, p. 110. This formula, "IF A GOD, IF A GODDESS," the Romans used in their prayers whenever the earth had quaked or anything else had happened about which it was doubtful from what cause, and by the force and power of which god, it was brought about. See Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights, book 2, ch. 28, with Gronovius there. A solemn formula, too, by which the guardian gods of cities were called out of states under siege, under the ambiguous name "IF A GOD, IF A GODDESS," lest by naming one for another, or confusing the sex, they should bind the people with a false religious obligation. See Macrobius, Saturnalia, book 3, ch. 9, and Brisson, On the Formulas and Solemn Words of the Roman People. On the sex of the gods, very often confused among the ancients (for example Venus male and female, Lunus and Luna), see Casaubon and Salmasius on Aelius Spartianus's Caracalla, ch. 7, Historia Augusta, vol. 1, p. 720 ff., and Selden, who refutes them, On the Syrian Gods, Syntagma 2, ch. 2, p. 149 f. The manuscript: "sive tu Deus es, sive tu Dea" — wrongly. ORELLI.

(VIII) ‹anchor: Nam necesse est corpora, si sunt mares ac feminæ› · lemma in col 946 Nam necesse est corpora, si sunt mares ac feminæ, (continues)

"For it is necessary that bodies, if they are male and female," (continues)

(printed under page 475)

(a) ‹anchor: et significantiam› · call in col 946

Significationem ms.

"Significationem": the manuscript.

(printed under page 475)

(b) ‹anchor: Nam› · call in col 946

At Fulv.

"At" ("but"): Fulvius [Ursinus].

COMMENTARIUS (VI, continued) ‹anchor: Quæ non modo illorum polluerent dignitatem› · lemma in col 944

(continued) Ita edidi ex emendatione Heraldi. Alii comprobaretis. ORELL.

(printed under page 475)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 476)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 947

Rediviva Fulv. male.

"Rediviva" ("revived"): Fulvius [Ursinus], wrongly.

(printed under page 476) (IX) ‹anchor: Ut sufficere prolem possint› · lemma in col 947 IX. — Ut sufficere prolem possint. Virgilius Georg. III, 64 seq. : Solve mares, mitte in Venerem pecuaria primus Atque aliam ex alia generando suffice prolem. Lucretius, lib. III, vers. 704 : . . . . . . Aliam naturam sufficit ex se. Apuleius Floridis, pag. 79. Homines vissicim sufficienda prole mutabiles. ELMENH.

IX. — "That they may supply offspring." Virgil, Georgics 3.64 f.: "Loose the males, be first to send your herds to mating, and supply one offspring after another by breeding." Lucretius, book 3, line 704: ". . . it supplies another nature out of itself." Apuleius, Florida, p. 79: "Men changeable by supplying offspring in turn" [vissicim so printed]. ELMENHORST.

(printed under page 476) (IX) ‹anchor: Et nova quaque suboriente fœtura› · lemma in col 947 Et nova quaque suboriente fœtura. Ita optime Elmenhorstius, et ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii : nova quoque. ORELL.

"And with each new brood springing up." So, very well, Elmenhorst and the Leiden edition. Others: "nova quoque." ORELLI.

(printed under page 476) (IX) ‹anchor: Recidiva substitutio› · lemma in col 947 Recidiva substitutio. Papias : Recidiva . . . iterum nascentia. Servius, ad IV Æneid., 537, et lib. X Æneid , vers. 54, verba : Recidivaque Pergama quærunt. Recidivum est, quod excisum denuo nascitur et repullulat. Prudentius, lib. II, contra Symach. : Gignit, alit, reparat recidivaque semina servat. Auctor Carminis de Sodoma apud Cyprianum : Sed recidiva hominum pariter cum gente secunda Impietas, iterumque mali nova pullulat ætas. Sic recidivum annum appellat Tertullianus παλίνδρομον, quem ἐνιαυτὸν Græci ideo dicunt. ELMENH. et HERALDUS. — Hinc nomen recidivatus formavit Tertullianus de Resurrectione carnis cap. I : Certe recidivatum animæ corporalem prænuntiaverunt, et cap. XXX : Recidivatus Judaici status de recorporatione et redunatione ossium figuratur. Vid. Lindenbrog. ad Moret. in Catalect. Virgil., pag. 303. ORELL.

"A recurring replacement." Papias: "Recidiva . . . things born again." Servius on Aeneid 4.537, and on Aeneid 10, line 54, the words "and they seek a Pergamum risen again": "Recidivum is what, being cut down, is born anew and sprouts again." Prudentius, Against Symmachus, book 2: "It begets, nourishes, renews, and keeps the seeds that rise again." The author of the Poem on Sodom, among Cyprian's works: "But impiety rises again with the second race of men, and a new age of evil sprouts once more." So Tertullian calls the year "recidivus," running back on itself, which is why the Greeks call it ἐνιαυτός. ELMENHORST and HERALDUS. — From this Tertullian formed the noun "recidivatus," On the Resurrection of the Flesh, ch. 1: "Certainly they foretold a bodily return of the soul"; and ch. 30: "The restoration of the Jewish state is figured by the re-embodying and reuniting [redunatione, so printed] of the bones." See Lindenbrog on the Moretum in the Catalecta of Virgil, p. 303. ORELLI.

(printed under page 476) (IX) ‹anchor: Si per has leges experiuntur se sexus› · lemma in col 947 Si per has leges experiuntur se sexus. Sexus est casus secundus et conjungend. cum leges. Sed magis placet emendatio Heraldi in Curis secundis : Et super hoc leges experiuntur sexus. ORELL.

"If by these laws the sexes put themselves to the test." "Sexus" is genitive, to be joined with "leges." But Heraldus's emendation in his Second Thoughts pleases me more: "And besides this they experience the laws of sex." ORELLI.

(printed under page 476) (IX) ‹anchor: Siquidem et ipsi perpetuo generant› · lemma in col 947 Siquidem et ipsi perpetuo generant. Ita Meursius, sequentibus cæteris. Antea legebatur : Siquidem et ipsi si perpetuo generant. Sed si sensum turbat. ORELL.

"Since they themselves also beget perpetually." So Meursius, the rest following. Before, it was read: "Siquidem et ipsi si perpetuo generant." But "si" disturbs the sense. ORELLI.

(printed under page 476) (IX) ‹anchor: Cur insigniti sint his locis› · lemma in col 948 Cur insigniti sint his locis. Quod hic locos, infra partes appellat. Intelligit autem res eas quas honeste nominare non possumus. Plin., Hist. nat., lib. X, cap. 37 : Quod in homine locos appellant, hoc in reliquis animalibus vulvam. Vide sis et alia exempla, quæ in re parum honesta congesserunt Heraldus et Elmenhorstius. ORELL.

"Why they are marked with these places." What he here calls "places" he calls "parts" below. He means the things we cannot decently name. Pliny, Natural History, book 10, ch. 37: "What in a human being they call 'the places,' in other animals they call the womb." See, if you please, the other examples which Heraldus and Elmenhorst have heaped up on this not very decent matter. ORELLI.

(printed under page 476) (IX) ‹anchor: Aut improvidam in illis suave ludere voluisse naturam› · lemma in col 948 Aut improvidam in illis suave ludere voluisse naturam. Ita edidi ex emendatione editoris Lugd. Bat. Cod. ms. : Aut improvidentium in illis suam ludere voluisse naturam. Sed ludere, id est, decipere suam imprudentiam, hoc loco locum non habet, quare Gelenius correxerat : Aut improvidentiam in illis suam lucere voluisse naturam. Meursius ; Aut providentiam in illis suam ludere voluisse naturam. ORELL.

"Or that improvident nature wished to play pleasantly in them." So I have printed from the emendation of the Leiden editor. The manuscript: "Aut improvidentium in illis suam ludere voluisse naturam." But "ludere," that is, to delude its own imprudence, has no place here; so Gelenius had corrected: "Or that nature wished its improvidence to shine out in them." Meursius: "Or that nature wished its providence to play in them." ORELLI.

(printed under page 476) (IX) ‹anchor: Quibus utendum non est› · lemma in col 948 Quibus utendum non est. Fulv. Ursinus : non esset. Non male. ORELL.

"Which are not to be used." Fulvius Ursinus: "non esset" ("were not to be used"). Not bad. ORELLI.

(printed under page 476) (IX) ‹anchor: Sicut enim› · lemma in col 948 Sicut enim, etc. Ita Stewechius. Antea legebatur vitiose : Sed ut enim, etc. quod fortasse fluxit e Codicis Regii scriptione seicut, quod antiquum pro sicut, ut docet idem Stewechius in Quæstionibus Apuleianis, lib. II. Salmasius edidit : Ut enim. ORELL.

"For just as," etc. So Stewechius. Formerly it was read faultily: "Sed ut enim," etc., which perhaps came from the Codex Regius's spelling "seicut," an old form of "sicut," as the same Stewechius shows in his Apuleian Questions, book 2. Salmasius printed: "Ut enim." ORELLI.

(printed under page 476) (X) ‹anchor: Antistites religionum› · lemma in col 948 X. — Antistites religionum. Id est sacerdotes. Vid. supra ad lib. I, cap. 17. Locis ibi citatis adde Cornel. Nep., Lysandr., cap. III, § 3 : Hac spe quum profectus esset, multum eum antistites Jovis fefellerunt. ORELL.

X. — "Overseers of the rites." That is, priests. See above on Book I, ch. 17. To the passages cited there add Cornelius Nepos, Lysander, ch. 3, § 3: "When he had set out with this hope, the overseers of Jupiter greatly deceived him." ORELLI.

(printed under page 476) (X) ‹anchor: Quas etiam ex oribus verecundis infame est suis appellationibus promere› · lemma in col 948 Quas etiam ex oribus verecundis infame est suis appellationibus promere. Solebant enim veteres, quas res pudor nominare vetaret, vel aliis vocabulis honestis, verbi causa, loca, partes, res, vel venusta quadam circumlocutione significare. Ita partes illas vocaverunt Græci τὰ ἀναγκαῖα. (Vide Artemidor. Oneirocrit., lib. I, cap. 47). Latini necessaria. Jul. Firmicus, lib. IV, Mathes., cap. 12 : vitia facit circa naturalia et necessaria ; et cap. 18 : At ex necessariis et muliebribus locis grave valetudinis discrimen indicit. Vide infra, lib. V, cap. 27. Et, qui hac de re multus est, Ruhnken. V. Cl. ad Rutil. Lup. de Figuris. Sentent., (continues)

"Which it is disgraceful even to utter by their own names from modest mouths." For the ancients used to signify things that modesty forbade them to name either by other decent words, for example "places," "parts," "things," or by some graceful circumlocution. So the Greeks called those parts "the necessary things" (see Artemidorus, Interpretation of Dreams, book 1, ch. 47), the Latins "necessaria." Julius Firmicus, Mathesis, book 4, ch. 12: "it causes defects about the natural and necessary parts"; and ch. 18: "But it signals a grave crisis of health from the necessary and womanly places." See below, Book V, ch. 27. And Ruhnken, that most distinguished man, who is copious on this matter, on Rutilius Lupus, On the Figures of Thought, (continues)

(printed under page 476)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 948

Lucere alii.

"Lucere" ("to shine"): others.

COMMENTARIUS (VIII, continued) ‹anchor: Nam necesse est corpora, si sunt mares ac feminæ› · lemma in col 946

(continued) insignita esse generis distinctione. Hæc est Cod. ms. lectio a Fulvio Ursino defensa, quam nescio qua de causa mutaverunt alii. Gelenius et cæteri usque ad Salmasium : si sunt mares ac feminæ vi significata ex generum distinctione, quam lectionem tuetur Heraldus, putans, Arnobium hoc dicere voluisse : Nam necesse est, si sunt dii mares et feminæ, deorum esse corpora, hinc significata et demonstrata, quia constituuntur diversa deorum genera, sive diversi sexus. Stewech. conjecit : Nam esse necesse est corpora, si sunt mares ac feminæ, insignita generum disjunctione. Meursius : Nam necesse est, corpora, si sunt mares ac feminæ dii, significata, etc. quam tamen conjecturam ipse retractat in Appendice legens sint significata. Editor tandem Lugd. Bat. : in significatu esse generis distinctione. Equidem Cod. ms. lectionem tamquam simplicissimam et optimam omnibus præfero : insignita esse generis disctintione, id est partibus illis, quibus genus distinguitur. ORELL.

(printed under page 476)

COMMENTARIUS (no variant notes visible in the foot images; columns of the lemmata inferred from print order) (X, continued) ‹anchor: Quas etiam ex oribus verecundis› · lemma in col 948

(continued) lib. I, cap. 18, pag. 61. Ubi nostrum etiam locum citat. ORELL.

(printed under page 477) (X) ‹anchor: Cupiditatibus rabidis ire in mutuas complexiones› · lemma in col 949 Cupiditatibus rabidis ire in mutuas complexiones, etc., etc. Apposite Ruhnkenius in Epist. Crit. I, pag. 156, ed. Hymn. Homerici in Cerer. noviss. cum his verbis comparat simillimum locum Apuleii Met. II, p. 26 ; Usque dum lassis animis et marcidis artubus defatigati simul ambo corruimus, inter mutuos amplexus animas anhelantes. ORELL.

"To go with rabid desires into mutual embraces," etc. Ruhnken, Critical Letter 1, p. 156, in the latest edition of the Homeric Hymn to Ceres, aptly compares with these words a very similar passage of Apuleius, Metamorphoses 2, p. 26: "until, exhausted, with weary spirits and limp limbs, we both collapsed together, panting out our souls in mutual embraces." ORELLI.

(printed under page 477) (X) ‹anchor: Et ad postremum fractis dissolutisque corporibus› · lemma in col 949 Et ad postremum fractis dissolutisque corporibus, voluptatis enervatione languescere. Ita Salmasius. Alii : ut ad postremum etc. quod tolerari possit : ut scil. credamus, quod subintelligendum ex præcedentibus. Cæterum in eamdem sententiam eleganter Tertullianus de Anima, cap. 27 : In illo ipso ultimo voluptatis æstu, quo genitale virus expellitur, nonne aliquid de anima quoque sentimus exire, atque adeo marcescimus, atque devigescimus cum lucis detrimento? ELMENH. et ORELL.

"And at last, their bodies broken and dissolved, to grow faint with the enervation of pleasure." So Salmasius. Others: "ut ad postremum," etc., which could be tolerated — "ut," that is, "credamus" ("that we should believe"), to be understood from what precedes. To the same effect Tertullian elegantly, On the Soul, ch. 27: "In that very last heat of pleasure, when the generative fluid is expelled, do we not feel something of the soul too going out, and so grow limp and lose our vigour, with a dimming of the light?" ELMENHORST and ORELLI.

(printed under page 477) (X) ‹anchor: Aboriri› · lemma in col 949 Aboriri. Id est abortum facere, active. ORELL.

"Aboriri." That is, to cause a miscarriage, in an active sense. ORELLI.

(printed under page 477) (X) ‹anchor: Perferre› · lemma in col 949 Perferre. Id est : ad justam maturitatem ferre, austragen. Ita Nemesian., eclog. III, 23, de Baccho : Hunc pater omnipotens, venturi providus ævi. Pertulit et justo produxit tempore partus. ubi tamen in plerisque editionibus legitur protulit. Plinius, Hist. nat., lib. VII, cap. 11 : Sed ubi paululum temporis inter duo conceptus intercessit, utrumque perfertur, ut in Hercule et Iphicle, fratre ejus, apparuit. ubi vid. Harduin. Adde Salmas. ad Solinum pag. 21, et, qui multus est de hoc verbo, Oudendorp. in Apulei. Met., lib. VI, pag. 398. ORELL.

"Perferre." That is, to carry to full term, "austragen." So Nemesianus, Eclogue 3.23, of Bacchus: "Him the almighty Father, foreseeing the age to come, carried to term and brought forth at the due time of birth" — where, however, most editions read "protulit." Pliny, Natural History, book 7, ch. 11: "But when a little time has passed between two conceptions, both are carried to term, as appeared in Hercules and his brother Iphicles," where see Harduin. Add Salmasius on Solinus, p. 21, and Oudendorp, who is copious on this verb, on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book 6, p. 398. ORELLI.

(printed under page 477) (X) ‹anchor: Avet animus atque ardet› · lemma in col 949 or 950 Avet animus atque ardet, etc. Ita rectissime emendavit Gelenius lectionem codicis msti. : Habet etiamnum atque ardet, quod frustra conantur defendere Th. Canterus et Heraldus, dicentes antiquitus scriptum habere pro avere. Sed ista verbi significatio Arnobii ætate prorsus erat obsoleta, et habere, id est possidere vel habitare, ab avere, id est cupere, longissime disjunctum : etiam, si ita legamus, nullum habemus subjectum, ad quod referatur τὸ habet. C. Barthius, in Adversar., lib. XLIV, cap. 24, pag. 2036 sq. vim ironiæ haud intelligens legendum suspicatur : Habet etiam Numa atque ardet, quasi de Numæ cum diis consortio sermo sit ; quod ab hoc loco alienissimum : et avet animus infra quoque legitur lib. V. Avere et habere in codicibus mstis. sæpissime confundi, docet etiam Davisius ad Cic., de Nat. deorum, lib. II, cap. 1, pag. 102 editionis primæ. ORELL.

"The mind longs and burns," etc. So Gelenius most rightly emended the manuscript's reading, "Habet etiamnum atque ardet," which Th. Canter and Heraldus try in vain to defend, saying that "habere" was anciently written for "avere." But that meaning of the word was wholly obsolete in Arnobius's day, and "habere," that is, to possess or to dwell, is very far removed from "avere," that is, to desire; besides, if we read it so, we have no subject to which "habet" can refer. C. Barth, Adversaria, book 44, ch. 24, p. 2036 f., not grasping the force of the irony, suspects one should read: "Habet etiam Numa atque ardet," as though the talk were of Numa's fellowship with the gods — which is utterly foreign to this passage; and "avet animus" is read below too, in Book V. That "avere" and "habere" are very often confused in manuscripts Davies also shows, on Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book 2, ch. 1, p. 102 of the first edition. ORELLI.

(printed under page 477) (X) ‹anchor: In chalcidicis illis magnis› · lemma in col 950 In chalcidicis illis magnis. Gelenius edidit chalcœcis, male. Nam infra lib. IV, cap. 35 : Describuntur dii vestri in tricliniis cœlestibus atque in chalcidicis aureis cœnitare, etc. Chalcidicum, quod ab urbe Chalcidica (lege Chalcide) dictum tradit Festus, quod genus ædificii sit, parum novimus. Ausonius in Periocha Odysseæ lib. I : Penelope degressa Chalcidico, et lib. XXIII : Chalcidicum gressu nutrix superabat anili. sine dubio expressit Homericum vocabulum ὑπερῷον, conclave in superiore ædium parte, ubi feminæ solebant commorari. Romani autem eam ædium partem appellarunt cœnaculum, quia ibi cœnitabant. Vide interpretes ad Auson., l. l., pag. 755, ed Tollii. Eodem sensu Chalcidicum usurpat etiam Hyginus, Fab. 185, ubi vid. Munker. et noster hoc loco. Alio autem sensu occurrit in monumento Ancyrano : CURIAM ET CONTINENS ET CHALCIDICUM TEMPLUMQUE APOLLINIS IN PALATIO. et ap. Dion. Cass., lib. LI, cap. 22. Ibi videtur significare peribolum vel deambulatorium exterius ædificium ambiens. Vid. Reimar., pag. 655, tom. I, et Scaliger., ad Euseb. Chronic., pag. 203 ; Turneb., Adversar., lib. XVIII, cap. 34, et Voss. in Etymol. Rom. ORELL.

"In those great chalcidica." Gelenius printed "chalcœcis," wrongly. For below, Book IV, ch. 35: "Your gods are described dining in heavenly dining-rooms and in golden chalcidica," etc. What kind of building a "chalcidicum" is — Festus records it was named from the city Chalcidica (read Chalcis) — we hardly know. Ausonius, in the Periocha of the Odyssey, book 1: "Penelope having come down from the chalcidicum," and book 23: "The nurse climbed the chalcidicum with an old woman's step," without doubt rendered the Homeric word ὑπερῷον, a chamber in the upper part of the house where the women used to stay. The Romans called that part of the house the "cenaculum," because they dined there. See the commentators on Ausonius at the place cited, p. 755, Toll's edition. Hyginus too uses "chalcidicum" in the same sense, Fable 185, where see Muncker; and our author in this passage. In another sense it occurs in the Monument of Ancyra: "THE SENATE-HOUSE AND THE CHALCIDICUM ADJOINING IT, AND THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO ON THE PALATINE," and in Dio Cassius, book 51, ch. 22. There it seems to mean an enclosure or a walk running round the outside of a building. See Reimar, p. 655, vol. 1, and Scaliger on Eusebius's Chronicle, p. 203; Turnebus, Adversaria, book 18, ch. 34; and Vossius in his Roman Etymologicon. ORELLI.

(printed under page 477) (X) ‹anchor: Ab Iaccho Cererem, Musa ut prædicat Lucretii, mammosam› · lemma in col 950 Ab Iaccho Cererem, Musa ut prædicat Lucretii, mammosam. Ita rectissime emendavit Lud. Carrio, Emendd. lib. II, cap. 17, pag. 179, in Lampad. Crit. Gruter., vol. 3, e cod. ms. pro apud Iacchum, quod antea legebatur. Alludit autem Arnobius, ad locum Lucretii, lib. IV, vers. 1162 : At gemina et mammosa Ceres est ipsa ab Iaccho. Ceres ab Iaccho est Ceres ἡ τοῦ Ἰάκχου, Ceres amica Iacchi, quam Iacchus amavit, ut explicant Lambinus et Th. Creech, vel, ut rectius interpretatur Salmasius ad Solin., pag. 528, quæ mammosa tunc erat, cum lacte suo puerum Iacchum educaret. Mammosa, id est mammis cum grandibus, ut Cererem infra appellat Arnobius, lib. VII, cap. 25. Conf. Gisp. Cuper, in Apotheosi Homeri, pag 255. ORELL.

"Ceres, big-breasted from Iacchus, as the Muse of Lucretius proclaims." So L. Carrion most rightly emended it, Emendationes, book 2, ch. 17, p. 179, in Gruter's Lampas Critica, vol. 3, from the manuscript, for "apud Iacchum," which was read before. Arnobius alludes to the passage of Lucretius, book 4, line 1162: "But the twin-breasted, big-breasted one is Ceres herself from Iacchus." "Ceres from Iacchus" is Ceres of Iacchus, Ceres the friend of Iacchus, whom Iacchus loved, as Lambinus and Th. Creech explain; or, as Salmasius interprets more rightly on Solinus, p. 528, she who was big-breasted at the time when she was nursing the boy Iacchus with her milk. "Mammosa," that is, "with great breasts," as Arnobius calls Ceres below, Book VII, ch. 25. Compare Gisbert Cuper, On the Apotheosis of Homer, p. 255. ORELLI.

(printed under page 477) (X) ‹anchor: Hellespontiacum Priapum› · lemma in col 950 Hellespontiacum Priapum. Hellespontiacus Priapus dictus a Lampsaco, civitate in Hellesponto, ex qua pulsus deus est factus. Vide Anton., ad Petron. Satyr., cap. 139, pag. 462. Ovid., I, Trist., IX, 26 : Et te ruricola Lampsace tuta Deo. Cæterum de cultu Priapi locus classicus est apud Prudent. contra Symmach., lib. I, vers. 102 seqq. : Ecce Deum in numero formatus et æneus adstat Graius homo, augustaque Numæ præfulget in arce. Strenuus exculti dominus quidam fuit agri, Scortator nimius, multaque libidine suetus Rusticolas vexare lupas, interque salicta Et densas sepes obscœna cubilia inire : Indomitum intendens animum, semperque paratum Ad facinus, numquam calidis dabat otia venis. Hic Deus e patrio prænobilis Hellesponto Venit adusque Italos sacris cum turpibus hortos : Sinum lactis et hæc votorum liba quotannis Accipit, ac ruris servat vineta Sabini, Turpiter adfixo pudeat quem visere ramo. ELMENH. et ORELL.

"The Hellespontine Priapus." Priapus is called Hellespontine from Lampsacus, a city on the Hellespont, from which he was driven out and became a god. See Anton on Petronius, Satyricon, ch. 139, p. 462. Ovid, Tristia 1.9.26: "And you, Lampsacus, kept safe by the rustic god." On the worship of Priapus, the classic passage is in Prudentius, Against Symmachus, book 1, line 102 ff.: "Look, a Greek man stands among the gods, shaped in bronze, and gleams in Numa's august citadel. He was once the vigorous master of a well-tilled farm, an excessive whoremonger, used in his great lust to harry the rustic harlots and to seek obscene beds among the willow-groves and thick hedges; bending his untamed mind, ever ready for the deed, he never gave his hot veins rest. This god, from his most noble native Hellespont, came with his foul rites as far as the gardens of Italy: each year he receives a bowl of milk and these votive cakes, and he guards the vineyards of the Sabine countryside — one would be ashamed to look at him, with his shameful branch fixed on." ELMENHORST and ORELLI.

(printed under page 477) (X) ‹anchor: Res illas› · lemma in col 950 Res illas. Res sensu obscœno pro virilibus. Sic infra in versione Carminis Orphici, lib. V, cap. 26 : Objecitque oculis formatas inguinibus res. Et Martialis : Parce tuis igitur dare mascula nomina rebus. Vid. Jan. Dousæ Præcidanea ad Tibul., cap. XV, (continues)

"Those things." "Things" in an obscene sense, for the male parts. So below, in the version of the Orphic poem, Book V, ch. 26: "And she put before his eyes the things shaped at the groin." And Martial: "Spare, then, to give masculine names to your things." See Janus Dousa, Praecidanea on Tibullus, ch. 15, (continues)

(printed under page 477)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 478)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image (per the commentary, "quam opinamini" in ch. XI)› · call in col 951

Quam ut obtenta, ms. male.

"Quam ut obtenta": the manuscript, wrongly.

(printed under page 478)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 951 or 952 (not visible)

Indecorus ms.

"Indecorus" ("unseemly"): the manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS (X, continued) ‹anchor: Res illas› · lemma in col 950

(continued) pag. 448, ed. Grævii. Fuit hæc honesta expressio rei turpis. Ita apud Latinos : Hæc multa, illa multa, hæ res multæ ; apud Græcos : πάντα ταῦτα, de voluptatibus nefariis, et Veneris ludo. Vide Herald., ad hunc locum. Similiter Wielandus V. Cl., in versionibus suis talia, quæ honeste effari nefas, verbis circumloquitur : Was ihr wist. ORELL.

(printed under page 478) (X) ‹anchor: Præliorum in expeditione paratas› · lemma in col 951 Præliorum in expeditione paratas. Prælia sensu turpi de congressu venereo. Ita Virgilius, Georg. III, 98 de equo confecto : . . . . . Si quando ad prælia ventum est. ubi vid. Heyne V. S. et Auson. Popm. ad Varron. Fragment. pag. 327, ed. Bipont. ORELL.

"Ready on campaign for battles." "Battles" in a shameful sense, of sexual intercourse. So Virgil, Georgics 3.98, of a worn-out horse: ". . . if ever it comes to battle." See there the most illustrious Heyne, and Ausonius Popma on the Fragments of Varro, p. 327, Bipontine edition. ORELLI.

(printed under page 478) (X) ‹anchor: Intestini ponderis morositate› · lemma in col 951 Intestini ponderis morositate. Intestinum pondus id quod uteri carsina, ap. Tertullian., lib. I, ad Uxor., cap. 5. Morositas hoc loco idem quod molestia vel active quod morosas facit gravidas : quo sensu hoc vocabulum alibi me legisse haud memini. ORELL.

"By the vexation of an inward weight." "Inward weight" is the same as "the womb's burden" [carsina, so printed], in Tertullian, To his Wife, book 1, ch. 5. "Morositas" here is the same as "trouble," or actively, what makes pregnant women peevish — a sense in which I do not remember reading this word elsewhere. ORELLI.

(printed under page 478) (X) ‹anchor: Aliis telis gravibus..... fixas› · lemma in col 951 Aliis telis gravibus..... fixas. Stewechius conjicit tricis, ut infra cap. 21 : Difficiles puerperiorum tricas. At nil mutandum hoc loco. Cui non nota tela Lucinæ, χαλεπὸν βέλος Εἰλειθυίας e Theocrito, Idyll. XXVII, vers. 28? ORELL.

"Pierced by other heavy darts." Stewechius conjectures "tricis" ("by hindrances"), as below, ch. 21: "the difficult hindrances of childbirth." But nothing is to be changed here. Who does not know the darts of Lucina, "the cruel dart of Eileithyia," from Theocritus, Idyll 27, line 28? ORELLI.

(printed under page 478) (X) ‹anchor: Tortari› · lemma in col 951 Tortari. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. e felicissima Th. Canteri emendatione pro inepto, quod antea legebatur, hortari. Vox Lucretiana, lib. III, vers. 661 : Omnia jam seorsim cernes amcisa recenti Volnere tortari, et terram conspergere tabo. Nonius : Tortor... pro torqueor. Pomponius Decuma fullonis : Et ubi insilui in cocleatum eculeum, ibi tolutim tortor. ORELL.

"To writhe." So the Leiden edition, from Th. Canter's very happy emendation, for the senseless "hortari" read before. A Lucretian word, book 3, line 661: "You will see all the parts, cut off [amcisa, so printed] separately by the fresh wound, writhe and bespatter the earth with gore." Nonius: "Tortor . . . for torqueor." Pomponius, The Fuller's Tithe: "And when I leapt onto the screw-shaped rack, there I am racked at a trot." ORELLI.

(printed under page 478) (X) ‹anchor: Suppetias Junonis implorare Lucinæ› · lemma in col 951 Suppetias Junonis implorare Lucinæ. Juno Lucina, tuam fidem ! Plaut. Aulul., Act. IV, scen. VII, vers. 10. Vide infra, cap. 21. ORELL.

"To implore the help of Juno Lucina." "Juno Lucina, your protection!" Plautus, Aulularia, Act 4, scene 7, line 10. See below, ch. 21. ORELLI.

(printed under page 478) (XI) ‹anchor: Et audetis adscribere causam nobis offensionis deorum› · lemma in col 951 XI. — Et audetis adscribere causam nobis offensionis deorum, cum, si judicatio fiat, certissima in vobis reperiatur hæc esse, nec in contumelia, quam opinamini stare. Ita edidi et interpunxi ex emendatione certissima J. Freinshemii ad Flor., lib. IV, cap. 2, pag. 765, ed. Dukeri. Antea edebatur : Cum, si judicatio fiat certissima, in vobis reperiatur hæc esse, et in contumelia, quam opinamini stare. Male : sensus enim est : In vobis, si judicatio fiat, certissima reperietur deorum offensio, non autem in contumelia stare, id est consistere, quam opinamini scil. a nobis diis illatam. ORELL.

XI. — "And you dare to lay on us the cause of the gods' offence, when, if judgement were made, this would most certainly be found to lie in you, and not to stand in the insult you suppose." So I have printed and punctuated it from the most certain emendation of J. Freinsheim on Florus, book 4, ch. 2, p. 765, Duker's edition. Formerly it was printed: "when, if a most certain judgement were made, this would be found to lie in you, and to stand in the insult you suppose." Wrongly; for the sense is: In you, if judgement were made, the gods' offence would most certainly be found, and not to stand, that is, to consist, in the insult which you suppose, namely, to be offered to the gods by us. ORELLI.

(printed under page 478) (XI) ‹anchor: Ægre atque acerrime sustinere› · lemma in col 951 Ægre atque acerrime sustinere. Necessario mendum est ; nam acerrime sustinere pro eo, quod est molestissime, Latinorum nemo umquam, nisi me egregie memoria fallat, dixit. Lego : Ægre atque ægerrime sustinere. Hæc genuina phrasis Arnobii nostri. Similiter, lib. II : Quibus mali sumus et pessimi, cupiditatibus, etc. Et sæpe in hoc opere. MEURS., pag. 89.

"To bear it ill and most sharply." This is necessarily a corruption; for no Latin writer ever said "most sharply to bear" for "most grievously," unless my memory badly deceives me. I read: "Ægre atque ægerrime sustinere" ("to bear it ill and most ill"). This is the genuine phrasing of our Arnobius. Similarly, Book II: "by which desires we are bad and worst," etc. And often in this work. MEURSIUS, p. 89.

(printed under page 478) (XI) ‹anchor: Si modo illorum curam spectat› · lemma in col 952 Si modo illorum curam spectat. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii : Si modo ad illorum curam spectat. ad e. Cod. ms. addidit Stewech. ORELL.

"If only it concerns their care." So the Leiden edition. Others: "Si modo ad illorum curam spectat." Stewechius added "ad" from the manuscript. ORELLI.

(printed under page 478) (XI) ‹anchor: Honestius quam vos multo de sui nominis dignitate existimare, credere› · lemma in col 952 Honestius quam vos multo de sui nominis dignitate existimare, credere. Sic ed. Lugd. Bat. ex more Arnobii copulam sæpissime omittentis. Cod. ms. habet : Existimare quam credere, quod frustra tuetur Stewechius. Gelenius : Atque credere. Alii : Et credere. ORELL.

"To think and believe much more honourably than you about the dignity of their own name." So the Leiden edition, after the habit of Arnobius, who very often omits the conjunction. The manuscript has "Existimare quam credere," which Stewechius defends in vain. Gelenius: "Atque credere." Others: "Et credere." ORELLI.

(printed under page 478) (XII) ‹anchor: Neque quisquam Judaicas in hoc loco nobis opponat› · lemma in col 952 XII. — Neque quisquam Judaicas in hoc loco nobis opponat et Sadducæi generis fabulas, tamquam formam tribuamus et nos Deo. Lectio bona et, ut mihi quidem videtur, perperam mutata a Salmasio edente : Tamquam formas tribuant atque os Deo. Gentiles enim Christianos cum Judæis confundentes, vel pro Judæorum peculiari quadam secta habentes, multa ipsis crimini dabant, quæ judæorum quidem propria, at a religione christiana alienissima fuere, verbi causa odium generis humani. Idem itaque audientes in judaicorum doctorum scriptis formam corporalem Deo tribui, tales ineptias Christianis etiam impingebant. Et hunc loci nostri sensum esse, sequentia verba : quæ aut nihil ad nos attinent, nec ex aliqua portione quicquam habent commune nobiscum, aut si sunt, ut creditur, sociæ etc., apertissime declarant. Cæterum hoc loco Arnobius tangit absurdissima illa commenta Rabbinorum, formam atque os humanum et mensuram adeo corporalem Deo attribuentium, de quibus pluribus agit civis doctissimus ὁ νῦν ἐν ἁγίοις Henr. Corrodius, in libro cui titulus : Critischte des Chiliasmus, vol. I, pag. 79, seq. Et omnino videtur Arnobius Sadducæos qui omnem traditionem veterum rejiciebant ideoque increduli habebantur, confudisse cum Pharisæis aliisque Judæorum magistris talium fabularum auctoribus. ORELL.

XII. — "And let no one in this place set against us the Jewish fables and those of the Sadducee sort, as though we too attribute a form to God." A good reading, and, as it seems to me at least, wrongly altered by Salmasius, who printed: "as though they attribute forms and a face to God." For the gentiles, confusing the Christians with the Jews, or taking them for a particular sect of the Jews, charged them with many things that were indeed proper to the Jews but utterly foreign to the Christian religion, for example hatred of the human race. So, hearing too that a bodily form was attributed to God in the writings of the Jewish teachers, they thrust such follies on the Christians as well. And that this is the sense of our passage the following words most plainly declare: "which either have nothing to do with us, nor have anything in common with us in any portion, or if they are, as is believed, allied," etc. Here, moreover, Arnobius touches those most absurd fictions of the Rabbis, who attribute to God a form, a human face and indeed a bodily measure — on which the most learned citizen, now among the saints, Heinrich Corrodi treats at length in the book entitled "Kritische Geschichte des Chiliasmus" [so printed: Critischte], vol. 1, p. 79 ff. And Arnobius seems altogether to have confused the Sadducees, who rejected all the tradition of the elders and were therefore held to be unbelievers, with the Pharisees and the other teachers of the Jews, the authors of such fables. ORELLI.

(printed under page 478) (XII) ‹anchor: Et veluti re certa› · lemma in col 952 Et veluti re certa, etc. Ita Cod. ms. quam lectionem tuetur Heraldus in Curis secundis : neque video, (continues)

"And as though on a certain matter," etc. So the manuscript, a reading Heraldus defends in his Second Thoughts; nor do I see (continues)

(printed under page 478)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 479)

(a) ‹anchor: filo et atterminatis› · call in col 953

Ita Sab., Determinatis alii.

So Sabaeus; "determinatis": others.

COMMENTARIUS (XII, continued) ‹anchor: Et veluti re certa› · lemma in col 952

(continued) cur mutanda sit. Fulvius Ursin. : et lege certaque atque auctoritate. Ed. Lugd. Bat.: et ut vel re certa. Meursius totum locum ita refingit : litteris : dicier velut res certa absque ulla necessitate. ORELL.

(printed under page 479) (XII) ‹anchor: Aut si sunt, ut creditur, sociæ› · lemma in col 953 Aut si sunt, ut creditur, sociæ. Ita editor Lugd. Bat. Editio princeps Sabæi : aut si sunt creditæ sociæ, Fulv. Ursin : aut si sunt credita socii. Sed bene habet sociæ, scil. fabulæ, id est nobis etiam communes, ut quod in iis dicitur, etiam ad nos pertinere videatur, ut recte interpretatur Heraldus. ORELL.

"Or if they are, as is believed, allied." So the Leiden editor. Sabaeus's first edition: "aut si sunt creditæ sociæ"; Fulvius Ursinus: "aut si sunt credita socii." But "sociæ" is right, namely the fables, that is, common to us too, so that what is said in them seems to apply to us as well, as Heraldus rightly interprets. ORELLI.

(printed under page 479) (XII) ‹anchor: Litterarum illarum nubes atque involucra relaxare› · lemma in col 953 Litterarum illarum nubes atque involucra relaxare. Similiter Claudian. Mamertus de statu animæ, lib. II. cap. 12 : Sed in hoc opaco rerum caligantium nubilo ex adytis supercœlestium doctrinarum consulta repetamus. ubi vid. Gasp. Barth. in Glossario. ORELL.

"To loosen the clouds and wrappings of those writings." Similarly Claudianus Mamertus, On the State of the Soul, book 2, ch. 12: "But in this dark cloud of things lying in gloom let us seek counsel from the sanctuaries of the supercelestial teachings," where see Caspar Barth in the Glossary. ORELLI.

(XIII) ‹anchor: filo et atterminatis humana› · lemma in col 953 XIII. — Filo et adterminatis humano. Filum vocat Arnobius, lineamenta et extremitates corporum. Ita Lucretius, II, 341 : Esse pari filo, similique affecta figura. Ubi vid. Creech. A. Gellius, lib. XIV, cap. 4. Chrysippus facit imaginem Justitiæ..... forma atque filo virginali Idem, lib. I, cap. 9 : Mores naturasque hominum conjectione quadam de oris et vultus ingenio, deque totius corporis filo atque habitudine sciscitari. HERALD. et HELMENH.—Ita et Plaut. Mercat, act. IV, scen. IV, vers. 15 : Satis scitum filum mulieris. Filum in genere de cujusvis corporis extremiis lineis dici pluribus ostendit Salmasius ad Solin., pag. 465. Eodem sensu dicitur scriptura apud Petronium, Sat. cap. 126.: Supercilia usque ad malarum scripturam currentia, et rursus confinio luminum pœne permixta. ubi vide intpp. ORELL.

XIII. — "In the human outline and its bounding lines." Arnobius calls the outlines and edges of bodies "filum." So Lucretius 2.341: "to be of equal outline and endowed with like shape." See Creech there. Aulus Gellius, book 14, ch. 4: "Chrysippus makes an image of Justice . . . with a virgin's form and outline." The same, book 1, ch. 9: "to inquire into men's characters and natures by a kind of inference from the cast of the mouth and face, and from the outline and bearing of the whole body." HERALDUS and ELMENHORST [printed HELMENH.]. — So also Plautus, Mercator, Act 4, scene 4, line 15: "the woman's figure is neat enough." Salmasius shows at length, on Solinus, p. 465, that "filum" is said in general of the outer lines of any body. In the same sense "scriptura" is used in Petronius, Satyricon, ch. 126: "eyebrows running right to the line of the cheeks, and again almost mingling at the border of the eyes." See the commentators there. ORELLI.

(XIII) ‹anchor: Circumcæsura› · lemma in col 953 or 954 Circumcæsura. Circumcæsura, περικοπή. Idem quod modo dixerat filum. Lucretius, III, 220. : Extima membrorum circumcæsura tamen se Incolumem præstat : nec desit corporis hilum. Conf. IV, 651. HERALD.— Conf. Turneb., Adversar., lib. XIII, cap 20. ORELL.

"Circumcæsura." "Circumcæsura," a cutting round, the outline. The same as what he had just called "filum." Lucretius 3.220: "Yet the outermost contour of the limbs keeps itself unharmed, and not a whit of the body is lacking." Compare 4.651. HERALDUS. — Compare Turnebus, Adversaria, book 13, ch. 20. ORELLI.

(XIII) ‹anchor: Consertionibus verticularum› · lemma in col 953 or 954 Consertionibus verticularum. Ita edidi ex emendatione verissima F. Dousæ ad Lucilii Fragment., pag. 295, ed. Havercamp. Verticum, quod in omnibus editionibus legitur, hoc loco tolerari non potest. Sed legendum verticularum, vel, quod Solinus habet cap. 34, verticulorum. Verticulæ sunt articuli, quibus spina dorsi cum capite conjungitur. Alii legunt vertebrarum eodem sensu. vid. Salmas. ad Solin., l. l. pag. 406. ORELL.

"By the joinings of the vertebrae." So I have printed from the most true emendation of F. Dousa on the Fragments of Lucilius, p. 295, Havercamp's edition. "Verticum," which is read in all editions, cannot be tolerated here; one should read "verticularum," or, as Solinus has in ch. 34, "verticulorum." "Verticulae" are the joints by which the spine of the back is connected with the head. Others read "vertebrarum" in the same sense. See Salmasius on Solinus, at the place cited, p. 406. ORELLI.

(XIII) ‹anchor: Aures etiam sequitur ut habeant› · lemma in col 954 Aures etiam sequitur ut habeant curvis perterebratas anfractibus. Inæqualibus anfractibus dicit Zeno Veronensis sermone de Attende tibi : Aures vero inæqualibus quibusdam anfractibus adapertæ ictaæ aëris sonum distincta modulatione accipiunt. Appellat paulo post inflexos anfractus, quemadmodum Arnobius infra inflexos tramites. HERALD.

"It follows that they also have ears bored through with curving windings." Zeno of Verona says "with unequal windings" in the sermon on "Take heed to thyself": "But the ears, opened with certain unequal windings, receive, when struck, the sound of the air in distinct modulation" [ictaæ so printed]. A little later he calls them "bent windings," as Arnobius below speaks of "bent paths." HERALDUS.

(XIII) ‹anchor: Oculorum orbiculos mobiles› · lemma in col 954 Oculorum orbiculos mobiles. Oculorum orbes et orbiculi, ut Græcis κύκλοι Solin., cap. 30 : Numquam cohibet aciem orbium. Seneca in Œdipode : Scrutatur avidus manibus uncis lumina : Radice ab ima funditus vulsos simul Evolvit orbes. Dixerat Sophocles in eadem fabula : Ἄρας ἔπαισεν ἄρθρα τῶν αὐτοῦ κύκλων. et in Antigone : κύκλους ὀμμάτων. HERALD.—Conf. Keuchen.; in Samonic., vers. 669, in Poet. Lat. min., P. Burmanni tom. II, pag. 319 ; Bünemann., ad Lactant., de Opif. Dei, cap. 10, pag. 1168. ORELL.

"The movable little orbs of the eyes." "Orbs" and "little orbs" of the eyes, as the Greeks say κύκλοι. Solinus, ch. 30: "It never holds back the gaze of its orbs." Seneca in the Oedipus: "Greedily he searches out his eyes with hooked hands; torn up from the deepest root, he rolls out both orbs together." Sophocles had said in the same play: "Lifting them, he struck the sockets of his own eyes"; and in the Antigone: "the orbs of the eyes." HERALDUS. — Compare Keuchen on Serenus Sammonicus, line 669, in the Poetae Latini minores, P. Burman's vol. 2, p. 319; Bünemann on Lactantius, On the Workmanship of God, ch. 10, p. 1168. ORELLI.

(XIII) ‹anchor: Suspensum imbricem narium› · lemma in col 954 Suspensum imbricem narium, etc. Eleganter comparat Arnobius nares cum imbrice, id est tegula cava, quæ tectis applicatur, ut per eam defluat aqua, Dachirinne, Dachtraufe. Cæterum cum nostro comparandus locus Aristotelis, Hist. Anim., lib. I, cap. 11. ἔτι προσώπου μέρος τὸ μὲν ὂν τῷ πνεύματι πόρος ῥίς· καὶ γὰρ ἀναπνεῖ καὶ ἐκπνεῖ ταύτῃ, καὶ ὁ πταρμὸς διὰ ταύτης γίνεται, πνεύματος ἀθρόου ἔξοδος, σημεῖον οἰωνιστικὸν, καὶ ἱερὸν μόνον τῶν πνευμάτων. Add. Cic., de Nat. deor., II, cap. 57. Cf. Lactant., de Opificio Dei, cap. 10. ORELL.

"The overhanging gutter-tile of the nostrils," etc. Arnobius elegantly compares the nose with an "imbrex," that is, a hollow tile fitted to roofs so that the water may run off along it, "Dachrinne, Dachtraufe" [printed Dachirinne]. With our passage compare Aristotle, History of Animals, book 1, ch. 11: "Further, a part of the face is the nose, the passage for the breath; for by it we breathe in and out, and the sneeze comes through it, a sudden outrush of breath, an omen of augury, and alone of the breaths held sacred." Add Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book 2, ch. 57. Compare Lactantius, On the Workmanship of God, ch. 10. ORELLI.

(XIII) ‹anchor: Subactionibus ciborum dentes trini generis› · lemma in col 954 Subactionibus ciborum dentes trini generis, etc. Nimirum 1° οἱ τομεῖς, primores Plinio, Isidoro autem Orig. XI, cap. 1. præcisores dicti, in veterino pecore rapaces ; 2° κυνόδοντες, canini, Isidoro, l. l., columelli a longitudine et rotunditate, in equis columellares ; 3° γόμφιοι vel μύλοι, molares Isidoro, maxillares Plinio, genuini Ciceroni dicti. Vide imprimis Artemidor., Oneirocrit., lib. I, cap. 31, ibique Rigalt., pag. 20, seqq., vol. II, ed. Reiff. Cæterum in eamdem sententiam eleganter Cicero de Nat. deor., II, cap. 54 : Dentibus autem in ore constructis manditur, atque ab his extenuatur et molitur cibus : eorum adversi acuti morsu dividunt escas, intimi autem conficiunt, qui genuini vocantur. ORELL.

"Teeth of three kinds for working the food," etc. Namely: first, the cutters, called "front teeth" by Pliny and "incisors" by Isidore, Etymologies 11, ch. 1, and in beasts of burden "rapaces"; second, the dog-teeth, "canines," called by Isidore at the place cited "columelli" from their length and roundness, in horses "columellares"; third, the grinders or millstones, called "molars" by Isidore, "jaw-teeth" by Pliny, "genuini" by Cicero. See above all Artemidorus, Interpretation of Dreams, book 1, ch. 31, with Rigault there, p. 20 ff., vol. 2, Reiff's edition. To the same effect Cicero elegantly, On the Nature of the Gods, book 2, ch. 54: "Food is chewed by the teeth set in the mouth, and by them it is reduced and ground: those in front, being sharp, divide the food by biting, while the innermost, which are called genuini, finish it." ORELLI.

(XIII) ‹anchor: Quod si ea, quæ prompta sunt› · lemma in col 954 Quod si ea, quæ prompta sunt, consentaneum est et illa portari. Hæc est Codicis ms. lectio, male mutata ab aliis in consentaneum est et illa portare, ab aliis in consentaneum est et illa putari. Sensus est : Quod si ea, quæ prompta (id est in promptu) sunt, scil. portantur a diis, (quod subintelligendum ex sequenti portari), consentaneum est et illa portari (ab iis) etc. OR.

"But if the things that are visible, it is consistent that those too are carried." This is the manuscript's reading, wrongly changed by some to "consentaneum est et illa portare," by others to "consentaneum est et illa putari." The sense is: "But if the things that are visible (that is, ready to hand) are carried by the gods (which is to be understood from the following 'portari'), it is consistent that those too are carried (by them)," etc. ORELLI.

(printed under page 479)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 480)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 955

Abstinentur ms.

"Abstinentur": the manuscript.

(printed under page 480) (XIV) ‹anchor: Edentulos› · lemma in col 955 XIV. — Edentulos. Nonius : Edentulum quasi sine dentibus placuit dici. Statius Cæcilius : Tune amare audes, edentule et capularis senex. Glossæ : Edentulus νωδός. ELMENH.

XIV. — "Toothless." Nonius: "It was agreed to call one 'edentulus' as being without teeth. Statius Caecilius: 'Do you dare to love, you toothless old man, ripe for the coffin?'" The Glosses: "Edentulus," toothless. ELMENHORST.

(printed under page 480) (XIV) ‹anchor: Turgidorum corporum inanitate pendere› · lemma in col 955 Turgidorum corporum inanitate pendere. Non opus habemus turpi verbo pedere, quod Arnobio h. l. obtrudere vult Stewechius. Pendere eleganter de corporibus vacuis, inanibus, fame enectis, quæ facile corruunt. Vide locum Ovidii Met. VIII, 805, ad caput proxime antecedens citatum. ORELL.

"To hang with the emptiness of swollen bodies." We have no need of the foul word "pedere" ("to break wind"), which Stewechius wants to foist on Arnobius here. "To hang" is said elegantly of bodies that are empty, hollow, wasted by hunger, which easily collapse. See the passage of Ovid, Metamorphoses 8.805, cited on the chapter just before. ORELLI.

(printed under page 480) (XIV) ‹anchor: Ergo esse dicendum est quosdam capitones› · lemma in col 955 Ergo esse dicendum est quosdam capitones, etc. Videtur hic Arnobius imitatus fuisse Ciceronis locum de Nat. deor. I, cap. 29 : Redeo ad deos : ecquos si non tam strabones, at pætulos esse arbitramur ? ecquos nævum habere? ecquos silos flaccos, frontones, capitones, quæ sunt in nobis ? an omnia emendata in illis etc. Capitones autem, qui magnum, vel densum firmumque habent caput, unde Plautus Pers. act. I, scen. II, vers. 8 : duros capitones appellat parasitos, qui pati possunt alapas et matulas in caput impactas. Cognomen etiam romanum fuit in familia Fonteia. Glossæ ; Capito, κεφαλίων. HERALD. et ORELL.

"So it must be said that some are big-headed," etc. Arnobius seems here to have imitated a passage of Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 1, ch. 29: "I return to the gods: do we think some of them, if not squint-eyed, then at least with a slight cast? Some with a mole? Some snub-nosed, flap-eared, beetle-browed, big-headed, as there are among us? Or is everything faultless in them?" etc. "Capitones" are those who have a large, or a thick and solid, head; hence Plautus, Persa, Act 1, scene 2, line 8, calls parasites "hard-headed," who can endure slaps and chamber-pots knocked about their heads. It was also a Roman cognomen in the Fonteian family. The Glosses: "Capito," big-head. HERALDUS and ORELLI.

(printed under page 480) (XIV) ‹anchor: Ciluncul0s› · lemma in col 956 Cilunculos. Hæc est lectio vetus, quam confirmat ms. reg. Supposuerant alii silunculos. Prior autem lectio verissima est. Nominatis enim capitonibus, convenientius sequuntur cilones vel deminut. cilunculi, quam sili, silones, silunculi. Sili sunt σιμοὶ in Glossis Philoxeni, apud Festum, qui sunt naso sursum versus repando, qui etiam silones Isidoro in Glossis : etsi silones. Nonio Marcello sunt superciliis prominentibus homines. At cilones sunt, quibus frons est eminentior ac dextra sinistraque velut recisa videtur, inquit Festus. Nempe cilo, cui frons veluti cellit, et sursum movetur ac surgit. Nam cellere κέλλειν ἤγουν κινεῖν : et transitive κινεῖσθαι καὶ κλίνειν. Unde excellere et recellere, quod est ut recte interpretatur Festus, reclinare : ab eadem origine incellere, id est maledictis impetere, pro quo antiquitus dicebatur incilare. Lucretius lib. III, 975 seq. : . . . . . . . . . . Necesse est Jure (ut opinor) agat, jure increpet inciletque, cilo igitur προκέφαλος, ut explicant Glossæ Philoxeni. HERALDUS. Conf. Meurs., in Append., et Lips., ad Tacit. Annal. XII, 21, pag. 652, ed. Oberlin. Equidem Heraldo prorsus assentior. Nam statim sequitur illis resimis naribus, quod non aliud est, quam silunculi. Contra optime junguntur cilunculi cum frontonibus : illi celsa fronte et convexa, von hoher, gewolbter Stirne ; hi magna et porrectiore, von hoher, langer Stirne. Et valde miror, editorem Lugd. Bat. revocasse silunculos, quod Arnobio illatum e Cicerone, qui habet sili. Cæterum de hoc aliisque cognominibus a partibus corporis ductis adi Caroli Sigonii librum de Nominibus Romanorum in Godofredi scriptoribus linguæ latinæ, pag. 1439, seqq. ORELL.

"Somewhat long-headed." This is the old reading, which the Codex Regius confirms. Others had substituted "silunculos" ("somewhat snub-nosed"). But the former reading is quite true. For after "big-heads" have been named, "cilones," or the diminutive "cilunculi," follow more fittingly than "sili, silones, silunculi." "Sili," in the Glossary of Philoxenus, are the snub-nosed; in Festus, those whose nose is bent back upwards, who are also called "silones" by Isidore in the Glosses; though "silones," for Nonius Marcellus, are men with prominent eyebrows. But "cilones" are those "whose forehead juts out and seems as it were cut away on the right and left," says Festus. That is, a "cilo" is one whose forehead as it were "cellit," moves and rises upward. For "cellere" is κέλλειν, that is, to move; and transitively, to be moved and to incline. Hence "excellere" and "recellere," which, as Festus rightly interprets, is "to recline"; from the same origin "incellere," that is, to assail with abuse, for which "incilare" was said of old. Lucretius 3.975 f.: ". . . it must needs be that [Nature] acts by right (as I think), by right rebukes and reproaches." So a "cilo" is "long-headed," as the Glossary of Philoxenus explains. HERALDUS. Compare Meursius in the Appendix, and Lipsius on Tacitus, Annals 12.21, p. 652, Oberlin's edition. For my part I agree with Heraldus entirely. For there follows at once "those with turned-up noses," which is nothing other than "silunculi." On the other hand "cilunculi" go very well with "frontones": the former with a high, vaulted forehead, "von hoher, gewölbter Stirne"; the latter with a large and more projecting one, "von hoher, langer Stirne." And I greatly wonder that the Leiden editor brought back "silunculos," which was imported into Arnobius from Cicero, who has "sili." On this and other cognomens drawn from parts of the body, consult Carlo Sigonio's book On the Names of the Romans, in Godefroy's Scriptores linguae latinae, p. 1439 ff. ORELLI.

(printed under page 480) (XIV) ‹anchor: Labeones› · lemma in col 956 Labeones. Quibus ampla sunt labia vel labæ potius. Charisius in Auctoribus linguæ latinæ, ed. Godofredi, p. 1361. Labra modica, labia immodica, et inde Labiones. Apud Romanos Fabiæ gentis cognomen, itemque Antistiæ et aliarum. ORELL.

"Thick-lipped." Those whose lips are large, or rather "labæ." Charisius, in the Auctores linguae latinae, Godefroy's edition, p. 1361: "'Labra' are moderate lips, 'labia' immoderate ones, and hence 'Labiones.'" Among the Romans it was a cognomen of the Fabian family, and likewise of the Antistian and others. ORELLI.

(printed under page 480) (XIV) ‹anchor: Nævios› · lemma in col 956 Nævios : Anævus, id est genuina corporis macula, Muttermahl, Mutterflecken. Cicero, de Nat. deorum, lib. I, cap. 28 : At est corpori macula nævus, illi tamen hoc lumen videbatur. Et Solinus, cap. 5 : Interdum enim ad genus spectant (causæ similitudinum) et per sobolem in familiam transitus faciunt, sicut plerique parvuli modo nævos, modo cicatrices, modo qualescumque originis suæ notas ferunt, Conf. Plin., Hist. nat., lib. VII, cap. 11. Aristoteles, Hist. anim., lib. VII, cap. 6 : καὶ ὅλως τα παρὰ φύσιν ἐοικότες πολλάκις, καὶ (continues)

"With moles." A nævus [printed "Anævus"], that is, a natural mark of the body, "Muttermal, Mutterflecken." Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book 1, ch. 28: "But a mole is a blemish on the body; yet to him it seemed a beauty." And Solinus, ch. 5: "For sometimes [the causes of likenesses] look to the stock, and pass through the offspring into the family, as many little children bear now moles, now scars, now marks of whatever kind from their origin." Compare Pliny, Natural History, book 7, ch. 11. Aristotle, History of Animals, book 7, ch. 6: "and in general, often resembling them in things contrary to nature, and (continues)

(printed under page 480)

(b) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image (cf. the commentary on Nævios)› · call in col 956

Mævinos ms. nævimos Sab.

"Mævinos": the manuscript; "nævimos": Sabaeus.

COMMENTARIUS (XIII) ‹anchor: Sub costis earumque sub cratibus› · lemma in col 955 Sub costis earumque sub cratibus. Crates hoc loco costarum compages. Similiter Ovid. Met., VIII, 805 : Ventris erat pro ventre locus : pendere putares Pectus, et a spinæ tantummodo crate teneri. et Lactant., de Opific. Dei, cap. 5 : Costis ...... interna viscera contegantur, ut ea, quæ mollia et minus valida fieri opus erat, illius solidæ cratis amplexu possent esse munita. Ubi vide Bunemann., pag 1147. ORELL.

"Under the ribs and under their lattice." "Crates" here is the framework of the ribs. So Ovid, Metamorphoses 8.805: "In place of a belly there was the place of a belly; you would think the chest hung loose and was held only by the lattice of the spine." And Lactantius, On the Workmanship of God, ch. 5: "The inward organs are covered by the ribs . . . so that those parts, which had to be made soft and less strong, might be protected by the embrace of that solid lattice." See Bünemann there, p. 1147. ORELLI.

(XIII) ‹anchor: Omentorum membranulæ› · lemma in col 955 Omentorum membranulæ. Omentum, Græcis ἐπίπλοον, membrana est tenuis et pinguis, quæ, intestinorum amfractus involvit, tegitque inferiores ventris partes (das Darmfell.) ORELL. — Unde Plinius, Hist. nat., lib. II, cap 37 : Ventriculus, inquit, atque intestina pingui ac tenui omento integuntur, præterquam ova gignentibus. Conf. Isidor., lib. II, Orig., cap. 1. NOURR., pag. 405.

"The thin membranes of the omenta." The omentum, in Greek ἐπίπλοον, is a thin fatty membrane which wraps the windings [amfractus, so printed] of the intestines and covers the lower parts of the belly (das Darmfell). ORELLI. — Whence Pliny, Natural History, book 2 [so printed], ch. 37: "The stomach," he says, "and the intestines are covered with a fatty, thin omentum, except in egg-laying animals." Compare Isidore, Etymologies, book 2 [so printed], ch. 1. LE NOURRY, p. 405.

(XIII) ‹anchor: Gurguliones› · lemma in col 955 Gurguliones. Lactantius, de Opific. Dei, cap. 11, § 6 : Spiritus contra, qui est incorporalis ac tenuis, quia spatium sibi facere non poterat, accepit viam patentem, quæ vocatur gurgulio. Luftrohre. ORELL.

"Windpipes." Lactantius, On the Workmanship of God, ch. 11, § 6: "The breath, on the other hand, which is incorporeal and fine, because it could not make room for itself, received an open way, which is called the gurgulio." Luftröhre (windpipe). ORELLI.

(XIII) ‹anchor: Ventriculos, lienes› · lemma in col 955 Ventriculos, lienes. Ita Gelenius et ed. Lugd. Bat. Stewechius : ventriculos, renes. Cod. ms. : ventriculos, venas, quod stare non potest, quia statim sequitur : et per omnia viscera commeantes purpurei sanguinis venas. Meursius mavult ventriculos, renes. ORELL.

"Stomachs, spleens." So Gelenius and the Leiden edition. Stewechius: "ventriculos, renes" ("stomachs, kidneys"). The manuscript: "ventriculos, venas," which cannot stand, because there follows at once: "and veins of purple blood running through all the organs." Meursius prefers "ventriculos, renes." ORELLI.

(XIII) ‹anchor: Cum arteriis spiritalibus conjugatas› · lemma in col 955 Cum arteriis spiritalibus conjugatas. Lucem his verbis affundit Augellius, Noct. Att., lib. XVIII, cap. 10 : Vena est conceptaculum sanguinis, quod ἀγγεῖον medici vocant, mixti confusique cum spiritu naturali, in quo plus sanguinis est, minus spiritus : arteria est conceptaculum spiritus naturalis mixti confusique cum sanguine, in quo plus spiritus est, minus sanguinis. et brevius Pollux Onom. Lib. II § 216 (Hemsterh.) : ἡ καρδία κόλπους ἔχουσα αἵματός τε καὶ πνεύματος, ὧν τὸ μὲν ἐκπέμπει δι' ἀρτηριῶν, τὸ δὲ ἀναπέμπει διὰ φλεβῶν. Confer, qui arteriarum naturam egregie illustrat, magnum Hippocratem in libro de Corde, tom. I, pag. 269, ed. Fæsii, Genev. et Gorrœum in Definitt. Med. v. Ἀρτηρία. ORELL.

"Joined with the air-bearing arteries." Aulus Gellius [printed Augellius] throws light on these words, Attic Nights, book 18, ch. 10: "A vein is a receptacle of blood, which physicians call a vessel, blood mixed and mingled with natural breath, in which there is more blood and less breath; an artery is a receptacle of natural breath mixed and mingled with blood, in which there is more breath and less blood." And more briefly Pollux, Onomasticon, book 2, § 216 (Hemsterhuis): "The heart has hollows of blood and of breath, the one of which it sends out through the arteries, the other it sends up through the veins." Compare the great Hippocrates, who illustrates the nature of the arteries admirably, in the book On the Heart, vol. 1, p. 269, Foës's Geneva edition, and Gorraeus in the Medical Definitions, under "Artery." ORELLI.

(printed under page 480)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 481)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 957

Leves, lenes, senes ms.

"Leves, lenes, senes" ("smooth, gentle, old"): the manuscript.

(printed under page 481)

(b) ‹anchor: Aquilos (per the commentary)› · call in col 957

Sab. Aquilios.

Sabaeus: "Aquilios."

COMMENTARIUS (XIV, continued) ‹anchor: Nævios› · lemma in col 956

(continued) σημεῖα ἔχοντες συγγενῆ καὶ οὐλάς. Glossæ : Nævi, ἀκροχορδόνες. Item : Nævus, φακὸς προσώπου. Alii : Nævus, ὑπερσάρκωσις. MEURS., in Append. et Salmas. Exercitt. Plin., p. 28.

(printed under page 481) (XIV) ‹anchor: Nasicas› · lemma in col 957 Nasicas. Nasicæ qui sint, ipse Arnobius explicat infra, lib. 6, cap. 10 : Displosas ut gestitet nares, quem esse vos facitis figuratisque nasicam. ELMENH.

"Long-nosed." Arnobius himself explains who the "nasicae" are, below, Book 6, ch. 10: "that he whom you make and fashion long-nosed should carry flared nostrils." ELMENHORST.

(printed under page 481) (XIV) ‹anchor: Displosis naribus› · lemma in col 957 Displosis naribus. Id est apertis et dilatatis. Lucretius, VI, 129 seq. : Nec mirum, cum plena animæ vesicula parva Sæpe ita dat pariter sonitum displosa repente. HERALD.

"With flared nostrils." That is, opened and widened. Lucretius 6.129 f.: "No wonder, since a little bladder full of air often makes such a noise when it suddenly bursts." HERALDUS.

(printed under page 481) (XIV) ‹anchor: Illos resimis› · lemma in col 957 Illos resimis, Resimæ nares, ἀνάσιμοι, sursum versus reductæ. Vid. Gesner., in Thes. ORELL.

"Those with turned-up [noses]." "Resimae nares," snub noses, drawn back upwards. See Gesner in the Thesaurus. ORELLI.

(printed under page 481) (XIV) ‹anchor: Buccarum cumulatione› · lemma in col 957 Buccarum cumulatione. Admodum placet conjectura P. Colvii ad Apulei. Met., lib. XI, p. 758, ed. Oudendorpii legentis buccarum tubulatione, id est tumore buccarum, nam tuber, tubus, tubulus a tumendo. ORELL.

"With the heaping-up of the cheeks." I greatly like the conjecture of P. Colvius on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book 11, p. 758, Oudendorp's edition, who reads "buccarum tubulatione," that is, with the swelling of the cheeks; for "tuber," "tubus," "tubulus" come from "tumere" ("to swell"). ORELLI.

(printed under page 481) (XIV) ‹anchor: Saccibucces› · lemma in col 957 Saccibucces. Secutus sum emendationem Salmasii in ed. Lugd. Bat., et ad Tertullian., de Pallio, p. 298. Cod. ms. habet sacrivoces nullo sensu, unde Gelenius fecit acrivoces Quod vero hic locum non habet, nam ab inflatis et tumidis buccis minime pendet vocis acritas. C. Barthius, in Adversariis duplicem conjecturam proponit. Lib. IV, cap. 19, p. 197, scribendum putat artivoces, id est voce arcte meante e turgentibus buccis. Lib. XLIII, cap. 6, p. 1936, autem legendum suspicatur Satyriones, ita dictos ob deformitatem patuli oris et risum quemdam absonum, quali effingebantur Satyri, unde Phurnutus, de Nat. deorum, cap. 30 (in Galei Opusc. Mythol.). Σατύρους derivat a σεσηρέναι. Sed longe præfero saccibucces, quod proxime accedit ad lectionem Cod. ms. Saccibucces ἀσκογνάθοι, φυσιγνάθοι. ORELL.

"Bag-cheeked." I have followed Salmasius's emendation in the Leiden edition, and on Tertullian, On the Cloak, p. 298. The manuscript has "sacrivoces," which makes no sense, from which Gelenius made "acrivoces" ("shrill-voiced"). But that has no place here, for shrillness of voice does not at all depend on blown-out, swollen cheeks. C. Barth proposes two conjectures in the Adversaria. In book 4, ch. 19, p. 197, he thinks one should write "artivoces," that is, with the voice passing narrowly out of swollen cheeks. In book 43, ch. 6, p. 1936, he suspects one should read "Satyriones," so called for the ugliness of a gaping mouth and a certain jarring grin, such as the Satyrs were portrayed with; whence Phurnutus, On the Nature of the Gods, ch. 30 (in Gale's Opuscula Mythologica), derives "Satyrs" from "to grin." But I far prefer "saccibucces," which comes nearest to the manuscript's reading. "Saccibucces": bag-jawed, puff-jawed. ORELLI.

(printed under page 481) (XIV) ‹anchor: Nanos, longos, medios› · lemma in col 957 Nanos, longos, medios. Sanissima lectio, quam inepte sollicitavit C. Barthius in Adversar., p. 197, conjectans mucidos, quod ab hoc loco prorsus alienum est. Alii legunt modicos. Sed bene habet medios, scil. inter nanos vel pumiliones et longos sive gigantas. Ita statura media in re militari, scil. inter eminentem vel prolixam et brevem. Vid. Stewech., ad Veget., de Re milit., lib. I, cap. 5, p. 18, ed. Vesal. De nanis, vid. A. Gell., lib. XVI, cap. 5. ORELL.

"Dwarfs, tall, middling." A perfectly sound reading, which C. Barth foolishly disturbed in the Adversaria, p. 197, conjecturing "mucidos" ("snivelling"), which is altogether foreign to this passage. Others read "modicos." But "medios" is right, namely between dwarfs or midgets and the tall or giants. So "middle stature" in military matters, between the tall or long and the short. See Stewechius on Vegetius, On Military Affairs, book 1, ch. 5, p. 18, Wesel edition. On dwarfs, see Aulus Gellius, book 16, ch. 5. ORELLI.

(printed under page 481) (XIV) ‹anchor: Aquilos› · lemma in col 957 Aquilos. Aquilus color fuscus, medius inter album et nigrum, Festus : qui autem vocabulum falso derivat ab aqua, cum sit ab aquila, cujus hic est color. Vide Scaliger et Dacer. ad Festi l. l. Glossæ : aquilum, μέλαν, ὡς Λουκίλλιος. Gloss. Isidor. aquilum. .. fuscum, nigrum, vid. Hug. Grot., ad Marcian. Capell., lib. II, p. 40. Cæterum, ut bene observat Gesnerus in Thesauro, Arnobius, h. l. maxime videtur respicere ad oculorum colorem. ORELL.

"Swarthy." "Aquilus" is a dusky colour, midway between white and black — Festus, who however wrongly derives the word from "aqua" ("water"), whereas it is from "aquila," the eagle, whose colour this is. See Scaliger and Dacier on Festus at the place cited. The Glosses: "aquilum," black, as Lucilius uses it. The Glosses of Isidore: "aquilum . . . dusky, black." See Hugo Grotius on Martianus Capella, book 2, p. 40. As Gesner well observes in the Thesaurus, Arnobius here seems chiefly to have in view the colour of the eyes. ORELLI.

(printed under page 481) (XIV) ‹anchor: Cæsios› · lemma in col 958 Cæsios. Terentius Hecyr., act. III, scen. IV, vers. 26 : Magnus, rubicundus, crispus, crassus, cæsius. ubi Donatus : Cæsius glaucis oculis, quasi felis oculos habens et glaucos. Hinc Minerva cæsia, γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη. Vid. A. Gell., lib. II, cap. 26. ORELL.

"Grey-eyed." Terence, Hecyra, Act 3, scene 4, line 26: "Big, ruddy, curly-haired, stout, grey-eyed." Where Donatus: "Caesius, with grey-green eyes, as though having a cat's eyes, and grey-green." Hence Minerva "caesia," grey-eyed Athena. See Aulus Gellius, book 2, ch. 26. ORELLI.

(printed under page 481) (XIV) ‹anchor: Ravos› · lemma in col 958 Ravos. Festus : Ravi coloris appellantur, qui sunt inter flavos et cæsios, quos Plautus appellat ravistellos. Ubi vide intpp. Ravus hoc loco igitur de oculorum colore, qualem Varro de Re rust., lib. II, cap. 2, § 4, in arietibus, et II, cap. 9, § 3. in canibus laudat, ubi vide notam Schneideri V. Cl., vol. I, pars II, p. 471. Ita frumenta, rava μελανόπυρρα, du roux ardent, et Cic. Academ. IV, cap. 33 : Mare... quia nobismetipsis modo cæruleum videtur, mane ravum, ut legitur in editione Davisii, qui ravum pro flavum restituit ex Nonio. ORELL.

"Tawny-eyed." Festus: "Those are called of tawny colour who are between the yellow-haired and the grey-eyed, whom Plautus calls 'ravistelli.'" See the commentators there. "Ravus" here, then, refers to the colour of the eyes, such as Varro, On Agriculture, book 2, ch. 2, § 4, praises in rams, and 2, ch. 9, § 3, in dogs, where see the note of the most distinguished Schneider, vol. 1, part 2, p. 471. So "tawny corn," dark-red, "du roux ardent"; and Cicero, Academics 4, ch. 33: "The sea . . . because to us ourselves it now seems blue, in the morning tawny," as is read in Davies's edition, who restored "ravum" for "flavum" from Nonius. ORELLI.

(printed under page 481) (XIV) ‹anchor: Fluidarum vestium superjectione perfusos› · lemma in col 958 Fluidarum vestium superjectione perfusos. Expressissime. Sic igitur appellat vestes longiores, quæ, ne frigus incommodaret, cæteris vestibus superinjiciebantur, quod Græci quoque ἐπαναβάλλειν dicunt. Herodotus : ἐπὶ τούτοισι δὲ εἰρίνεα εἵματα λευκὰ ἐπαναβληδὸν φορέουσι. Hoc etiam ἐπιτιθέναι. HERALD.

"Covered by the throwing-on of flowing garments." Most expressively put. So he calls the longer garments which, lest the cold should trouble them, were thrown over the other garments — what the Greeks also call "to throw on over." Herodotus: "And over these they wear white woollen cloaks thrown on over." This is also called "to put upon." HERALDUS.

(printed under page 481) (XV) ‹anchor: Quisquamne est hominum rationis alicujus sapore contactus› · lemma in col 958 XV. — Quisquamne est hominum rationis alicujus sapore contactus. Id est leviter illitus et infectus. Lucretius, lib. VI, vers. 1186 : Tenuia sputa, minuta, croci contacta colore. HERALD.

XV. — "Is there anyone among men touched with the savour of any reason." That is, lightly smeared and tinged. Lucretius, book 6, line 1186: "thin spittle, in small drops, tinged with the colour of saffron." HERALDUS.

(printed under page 481) (XV) ‹anchor: Sylvescentium crinium› · lemma in col 958 Sylvescentium crinium. Quemadmodum sylvæ τριχοφυεῖν dicuntur veteribus, sic versa vice crines sylvescere. Vide F. Lidenbrog. ad Catalect. Virgil., p. 324. ORELL.

"Of hair growing wild like a forest." As forests are said by the ancients to "grow hair," so conversely hair is said to "grow into a forest." See F. Lindenbrog [printed Lidenbrog] on the Catalecta of Virgil, p. 324. ORELLI.

(printed under page 481) (XV) ‹anchor: Probus› · lemma in col 958 Probus. Id est pudore aliquo et verecundia tactus ; ut contra improbus, τολμηρὸς καὶ ἀναίσχυντος. HERALD.

"Upright." That is, touched with some modesty and shame; as on the contrary "improbus" is bold and shameless. HERALDUS.

(printed under page 481) (XV) ‹anchor: Qua despuitis nos ut rudes› · lemma in col 958 Qua despuitis nos ut rudes. Christianis ignorantiam et ἀπαιδευσίαν objiciebant gentes ; nempe quod litteras seculares pauci inter eos tractarent, et essent in iis sellularii plurimi opifices καὶ βάναυσοι. Minucius Felix : Idcirco indignandum omnibus, immo indolescendum est, audere quosdam, et hos studiorum rudes, litterarum profanos, expertes, artium etiam sordidarum, certum aliquid de summa rerum ac majestate decernere. De hac autem criminatione Justinus Martyr, Origenes et alii passim. Certe Christiani, quod ab honoribus et magistratibus semoti privatam vitam viverent, eas litteras, quæ ad forensia aut politica officia cum laude obeunda præcipue necessariæ sunt, etiam negligebant. Præterea, quia sophistæ et philosophi erant Christiani nominis hostes præcipui, idcirco vel hoc nomine philosophiam ipsam plerique aversabantur ; quem errorem tamen veteres et eruditi Ecclesiæ doctores corrigere conati sunt ; et eo nonnulli progressi ut philosophiæ plus æquo tribuerent, quod vel ex (continues)

"By which you spit upon us as uncouth." The gentiles charged the Christians with ignorance and lack of education, namely because few among them handled secular letters, and very many among them were sedentary workmen and mechanics. Minucius Felix: "Therefore all should be indignant, indeed pained, that certain people, and these unskilled in study, strangers to letters, ignorant even of the meaner arts, dare to pronounce anything certain about the sum and majesty of things." Justin Martyr, Origen and others speak of this accusation here and there. Certainly the Christians, because they lived a private life removed from honours and magistracies, neglected even those letters that are especially necessary for discharging the duties of the forum or of politics with credit. Moreover, because the sophists and philosophers were the chief enemies of the Christian name, many shunned philosophy itself even on that account — an error which, however, the ancient and learned doctors of the Church tried to correct; and some went so far as to attribute more than was fair to philosophy, as (continues)

(printed under page 481)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 482)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 959

Esse alii : Fuisse ms.

"Esse" ("to be"): others; "fuisse" ("to have been"): the manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS (XV, continued) ‹anchor: Qua despuitis nos ut rudes› · lemma in col 958

(continued) uno Clemente Alexandrino constare potest. At de humanioribus et floridioribus litteris asperiora etiam fuerunt veterum Christianorum judicia. Tragœdias enim et comœdias, aliaque cætera poetarum scripta, quod ea ad solidam doctrinam conferre nihil existimarent, præterea lascivia et turpitudine scatere ac fabulosæ idololatriæ promptuarium esse crederent, aspernabantur et damnabant. Hinc existimat Tertullianus libro de idololatria. ludimagistros et cæteros professores litterarum affines esse multimodæ idololatriæ ; quibus necesse est deos nationum prædicare, nomina, genealogias, fabulas, ornamenta honorifica quæque eorum enuntiare etc. Et Origenes libro contra Celsum tertio exerte ait, a Christianis magistris eos reprobari, qui comœdias et lasciva poemata enarrent, non autem eos, qui seriam philosophiam. HERALD.

(printed under page 482) (XV) ‹anchor: Quod mutorum animantium formis divinis inseruerint causis› · lemma in col 959 Quod mutorum animantium formis divinis inseruerint causis. Accomodatius forsitan legi posset : Divinis inseruerint censibus. Sed nihil mutare ausim. Divinæ causæ videntur h. l. idem esse quod divinæ potestates, die Gottermachte. ORELL.

"That they inserted the forms of dumb animals among the divine causes." It might perhaps more fittingly be read: "Divinis inseruerint censibus" ("inserted into the divine rolls"). But I would not dare to change anything. "Divine causes" seem here to be the same as "divine powers," "die Göttermächte." ORELLI.

(printed under page 482) (XV) ‹anchor: Easdemque quod species multo thure accipiant› · lemma in col 959 Easdemque quod species multo thure accipiant. Infra, lib. VII, c. 22 : Et quod tellus est mater, consimiliter gravidis accipienda est scrofis. Ita θεοὺς ὑποδέχεσθαι Græci frequenter aiunt. Artemidorus, lib. III. c. 14 : Οἱ γὰρ ἐν περιστάσει γενόμενοι θύουσί τε τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ ὑποδέχονται αὐτούς. HERALD.

"And that they receive these same images with much incense." Below, Book VII, ch. 22: "And because the Earth is a mother, she is likewise to be received with pregnant sows." So the Greeks often say "to receive the gods." Artemidorus, book 3, ch. 14: "For those who are in difficulty both sacrifice to the gods and receive them." HERALDUS.

(printed under page 482) (XVI) ‹anchor: Dicis causa› · lemma in col 959 XVI. — Dicis causa. Ita correxit J. Lipsius. Dicis causa, id est προφάσεως ἕνεκα, λόγου χάριν : verbo, non re : in speciem, zum Scheine. Vid. A. Bosii Ind. ad Cornel. Nepot. ; A Schtt. Obss. Ilum., lib. V, c. 33 ; Turneb., Advers., lib. XI, c. 20, qui derivat non a dico, is, sed a dico, as, ut sit tamquam dicationis causa, et Ernesti Clav. Cic. Editio princeps Rom. vitiosissime dotis causa. ORELL.

XVI. — "For form's sake." So J. Lipsius corrected it. "Dicis causa," that is, for a pretext, for the sake of a word: in word, not in fact; for show, "zum Scheine." See J. A. Bose's Index to Cornelius Nepos; A. Schott, Observationes humanae [printed "Ilum."], book 5, ch. 33; Turnebus, Adversaria, book 11, ch. 20, who derives it not from "dico, -is" but from "dico, -as," so that it would be as it were "for the sake of dedication"; and Ernesti's Clavis Ciceroniana. The first Roman edition, most faultily: "dotis causa" ("for the sake of a dowry"). ORELLI.

(printed under page 482) (XVI) ‹anchor: Formamentis attribuisse divinis› · lemma in col 959 Formamentis attribuisse divinis. Ita ms. et Fulv. Ursin. Edit. Rom. formam mentis, male. Formamentum vox Lucretiana, II, vers. 518 : . . . . . . Omnia principiorum Formamenta queunt in quovis esse nitore. HERALDUS et ELMENHORST.

"To have attributed to the divine shapes." So the manuscript and Fulvius Ursinus. The Roman edition: "formam mentis" ("the form of the mind"), wrongly. "Formamentum" is a Lucretian word, book 2, line 518: ". . . all the shapes of the first-beginnings can exist in any splendour." HERALDUS and ELMENHORST.

(printed under page 482) (XVI) ‹anchor: Non quod in re esse, ipsaque in veritate est, censetis› · lemma in col 959 Non quod in re esse, ipsaque in veritate est, censetis. Ita ms. quam lectionem temere ab aliis mutatam revocavit ed. Lugd. Bat. Est scil. verborum trajectio pro non quod in re esse censetis. quodque ipsa in veritate est. Et tales trajectiones amare Arnobium supra vidimus. Fulv. Ursin. conj. : Quod reapse in veritate esse censetis, probante Heraldo in Curis secundis. ORELL.

"Not what you judge to be in fact, and is in truth itself." So the manuscript, a reading rashly changed by others which the Leiden edition brought back. It is, namely, a transposition of words for "not what you judge to be in fact, and what is itself in truth." And we have seen above that Arnobius loves such transpositions. Fulvius Ursinus conjectures: "Quod reapse in veritate esse censetis" ("what you judge to be really in truth"), with Heraldus's approval in his Second Thoughts. ORELLI.

(printed under page 482) (XVI) ‹anchor: Si aselluli, canes› · lemma in col 959 Si aselluli, canes, etc. Hæc expressa videntur e Xenophanis Colophonii versibus, qui leguntur apud Clement. Alex. Stromat., lib. V, p. 256, et Theodoret., contra Græcos, orat. III, p. 49. Adscribam hic illos, quemadmodum emendati sunt ab illo ingenii et omnis politioris litteraturæ principe, Jos. Scaligero : Ἀλλ' εἴ τοι χεῖράς γ' εἶχον βόες ἠὲ λέοντες, Καὶ γράψαι χείρεσσι, καὶ ἔργα τελεῖν, ἅπερ ἄνδρες, Καί κε θεῶν ἰδέας ἔγραφον καὶ σώματ' ἐποίουν Τοιαῦθ' οἷόνπερ καὐτοὶ δέμας εἶχον ὁμοῖα, Ἵπποι μέν θ' ἵπποισι, βόες δέ τε βουσὶν ὁμοῖα. ELMENH.

"If little asses, dogs," etc. This seems to be drawn from the verses of Xenophanes of Colophon, which are read in Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, book 5, p. 256, and Theodoret, Against the Greeks, discourse 3, p. 49. I shall write them here as they were emended by that prince of genius and of all the more refined literature, Joseph Scaliger: "But if oxen or lions had hands, and could paint with their hands and do the works that men do, they would paint the forms of the gods and make their bodies such as the frame each of them had, like themselves — horses like horses, and oxen like oxen." ELMENHORST. [The Greek verses are in very small type; the endings of lines 3–4 are read with some uncertainty.]

(printed under page 482) (XVI) ‹anchor: Quantas, inquam, irarum flammas suffunderent› · lemma in col 960 Quantas, inquam, irarum flammas suffunderent, concitarent. Fulv. Ursinus conj. effunderent. Sed suffunderent bene defendit J. Fr. Gronovius Diatrib., ad Stat., p. 401, citans Silium, lib. IX, 491 : . . . . . . . Suffuderat ora Sanguis, et a torvo surgebant lumine flammæ. et lib. XI, 218 : Tum virgo ignescens penitus, violenta repente Suffudit flammis ora. et Claudian., in Cons. Mallii, vers. 21 : ..... Nec lumina fervor Asperat, aut rabidas suffundit sanguine venas. ORELL.

"What flames of anger, I say, they would pour up and stir." Fulvius Ursinus conjectures "effunderent" ("pour out"). But J. F. Gronovius well defends "suffunderent," Diatribe on Statius, p. 401, citing Silius, book 9, 491: ". . . blood had suffused his face, and flames rose from his grim eye"; and book 11, 218: "Then the maiden, kindling deep within, suddenly, violent, suffused her face with flames"; and Claudian, On the Consulship of Mallius, line 21: ". . . nor does heat roughen his eyes, or suffuse his raging veins with blood." ORELLI.

(printed under page 482) (XVI) ‹anchor: Si sanctus Pompilius› · lemma in col 960 Si sanctus Pompilius. Nescio, quid sibi velint legentes si Ancus Pompilius. Atqui sanctus recte dicitur Numa Pompilius cum ob vitæ integritatem, tum ob credita illius cum diis consortia. ORELL.

"If the holy Pompilius." I do not know what those mean who read "si Ancus Pompilius." But Numa Pompilius is rightly called "holy," both for the integrity of his life and for his believed fellowship with the gods. ORELLI.

(printed under page 482) (XVI) ‹anchor: Nisi quod et clurino cum pecore› · lemma in col 960 Nisi quod et clurino cum pecore nescio quis auctor voluit esse commune. Optimam hanc et unice veram codicis ms. lectionem, ab Heraldo merito commendatam, primus in textum revocavit Salmasius. Clurinum pecus est simia. Papias : Clura vel clurinum (pecus) simia dicitur. Clura scil. contractum e Græcorum κόλουρα, ut glans ex γάλανος. Κόλουρος, qui cauda caret vel mutilam habet caudam. Vide intpp. ad Fest., verbo Cluna. Conf. Salmas. ad Solin., p. 267 ; Savaro ad Sidon., p. 4 ; et inprimis Keuchen., ad Samonic., de Medic., vers. 825, in Poet. lat. min. ; P. Burmanni, vol. II, p. 345. Quod non intelligentes primus editor Sabæus et cæteri eum secuti, excepto (continues)

"Except what some author or other willed to be shared with the ape-kind too." This excellent and uniquely true reading of the manuscript, rightly commended by Heraldus, Salmasius first brought back into the text. "Clurinum pecus" is the ape. Papias: "'Clura' or 'clurinum' (beast) is a name for the ape." "Clura," namely, contracted from the Greek κόλουρα, as "glans" from γάλανος. Κόλουρος is one who lacks a tail or has a docked tail. See the commentators on Festus, under "Cluna." Compare Salmasius on Solinus, p. 267; Savaron on Sidonius, p. 4; and above all Keuchen on Serenus Sammonicus, On Medicine, line 825, in the Poetae Latini minores, P. Burman's vol. 2, p. 345. Not understanding this, the first editor Sabaeus and the rest who followed him, except (continues)

(printed under page 482)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 483)

(a) ‹anchor: quam perhibetis› · call in col 961

Perhibitis Sab. male.

"Perhibitis": Sabaeus, wrongly.

(printed under page 483)

(b) ‹anchor: quas esse apud nos› · call in col 961

Vos Fulv.

"Vos" ("you"): Fulvius [Ursinus].

COMMENTARIUS (XVI, continued) ‹anchor: Nisi quod et clurino cum pecore› · lemma in col 960

(continued) Salmasio, ediderunt veterino cum pecore, pessime. Nam veterinum pecus, ut pluribus ostendit Lambinus ad Lucret., l. V, vers. 863, p. 673, dicuntur omnia animalia, quæ vehere quid possunt, boves, equi, muli, asini, etc., quorum nulla aut minima cum homine similitudo est. Cæterum ille nescio quis auctor, ut docet Nourrius, Ennius est, cujus notus versus e Cicerone de Nat. deor. I, c. 35. Simia quam similis, turpissima bestia, nobis. Nec audiendus etiam Meursius in Appendice legendum suspicans cluníno cum pecore. Conf. Savaro ad Sidon., lib. I, epist. I, p. 4. ORELL.

(XVII) ‹anchor: Prohibemur› · lemma in col 961 XVII. — Prohibemur. Ita Gelenius. Editio princeps prohibemus, male. ORELL.

XVII. — "We are forbidden." So Gelenius. The first edition: "prohibemus" ("we forbid"), wrongly. ORELLI.

(XVII) ‹anchor: Vel ex fragili conglobatus et fabricatus testa› · lemma in col 961 Vel ex fragili conglobatus et fabricatus testa. Ita in cod. ms. legi docet Stewechius, et Salmasius hanc lectionem primus in textum revocavit. Recte, opinor. Nam conglobatus fragili testæ multo melius convenit, quam condolatus, quod e correctione Gelenii habent cæteri editores. Neque enim fragilis testa effingitur dolamine, sed e molli creta vel luto fabrefacta torretur, deinde fornace coquitur. Porro maximopere dubito, an latine dici possit compositum condolare, quod verbum frustra quæsivi in Lexicis. Nam cum vel con in verbis compositis junctionem aliquam vel additionem vel compositionem subindicat. Atqui dolamine nihil additur, sed demitur potius vel abscinditur aliquid ligno, lapidi aut metallo. Fulv. Ursinus itaque legendum conjicit : Ex frugili coalitus et fabricatus testa, sequente Elmenhorstio. Stewechius : Ex fragili ligno dolatus seu fabricatus esse testa, respiciens forsitan ad verba illa Martialis, lib. VI, Epigr. 49 : Priapus de fragili dolatus ulmo. Sed longe præfero lectionem codicis conglobatus, quæ adstruitur etiam loco plane simili Ciceronis, de Natur. deor., l. II, c. 39 : Ac principio terra universa cernatur, locata in media mundi sede, solida et globosa, et undique ipsa in sese nutibus suis conglobata, vestita floribus. Cæterum præceptorem suum Arnobium imitatus est Lactantius, de Opif. Dei, c. 17, § 9 : An si mihi quis dixerit, æneum esse cœlum, aut vitreum, ut Empedocles ait, aerem glaciatum, statimne adsentiar, quia cælum, ex qua materia fit, ignorem? ubi vide Bunemann., p. 1207, seq. ORELL.

"Or rounded and made out of brittle earthenware." Stewechius shows that this is read in the manuscript, and Salmasius first brought this reading back into the text. Rightly, I think. For "conglobatus" ("rounded into a ball") suits brittle earthenware much better than "condolatus" ("hewn together"), which the other editors have from Gelenius's correction. For brittle earthenware is not shaped with an axe; it is fashioned from soft chalk or clay and dried, then fired in a kiln. Further, I very much doubt whether the compound "condolare" can be said in Latin; I have looked for the word in the lexicons in vain. For "cum" or "con" in compound verbs indicates some joining, addition or composition. But by the axe nothing is added; rather something is taken away or cut off from wood, stone or metal. Fulvius Ursinus therefore conjectures one should read: "Ex frugili [so printed] coalitus et fabricatus testa," Elmenhorst following. Stewechius: "Ex fragili ligno dolatus seu fabricatus esse testa," looking perhaps to those words of Martial, book 6, epigram 49: "Priapus hewn from brittle elm." But I far prefer the manuscript's reading "conglobatus," which is supported also by a plainly similar passage of Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book 2, ch. 39: "And first let the whole earth be seen, set in the middle seat of the world, solid and globe-shaped, and on every side drawn together into a ball upon itself by its own tendencies, clothed with flowers." Lactantius imitated his teacher Arnobius, On the Workmanship of God, ch. 17, § 9: "If someone told me that the sky is of bronze, or of glass, or, as Empedocles says, frozen air, should I at once agree, because I do not know of what material the sky is made?" See Bünemann there, p. 1207 f. ORELLI.

(XVIII) ‹anchor: Superjectas pupilis› · lemma in col 961 XVIII. — Superjectus populis. Ita ms et ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii pupillis. Sed pupula est forma antiquior et Lucretiana, quales amat Arnobius. ORELL.

XVIII. — "Laid over the pupils" [the lemma is printed "Superjectus populis"]. So the manuscript and the Leiden edition. Others: "pupillis." But "pupula" is the older and Lucretian form, such as Arnobius loves. ORELLI.

(XVIII) ‹anchor: Multijuga lingua sonos articulet› · lemma in col 962 Multijuga lingua sonos articulet. Magis placet Stewechii conjectura : Multijugos lingua sonos articulet ORELL.

"That a many-yoked tongue should articulate sounds." Stewechius's conjecture pleases me more: "That the tongue should articulate many-yoked sounds." ORELLI.

(printed under page 483) (XIX) ‹anchor: Quis..... dirigentem ?› · lemma in col 962 XIX. — Quis...... dirigentem ? Ita cod. ms. et ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii malunt dirigere, quia præcesserint infinitivi nosse, intelligere, providere. Sed ejusmodi anacolutha frequentia apud optimos scriptores. ORELL.

XIX. — "Who . . . directing?" So the manuscript and the Leiden edition. Others prefer "dirigere" ("to direct"), because the infinitives "to know, to understand, to foresee" preceded. But anacolutha of this kind are frequent in the best writers. ORELLI.

(printed under page 483) (XIX) ‹anchor: nominis majestate› · lemma in col 962 Nominis majestate. Alii numinis.

"By the majesty of his name." Others: "numinis" ("of his divinity").

(printed under page 483) (XX) ‹anchor: alios lanarios› · lemma in col 962 XX. — Lanarios. Annon legendum lanificos ? Nam deorum lanariorum, id est qui lanam sordibus purgant (vid. supra, ad l. II, c. 38), nulla mentio, sed lanificorum. Ita lanificæ sorores, Parcæ. Sed fortassis in talibus distinctionibus minus accuratus Arnobius. ORELL.

XX. — "Wool-workers." Should we not read "lanificos" ("wool-spinners")? For there is no mention of wool-cleaning gods, that is, those who clean wool of its dirt (see above, on Book II, ch. 38), but of wool-spinning ones. So the "wool-spinning sisters," the Fates. But perhaps Arnobius is less precise in such distinctions. ORELLI.

(printed under page 483) (XX) ‹anchor: nautas› · lemma in col 962 Nautas. Nugæ ! Dii nulli nautæ : neque enim Ne- (continues)

"Sailors." Nonsense! No gods are sailors: for neither Ne- (continues)

(printed under page 483)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 484)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 963

Sic ms. Obsterticis alii.

So the manuscript. "Obsterticis": others.

COMMENTARIUS (XX, continued) ‹anchor: nautas› · lemma in col 962

(continued) ptunum, quia maris teneat imperium, nautam, nisi ineptissime dixeris. Restituo naccas. Veteribus autem naccæ fullones dicebantur. Festus : Naccæ appellantur vulgo fullones, ut ait Curiatius, quod nauci non sint. Apuleius Miles. IX : Nam et opportune maritus foris apud naccam proximum cœnitabat. Deos vero fullones, ut hic naccas, antea appellavit dicens : Esse deos fullones, esse tonsores, qui vel sacras eluant vestes, etc. MEURS., p. 91, seq.—Acuta quidem Meursii correctio. Nec tamen ausim equidem mutare lectionem vulgatam : nam dii nautæ dici possunt nautarum præsides, nautis opitulantes, verbi causa Dioscuri et Portumnus, de quo Arnobius infra, c. 23. ORELL.

(printed under page 484) (XX) ‹anchor: Et, quod supererat, rusticos› · lemma in col 963 Et, quod supererat, rusticos. Ita restituit Jan. Guilielmus in Quæst. ad Plauti Curcul., c. IV (in Lampade Crit. Gruteri, t. III, part. II, pag. 365). Nam solent ita Latini, cum indigne commissa ab aliquo multa commemoraverint, postremo adjicere, superesse, ut hoc aut illud præterea in se admittat. Et veram hanc conjecturam esse præstat codex ms. et Virgiliomastigis versus : Hordea qui dixit, superest, ut tritica dicat. STEWECH. Alii : Et quod superat rusticos. ORELL.

"And, what was left, farmers." So Janus Gulielmus restored it, in his Questions on Plautus's Curculio, ch. 4 (in Gruter's Lampas Critica, vol. 3, part 2, p. 365). For the Latins are accustomed, when they have recounted many things unworthily done by someone, to add finally that "it remains" for him to admit this or that besides. And the manuscript guarantees that this conjecture is true, as does the verse of the scourge of Virgil: "He who said 'hordea' — it remains for him to say 'tritica.'" STEWECHIUS. Others: "Et quod superat rusticos." ORELLI.

(printed under page 484) (XX) ‹anchor: Divinos› · lemma in col 963 Divinus. Glossæ : Divinus, μάντις. Ita Cicero de Fato : Chrysippus æstuans falli sperat Chaldæos cæterosque divinos. ELMENH. — Notissima significatio. Vide tamen Græv., ad Cic. ad Attic., l. X, ep. IV, et Bunemann., ad Lact., I, c. 11, p. 64. ORELL.

"Divinus" ("diviner"). The Glosses: "Divinus," a seer. So Cicero, On Fate: "Chrysippus, in a ferment, hopes that the Chaldaeans and the other diviners are mistaken." ELMENHORST. — A very well-known meaning. See, however, Graevius on Cicero's Letters to Atticus, book 10, letter 4, and Bünemann on Lactantius 1, ch. 11, p. 64. ORELLI.

(printed under page 484) (XX) ‹anchor: Cæteri enim dii non sunt› · lemma in col 963 Cæteri enim dii non sunt, et ventura prædicere inscitia nesciunt atque ignorantia futurorum. Fulv. Ursinus conj. cæteri enim divini non sunt. At nihil mutandum existimo. Nam certe, si divini non sunt, id est, si futura prænoscere et prædicere nequeunt, neque sunt existimandi dii. Lactantius, l. I, c. 11 : Primum in eo imprudentia, non Dei providentia : cui nisi Themis futura dixisset, ipse nesciret. Sin autem divinus non sit, ne Deus quidem sit : unde ipsa divinitas nominatur, ut ab homine humanitas HERALD.

"For the others are not gods, and cannot foretell what is to come, through unskill and ignorance of the future." Fulvius Ursinus conjectures "for the others are not diviners." But I think nothing should be changed. For certainly, if they are not diviners, that is, if they cannot foreknow and foretell the future, neither are they to be thought gods. Lactantius, book 1, ch. 11: "First, in this there is imprudence, not the providence of God: if Themis had not told him the future, he himself would not have known it. But if he is not divine [divinus, a diviner], he is not even God — from which divinity itself is named, as humanity from man." HERALDUS.

(printed under page 484) (XX) ‹anchor: In verborum continuationibus promptus› · lemma in col 963 In verborum continuationibus promptus. Fulv. Ursinus mavult : in verborum concinnationibus promptus. Sed nil mutandum. Continuatio verborum loquendi formula Ciceroniana, contra concinnatio vox barbara et nuspiam obvia. ORELL.

"Ready in the linking of words." Fulvius Ursinus prefers "ready in the neat arranging of words." But nothing is to be changed. "Continuatio verborum" is a Ciceronian expression, whereas "concinnatio" is a barbarous word met with nowhere. ORELLI.

(printed under page 484) (XX) ‹anchor: Bardi› · lemma in col 963 Bardi. Vide supra ad lib. II, cap. 19. ORELL.

"Dull-witted." See above on Book II, ch. 19. ORELLI.

(printed under page 484) (XXI) ‹anchor: Viles noverint atque habeant sellularii› · lemma in col 963 XXI. — Viles noverint atque habeant sellularii. Sellularios appellat opifices, qui sordidas artes et viles tractant. Infra capite sequenti : Cum sit nullus apud superos artibus his locus, neque usus illorum, neque natura deposcat ingeniosum aliquid aut sellularium scire. Inde Gellio, lib. III, cap. 1, et Ammiano Marcellino, lib. XXX Historiarum, pag. 452, quæstus sellularius quæstus turpis et despicabilis. ELMENH.

XXI. — "That sedentary workmen should know and possess the base things." He calls "sellularii" the craftsmen who ply sordid and base trades. Below, in the next chapter: "Since there is no place for these arts among the gods above, nor does their use or nature demand that they know anything ingenious or fit for a sedentary workman." Hence in Gellius, book 3, ch. 1, and in Ammianus Marcellinus, book 30 of the Histories, p. 452, "sedentary gain" is shameful and despicable gain. ELMENHORST.

(printed under page 484) (XXI) ‹anchor: Sellularii› · lemma in col 963 or 964 Sellularii. Contemptissimi apud antiquos. Livius, lib. VIII, cap. 20 : Opificum vulgus et sellularii minime militiæ idonei. NOURR., pag. 566.

"Sedentary workmen." Most despised among the ancients. Livy, book 8, ch. 20: "The common crowd of craftsmen and sedentary workers, least fit for military service." LE NOURRY, p. 566.

(printed under page 484) (XXI) ‹anchor: Sunt in sideris montibus sylvæ, sunt lustra› · lemma in col 964 Sunt in sideris montibus sylvæ, sunt lustra, etc. Meursius legit : Sunt in sideribus montes, sunt sylvæ. C. Barthius in Adversar., lib. IV, cap. 5, p. 266, legendum proponit : Sunt in sidereis sedibus montes, sylvæ, sunt lustra : at idem in ejusdem operis lib. LVII, cap. 17, pag. 2714, defendit codicis msti. lectionem, in textum etiam revocatam a Salmasio : Sunt in sidereis motibus sylvæ, etc., id est in sideribus perpetuo motu agitatis, ita ut Arnobius hoc loco miretur : Sidera, quæ cum perpetuis motibus et irremissso ambitu circumvolent, quomodo alant sylvas, nemora sustineant ? Et hac interrogatione exprobret adversarios. Montibus est e correctione Gelenii. Heraldus putat hoc loco alludi opinionem de montibus et sylvis in lunæ circulo ; quam Anaximeni alii, alii Xenophani tribuunt, verbi causa Cicero, Acad. II, cap. 39, ubi vid. Davis. ; Diogenes Lærtius autem lib. II, Segm. 88. Anaxagoræ Conf. Plutarch., de facie in orbe lunæ, cap. 35, et de lunæ aliorumque planetarum montibus exopinione recentiorum astronomorum, J. E. Bode, l. t. Allgemeine Betrachtungen über das Weltgebaude, p. 59, seqq. ORELL.

"There are forests in the mountains of the star, there are wild beasts' lairs," etc. Meursius reads: "There are mountains in the stars, there are forests." C. Barth, Adversaria, book 4, ch. 5, p. 266, proposes reading: "There are mountains, forests, lairs in the starry seats"; but the same scholar, in book 57 of that work, ch. 17, p. 2714, defends the manuscript's reading, which Salmasius also brought back into the text: "There are forests in the starry motions," etc., that is, in the stars driven by perpetual motion, so that Arnobius here wonders: "The stars, which fly round with perpetual motions and unremitting [irremissso, so printed] circuit — how can they nourish forests and support groves?" and with this question reproaches his opponents. "Montibus" comes from Gelenius's correction. Heraldus thinks there is an allusion here to the opinion about mountains and forests in the circle of the moon, which some attribute to Anaximenes, others to Xenophanes — for example Cicero, Academics 2, ch. 39, where see Davies — while Diogenes Laertius, book 2, section 88 [attributes it] to Anaxagoras. Compare Plutarch, On the Face in the Orb of the Moon, ch. 35; and on the mountains of the moon and other planets according to the more recent astronomers, J. E. Bode, Allgemeine Betrachtungen über das Weltgebäude, p. 59 ff. ORELLI.

(printed under page 484) (XXI) ‹anchor: Vi numinis premitur exagitaturque majoris› · lemma in col 964 Vi numinis premitur exagitaturque majoris. Virgil. Æn., VI, 78. Bacchatur vates, magnum si pectore possit Excussisse Deum : tanto magis ille fatigat Os rabidum, fera corda domans, fingitque premendo. ORELL.

"She is pressed and harried by the force of a greater divinity." Virgil, Aeneid 6.78: "The prophetess raves, if she might shake the great god from her breast; all the more he wearies her raving mouth, taming her wild heart, and shapes her by pressing." ORELLI.

(printed under page 484) (XXI) ‹anchor: Ut difficiles puerperiorum tricas Juno mulceat corripiatque Lucina› · lemma in col 964 Ut difficiles puerperiorum tricas Juno mulceat corripiatque Lucina. Corripiat, scil. tricas, moras, id est acceleret partum. Similiter Ovid. Met. IX, vers. 281, seqq. . . . . . . . . . .Faveant tibi numina saltem, Corripiantque moras, tum cum matura vocabis Præpositam timidis parientibus Ilithyam. ORELL.

"That Juno Lucina should soothe and cut short the difficult hindrances of childbirth." "Cut short," namely the hindrances, the delays, that is, hasten the birth. Similarly Ovid, Metamorphoses 9, line 281 ff.: ". . . may the gods at least favour you and cut short the delays, when at your time you call on Ilithyia, set over frightened women in labour." ORELLI.

(printed under page 484) (XXI) ‹anchor: Flammipotens Vulcanus› · lemma in col 964 Flammipotens Vulcanus. Codicem romanum (id est editionem principem) depravatum scio, in quo supposuere flammis potens. Alterum enim retinendum, cum et ignipotentem alibi vocarit Vulcanum, qua compositione Apuleius, lib. I et VII, sagam appellat divinipotentem : qualiter et Diana poetis est : Silvipotens Dea, silvicolis Dea cognita nymphis. STEWECH.

"Flame-mighty Vulcan." I know the Roman codex (that is, the first edition) is corrupt, in which they substituted "flammis potens" ("mighty in flames"). The other is to be kept, since he has elsewhere called Vulcan "fire-mighty" too — by which kind of compound Apuleius, books 1 and 7, calls a witch "divinely mighty"; as Diana too is to the poets: "the forest-mighty goddess, the goddess known to the forest-dwelling nymphs." STEWECHIUS.

(printed under page 484) (XXI) ‹anchor: Fabricet his enses› · lemma in col 964 Fabricet his enses. Ita ms. Typis cuderunt fabricetur. Atqui bonis auctoribus in usu fuit utrumque : in iis (continues)

"That he should forge swords for them." So the manuscript. The printed texts have "fabricetur." Yet both were in use among good authors: in those (continues)

(printed under page 484)

LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 485)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image› · call in col 965

Sed erras ms. Bene. Meurs et erras Sab.

"Sed erras" ("but you are wrong"): the manuscript. Rightly so, says Meursius. "Et erras": Sabaeus.

COMMENTARIUS (XXI, continued) ‹anchor: Fabricet his enses› · lemma in col 964

(continued) M. Tullio Ciceroni, linguæ latinæ parenti. STEWECH.—Ita ap. Cic., de Offic., lib. I, cap. 41, plurimi Codices habent qui signa fabricant, ubi tamen Heusinger, edidit fabricantur, quem vide pag. 344. ORELL.

(printed under page 485) (XXI) ‹anchor: Trilices tunicas› · lemma in col 965 Trilices tunicas. Id est tribus liciis confectas. Licia a laciendo, laqueando dicta fila sunt, quibus in telis textrices implicant tramas staminis, quorumque ope distrahi eæ possint et subtemen radio immitti. Gallice lisse, Germ. die Litze, Kammlitze das Geschirr, græce μίτοι. A numero liciorum, quibus in texendo, utuntur, varia vestium genera nomina imposita habent, quibus singularum pecularis aliqua natura et species significatur, verbi causa bilices et trilices, nostrum Zwillich, Drillich, etc. Vid. Schneider. V. Cl., qui de textrina veterum multus est in Indice ad Scriptores Rei rust., verbo Tela jugalis, vol. IV, part. II, pag. 371, 372. ORELL.

"Triple-twilled tunics." That is, made with three leashes. "Licia" — named from "lacere," to snare, to noose — are the threads on looms by which weavers interlace the threads of the warp, and by whose help these can be drawn apart and the weft sent through with the shuttle. In French "lisse," in German "die Litze, Kammlitze, das Geschirr," in Greek "mitoi." From the number of leashes they use in weaving, various kinds of cloth have had names given them, by which some particular [pecularis, so printed] nature and kind of each is signified, for example "bilices" and "trilices," our "Zwillich, Drillich," etc. See the most distinguished Schneider, who is copious on the weaving of the ancients, in the Index to the Scriptores rei rusticae, under "Tela jugalis," vol. 4, part 2, pp. 371–372. ORELLI.

(printed under page 485) (XXI) ‹anchor: Aut de serico componat› · lemma in col 965 Aut de serico componat. Secutus sum emendationem Meursii. Antea legebatur aut de serico imponat. Sed vestes componere pro concinnare recte dixeris ; imponere vero non item. Salmasius edidit : aut de serico et sine onere imponat. ORELL.

"Or make up [garments] of silk." I have followed Meursius's emendation. Before, it read "aut de serico imponat." But you may rightly say "componere vestes" for making garments; "imponere," not so. Salmasius printed: "aut de serico et sine onere imponat" ("or put on [garments] of silk and without weight"). ORELLI.

(printed under page 485) (XXI) ‹anchor: Ut Atlantea progenies eloquii primas ferat› · lemma in col 965 Ut Atlantea progenies eloquii primas ferat, etc. Lepidus est Gallandus Atlanteam progeniem Calypsonem Atlantis filiam interpretans. Cui non notus Mercurius facundus nepos Atlantis ex Horat. I, od. X? ORELL.

"That the offspring of Atlas should carry off the first prize of eloquence," etc. Gallandi is amusing when he interprets the "offspring of Atlas" as Calypso, Atlas's daughter. Who does not know "Mercury, eloquent grandson of Atlas," from Horace, Odes 1.10? ORELLI.

(XXII) ‹anchor: Scienda› · lemma in col 965 XXII.— Scienda. Meursius corrigit sciendas, scil. artes. ORELL.

XXII. — "To be known." Meursius corrects "sciendas," namely the arts. ORELLI.

(XXII) ‹anchor: Solertemque hunc efficere› · lemma in col 965 Solertemque hunc efficere. Ita Ursinus et Salmasius. Antiqua lectio est : Solertemque his efficere. Meursius : Solertemque efficere. Stewechius : Solertemque sic. ORELL.

"And to make him skilful." So Ursinus and Salmasius. The old reading is "Solertemque his efficere." Meursius: "Solertemque efficere." Stewechius: "Solertemque sic." ORELLI.

(XXII) ‹anchor: Sciat ipse necesse est primus id, quod alterum colere constituit› · lemma in col 965 Sciat ipse necesse est primus id, quod alterum colere constituit. Hæc est codicis ms. lectio, quam Heraldus ita interpretatur, ut sit colere idem quod docere, et similiter etiam construatur ab Arnobio colere aliquem aliquid, ut docere aliquem aliquid. Hujus autem constructionis exempla frustra quæsivi. Sed ferri potest lectio codicis, si ita interpretemur : Necesse est, ut is ipse sciat id, quod constituit ut alter colat, id est ut ipse sciat artem, quam addiscendam alteri subjicit. Quod apprime convenit præcedentibus verbis : Sed qui aliquam subjicit ignaro ac nescio disciplinam, sollertemque hunc efficere nonnullius operis scientia contendit, ubi proprie dixit Arnobius projicit disciplinam. Haud enim Dii operose erudiebant et instituebant homines artibus et disciplinis, sed illas tantummodo inducebant in vitam humanam, id est primis quasi digitis monstrabant hominibus artes, quas ipsi addiscerent. Quare nihil mutandum existimo. Nam colere artem pro discere centies apud veteres. Fulv. Ursinus leg. conj. : quod alterum callere constituit, probante Stewechio, Salmasius ed. docere constituit. ORELL.

"He himself must first know what he has decided that another shall cultivate." This is the manuscript's reading, which Heraldus interprets so that "colere" is the same as "docere" ("to teach"), and "colere aliquem aliquid" is construed by Arnobius like "docere aliquem aliquid" ("to teach someone something"). But I have looked in vain for examples of this construction. Yet the manuscript's reading can be borne if we interpret it thus: "It is necessary that he himself know what he has decided that another shall cultivate," that is, that he himself know the art which he puts before another to learn. This suits the preceding words exactly: "But he who puts some discipline before one who is ignorant and unknowing, and strives to make him skilful in the knowledge of some work," where Arnobius properly said "projicit disciplinam." For the gods did not laboriously educate and train men in the arts and disciplines, but only introduced them into human life, that is, pointed out to men, as it were with their fingertips, the arts which they themselves were to learn. So I think nothing should be changed. For "colere artem" for "discere" occurs a hundred times among the ancients. Fulvius Ursinus conjectures one should read "quod alterum callere constituit" ("what he has decided that another shall be versed in"), with Stewechius's approval; Salmasius printed "docere constituit." ORELLI.

(XXII) ‹anchor: Dii ergo sunt artifices primi› · lemma in col 965 Dii ergo sunt artifices, primi sunt : sive quod, etc. Heraldus putat, in his verbis aliquid vitii latere, et tollendum alterum sunt, ut sit expedita sententia. Editio Lugd. Bat. habet : Dii ergo sunto artifices, primo sunto. Sed nihil mutandum. Dii ergo sunt artifices est conclusio ex præcedentibus. Pergit deinde : immo primi sunt, quod in sequentibus demonstrat. ORELL.

"So the gods are craftsmen, they are the first: whether because," etc. Heraldus thinks some fault lurks in these words, and that the second "sunt" should be removed so that the sentence runs freely. The Leiden edition has: "Dii ergo sunto artifices, primo sunto" ("let the gods be craftsmen, let them be so first"). But nothing is to be changed. "So the gods are craftsmen" is a conclusion from what precedes. He then goes on: "indeed they are the first," which he shows in what follows. ORELLI.

(XXII) ‹anchor: Cur esse dicatis in aliis alios perceptionibus gnarures› · lemma in col 966 Cur esse dicatis in aliis alios perceptionibus gnarures. Ita ediderunt Canterus et Lugd. Bat. ex emendatione Jos. Scaligeri ad Fest., verbo Gnarigavit. Cod. ms. ignuariores, vitiose, unde Gelenius fecerat gnariores. Sed gnarures legendum. Gnaruris antiquum pro gnarus, ut gnaruro pro gnarum reddo. Plaut. Mostell. act. I, scen. II : Simul gnarures volo vos esse hanc rem mecum. Vide intpp. ad Fest., l. l. ad Auson., epist. XXII, vers. 20, p. 671, ed. Tollii, Oudend. ad Apulei., Met. I, 15, p. 64, et imprimis, qui de hac voce multus est, G. J. Voss. in Etymol. rom., verbo gnarus. Pro perceptionibus. Editio princeps habet præceptionibus : quod tolerari possit, ut sit idem quod artium præcepta. Meursius conj. ignarures. ORELL.

"Why you say that some are skilled in some branches of learning, others in others." So Canter and the Leiden edition printed it, from Joseph Scaliger's emendation on Festus, under "Gnarigavit." The manuscript: "ignuariores," faultily, from which Gelenius had made "gnariores." But "gnarures" should be read. "Gnaruris" is old for "gnarus," as "gnaruro" for "I make known." Plautus, Mostellaria, Act 1, scene 2: "I want you at the same time to be acquainted with this matter along with me." See the commentators on Festus at the place cited; on Ausonius, Letter 22, line 20, p. 671, Toll's edition; Oudendorp on Apuleius, Metamorphoses 1.15, p. 64; and above all G. J. Vossius, who is copious on this word, in his Roman Etymologicon, under "gnarus." For "perceptionibus" the first edition has "præceptionibus," which could be tolerated, so as to be the same as "the precepts of the arts." Meursius conjectures "ignarures." ORELLI.

(XXII) ‹anchor: Et habere solertias, in quibus singuli se vincant› · lemma in col 966 Et habere solertias, in quibus singuli se vincant. Ita propius ad lectionem Codicis in quibus singulis evincant emendavit Fulv. Ursinus, probante Meursio. Stewech. mavult : in quibus singuli vigeant. Ed. Lugd. Bat. habet : In quibus singuli emineant. ORELL.

"And have skills in which each one outdoes himself." So Fulvius Ursinus emended it, nearer to the manuscript's reading "in quibus singulis evincant," with Meursius's approval. Stewechius prefers "in quibus singuli vigeant" ("in which each is strong"). The Leiden edition has "In quibus singuli emineant" ("in which each excels"). ORELLI.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Atque ut bene ac feliciter cedant› · lemma in col 966 XXIII. — Atque ut bene ac feliciter cedunt, illorum provisione curari. Quorsum hic cadant ? Quasi vero cedere non eodem dicatur modo. Sic bene ac feliciter cedere, ut apud Græcos εὐροεῖν et εὖ πλεῖν. Sic etiam dicitur res ὁδῷ βαδίζειν, quæ ad finem suum nullis impedimentis tardata bene feliciterque it. Plutarchus in Pyrrho : καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ὁδῷ βαδίζειν οἰόμενος οὐ κατεῖχεν, ἀλλ' ὑπὸ χαρᾶς ἐξέφερε πρὸς τοὺς φίλους. Sic Ovid., I Fastorum : Gaudet ; et a pedibus tracto velamine, vota Ad sua felici ceperat ire via. HERALD.

XXIII. — "And that it is by their foresight that things are cared for so that they turn out well and happily." Why "cadant" here? As though "cedere" were not said in the same way. So "to turn out well and happily," as among the Greeks "to flow well" and "to sail well." So too a matter is said "to walk along the road" which goes well and happily to its end, delayed by no hindrances. Plutarch, in the Pyrrhus: "and thinking the plot was going along its road, he did not hold it back, but out of joy let it out to his friends." So Ovid, Fasti 1: "He rejoices; and, the covering drawn from her feet, his hopes had begun to go their way with happy course." HERALDUS.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Deos nobis superesse custodes› · lemma in col 966 Deos nobis superesse custodes. Superesse, id est præesse. Sic infra cap. 25 : Unctionibus, inquit, superest Unxia, cingulorum Cinxia replicationi, et lib. IV, cap. 9 : Quis Libentinam, quis Liburnum libidinum superesse tutelis. Ita sæpissime ap. ICtos. Eodem sensu supra rem aliquem esse pro illi rei præesse apud Vitruvium (continues)

"That the gods are set over us as guardians." "Superesse," that is, to preside. So below, ch. 25: "Over anointings," he says, "presides Unxia, Cinxia over the unloosing of girdles"; and Book IV, ch. 9: "Who [would believe] that Libentina, that Liburnus, preside over the guarding of lusts?" So very often in the jurists. In the same sense "supra rem aliquam esse" for "to be in charge of that thing," in Vitruvius (continues)

(printed under page 485)

COMMENTARIUS (no variant notes visible in the foot images) (XXIII, continued) ‹anchor: Deos nobis superesse custodes› · lemma in col 966

(continued) Proleg. ad lib. VII. Rex..... retulit ad eos, qui supra Bibliothecam fuerant (C. Barth., in Adversar., l. XXIV, cap. 11, p. 1193). Similiter Tacitus, Ann. III, c. 47 : Fide et virtute legatos, se consiliis superfuisse, id est adfuisse, opem tulisse, vid. Ernest., p. 318, ed. Oberlin. ORELL.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Per maria tutissimas præstat Portunus commeantibus navigationes› · lemma in col 967 Per maria tutissimas præstat Portunus commeantibus navigationes. Recte tutissimas. Unde et supplicabant ac sacrificabant Ποσειδῶνι ἀσφαλείῳ. Non solum igitur Neptunum, sed et Portunum aliosque maris deos navigaturi invocabant. HERALD. De Portuno sive Portumno (nam utrumque scribitur) locus classicus est Ovidii Fast., lib. VI, 541 seqq. : . . . . . . Gaude defuncta laboribus, Ino, Dixit ; et huic populo dextera semper ades. Numen eris pelagi ; natum quoque pontus habebit. In vestris aliud sumite nomen aquis. Leucotheë Graiis ; Matuta vocabere nostris. In portus nato jus erit omne tuo. Quem nos Portumnum, sua lingua Palæmona dicet. Ite, precor, nostris æquus uterque locis. Portunus scil. a portu. vid. Cic. de Nat. deor. II, 26. ELMENH et ORELL.

"Portunus grants most safe voyages to those who travel over the seas." Rightly "most safe." Hence they also prayed and sacrificed to Poseidon the Securer. So those about to sail invoked not only Neptune but also Portunus and the other gods of the sea. HERALDUS. On Portunus or Portumnus (for it is written both ways) the classic passage is Ovid, Fasti, book 6, 541 ff.: ". . . 'Rejoice, Ino, your labours done,' she said, 'and always be favourable to this people. You shall be a divinity of the sea; the deep shall have your son too. Take another name in your waters: you shall be called Leucothea by the Greeks, Matuta by ours. Your son shall have all authority over harbours; he whom we call Portumnus, he will call Palaemon in his own tongue. Go, I pray, both of you, kindly to our lands.'" Portunus, namely, from "portus," harbour. See Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 2.26. ELMENHORST and ORELLI.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Consus› · lemma in col 967 Consus. Servius ad Virgil. Æn. VIII, 636 : Raptæ sunt Sabinæ Consualibus, hoc est mense Martio. Consus autem deus est consiliorum, qui ideo templum sub tecto habet, ut ostendatur, tectum esse debere consilium. Inde est quod et Fidei panno velata manu sacrificabatur, quia fides tecta esse debet et velata. Ideo autem dicato Consi simulacro rapuerunt Sabinas, ut tegeretur initum de rapto consilium. Iste Consus et equestris Neptunus dicitur : unde etiam in ejus honorem Circenses celebrantur. Conf. Ascon. Pedian., in Cic. Procem. Actionis in Verrem ; Plutarch. in Romulo, cap. XIII ; Dionys. Halicarn. Ant. Rom., lib. II, pag. 100, ed. Sylburg. ; Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, cap. 11. Tertullian. de Spectac., cap. 5. ELMENH. et ORELL.— Conf. Rittershus. ad Salvian, p. 69, ed. Brem.

"Consus." Servius on Virgil, Aeneid 8.636: "The Sabine women were carried off at the Consualia, that is, in the month of March. Consus is the god of counsels, who has his temple under a roof to show that counsel ought to be covered. Hence also sacrifice was made to Faith with the hand veiled in a cloth, because faith ought to be covered and veiled. And they carried off the Sabine women when the statue of Consus had been dedicated, so that the counsel taken about the rape might be covered. This Consus is also called the Equestrian Neptune, which is why the Circus games are celebrated in his honour." Compare Asconius Pedianus on Cicero's Proem to the Action against Verres; Plutarch, Romulus, ch. 13; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, book 2, p. 100, Sylburg's edition; Augustine, City of God, book 4, ch. 11; Tertullian, On the Spectacles, ch. 5. ELMENHORST and ORELLI. — Compare Rittershusius on Salvian, p. 69, Bremen edition.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Pales Inuusque custodes› · lemma in col 967 Pales Inuusque custodes. Inuus idem erat, teste Macrobio (lib. I, sat., cap. 22.), atque Pan, sive, ut Servius observat (ad Æn. VI, vers. 776.), Inuus latine appellatur, græce Πάν : idem ἐφιάλτης, latine, Incubo. Idem Faunus, idem Fatuus, Fatuellus. Dicitur autem ab ineundo passim cum omnibus animalibus. (Nourr. p. 410). Idem Faunus, idem Fatuus, Fatuellus. Dicitur autem Inuus ab eundo passim cum omnibus animalibus. Cum servio consentit Aurel. Victor, de Orig. Gent. Rom., cap. IV, ubi vid. Jo. Arntzen. qui omnia vet. loca de Inuo diligenter collegit, pag. 11, Conf. Macrob., Saturn., lib. I, cap. 22 ; Rutil., Itinerar., lib. I, vers. 232, intpp. in Poet. Lat. min. P. Burmann., tom, II, p. 77, 78. ORELL.

"Pales and Inuus, the guardians." Inuus was the same, on the testimony of Macrobius (Saturnalia, book 1, ch. 22), as Pan; or, as Servius observes (on Aeneid 6, line 776): "In Latin he is called Inuus, in Greek Pan; the same is the Ephialtes, in Latin Incubo. The same is Faunus, the same Fatuus, Fatuellus. He is so called from mating [ineundo] everywhere with all animals." (Le Nourry, p. 410.) The same is Faunus, the same Fatuus, Fatuellus. And he is called Inuus from going [eundo, so printed] everywhere with all animals. [The sentence is printed twice.] Aurelius Victor agrees with Servius, On the Origin of the Roman Race, ch. 4, where see Joh. Arntzen, who has diligently collected all the ancient passages on Inuus, p. 11. Compare Macrobius, Saturnalia, book 1, ch. 22; Rutilius, Itinerary, book 1, line 232, with the commentators in P. Burman's Poetae Latini minores, vol. 2, pp. 77, 78. ORELLI.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Ab æstivis avertere› · lemma in col 967 Ab æstivis avertere. De æstivis istis notavit Varro de Re rust., II, cap. 1, § 16. Romanos nimirum pecora alibi hibernatum, alibi æstivatum egisse, ad eumdem fere modum, quo alibi hiberna, alibi æstiva eorum militibus. STEWECH.

"To turn away from the summer pastures." On these summer pastures Varro remarked, On Agriculture, book 2, ch. 1, § 16, that the Romans drove their herds to winter in one place and to summer in another, in much the same way as their soldiers had winter quarters in one place and summer quarters in another. STEWECHIUS.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Cessatione inimica› · lemma in col 967 Cessatione inimica. Stewech. legendnm censet : Cessatione minimica. Meursius : Cessatione imbrica, id est imbrium. Sed bene habet vulgatum inimica : est idem quod ingrata, incommoda, ut bene expl. Schwarz. ad Pl. Panegyr., cap. XVI, pag. 85. Cessatio autem, cum quis non impedit, avertit malum, quod avertere posset, das Zusehen, Zulassen, Geschehenlassen. Vid. Supr., ad lib. II, cap. 44. ORELL.

"With hostile idleness." Stewechius thinks one should read [legendnm, so printed] "Cessatione minimica." Meursius: "Cessatione imbrica," that is, of the rains. But the common "inimica" is right: it is the same as unwelcome, harmful, as Schwarz well explains on Pliny's Panegyric, ch. 16, p. 85. "Cessatio" is when someone does not prevent, does not avert, an evil which he could avert: "das Zusehen, Zulassen, Geschehenlassen" (looking on, allowing, letting happen). See above, on Book II, ch. 44. ORELLI.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Flora illa meretrix› · lemma in col 968 Flora illa meretrix. Ita Editores omnes ante Salmasium, qui in ed. Lugd. Bat. dedit genetrix. Sed meretrix, si e Cod. ms. fluxit, non est eliminandum. Sic enim Minucius Fel. Octav., cap. 25 : Sane et Acca Laurentia, et Flora, meretrices propudiosæ, inter morbos Romanorum et deos computandæ, ubi vid. Elmenhorst., pag. 257, ed. Gronov., et Lactantius, Inst. lib. I, cap. 20 : Flora, cum magnas opes ex arte meretricia quæsivisset, populum scripsit hæredem, certamque pecuniam reliquit, cujus ex annuo fœnore suus natalis dies celebraretur, editione ludorum, quos appellant Floralia. ORELL.

"That harlot Flora." So all the editors before Salmasius, who in the Leiden edition gave "genetrix" ("mother"). But "meretrix," if it came from the manuscript, is not to be thrown out. For so Minucius Felix, Octavius, ch. 25: "Indeed Acca Laurentia and Flora, shameless harlots, are to be counted among the diseases of the Romans and among their gods," where see Elmenhorst, p. 257, Gronovius's edition; and Lactantius, Institutes, book 1, ch. 20: "Flora, having amassed great wealth by the harlot's trade, made the people her heir and left a fixed sum of money, from the annual interest of which her birthday was to be celebrated with the presenting of games, which they call the Floralia." ORELLI.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Pubescentes herbas adurit.... nocentissimum frigus› · lemma in col 968 Pubescentes herbas adurit.... nocentissimum frigus. Urere, adurere de frigore sæpissime ap. optimos scriptores. Ita Ovid., Fast., I, 680 : Nec nova per gelidas usta sit herba nives. Et Virgil., Georg., I, vers 93 : . . . . . . . . . Rapidive potentia solis Acrior, aut Boreæ penetrabile frigus adurat. ubi vid. Servius Conf. Cic. Tusc. II, 16, ibique Davis. Heins. et Drakenb. ad Sil. IV, 68. Savaro, ad Sidon., carm, V, vers. 528. Valkenaer. ad Theocrit., Adon., pag. 224 ; Oberlin., ad Tacit. Ann. XIII, 35, pag. 782. ORELL.

"Most harmful cold scorches the sprouting grasses." "Urere, adurere" ("to burn, to scorch") are very often used of cold by the best writers. So Ovid, Fasti 1.680: "And let not the new grass be burned through the icy snows." And Virgil, Georgics 1, line 93: ". . . or the fiercer power of the scorching sun, or the piercing cold of the North Wind, should burn it." See Servius there. Compare Cicero, Tusculans 2.16, with Davies there; Heinsius and Drakenborch on Silius 4.68; Savaron on Sidonius, Poem 5, line 528; Valckenaer on Theocritus, Adoniazusae, p. 224; Oberlin on Tacitus, Annals 13.35, p. 782. ORELLI.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Parricidalibus nixibus› · lemma in col 968 Parricidalibus nixibus. Tertullianus, lib. de Anima, cap. 25 : Atquin et in ipso adhuc utero infans trucidatur necessaria crudelitate, quum in exitu obliquatus denegat partum, matricida, ni moriturus. HERALD.

"By parricidal labours." Tertullian, On the Soul, ch. 25: "And yet the infant is slaughtered while still in the womb by a necessary cruelty, when, lying crosswise at the outlet, he refuses birth, a matricide unless he is to die." HERALDUS.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Atque urbium portiones› · lemma in col 968 Atque urbium portiones. Ita ms. et ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii potiores, quod est e conjectura Gelenii. Sed nil mutandum, urbium portiones sunt urbium regiones et vici, qui sæpius igni conflagrant, integræ urbes rarissime. ORELL.

"And portions of cities." So the manuscript and the Leiden edition. Others "potiores" ("the more important"), which comes from Gelenius's conjecture. But nothing is to be changed: "portions of cities" are the districts and quarters of cities, which quite often burn down, whole cities very rarely. ORELLI.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Ad cinerem patitur flammarum voracitate collabi› · lemma in col 968 Ad cinerem patitur flammarnm voracitate collabi. Proprie. Dicitur enim ignis vorare, tamquam truculenta aliqua bestia. Quare Ægyptii corpora cremare nolebant, quia existimabant, ignem θηρίον εἶναι ἔμψυχον· πάντα δὲ αὐτὸ ἐσθίειν, τάπερ ἂν λάβῃ, ut scribit Herodotus Musa III, Pindarus quoque ignem ab Ætna erumpentem ἑρπετὸν appellat eadem prorsus de causa, prima pythionica. Et Æschylus in Prometheo : Ποταμοὶ πυρὸς δάπτοντες ἀγρίαις γνάθοις Τῆς καλλικάρπου Σικελίας λευρὰς γύας. Quare et lambere, quod serpentibus proprie tribuitur, sæpe dicitur ignis apud Virgilium aliosque, et degustare apud Lucret., II, 192. HERALD.

"Allows it to collapse into ash by the voracity of the flames" [flammarnm, so printed]. Properly said. For fire is said to devour, like some savage beast. That is why the Egyptians would not burn bodies, because they thought that fire is "a living beast, and devours everything it seizes," as Herodotus writes in the third book, "Thalia" [printed "Musa III"]; Pindar too calls the fire bursting from Etna a "creeping thing" for exactly the same reason, in the first Pythian. And Aeschylus in the Prometheus: "rivers of fire devouring with savage jaws the smooth fields of Sicily, rich in fruit." So too "to lick," which is properly said of serpents, is often said of fire in Virgil and others, and "to taste" in Lucretius 2.192. HERALDUS.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Obliquata dubia› · lemma in col 968 Obliquata dubia. Ita Cod. ms. quam lectionem mutare non ausim. Arnobium enim amare talia epitheta sine particulis copulativis jungere sæpius jam ostendimus. Et eodem sensu obliquatas preces dixit Statius III, Theb. 382, cum quis non directe petit, (continues)

"Slanting, doubtful." So the manuscript, a reading I would not dare to change. For we have shown more than once that Arnobius loves to join such epithets without connecting particles. And in the same sense Statius said "slanting prayers," Thebaid 3.382, when one does not ask directly, (continues)

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COMMENTARIUS (no variant notes visible in the foot images) (XXIII, continued) ‹anchor: Obliquata dubia› · lemma in col 968

(continued) sed ea dicit, quæ vim precum habent. Obliquata, igitur responsa, gewundne geschraubte Antworten. Eodem sensu flexa dixerat olim Pacuvius : Flexa, non falsa autumare dictio Delphis solet. Sic Virgilius de Sibylla Apolline plena Æn. VI : Horrendas canit ambages. Unde λοξίας Apollo ap. Græcos. Fulv. Ursin. legit cur obliqua et obscuritatis, etc. omissa voce dubia. Salmasius et Oberthür. : Cur obliqua ac dubia. HERALD. et ORELL.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Et obscuritatis submersa caligine› · lemma in col 969 Et obscuritatis submersa caligine. Cod. ms. et obscuritatibus submersa caligine, quod defendit Heraldus interpungens submersa, caligine, more Arnobii plura simul copulantis sine copula. Sed dubitare licet Arnobium hoc loco a consueta dicendi formula, obscuritatis caligo, recessisse. Itaque sequor emendationem Stewechii et editoris Lugd. Bat. Fulv. Ursin. Conj. obscuritatum submersa caligine. ORELL.

"And sunk in the darkness of obscurity." The manuscript: "et obscuritatibus submersa caligine," which Heraldus defends, punctuating "submersa, caligine," after the manner of Arnobius, who joins several things together without a conjunction. But one may doubt that Arnobius here departed from the customary formula, "the darkness of obscurity." So I follow the emendation of Stewechius and the Leiden editor. Fulvius Ursinus conjectures "obscuritatum submersa caligine." ORELLI.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Dat sæpius subministratque responsa› · lemma in col 969 Dat sæpius subministratque responsa. Sic editio Lugd. Bat. e conjectura Meursii et Stewechii, probata etiam ab Heraldo in Curis secundis. Cod. ms. habet : Submonstrat responsa. Et utrumque, opinor, tolerari potest. Submonstrat Apollo responsa consulentibus oracula : subministrat sacerdotibus vaticinantibus. ORELL.

"He often gives and supplies answers." So the Leiden edition, from the conjecture of Meursius and Stewechius, approved also by Heraldus in his Second Thoughts. The manuscript has: "Submonstrat responsa" ("he hints at answers"). Either, I think, can be tolerated. Apollo "hints at" answers to those consulting the oracles; he "supplies" them to the prophesying priests. ORELLI.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Æsculapius officiis et medendi artibus præest› · lemma in col 969 Æsculapius officiis et medendi artibus præest. Stewech. conj. officinis, etc. putans, officia absolute obscœno sensu usurpata Priapo potius convenire, quam Æsculapio. Sed nil mutandum. Est scil. familiaris Arnobio trajectio pro medendi officiis et artibus. ORELL.

"Aesculapius presides over the duties and arts of healing." Stewechius conjectures "officinis" ("workshops"), etc., thinking that "officia," used absolutely in an obscene sense, suits Priapus rather than Aesculapius. But nothing is to be changed. It is, namely, a transposition familiar in Arnobius, for "the duties and arts of healing." ORELLI.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Immo sub ipsis fiunt curantium manibus atrociora?› · lemma in col 969 Immo sub ipsis fiunt curantium manibus atrociora? Curat Mercurius, etc. Ita edidi ex emendatione felicissima et, ut puto, verissima etiam editoris Lugd. Bat., cod. ms. : Immo sub ipsis fiunt curantium manibus atrociora curæ. Mercurius, etc., quod merito suspectum Fulv. Ursino et Heraldo delentibus vocem curæ, Stewechio etiam legenti cura. Sed multo melior Salmasii correctio rescribentis curat hocque cum sequentibus verbis conjungentis. ORELL.

"Nay, do they not become worse under the very hands of those treating them? Mercury takes care," etc. So I have printed it from the very happy and, I think, also very true emendation of the Leiden editor. The manuscript: "Immo sub ipsis fiunt curantium manibus atrociora curæ. Mercurius," etc., rightly suspected by Fulvius Ursinus and Heraldus, who delete the word "curæ," and by Stewechius, who reads "cura." But much better is the correction of Salmasius, who writes "curat" instead and joins it with the following words. ORELLI.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Ceroma› · lemma in col 969 Ceroma. Duplex est hujus vocis significatio. Ceroma enim est unguentum, oleo subactaque cera et luto confectum, quo athletæ et alii ungebantur, cujus mentionem faciunt Martialis, lib. XIV, epig. 19 ; Plinius, Hist. nat., lib. XXVIII, cap. 4 ; XXIX, 1, et Juvenalis, sat. VI, 247. Alio autem sensu ceroma locum significat, ubi iidem athletæ ungebantur. Idem Plinius, lib. XXXV, cap. 13 : Palæstras athletarum imaginibus et ceromata sua exornant. Seneca, de Brev. vit., cap. 1, in ceromate ..... spectator puerorum rixantium sedet, et hoc secundo sensu hoc vocabulum accipiendum videtur nostro loco. NOURR., p. 414. Cæterum insolentior hic est formatio accusativi primæ declinationis, cum omnibus locis citatis occurrat ceroma, tis, genere neutro. Conf. Gorræi Definitt. Med. v. κήρωμα.

"Ceroma." This word has a double meaning. "Ceroma" is an ointment made of oil worked up with wax and mud, with which athletes and others were anointed; Martial mentions it, book 14, epigram 19; Pliny, Natural History, book 28, ch. 4, and 29.1; and Juvenal, Satire 6.247. In another sense "ceroma" means the place where those same athletes were anointed. The same Pliny, book 35, ch. 13: "They adorn the wrestling-schools with images of athletes, and their anointing-rooms." Seneca, On the Shortness of Life, ch. 1 [so printed]: "he sits in the anointing-room . . . a spectator of boys brawling"; and in this second sense the word seems to be taken in our passage. LE NOURRY, p. 414. The formation of an accusative of the first declension is rather unusual here, since in all the passages cited "ceroma, -atis" occurs, in the neuter. Compare Gorraeus, Medical Definitions, under κήρωμα.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Pugillatibus et luctationibus præest› · lemma in col 969 Pugillatibus et luctationibus præest. Prudentius contra Symmach., lib. II, § 4 : Tum mastigophoris, oleoque et gymnadis arte Unctis pugilibus miles pugnabat Etruscus, Nec petaso insignis poterat, Lacedæmone capta, Mercurius servare suas de clade palæstras. NOURR., pag. 415.

"He presides over boxing and wrestling." Prudentius, Against Symmachus, book 2, § 4: "Then the Etruscan soldier fought against whip-bearers and boxers anointed with oil and the art of the gymnasium; nor could Mercury, distinguished by his hat, save his wrestling-schools from disaster when Lacedaemon was taken." LE NOURRY, p. 415.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Cur unius in officio præsidatus› · lemma in col 970 Cur unius in officio præsidatus. Infra lib. IV : Et quid (quæso) ut faciat præsidatum focorum iste deus sortitus est ? ELMENH.— Præfectura, seu officium præsidis, præpositi et præfecti. NOURR., p. 561. Vid. cap. seq. Vox cadentis latinitatis. Aurel. Victor, de Cæsar., c. 29. Macedonas præsidatu regebat. Vopiscus, in Carino, c. 17, p. 812 : Præsidatum Dalmatiæ administrabat, etc. Conf. Ol. Borrich., Cogitt., hoc verbo. ORELL.

"Why in the office of presiding over one thing." Below, Book IV: "And what (I ask), to do what, did this god obtain by lot the presidency of hearths?" ELMENHORST. — Presidency, or the office of a president, an overseer and prefect. LE NOURRY, p. 561. See the next chapter. A word of declining Latinity. Aurelius Victor, On the Caesars, ch. 29: "He governed the Macedonians as president." Vopiscus, in the Carinus, ch. 17, p. 812: "He administered the presidency of Dalmatia," etc. Compare Ole Borch, Cogitationes, under this word. ORELLI.

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Hos victoriæ compotes› · lemma in col 970 Hos victoriæ compotes ; alios vero perpetitur ignominiosa infirmitate rideri. Nota obiter locutionem. Sic Homerus Il. I : . . . . . . . . Ἡ μὲν ἔπειτα Εἰς ἅλα ἆλτο βαθεῖαν ἀπ' αἰγλήεντος Ὀλύμπου· Ζεὺς δὲ ἑὸν πρὸς δῶμα. suppl. ἔβη. Et in Tragœdia : Καὶ μή μ' ἄτιμον τῆσδ' ἀποστείλητε γῆς, Ἀλλ' ἀρχέπλουτον καὶ κατεστάτην δόμων. Subintellige Καταστήσατε. Sic intellige hic perficit, ut sit hos victoriæ compotes perficit, alios vero perpetitur etc. Atque repetendum hoc verbum ἀπὸ κοινοῦ. HERALD. Zeugma ubivis obvium. Non igitur audiendus Stewechius in editione sua et in notis ad Apulei. Met., lib. XI, p. 800. ed. Oudendorp., conjiciens compotit, id est compotes facit. Verbum alias probatum et antiquum. ORELL.

"These [he makes] masters of victory; others he allows to be laughed at for their shameful weakness." Note in passing the turn of phrase. So Homer, Iliad 1: ". . . She then leapt into the deep sea from shining Olympus; and Zeus to his own house" — supply "went." And in tragedy: "And do not send me away from this land dishonoured, but [make me] lord of the wealth and establisher of the house." Understand "establish." So understand "perficit" here, so that it is "hos victoriæ compotes perficit" ("he makes these masters of victory"), "alios vero perpetitur," etc. And this verb is to be repeated in common. HERALDUS. A zeugma met with everywhere. So Stewechius is not to be listened to, in his edition and in his notes on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book 11, p. 800, Oudendorp's edition, conjecturing "compotit," that is, "makes masters of" — a word otherwise approved and ancient. ORELLI. [The Greek verses are in very small type and are read with some uncertainty.]

(XXIII) ‹anchor: Ignominiosa infirmitate rideri› · lemma in col 970 Ignominiosa infirmitate rideri. Neque in his quidquam mutandum. Quorsum hic infirmitate ? Sic igitur ridentur a spectatoribus, qui partes suas inepte agunt. Horatius (I. Epist. I. vs. 8 sq.) : Solve senescentem mature sanus equum, ne Peccet ad extremum ridendus, et ilia ducat. Talis fortuna crassi illius et ob nimiam pinguitudinem tardi cursoris, quem risum et a spectatoribus fodicatum scribit in Ranis Aristophanes. HERALD.

"To be laughed at for shameful weakness." Nor is anything to be changed here. Why "weakness" here? Because those are laughed at by the spectators who play their parts badly. Horace (Epistles 1.1, line 8 f.): "Be wise in time and unyoke the ageing horse, lest at the end he stumble, a laughing-stock, and burst his flanks." Such was the lot of that fat runner, slow from his excessive bulk, whom Aristophanes in the Frogs writes was laughed at and jabbed by the spectators. HERALDUS.

(XXIV) ‹anchor: Et nisi pecorum sanguine delibutas suas conspexerint arulas› · lemma in col 970 XXIV. — Et nisi pecorum sanguine delibutas suas conspexerint arulas. Atqui arulæ alias dicuntur ἐσχάραι περιφορηταί, ut docet Scholiastes Aristophanis ad Acharnas. Foculos Latini dicunt, nomine quidem generali, sed huic rei proprie assignato. Quare quod foculum accensum dicit Livius in Scævolæ historia. et Seneca Epist. XXIV et LXVII, ἐσχαρίδα πῦρ ἔχουσαν Plutarchus in Poplicola. HERALD.—At arula hoc loco sine dubio pro ara. Nam in talibus foculis numquam pecora, sed tantummodo fruges vel minora animantia, verbi causa columbæ, offerebantur diis, vel etiam aromata incendebantur. Et dii illi tutelares, quos nominat auctor, non semper fuerunt dii minores vel genii, verum etiam dii majorum gentium, quibus adeo majoribus hostiis litabatur, verbi causa Juno Sospita. ORELL.

XXIV. — "And unless they have seen their little altars smeared with the blood of cattle." But "arulae" are elsewhere called portable braziers, as the scholiast on Aristophanes' Acharnians shows. The Latins call them "foculi," a general name indeed, but properly assigned to this thing. Hence what Livy, in the story of Scaevola, and Seneca, Letters 24 and 67, call "a lighted brazier," Plutarch in the Publicola calls "a brazier holding fire." HERALDUS. — But "arula" here is without doubt for "ara," altar. For on such braziers cattle were never offered to the gods, but only produce or smaller animals, doves for example, or perfumes were burned. And those guardian gods whom the author names were not always lesser gods or genii, but also gods of the greater clans, to whom sacrifice was offered with greater victims, for example Juno Sospita. ORELLI.

(XXIV) ‹anchor: Ultroque ab his fluere inexspectata benevolentiæ munera› · lemma in col 970 Ultroque ab his fluere inexspectata benevolentiæ munera. Quo mens eorum (verbi causa Fulv. Ursini) abierat, qui inexpetita reponi hic volebant ? Atqui vulgata lectio optima est et convenientissima. Nam inexspectata bona a diis fluere in tantum existimabant, ut, quæcumque præter spem prospere feliciterque cadebant, ea diis accepta ferrent. Quare θεόπεμπτα (continues)

"And that unexpected gifts of goodwill flow from them of their own accord." Where had the minds of those gone (Fulvius Ursinus, for example) who wanted "inexpetita" ("unsought") put here? But the common reading is the best and most fitting. For they believed so firmly that unexpected goods flow from the gods that whatever turned out prosperously and happily beyond hope, they credited to the gods. Hence "god-sent" (continues)

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COMMENTARIUS (no variant notes visible in the foot images) (XXIV, continued) ‹anchor: Ultroque ab his fluere inexspectata benevolentiæ munera› · lemma in col 970

(continued) appellabant illa, verbi causa Artemidor., lib. I, cap. 7. Eadem κατὰ θεῖον, κατὰ δαίμονα, κατὰ τύχην, vel ἀπὸ τύχης accidere dicebant. Latini divinitus. HERALD.

(XXIV) ‹anchor: Cunctis subministrat æqualiter› · lemma in col 971 Cunctis subministrat æqualiter. bonis, malis, justis, ingenuis, servis. Probo Fulvii Ursini conjecturam legentis : cunctis subministrat æqualiter, bonis, malis, justis, injustis, ingenuis, servis. Stewech. Codicis vestigia, ubi legitur malis, injustis, servis, secutus corrigit justis, servis, et putat, justos in oppositione servorum intelligendos esse manumissos ; ex Ictorum definitione justam vel majorem libertatem, immo civitatem romanam consecutos, illos scil. qui vindicta, censu, aut testamento manumissi erant, ingenuis est e correctione Gelenii. ORELL.

"He supplies to all equally, good, bad, just, freeborn, slaves." I approve the conjecture of Fulvius Ursinus, who reads: "he supplies to all equally, good, bad, just, unjust, freeborn, slaves." Stewechius, following the traces of the manuscript, where "malis, injustis, servis" is read, corrects to "justis, servis," and thinks that by "the just," in contrast with slaves, freedmen are to be understood — by the jurists' definition, those who had obtained full or greater liberty, indeed Roman citizenship, namely those freed by the rod, by the census or by will. "Ingenuis" comes from Gelenius's correction. ORELLI.

(XXIV) ‹anchor: Fessis atque invalidis rebus› · lemma in col 971 Fessis atque invalidis rebus. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 25. ORELL.

"In weary and feeble circumstances." See above on Book I, ch. 25. ORELLI.

(XXIV) ‹anchor: Et multiformi semper asperitate vallatis› · lemma in col 971 Et multiformi semper asperitate vallatis. Ita exprimit Græcorum περίστασιν. HERALD.

"And always hemmed in by hardship of many forms." So he renders the Greek "peristasis" (a difficult situation). HERALDUS.

(XXIV) ‹anchor: Sacrificiis editis› · lemma in col 971 Sacrificiis editis. Heraldus in Curis secundis mavult : sacrificiis redditis. ORELL.

"With sacrifices offered." Heraldus in his Second Thoughts prefers "sacrificiis redditis" ("with sacrifices paid"). ORELLI.

(XXIV) ‹anchor: Magnificentia nominis› · lemma in col 971 Magnificentia nominis. Numinis mavult Stewechius. Sed amat Arnobius dicere nomen Dei pro Deo. Vide supra ad lib. I. ORELL.

"The magnificence of the name." Stewechius prefers "numinis" ("of the divinity"). But Arnobius loves to say "the name of God" for "God." See above on Book I. ORELLI.

(printed under page 488) (XXV) ‹anchor: Unctionibus, inquit, superest Unxia› · lemma in col 971 XXV. — Unctionibus, inquit, superest Unxia, cingulorum Cinxia replicationi. Martian. Capella de Nuptiis Phil., lib. II, pag. 37, (pag. 61. ed. Bern.) Interducam et Domiducam, Unxiam, Cinctiam (te Junonem) mortales puellæ debent in nuptiis convocare, ut earum et itinera protegas, et in optatas domos ducas, et cum postes ungent, faustum omen affigas, et cingulum ponentes in thalamis non relinquas. Cf. Fest. in Cinxia Juno. ELMENH. — Cinxia Græcis vocata Εἰλήθυια λυσίζωνος. Theocritus, Idyll. XVII, vers. 60. : Ἔνθα γὰρ Εἰλήθυιαν ἐδώσατο λυσίζωνον. NOURR., p. 412. Pro replicationi Stewech. legend. suspicatur explicationi ; nodo enim Herculeo (id est arctissimo) vinctum erat cingulum, teste Festo. Vid. G. J. Vossii de Idolol. Gent., lib. II, c. 26, pag. 161. ORELL.

XXV. — "Over anointings," he says, "presides Unxia, Cinxia over the unloosing of girdles." Martianus Capella, On the Marriage of Philology, book 2, p. 37 (p. 61, Bern edition): "Mortal girls ought at their weddings to call on you (Juno) as Interduca and Domiduca, Unxia, Cinctia, that you may protect their journeys, lead them into the homes they desire, fix a happy omen when they anoint the doorposts, and not forsake them when they lay aside their girdle in the bridal chamber." Compare Festus under "Cinxia Juno." ELMENHORST. — Cinxia was called by the Greeks "Eileithyia the girdle-loosener." Theocritus, Idyll 17, line 60: "For there [she] invoked Eileithyia the girdle-loosener." LE NOURRY, p. 412. For "replicationi" Stewechius suspects one should read "explicationi"; for the girdle was tied with a Herculean (that is, very tight) knot, on Festus's testimony. See G. J. Vossius, On the Idolatry of the Gentiles, book 2, ch. 26, p. 161. ORELLI.

(printed under page 488) (XXV) ‹anchor: Victa et Potua sanctissimæ› · lemma in col 971 Victa et Potua sanctissimæ. Bella hæc numina modis tam diversis inveniuntur appellata, ut facile existimes, non magnam fuisse, nec valde celebrem eorum majestatem. HERALD. — Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, cap. 11 : Potinam appellat, quæ potionem ministret : Educam, quæ escam præbeat. Edusam et Potinam Deas puerorum infantium præsides vocat Cato de liberis educand. ap. Nonium. Eduliæ, Poticæ et Cubæ, deabus edendi, potandi et cubandi, pueros initiari, tradit Varro. ap. Donat., in Terent. Phorm. Act. I, scen. I, vers. 11, ubi vide Lindenbrog., pag. 593, ed. Zeun. Conf. Auson. Popm. ad Varron. Fragment., pag. 400. ed. Bip. qui apud nostrum pro Victa cum Fulv. Ursino leg. censet Victua. Meursius : Victa et Pota. ORELL.

"Victa and Potua, most holy." These pretty divinities are found named in such different ways that you would readily judge their majesty was neither great nor much celebrated. HERALDUS. — Augustine, City of God, book 4, ch. 11, calls her "Potina, who supplies drink; Educa, who provides food." Cato, On Bringing up Children, in Nonius, calls Edusa and Potina the goddesses who preside over infant children. Varro, in Donatus on Terence's Phormio, Act 1, scene 1, line 11, records that children were initiated to Edulia, Potica and Cuba, goddesses of eating, drinking and sleeping; see Lindenbrog there, p. 593, Zeune's edition. Compare Ausonius Popma on the Fragments of Varro, p. 400, Bipontine edition, who thinks that in our author, with Fulvius Ursinus, "Victua" should be read for "Victa." Meursius: "Victa et Pota." ORELLI.

(printed under page 488) (XXV) ‹anchor: Nisi postes virorum adipali unguine oblinerentur› · lemma in col 971 Nisi postes virorum adipali unguine oblinerentur a sponsis. Servius ad IV. Æneid., vers. 457 sqq. : Ritum, inquit, veri et venerabilis templi, mariti templum obtinere cupiebat (Dido). Templa enim velamentis religiosa monstrantur, et moris fuerat, ut nubentes puellæ, simul cum venissent ad limen mariti, postes, antequam ingrederentur, propter auspicium sanctitatis, ornarent laneis vittis (unde ait Virgilius velleribus niveis) et oleo ungerent : unde uxores dictæ sunt, quasi unxores. Paulo post : Hi qui de nuptiis scripsisse dicuntur, tradunt, quum nova nupta in domum mariti ducitur, solere postes unguine lupino oblinire ; quod hujus feræ et unguem et membra multis rebus remedio sunt. Alii hoc Romuli dicunt temporibus institutum, quod Romulus et Remus lupino lacte nutriti sunt. HERALDUS. — Conf. Brisson., de Ritu Nupt., ELMENH.

"Unless the husbands' doorposts were smeared by the brides with fatty ointment." Servius on Aeneid 4, line 457 ff.: "Dido wished," he says, "to keep her husband's temple with the rite of a true and venerable temple. For temples are shown to be sacred by their wool-bands; and it had been the custom that girls being married, as soon as they came to the husband's threshold, before entering, should, for an omen of sanctity, adorn the doorposts with woollen fillets (whence Virgil says 'with snowy fleeces') and anoint them with oil: whence they were called 'uxores' (wives), as though 'unxores' (anointers)." A little after: "Those who are said to have written on marriage record that when the new bride is led into her husband's house, she customarily smears the doorposts with wolf's fat, because the fat and the limbs of this beast are a remedy for many things. Others say this was instituted in the time of Romulus, because Romulus and Remus were nursed on wolf's milk." HERALDUS. — Compare Brisson, On the Rite of Marriage. ELMENHORST.

(printed under page 488) (XXV) ‹anchor: Nisi virginalia vincula jam ferventes dissolverent atque imminentes mariti› · lemma in col 972 Nisi virginalia vincula jam ferventes dissolverent atque imminentes mariti. Festus : Cingulo nova nupta præcingebatur, quod vir in lecto solvebat, factum ex lana ovis : ut, sicut illa in glomos sublata conjuncta inter se sit, sic vir suus secum cinctus vinctusque esset. Hunc Herculaneo nodo vinctum vir solvit ominis gratia : ut sic ipse felix sit in suscipiendis liberis, ut fuit Hercules, qui LXX liberos reliquit. Cf. Ernesti ad Callimach. Hymn. in Dian. vers. 16. et Doring. ad Catull. carm. II, vers. ult. Cæterum imminentes mariti dicuntur mariti cupidissime appetentes amplexum muliebrem, uti jamjam laxaturi fræna appetitui. Ita Catull., carm. LXI, vers. 171 : Adspice intus ut accubans Vir tuus Tyrio in toro Totus immineat tibi. Ubi vid. Achill. Statium, pag. 213, ed. Græv., et C. Barth. in Adversar., lib. XLVI, cap. 20, pag. 2172. ORELL.

"Unless the husbands, now ardent and pressing on, loosed the virgin bonds." Festus: "The new bride was girded with a girdle, which the husband untied in bed, made of sheep's wool, so that, as the wool drawn up into balls is joined together, so her husband should be girt and bound with her. The husband unties it, tied with a Herculean knot, for the sake of the omen, that he may be as fortunate in begetting children as Hercules was, who left seventy children." Compare Ernesti on Callimachus, Hymn to Artemis, line 16, and Döring on Catullus, Poem 2, last line. Husbands are called "imminentes" when they long most eagerly for a woman's embrace, as though about to loosen the reins of desire at any moment. So Catullus, Poem 61, line 171: "See how within your husband, reclining on the Tyrian couch, is wholly intent upon you." See there Achilles Statius, p. 213, Graevius's edition, and C. Barth, Adversaria, book 46, ch. 20, p. 2172. ORELLI.

(printed under page 488) (XXV) ‹anchor: Naturas malis gaudentes semper et humani generis attribuitis vastitate› · lemma in col 972 Naturas malis gaudentes semper et humani generis attribuitis vastitate. Ita Fulv. Ursinus, probante Meursio, Heraldo et Salmasio. Cod. ms. : attribuistis vastitatem. ORELL.

"You attribute to them natures that always rejoice in evils and in the devastation of the human race." So Fulvius Ursinus, with the approval of Meursius, Heraldus and Salmasius. The manuscript: "attribuistis vastitatem." ORELLI.

(XXVI) ‹anchor: Deam Lavernam furum› · lemma in col 972 XXVI. — Deam Lavernam furum. Hinc preces illæ furis ad Lavernam, ap. Horatium, I. Epist. XVI, vers. 60, sqq. : Pulchra Laverna, Da mihi fallere, da justum sanctumque videri ; Noctem peccatis, et fraudibus objice nubem. ubi Acron : Laverna in via salaria lucum habet ; est autem dea furum dicta Laverna a lavando, nam fures lavatores dicuntur. Verbi causa, Petronio c. 140, § 15, ubi vide Anton. conf. G. J. Voss., de idolol. lib. VIII, c. 17, et IX, c. 30, et in Etymol. rom., voce Laverniones. ORELL.

XXVI. — "Laverna, goddess of thieves." Hence that thief's prayer to Laverna in Horace, Epistles 1.16, line 60 ff.: "Fair Laverna, grant me to deceive, grant me to seem just and holy; cast night over my sins and a cloud over my frauds." Where Acron: "Laverna has a grove on the Via Salaria; she is the goddess of thieves, called Laverna from 'lavare' (to wash), for thieves are called 'washers.'" For example in Petronius, ch. 140, § 15, where see Anton. Compare G. J. Vossius, On Idolatry, book 8, ch. 17, and 9, ch. 30, and in the Roman Etymologicon, under "Laverniones." ORELLI.

(XXVI) ‹anchor: Bellonas, Discordias› · lemma in col 972 Bellonas, Discordias. Virgilius, Æn., VIII, 701 : Tristesque ex æthere Diræ ; Et scissa gaudens vadit Discordia palla : Quam cum sanguineo sequitur Bellona flagello. (continues?)

"Bellonas, Discords." Virgil, Aeneid 8.701: "and the grim Furies from the sky; and Discord strides rejoicing in her rent mantle, whom Bellona follows with her bloody scourge." [The page ends here; the note may continue on the next page.]

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LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 489)

(a) ‹anchor: not visible in the foot image (cf. the commentary on Disuniuntur)› · call in col 973 or 974 (not visible)

Corruptissime ms. Disuriuntur tanacium.

Very corruptly the manuscript: "Disuriuntur tanacium."

COMMENTARIUS (XXVI, continued) ‹anchor: Bellonas, Discordias› · lemma in col 972

(continued) Conf. Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, c. 21. HERALD. et ELMENHORST.

(XXVI) ‹anchor: Et læva illa quæ constituitis numina› · lemma in col 973 Et læva illa quæ constituitis numina. Læva numina hoc loco significatione græca. Numina in lædendo magis quam in juvando potentia. Sic infra lib. VII, c. 23. Nam deos benignissimos dicere, lenesque habere naturas, et sanctum et religiosum et verum est ; malos autem et lævos nequaquam sumendum est auribus. Et eodem capite : Ita nihil prodest promereri velle per hostias deos lævos. Conf. Gell., Noct. Att., lib. V, c. 12. Contrario sensu Romanis numina læva dicuntur fausta, prospera, ut ap. Virgil., Georg., IV, 7 : . . . . . . . . . . Si quem Numina læva sinunt, auditque vocatus Apollo. Ubi vid. Voss. V. Cl. pag. 733 sqq. ORELL.

"And those left-hand divinities which you establish." "Left-hand divinities" here in the Greek sense: divinities more powerful at harming than at helping. So below, Book VII, ch. 23: "For to call the gods most kind and to hold them of gentle nature is both holy and religious and true; but to take in with one's ears that they are evil and left-hand is by no means to be done." And in the same chapter: "So it is of no use to wish to win over the left-hand gods with victims." Compare Gellius, Attic Nights, book 5, ch. 12. In the opposite sense, among the Romans "left-hand" divinities are called favourable, prosperous, as in Virgil, Georgics 4.7: ". . . if the favouring [left-hand] powers permit anyone, and Apollo hears when called." See there the most distinguished Voss, p. 733 ff. ORELLI.

(XXVI) ‹anchor: Taciturnitatis silentio› · lemma in col 973 Taciturnitatis silentio. Non audiendus Meursius conjiciens : Silentio taciturni satis. Nam ita loqui amant recentioris ævi scriptores. Aldhelm. de laud. Virg. citatus ab Elmenhorst. : Si celeberrimum illud spectaculi genus, per totos mundi cardines vulgatum, taciturnitatis silentio oppilatum vilescat. Eodem sensu taciturna silentia etiam ap. optimos scriptores, verbi causa, Ovid., de Arte amandi, II, 505. Qui sermone placet, taciturna silentia rumpat.

"With the silence of taciturnity." Meursius is not to be heeded when he conjectures "Silentio taciturni satis." For writers of the later age like to speak this way. Aldhelm, In Praise of Virginity, cited by Elmenhorst: "If that most famous kind of spectacle, spread abroad through all the hinges of the world, should grow cheap, stopped up by the silence of taciturnity." In the same sense "taciturn silences" occur also in the best writers, for example Ovid, Art of Love 2.505: "Let him who pleases by his speech break the taciturn silences."

(XXVI) ‹anchor: Martem ipsum ponemus in medio› · lemma in col 973 Martem ipsum ponemus in medio. Sic loquuntur Græci. Arrianus, lib. III, Dissert. Epictet. : Ἐλθὲ εἰς τὸ μέσον, καὶ εἰπὲ ἡμῖν, πότε ἀταραχώτερον ἐκάθευδες· νῦν, ἢ πρὶν γενέσθαι φίλος τοῦ Καίσαρος. HERALD.

"We shall set Mars himself in the middle." So the Greeks speak. Arrian, Discourses of Epictetus, book 3: "Come into the middle and tell us when you slept more untroubled: now, or before you became Caesar's friend?" HERALDUS.

(XXVI) ‹anchor: Nam si sedator militaris insaniæ est› · lemma in col 973 Nam si sedator militaris insaniæ est. Mars Quirinus. Vide supra ad lib. I, c. 41. ORELL.

"For if he is the calmer of military madness." Mars Quirinus. See above on Book I, ch. 41. ORELLI.

(XXVI) ‹anchor: Sin autem conditor illorum est› · lemma in col 973 Sin autem conditor illorum est. Mars Gradivus. Vide supra, ad lib. I, c. 41. ORELL.

"But if he is their founder." Mars Gradivus. See above on Book I, ch. 41. ORELLI.

(XXVI) ‹anchor: Et servitutis conditionem imponere› · lemma in col 973 Et servitutis conditionem imponere. Proprie et e jurisconsultorum loquendi more. Zeno Veronensis sermone de Avaritia secundo : Sed hæc non ad vos, fratres, quorum largitas provinciis omnibus nota est ; a vobis multi redempti : multi edictis feralibus liberati, multi conditionibus exuti gratias agunt ; vestræ domus peregrinis omnibus patent, etc. Hinc conditionales, qui certis conditionibus operas suas locarunt. Tertullianus de Idololatr., c. XII : Opera et conditionalis eram. HERALD.

"And to impose the condition of slavery." Properly said, after the jurists' manner of speaking. Zeno of Verona, second sermon On Avarice: "But this is not for you, brethren, whose generosity is known to all the provinces; many have been ransomed by you; many freed from deadly edicts, many released from bonded conditions give thanks; your houses are open to all strangers," etc. Hence "conditionales," those who had hired out their labour on fixed conditions. Tertullian, On Idolatry, ch. 12: "I was a labourer and a bondsman." HERALDUS.

(XXVI) ‹anchor: Commorientium fratrum parricida nece› · lemma in col 973 Commorientium fratrum parricida nece. Alludit ad historiam Eteoclis et Polynicis. Meursius conjicit parricidali nece. ORELL.

"By the parricidal death of brothers dying together." He alludes to the story of Eteocles and Polynices. Meursius conjectures "parricidali nece." ORELLI.

(XXVI) ‹anchor: Parricidali congressionis horrore› · lemma in col 973 Parricidali congressionis horrore. Trajectio haud infrequens ap. Latinos pro parricidalis congressionis horrore, ut absque necessitate corrigere voluit Fulv. Ursinus. ORELL.

"With the parricidal horror of the encounter." A transposition not infrequent among the Latins, for "with the horror of the parricidal encounter," as Fulvius Ursinus wished, without need, to correct it. ORELLI.

(XXVII) ‹anchor: Quidquid labis et criminis ab insania proficiscitur tali› · lemma in col 974 XXVII. — Quidquid labis et criminis ab insania proficiscitur tali, id venereis debere vulneribus imputari. Ita edidi ex emendatione editoris Lugd. Bat. cod. ms. : talibus venereis debeat vulneribus imputari, unde Gelenius fecerat : proficiscitur tali, Veneris debeat, etc. Heraldus : proficiscitur tali, id ut Veneris debeat, etc. ORELL.

XXVII. — "Whatever stain and crime proceeds from such madness must be charged to the wounds of Venus." So I have printed it from the Leiden editor's emendation. The manuscript: "talibus venereis debeat vulneribus imputari," from which Gelenius had made "proficiscitur tali, Veneris debeat," etc. Heraldus: "proficiscitur tali, id ut Veneris debeat," etc. ORELLI.

(XXVII) ‹anchor: Disuniuntur› · lemma in col 974 Disuniuntur. Idem quod dirimuntur, dissecantur. Vide Salmas. ad Solin., pag. 797. Alii legunt dissuuntur, non male. ORELL.

"Are disunited." The same as "are parted, are cut asunder." See Salmasius on Solinus, p. 797. Others read "dissuuntur" ("are unstitched"), not badly. ORELLI.

(XXVII) ‹anchor: In incestas libidines› · lemma in col 974 In incestas libidines. Ita reposuit Stewechius ad cod. ms. vestigia, ubi erat incestas libidines, sequente ed. Lugd. Bat. Antea legebatur : Inceste libidine. ORELL.

"Into incestuous lusts." So Stewechius restored it from the traces of the manuscript, where "incestas libidines" stood, the Leiden edition following. Before, it read "Inceste libidine." ORELLI.

(XXVII) ‹anchor: Sapientes et fortes viri solvunt decreta constantiæ› · lemma in col 974 Sapientes et fortes viri solvunt decreta constantiæ. Loquitur verbis Stoicorum ; apud quos fortes appellantur ii potius qui domant animum, et vitia comprimunt, quam qui bellica laude pollent. Indidem decreta, τὰ κεκριμένα, unde efficitur invicta προαίρεσις, atque hinc constantia, τὸ βέβαιον τοῦ ἤθους, quando virtus plane consummata est, et firmissimis radicibus fundata. HERALD.

"Wise and brave men loosen the decrees of constancy." He speaks in the words of the Stoics, among whom those are called "brave" who master the mind and restrain the vices, rather than those who excel in martial glory. From the same source "decrees," the things judged, from which an unconquered resolve results, and hence "constancy," the firmness of character, when virtue is wholly perfected and grounded on the firmest roots. HERALDUS.

(XXVII) ‹anchor: Virilitatis vigore mollito› · lemma in col 974 Virilitatis vigore mollito. Meursius, pag. 95, et Drakemborch., ad Sil. Ital., lib. VI, vers. 275, pag. 307, legendum suspicantur : Virilitatis rigore mollito. Sed vulgatam lectionem bene defendit Wopkens. in Lect. Tullian., lib. I, cap. 11, pag 63. Ita enim Tertullianus, de Pallio, cap. IV : Nisi diu mollitas et evigoratus, ubi Salmasius, pag. 253, annotat Tertullianum aliosque eorum temporum scriptores vigorem passim pro rigore et quidquid molli contrarium est, usurpare. Sic rigidum dogma Stoicorum et ἀπάθειαν illam στωϊκὴν vigorem dixit idem Tertullian. in lib. de Anima : Prout aut Platonis honor et Zenonis vigor, aut Aristotelis tenor, aut Epicuri stupor, aut Heracliti mœror. Ita apud eumdem disciplinæ vigor et disciplinam vigorare, id est rigidiorem facere. Similiter etiam Cyprianus : Increpans vigore censoris et judicis, pro severitate censoris, etc. Hæc ex Salmasio, l. l. ORELL.

"The vigour of manhood softened." Meursius, p. 95, and Drakenborch on Silius Italicus, book 6, line 275, p. 307, suspect one should read "Virilitatis rigore mollito" ("the rigour of manhood softened"). But Wopkens well defends the common reading, Lectiones Tullianae, book 1, ch. 11, p. 63. For so Tertullian, On the Cloak, ch. 4: "unless long softened [mollitas, so printed] and unnerved," where Salmasius, p. 253, notes that Tertullian and other writers of those times use "vigor" everywhere for "rigor" and whatever is the opposite of soft. So the same Tertullian, in the book On the Soul, called the rigid dogma of the Stoics and that Stoic impassibility "vigor": "as either Plato's honour, or Zeno's vigour, or Aristotle's steadiness, or Epicurus's stupor, or Heraclitus's gloom." So in the same author "the vigour of discipline" and "to vigorate discipline," that is, to make it stricter. Likewise Cyprian too: "rebuking with the vigour of a censor and judge," for "with the severity of a censor," etc. This from Salmasius, at the place cited. ORELLI.

(XXVII) ‹anchor: Innectuntur cervicibus laquei› · lemma in col 974 Innectuntur cervicibus laquei. R. Bentley ad Horat. Epod. XVII, vers. 72, verba : Frustraque vincla gutturi innectes tuo, multis exemplis ostendit, locutionem innectere vincla gutturi, ut et innectere cervicibus laqueos, prorsus repugnare bonæ ac probatæ latinitati, sed dicendum fuisse innectere guttur vinculis, innectere cervices laqueis, ideoque in Horatio rescri- (continues)

"Nooses are tied about their necks." R. Bentley, on Horace, Epodes 17, line 72, the words "and in vain will you tie bonds to your throat," shows by many examples that the expression "to tie bonds to the throat," as also "to tie nooses to the neck," wholly conflicts with good and approved Latinity, and that one should have said "to tie the throat with bonds," "to tie the neck with nooses"; and therefore in Horace he re- (continues)

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COMMENTARIUS (no variant notes on this page) (XXVII, continued) ‹anchor: Innectuntur cervicibus laquei› · lemma in col 974

(continued) bendum : Frustraque vincla gutturi nectes tuo, et forsitan etiam apud nostrum : nectuntur cervicibus laquei. Cæterum, ut ipse fatetur summus criticorum, tale quid fortassis ferendum in Arnobio, utpote scriptore minus accurato et sequioris ætatis. ORELL.

(XXVII) ‹anchor: Conscenduntur ardentes rogi› · lemma in col 975 Conscenduntur ardentes rogi. Allusio ad fatum Didonis. ORELL.

"Burning pyres are mounted." An allusion to Dido's fate. ORELLI.

(XXVII) ‹anchor: Et per vastas atque altissimas rupes jaciunt se passim› · lemma in col 975 Et per vastas atque altissimas rupes jaciunt se passim voluntariis saltibus præcipitati. Respicit Arnobius sine dubio ad famosum illum saltum e Leucadia petra, unde desperati amantes et remedium furoris quærentes in mare se præcipitabant. Vid. Ovid. Heroid. XV, 164 seqq. et, qui hac de re multus est, illustriss. Barthelemy in Voyage du jeune Anacharsis, cap. 36. ORELL.

"And here and there they hurl themselves headlong from vast and very high rocks in voluntary leaps." Arnobius no doubt has in view that famous leap from the Leucadian rock, from which despairing lovers seeking a cure for their frenzy threw themselves into the sea. See Ovid, Heroides 15.164 ff., and the most illustrious Barthélemy, who is copious on this matter, in the Voyage du jeune Anacharsis, ch. 36. ORELLI.

(XXVIII) ‹anchor: Quisquamne est hominum rationis alicujus primordiis indutus› · lemma in col 975 XXVIII. — Quisquamne est hominum rationis alicujus primordiis indutus. Ita e cod. ms. locum restituit P. Burmannus, II, ad Anthol. lat., lib. III, carm. LXXIV, vers. 10, pag. 514, vol. I. Cæteri imbutus. Sed induere virtutes et vitia apud optimos scriptores. Ita Tacitus XV. Annal., c. 45 : Animum bonis artibus non induerat. Livius, lib. III, cap. 33 : Adeo novum sibi ingenium induerat, et sic ἐπιειμένος Homero, Iliad. A. 149, et passim, et in N. Testament., Evang. Luc., cap. ult., vers. 49 : Ἐνδύσησθε δύναμιν. Conf. Arntzen. ad Plinii Paneg., cap. 81. ORELL.

XXVIII. — "Is there anyone among men clothed with the first beginnings of any reason?" So P. Burman the younger restored the passage from the manuscript, on the Latin Anthology, book 3, poem 74, line 10, p. 514, vol. 1. The rest: "imbutus" ("imbued"). But "to put on" virtues and vices is found in the best writers. So Tacitus, Annals 15, ch. 45: "He had not put on his mind with good arts." Livy, book 3, ch. 33: "So new a character had he put on." And so "clothed" in Homer, Iliad 1.149 and passim, and in the New Testament, Gospel of Luke, last chapter, verse 49: "that you be clothed with power." Compare Arntzen on Pliny's Panegyric, ch. 81. ORELLI.

(XXVIII) ‹anchor: Quod in genere virtutis unito perfectionis apicem› · lemma in col 975 Quod in genere virtutis unito perfectionis apicem, atque ipsius retinet sapientiæ summitatem. Recte in genere virtutis unito, id est, in toto et integro virtutum choro, in tota virtutis summa, ita ut virtutis pars nulla desiderari possit. Falluntur igitur, qui hæc mutare volunt. HERALD.— Fulv. Ursin. leg. conj. unico, Stewechius, unicæ. Pro retinet Gelenius ed. retinent, sequente editore Lugd., male, opinor. Sensus est : quod scil. placidos, lenes, mites esse, retinet perfectionis apicem. Eodem sensu D. Paulus ad Coloss. III, vers. 14. ἥτις ἀγάπη ἐστὶ σύνδεσμος τῆς τελειότητος. ORELL.

"That in the united kind of virtue it holds the summit of perfection and the height of wisdom itself." Rightly "in the united kind of virtue," that is, in the whole and entire choir of the virtues, in the whole sum of virtue, so that no part of virtue can be found wanting. So those who want to change this are mistaken. HERALDUS. — Fulvius Ursinus conjectures one should read "unico," Stewechius "unicæ." For "retinet" Gelenius printed "retinent," the Leiden editor following — wrongly, I think. The sense is: that, namely, to be peaceable, gentle and mild holds the summit of perfection. In the same sense St Paul, Colossians 3, verse 14: "which love is the bond of perfection." ORELLI.

(XXIX) ‹anchor: Alius aliud de iisdem dicitis rebus› · lemma in col 975 CAP. XXIX. — Alius aliud de iisdem dicitis rebus. Ita Meursius. Antea de ejusdem, etc. Editor Lugd. Bat. audaciori conjectura mutat : alios alius deos in eisdem dicitis rebus, temere, opinor ; neque enim omnia in Arnobio accuratissima et ad logicorum præcepta. Equidem cum Stewechio verb. rebus expungendum puto, tamquam glossema librarii, ut sensus sit : alius aliud de iisdem dicitis, scilicet diis. ORELL.

CH. XXIX. — "You say, one one thing and another another, about the same matters." So Meursius. Before, "de ejusdem," etc. The Leiden editor, by a bolder conjecture, changes it to "alios alius deos in eisdem dicitis rebus" — rashly, I think, for not everything in Arnobius is perfectly exact and according to the rules of the logicians. For my part, with Stewechius, I think the word "rebus" should be struck out as a copyist's gloss, so that the sense is: "you say, one one thing and another another, about the same," namely the gods. ORELLI.

(XXIX) ‹anchor: Quem quidam ex vobis mundum, annum alii, solem esse prodidere nonnulli› · lemma in col 976 Quem quidam ex vobis mundum, annum alii, solem esse prodidere nonnulli. Vide Ovid., Fast. I, 117, seqq. ; Macrob. Saturn., lib. I, cap. 9 ; Voss., de Idololatr., lib. II, cap. 16, et imprimis Joannem Lydum, de Mensibus, cap. 1 et 2, pag. 55, seqq., ed. Schow. ORELL.

"Whom some of you have declared to be the world, others the year, some the sun." See Ovid, Fasti 1.117 ff.; Macrobius, Saturnalia, book 1, ch. 9; Vossius, On Idolatry, book 2, ch. 16; and above all John Lydus, On the Months, chs. 1 and 2, p. 55 ff., Schow's edition. ORELLI.

(XXIX) ‹anchor: Janiculi oppidi conditorem› · lemma in col 976 Janiculi oppidi conditorem. Virgilius, Æn., VIII, 358 : Hanc Janus Pater, hanc Saturnus condidit arcem, Janiculum huic, illi fuerat Saturnia nomen. Conf. Ovid., Fast. I, vers. 241, seqq. ORELL.

"Founder of the town of Janiculum." Virgil, Aeneid 8.358: "This citadel father Janus founded, that one Saturn; this was called Janiculum, that Saturnia." Compare Ovid, Fasti 1, line 241 ff. ORELLI.

(XXIX) ‹anchor: Patrem Fonti› · lemma in col 976 Patrem Fonti. Ita ms. Scribo patrem Fontis. Hunc Martianus Capella recenset inter secundæ regionis cœli deos. Meminit hujus etiam Varro, de Ling. lat., lib. V, et Cicero, de Legibus, lib. II (cap. 22), de sepultura loquens : Redditur enim terræ corpus et ita locatum ac situm quasi operimento matris obducitur. Eodemque ritu in eo sepulchro, quod procul ad Fontis aras, regem nostrum Numam conditum accepimus. Aræ hæ erant in Janiculo, propter quas sepulcrum Numæ ; delubrum etiam habuit juxta portam Capenam. Sacra ejus Fontinalia celebrabantur propridie Idus Octobres. MEURSIUS, pag. 96 seq. — Conf. Reines. Inscript., pag. 102 ; Davis., ad Cic. de Nat. deor., lib. III, cap. 20, et Hug. Grot., ad Martian. Capell., l. I ; Wagnerus, recentissimus editor librorum de Legibus, in loco Ciceronis supra laudato nostrum locum citans legendum censet : ad Fonti aras. Ab hoc Fonte sive Fonto (quem Jani filium fuisse, ex uno Arnobio novimus) gentem Fonteiam nomen suum deduxisse, conjicit Vaillantus apud Ekhel. in Doctrina Nummorum Vet., tom. V, p. 214. Ex nummo illius gentis caput Jani more geminum lanugine vestitum repræsentante. Raschius autem in Lexico Rei Nummariæ v. Fonteia gentis auctorem deum Fontonem appellat. Hæc non intelligens Gelenius edidit : patrem Fauni, pessime. Nam quis crediderit, Arnobium sibi tantopere contradixisse supra lib II, c. 70, Faunum Pici filium facientem, et hoc loco, paucis paginis interjectis, Jani filium ? ORELL.

"Father of Fons" [Fonti, dative form]. So the manuscript. I write "patrem Fontis." Martianus Capella lists him among the gods of the second region of heaven. Varro also mentions him, On the Latin Language, book 5, and Cicero, On the Laws, book 2 (ch. 22), speaking of burial: "For the body is returned to the earth, and, so laid and placed, is covered as it were with its mother's covering. And by the same rite, we are told, our king Numa was buried in that tomb which is not far from the altars of Fons." These altars were on the Janiculum, near which was Numa's tomb; he also had a shrine near the Porta Capena. His rites, the Fontinalia, were celebrated on the day before [propridie, so printed] the Ides of October. MEURSIUS, p. 96 f. — Compare Reinesius, Inscriptions, p. 102; Davies on Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book 3, ch. 20; and Hugo Grotius on Martianus Capella, book 1. Wagner, the most recent editor of the books On the Laws, citing our passage on the passage of Cicero praised above, thinks one should read "ad Fonti aras." Vaillant, in Eckhel's Doctrina Nummorum Veterum, vol. 5, p. 214, conjectures that the Fonteian family derived its name from this Fons or Fontus (who, we know from Arnobius alone, was the son of Janus), from a coin of that family showing a double head in the manner of Janus, clothed with down. Rasche, however, in the Lexicon Rei Nummariae, under "Fonteia," calls the founder of the family the god Fonto. Not understanding this, Gelenius printed "patrem Fauni" ("father of Faunus") — very badly. For who would believe that Arnobius so contradicted himself, making Faunus the son of Picus above, Book II, ch. 70, and here, a few pages later, the son of Janus? ORELLI.

(XXIX) ‹anchor: Vulturni generum› · lemma in col 976 Vulturni generum. Vulturnus fluvius Campaniæ, de quo multus est Oberlin V. Cl. ad Vibium Sequestrem, pag. 210 seq. Hujus unus, quod scio, Arnobius filiam facit nympham Juturnam. ORELL.

"Son-in-law of Vulturnus." The Vulturnus is a river of Campania, on which the most distinguished Oberlin is copious, on Vibius Sequester, p. 210 f. Arnobius alone, so far as I know, makes the nymph Juturna his daughter. ORELLI.

(XXIX) ‹anchor: Juturnæ maritum› · lemma in col 976 Juturnæ maritum. De hac dea locus classicus est Servii ad Virgil., Æn. XII, vers. 139 : Juturna fons est in Italia saluberrimus juxta Numicum flumen, cui nomen a juvando est inditum. Cum enim naturaliter omnis aqua noxia sit extraneorum corporibus, hic omnibus saluberrimus fons est. De hoc autem fonte Romam ad (continues)

"Husband of Juturna." On this goddess the classic passage is Servius on Virgil, Aeneid 12, line 139: "Juturna is a most healthful spring in Italy near the river Numicus, which was given its name from 'juvare' (to help). For whereas by nature all water is harmful to the bodies of strangers, this spring is most healthful to all. From this spring to Rome (continues)

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 491)

(a) ‹ludere ac dictitare› · call in col 978

Vos addicere. ms.

"You assign" (vos addicere) [for ludere ac dictitare]: manuscript.

COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) (continued) · col 977 omnia sacrificia aqua afferri consueverat. Huic Juturnæ, Lutatius Catulus primus templum in Campo Martis fecit, nam et Juturnas ferias celebrant, qui artificium aqua exercent, quem diem festum Juturnalia dicunt. Varro rerum divinarum quartodecimo ait: Juturna inter proprios deos nymphasque ponitur. Hæc Servius. Juturnam deam Latii indigenam, Dauni filiam, Turni sororem, edidit Virgilius, Æn. XII, 785. Vid. Heyn. V. S. Excurs. III ad Æn. VI, pag. 125, vol. III, et Vulpium Vet. lat., tom. I, pag. 346 seq. Sed aliam nescio cujus auctoris genealogiam deæ sequitur Arnobius. ORELL.

it had been the custom for water to be brought for all sacrifices. To this Juturna Lutatius Catulus first built a temple in the Campus Martius; for those who practise a trade with water also keep the feast of the Juturnae, which day they call the Juturnalia. Varro says in the fourteenth book of his Divine Antiquities: "Juturna is placed among the proper gods and the nymphs." So Servius. Virgil, Aen. 12.785, made Juturna a native goddess of Latium, daughter of Daunus and sister of Turnus. See Heyne, Excursus 3 on Aen. 6, p. 125, vol. 3, and Volpi, Vetus Latium, vol. 1, p. 346 ff. But Arnobius follows another genealogy of the goddess, from I know not what author. Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹Quem in cunctis anteponitis precibus› · col 977 Quem in cunctis anteponitis precibus, etc. Ovidius, Fast. I, 171 seqq.: Mox ego: Cur, quamvis aliorum numina placem, Jane, tibi primum thura merumque fero? Ut possis aditum per me, qui limina servo, Ad quoscumque voles, inquit, habere deos. Servius, ad VII Æneid.: Quidam Janum Eanum dicunt ab eundo, eumque esse Martem: et quod apud Romanos plurimum potest, ideo primum in veneratione nominari. Alii Janum aerem credunt; et quia vocis genitor habetur, ideo mandari ei preces nostras ad deos perferendas. Conf. Macrob., Saturn., I, cap. 9, et B. Brisson., de Form., lib. I, pag. 45 seq. HERALDUS et ELMENH.

"Whom you put first in all your prayers," etc. Ovid, Fasti 1.171 ff.: "Then I: 'Why, though I appease the powers of others, Janus, do I bring incense and wine to you first?' 'So that through me, who guard the thresholds,' he said, 'you may have access to whatever gods you wish.'" Servius on Aeneid 7: "Some call Janus Eanus, from 'going' (eundo), and say he is Mars; and because he has the greatest power among the Romans, he is therefore named first in worship. Others believe Janus is the air; and because he is held the begetter of the voice, our prayers are entrusted to him to be carried to the gods." Compare Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.9, and B. Brisson, De formulis, book 1, p. 45 f. Hérault and Elmenhorst.

(comm. 3) ‹Viam vobis pandere› · col 977 Viam vobis pandere. Ita Meursius et reliqui cum sequentes. Antea: viam nobis pandere. ORELL.

"To open the way for you": so Meursius and the rest who follow him. Previously: "to open the way for us." Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹Ut quod chronos est, habeatur Cronos› · col 977 Ut quod chronos est, habeatur Cronos. Cujacius verba habeatur Cronos tanquam Glossema librarii, qui in margine scripserat græce habeatur χρόνος, delenda censet, ut legendum sit: Nam si tempus significatur hoc nomine, Græcorum ut interpretes autumant, quod chronos est, nullum est. Sed nil video mutandum. Sensus est: ut quod Chronos (χρόνος) est (apud Græcos), habeatur Cronos (i. e. Saturnus). Cæt. de nomine Cronos vide Lactant., Inst. I, 12; Macrob., Sat., I, 22; Plutarch., de Isid. et Osir.; Cic. de Nat. deor., lib. II, cap. 25; Apulei., de Mundo, pag. 135; Athenagoras, Apolog. pro Christianis; August., de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, cap. 10, et al. quos citant Elmenh. et Nourr. ORELL.

"So that what is chronos may be held to be Cronos." Cujas thinks the words "be held Cronos" should be deleted as a copyist's gloss, the copyist having written in the margin "let it be held χρόνος" in Greek, so that one should read: "For if time is signified by this name, as the interpreters of the Greeks maintain, what is chronos is nothing." But I see nothing to change. The sense is: so that what is Chronos (χρόνος, time) (among the Greeks) may be held to be Cronos (that is, Saturn). For the rest, on the name Cronos see Lactantius, Inst. 1.12; Macrobius, Sat. 1.22; Plutarch, On Isis and Osiris; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 2.25; Apuleius, De mundo, p. 135; Athenagoras, Apology for the Christians; Augustine, City of God 4.10; and others cited by Elmenhorst and Le Nourry. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹Saturnium numen› · col 977 Saturnium numen. Ita edidit Salmasius ex emendatione Ob. Gifanii. Alii: Saturnium nomen. ORELL.

"The Saturnian deity": so Saumaise printed it, from the emendation of Obert Giphanius. Others: "the Saturnian name." Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹Vitisatorem› · col 977 Vitisatorem. Glossæ: Vitisator, ἀμπελοφύτης. Accius ap. Macrob., Saturnal., lib. VI, cap. 5: Dionyse, pater optime vitisator, Semela genitus: Virgilius, Æn. VII, vers. 179: Vitisator, curvam servans sub imagine falcem. ELMENH.

"Vine-planter." The Glossaries: vitisator, ἀμπελοφύτης (vine-planter). Accius in Macrobius, Saturnalia 6.5: "Dionysus, best father, vine-planter, born of Semele." Virgil, Aen. 7.179: "The vine-planter, keeping the curved sickle in his image." Elmenhorst.

(comm. 7) ‹Falciferum› · col 977 Falciferum. Infra, lib. VI, cap. 12. Saturnus cum, obunca falce, custos ruris ut aliquis, ramorum luxuriantium tonsor. ELMENH.

"Sickle-bearer." Below, book 6, ch. 12: "Saturn with a hooked sickle, like some guardian of the countryside, a pruner of luxuriant branches." Elmenhorst.

(comm. 8) ‹Minorum transmisit ætati› · col 978 Minorum transmisit ætati. Minores, id quod posteri. Lactant. Inst., lib. II, cap. 7: Sed hoc eos fallit, ut quod majorum nomine posito, non putant fieri posse, ut aut ipsi plus sapiant, quia minores vocantur, aut illi desipuerint, quia majores nominantur, ubi vid Bunemann. pag. 208. Ita Virgilius sæpissime. ORELL.

"Handed on to the age of the lesser": minores means the same as posteri, descendants. Lactantius, Inst. 2.7: "But this deceives them: that, the name 'elders' having been set down, they do not think it can happen either that they themselves are wiser, because they are called 'the lesser,' or that those were foolish, because they are named 'the greater'"; see Bünemann there, p. 208. So Virgil very often. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹XXX. — Nam quid› · col 978 XXX. — Nam quid. Meursius conj. Jam quid, etc. ORELL.

Ch. 30. "For what": Meursius conjectures "Now what," etc. Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹Jove, quem solem esse dictitavere sapientes› · col 978 Jove, quem solem esse dictitavere sapientes. Orpheus Hymn. VIII (ed Hermanni) in Solem, vers. 13: Αἰθαλὴς, ἀμίαντε, χρόνου πάτερ, ἀθάνατε Ζεῦ. Idem Fragment. Hymni in Jovem servato a Stobæo Eclog. Phys., lib. I, cap. 1, et a Proclo in Timæum: Ζεὺς πνοιὴ ἀνέμων, Ζεὺς ἀκαμάτου πυρὸς ὁρμή, Ζεὺς πόντου ῥίζα, Ζεὺς ἥλιος ἠδὲ σελήνη. Conf. Macrob., Sat. I, cap. 23; Sanchoniathon., ap. Euseb., de Præparat. evangel., lib. I, cap. 7; G. J. Voss., de Idololatr., lib. II, cap. 13, pag. 138, et imprimis Gisb. Cuper., in Harpocrate pag. 88, ed. Ultraject., in-4°, et Column., ad Ennii Fragmenta pag. 326-27, (ed. Hessel. pag. 209.) ORELL.

"Jupiter, whom the wise have kept saying is the sun." Orpheus, Hymn 8 (Hermann's edition) to the Sun, line 13: "Blazing, undefiled, father of time, immortal Zeus." The same in the fragment of a hymn to Jupiter preserved by Stobaeus, Eclogae physicae 1.1, and by Proclus on the Timaeus: "Zeus the breath of the winds, Zeus the rush of untiring fire, Zeus the root of the sea, Zeus the sun and the moon." Compare Macrobius, Sat. 1.23; Sanchuniathon in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 1.7; G. J. Vossius, De idololatria 2.13, p. 138; and above all Gisbert Cuper, Harpocrates, p. 88, Utrecht edition, quarto; and Colonna on the Fragments of Ennius, pp. 326–27 (Hessel's edition, p. 209). Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹Agitantem pinnatos currus› · col 978 Agitantem pinnatos currus, etc. Hæc hausta sunt e loco celeberrimo Platonis in Phædro: Ὁ μὲν δὴ μέγας ἡγεμὼν ἐν οὐρανῷ Ζεὺς ἐλαύνων πτηνὸν ἅρμα πρῶτος πορεύεται, τῷ δὲ ἕπεται στρατιὰ θεῶν καὶ, δαιμόνων. Conf. quos laudat Toupius ad Longin. Sect. XV, § 4, pag. 322, ed. Weisk. ORELL.

"Driving winged chariots," etc. This is drawn from the very famous passage of Plato in the Phaedrus: "The great leader in heaven, Zeus, driving a winged chariot, goes first, and after him follows the host of gods and daemons." Compare the authors Toup cites on Longinus, sect. 15, § 4, p. 322, Weiske's edition. Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹Æthera nonnulli flagrantem vi flammea› · col 978 Æthera nonnulli flagrantem vi flammea. Vide Cic., de Nat. deor., lib. I, cap. 15, et lib. II, cap. 26; Serv., ad Æn. I, vers. 47; Macrob., Saturn., lib. I, cap. 4; Clemens Alexandr., lib. V Stromat.; Germanicus Arateis Phænomenis, pag. 86; Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, cap. 11, lib. III, cap. 4; Varro de Ling. lat., lib. IV. ELMENH. — Cf. Voss. de Idololatr., lib. II, cap. 84, pag. 268. ORELL.

"Some, the ether blazing with fiery force." See Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 1.15 and 2.26; Servius on Aen. 1.47; Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.4; Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 5; Germanicus, Aratea (Phaenomena), p. 86; Augustine, City of God 4.11 and 3.4; Varro, On the Latin Language, book 4. Elmenhorst. — Compare Vossius, De idololatria 2.84, p. 268. Orelli.

(comm. 13) ‹Ardoris inextinguibili vastitate› · col 978 Ardoris inextinguibili vastitate. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii: inextinguibilis. ORELL.

"With the unquenchable vastness of its heat": so the Leiden edition. Others: "of unquenchable heat." Orelli.

(comm. 14) ‹In Cretensium finibus memoratur esse celatus› · col 978 In Cretensium finibus memoratur esse celatus. Origenes contra Celsum, lib. III, pag. 141. Athenagoras Apologia, pag 38. Eusebius, de Præparat. evangel., lib. 3. ELMENH.

"He is recorded to have been hidden within the borders of the Cretans." Origen, Against Celsus, book 3, p. 141; Athenagoras, Apology, p. 38; Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, book 3. Elmenhorst.

(comm. 15) ‹Si aer illa est› · col 978 Si aer illa est. Ex Stoicorum sententia. Cicero, de Nat. deor., II, 26. Aer autem, ut Stoici disputant, interjectus inter mare et cœlum, Junonis nomine consecratur, quæ est soror et conjux Jovis, quod et similitudo est ætheris, et cum eo summa conjunctio. Effeminarunt autem eum, Junonique tribuerunt, quod nihil est eo mollius. Conf. Macrob. in Somn. Scip., lib. I, c. 17. et Saturnal., lib. III, c. 3. Porphyr., ad. Euseb. in Præparat. evang., lib. III, c. 11; August., de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, c. 10, et lib. VII, c. 16. NOURR., p. 441. Athenagor., Apolog.; Serv. ad Æn., VII, 311. ELMENH.—Add. Cornut., de Nat. deor. cap. 3. ORELL.

"If she is the air." From the opinion of the Stoics. Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 2.26: "The air, as the Stoics argue, set between sea and sky, is consecrated under the name of Juno, who is sister and wife of Jupiter, because it has a likeness to the ether and the closest union with it. But they made it feminine and assigned it to Juno, because nothing is softer than it." Compare Macrobius on the Dream of Scipio 1.17 and Saturnalia 3.3; Porphyry in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 3.11; Augustine, City of God 4.10 and 7.16. Le Nourry, p. 441. Athenagoras, Apology; Servius on Aen. 7.311. Elmenhorst. — Add Cornutus, On the Nature of the Gods, ch. 3. Orelli.

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COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) (beginning above the rendered foot; lemma not visible) · col 979 Al. leg. græci nominis austeritate, male. Nec enim video quid sit austeri in hoc vocabulo. ORELL.

Others read "by the harshness of the Greek name," wrongly; for I do not see what is harsh in this word. Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹Nulla Fluvionia› · col 979 Nulla Fluvionia. Leg. Fluonia. Festus: Fluoniam Junonem mulieres colebant, quod eam sanguinis fluorem in conceptu retinere putabant. — MEURS. Quam quidem nomenclationem Augustinus (de Civit. Dei, lib. VII, c. 2) Varronis auctoritate confirmat: Dea Mena menstruis fluoribus præest, quamvis Jovis filia, tamen ignobilis. Et hanc provinciam fluorum menstruorum in libro selectorum deorum ipsi Junoni idem auctor (Varro) assignat, quæ in diis selectis etiam regina est, et hic tamquam Juno Lucina cum eadem Mena, privigna sua, eidem cruori præsidet. Conf. eumd. ibid, c. 3, et Voss. de Orig. et Progressu idol., lib. VI, c. 26. NOURR. p. 441 sqq.

"No Fluvionia." Read "Fluonia." Festus: "Women worshipped Juno Fluonia, because they thought she held back the flow of blood in conception." Meursius. — Augustine (City of God 7.2) confirms this naming on Varro's authority: "The goddess Mena presides over the menstrual flows; though a daughter of Jupiter, she is of low rank. And in his book on the select gods the same author (Varro) assigns this province of the menstrual flows to Juno herself, who is queen even among the select gods; and here, as Juno Lucina, she presides over the same blood together with that same Mena, her stepdaughter." Compare the same work, ibid., ch. 3, and Vossius, On the Origin and Progress of Idolatry 6.26. Le Nourry, p. 441 ff.

(comm. 3) ‹Nulla Pomona› · col 979 Nulla Pomona. Pomona hortorum dea tironibus nota: cujus quidem nominis originem obscuram dicit Varro de Ling. Lat. VI, p. 74. (ed. Dordr.). At quomodo ea Juno dici potuerit, haud facile perspicitur. Quapropter suspicantur nonnulli (Meursius), hoc nomen librarii incuria esse corruptum, et ei subrogandum Sororia, quandoquidem Juno ferebatur esse Jovis soror et conjux. In hujus autem opinionis confirmationem adjungi potest Romæ a sororio tigillo constructum Junoni templum, quod idcirco Junonis Sororiæ nuncupatum fuit. Sed huic conjecturæ nullo Codicis testimonio firmatæ si aliam adjicere liceat, dicemus: et poma et fructus ad terram sive tellurem quandoquidem pertinent, fieri potuisse, ut Juno, quæ tellus esse et terrestria regere credebatur, Pomonæ, quemadmodum et tot aliis nominibus, appellata fuerit. Quod autem Juno terra censeretur, his Varronis (de Ling. lat. lib. VI, pag. 19.) Augustinus (lib. VII de Civ. Dei, c. 16) verbis nos admonuit: Jovis Juno conjux, et is cœlum, hæc terra, quæ eadem tellus; et ea dicta, quod una cum Jove juvet Juno; et regina, quod hæc omnia terrestria regit. Sed de hac conjectura nostra aliorum esto judicium. NOURR. p. 442. Scriverius ap. Meurs. legendum putat Covona, a covo, antiquo vocabulo pro cœlo. Ergo Juno Covona, vel, ut Varro dixit (de Ling. lat., V. p. 49), Covella, idem quod οὐρανία. ORELL.

"No Pomona." Pomona, goddess of gardens, is known to beginners; Varro, On the Latin Language 6, p. 74 (Dordrecht edition), calls the origin of her name obscure. But how she could be called Juno is not easily seen. Some therefore (Meursius) suspect that this name was corrupted by a copyist's carelessness and that "Sororia" should be put in its place, since Juno was said to be Jupiter's sister and wife. In confirmation of this opinion one may add the temple built to Juno at Rome by the "sister's beam," which was therefore named that of Juno Sororia. But if it is permitted to add another conjecture to this one, which no manuscript's witness supports, we shall say: since apples and fruits belong to the earth or soil, it may have happened that Juno, who was believed to be the earth and to rule earthly things, was called Pomona, as she was called by so many other names. That Juno was held to be the earth, Augustine (City of God 7.16) reminds us with these words of Varro (On the Latin Language 6, p. 19): "Juno is the wife of Jupiter, and he is the sky, she the earth, which is also tellus; and she is called Juno because she helps (juvet) together with Jove; and queen, because she rules all these earthly things." But let others judge this conjecture of ours. Le Nourry, p. 442. Scriverius, in Meursius, thinks one should read "Covona," from covum, an old word for the sky. So Juno Covona, or, as Varro said (On the Latin Language 5, p. 49), Covella, the same as οὐρανία (heavenly). Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹Nulla Ossipagina› · col 979 Nulla Ossipagina. Et hoc Junonis nomen nonnulli (idem Meursius, probante Heraldo), depravatum putarunt et emendandum: nulla Ops, Opigena. De qua Festus. Opigenam Junonem matronæ colebant, quod ferre eam opem in partu laborantibus credebant. Sed inde non satis dilucide conficitur, utrum hæc eadem sit atque Ossipagina, quæ, ut postea Arnobius scripsit, infantium ossa durare et solidare putabatur. Vossius vero (in etymol. ad verbum Os) astipulatur Stewechio, qui Ossipaga vel Ossipanga restituendam autumabat. Eam etenim sic nuncupatam censet, quod pangat, sive, ut antiqui loquebantur, paget puerorum ossa. NOURR., p. 442.

"No Ossipagina." Some too (the same Meursius, with Hérault approving) have thought this name of Juno corrupt and to be emended: "no Ops, Opigena." Of her Festus: "Matrons worshipped Juno Opigena, because they believed she brought help (opem) to women labouring in childbirth." But it is not clearly enough concluded from this whether she is the same as Ossipagina, who, as Arnobius wrote later, was thought to harden and make firm the bones of infants. Vossius, however (in his Etymologicon, under the word Os), agrees with Stewech, who held that Ossipaga or Ossipanga should be restored; for he thinks she was so named because she fixes (pangat), or, as the ancients said, "paget," children's bones. Le Nourry, p. 442.

(comm. 5) ‹Nulla Februtis› · col 979 (continues into col 980; the intervening lines are above the rendered foot) Nulla Februtis. Februtis sive Februlis (ut emendavit Jan. Dousa ap. Meurs. ORELL.) Juno a Romanis dicitur, uti adhuc observat Festus (verb. Februarius): Februarius mensis dictus quod tunc, id est extremo mense anni, populus februaretur, id est lustraretur [...] p. 419. NOURR., p. 442, et ORELL.

"No Februtis." Juno is called Februtis or Februlis (as Jan Dousa emended, in Meursius; Orelli) by the Romans, as Festus further observes (under the word Februarius): "The month of February was so called because then, that is in the last month of the year, the people were februated, that is, purified" [...] p. 419. Le Nourry, p. 442, and Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹Populonia› · col 980 Populonia. Populoniæ Junonis et templi in illius honorem dicati meminit apud Macrobium (Lib. III. Saturn., c. 2). P. Tertius: In papiriano enim jure, aiebat, evidenter relatum est, aræ vicem præstare posse mensam dicatam; ut in templo, inquit, Junonis Populoniæ mensa dicata est. At hoc nomen illi inditum perhibent, quia maris et feminæ conjunctioni, ex qua novi populi creantur, Junonem præfici existimabant. De hac autem et Februti eidem Junone legendus Martianus Capella de Nupt. Philolog., lib. II. NOURR., ibid.

"Populonia." P. Tertius, in Macrobius (Saturnalia 3.2), mentions Juno Populonia and a temple dedicated in her honour: "For in the Papirian law," he said, "it is plainly recorded that a dedicated table can serve as an altar; as in the temple," he says, "of Juno Populonia a table has been dedicated." They say this name was given her because they believed Juno was set over the union of male and female, from which new peoples are created. On this and on Februtis, likewise Juno, Martianus Capella, On the Marriage of Philology, book 2, should be read. Le Nourry, ibid.

(comm. 7) ‹Caprotina› · col 980 Caprotina. Caprotinæ vel, ut aliis placet, Capratinæ Junoni mulieres olim sacrificabant ob servatam puellarum et matronarum pudicitiam, ac Fidenates, qui eam eripere volebant, superatos. Varro autem (de Ling. Lat. lib. V. p. 47. ed. Dordr.) de hoc sacrificio sic loquitur: Nonæ Caprotinæ, quod eo die in Latio Junoni Caprotinæ mulieres sacrificant, et sub caprifico faciunt, et e caprifico adhibent virgam. Hujus porro sacrificii atque festi, quod ancillarum vocabatur, causam et institutionem Macrobius retulit Saturn. I, cap. 11. Illius etiam meminit Plutarchus (Parallel., tom. II, p. 313) et alii. Cæterum plura adhuc, ut Servius ait (ad Æn., I, vers. 12, 13), erant Junonis nomina, ut Curis et Lucina, quæ Arnobius, quandoquidem satis multa memoraverat, silentio prætérire maluit. NOURR., p. 443.

"Caprotina." Women once sacrificed to Juno Caprotina, or, as others prefer, Capratina, because the chastity of girls and matrons had been preserved and the men of Fidenae, who wished to snatch it away, had been overcome. Varro (On the Latin Language 5, p. 47, Dordrecht edition) speaks of this sacrifice thus: "The Caprotine Nones, because on that day in Latium women sacrifice to Juno Caprotina, and do it under a wild fig tree, and use a rod from the wild fig." Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.11, related the cause and institution of this sacrifice and feast, which was called the feast of the handmaids. Plutarch also mentions it (Parallels, vol. 2, p. 313), and others. For the rest, as Servius says (on Aen. 1.12–13), there were yet more names of Juno, such as Curis and Lucina, which Arnobius, since he had recorded quite enough, preferred to pass over in silence. Le Nourry, p. 443.

(comm. 8) ‹XXXI. — Granius› · col 980 XXXI. — Granius. Granius Flaccus Licinianus, grammaticus citatus a Festo v. Ricæ, Macrobio, Sat., l. I, c. 16 et 18. Scripsit inter alia librum de Indigitamentis ad Cæsarem, teste Censorino, de Die nat., c. 3, p. 13, ed. Haverc. Conf. G. J. Voss. in Appendice ad l. III, de Hist. Lat. Oper., tom. IV, p. 261. ORELL.

Ch. 31. "Granius." Granius Flaccus Licinianus, a grammarian cited by Festus under the word Ricae, and by Macrobius, Sat. 1.16 and 18. Among other works he wrote a book On the Indigitamenta, addressed to Caesar, as Censorinus attests, On the Birthday, ch. 3, p. 13, Havercamp's edition. Compare G. J. Vossius, Appendix to book 3 of On the Latin Historians, Works, vol. 4, p. 261. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹Minervam esse Lunam probabilibus argumentis explicat› · col 980 Minervam esse Lunam probabilibus argumentis explicat. Porphyrius, ap. Euseb., Præpar. evangel., l. III, c. 11: Ὅπερ δὲ Ἀπόλλων ἐν ἡλίῳ, τοῦτο Ἀθηνᾶ ἐν σελήνῃ· ἔστι γὰρ τῆς φρονήσεως σύμβολον, Ἀθηνᾶ τις οὖσα. NOURR., p. 443.—Add. Macrob. Satur., l. I, c. 17. ELMENH. — Ut omnes deos ad solem, ita deas ad lunam (quam ἀνθήλιον, id est vicariam solis, vocarunt Græci, teste Hesychio) retulisse veteres: ita Minervam, Dianam, Cererem, Junonem, Isidem, Hecaten, Proserpinam, Rheam, Cœlestem, Astarten, Parcas, Enyo, aliasque lunam habitas, ex Porphyrio, ap. Euseb. Præparat. evangel., l. III, c. 11, et aliis pluribus ostendit Gisb. Cuper. in Harpocrate, p. 108. ORELL.

"He explains by probable arguments that Minerva is the Moon." Porphyry in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 3.11: "What Apollo is in the sun, that Athena is in the moon; for she is the symbol of wisdom, being a kind of Athena." Le Nourry, p. 443. — Add Macrobius, Sat. 1.17. Elmenhorst. — That the ancients referred all the gods to the sun, so the goddesses to the moon (which the Greeks called ἀνθήλιον, that is, the sun's deputy, as Hesychius attests): that Minerva, Diana, Ceres, Juno, Isis, Hecate, Proserpina, Rhea, Caelestis, Astarte, the Fates, Enyo and others were held to be the moon, Gisbert Cuper shows in his Harpocrates, p. 108, from Porphyry in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 3.11, and many others. Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹Æthereum verticem› · col 980 Æthereum verticem. Macrob., l. III, Saturnal., c. 4. Esse Minervam summum ætheris cacumen. Idem, l. I, Saturn., c. 17; Augustin., de Civ. Dei, l. VII, c. 16. ELMENH. — Vide imprimis G. J. Voss. de Idol., l. II, c. 42. ORELL.

"The ethereal summit." Macrobius, Saturnalia 3.4: "that Minerva is the highest peak of the ether." The same, Saturnalia 1.17; Augustine, City of God 7.16. Elmenhorst. — See above all G. J. Vossius, De idololatria 2.42. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹Minerva, quasi quædam Meminerva› · col 980 (continues) Minerva, quasi quædam Meminerva. Festus: Minerva dicta, quod bene moneat. Isidor., l. VIII, Orig. c. 11 Macrob., l. I, Saturn., c. 17. ELMENH.—Aliud etymon sequitur Cicero, de Nat. deor., II, c. 26: Minerva autem, quæ vel minueret, vel minaretur. Sed falso, ut ostendit Vossius, l. I, p. 199. Minerva seu potius Menerva a μένος, vis animi, unde Latinum mens et

"Minerva, as if a kind of Meminerva." Festus: "Minerva is so called because she advises (moneat) well." Isidore, Etymologies 8.11; Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.17. Elmenhorst. — Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 2.26, follows another etymology: "Minerva, because she either diminishes (minueret) or threatens (minaretur)." But wrongly, as Vossius shows, book 1, p. 199. Minerva, or rather Menerva, from μένος, strength of mind, whence the Latin mens and

(printed under page 492)

COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) (continued; the note's earlier lines lie above the rendered foot) · col 981 [...] prægnans factus, Vulcano accito, cerebroque dissecto, ipse Minervam peperit, ut testatur Hesiodus in Theogonia, vers. 885 seqq. Sed verum esse Mentis filia docet Vossius de Idololatr., l. II, c. 42, ex Afranii Fragmento apud A. Gell., l. XIII, c. 8: Usus me genuit, mater peperit Memoria, Sophiam vocant me Graii, vos sapientiam. Minerva igitur idem quod Prudentia, quæ est filia Memoriæ sive mentis. Et ipse Arnobius infra, c. 37: Jovis cæteri prædicant (Musas) ex Memoria uxore vel mente. ORELL.

[...] having become pregnant, Vulcan being summoned and his brain split open, he himself gave birth to Minerva, as Hesiod attests in the Theogony, line 885 ff. But that she is truly the daughter of Mind, Vossius shows, De idololatria 2.42, from a fragment of Afranius in Aulus Gellius 13.8: "Experience begot me, Memory my mother bore me; the Greeks call me Sophia, you call me Wisdom." Minerva therefore is the same as Prudence, who is the daughter of Memory or mind. And Arnobius himself below, ch. 37: "Others proclaim them (the Muses) to be Jupiter's by his wife Memory, or Mind." Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹Nulla Victoriæ› · col 981 Nulla Victoriæ. Difficile probatu, qua ratione Minerva filia Victoriæ dicatur ab Arnobio. Dionysius siquidem Halicarnassensis narrat (Antiquitt., l. I, p. 26, Sylb.): Νίκην δὲ Ἀρκάδες μυθολογοῦσι Πάλλαντος εἶναι θυγατέρα τοῦ Λυκάονος, τιμὰς δὲ παρ' ἀνθρώπων, ἃς καὶ ἔχει νῦν, Ἀθηνᾶς βουλήσει λαβεῖν, γενομένην τῆς θεοῦ σύντροφον· δοθῆναι γὰρ εὐθὺς ἀπὸ γονῆς τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν Πάλλαντι ἀπὸ Διὸς, καὶ παρ' ἐκείνῳ, τέως εἰς ὥραν ἀφίκετο, τραφῆναι. Quibus certe verbis planum ille facit, Minervam non esse filiam Victoriæ, sed tantummodo cum illa educatam. Prævium nihilominus opinionis suæ assertorem Arnobius habuit Pausaniam, qui dixerat (l. I, p. 40, Sylb.): καὶ ἕτερον ἐνταῦθα ἱερὸν Ἀθηνᾶς πεποίηται καλουμένης Νίκης. In quodam autem Orphei, uti inscribitur, hymno (N. 32, ed. Hermann), illa vocatur νικηφόρε δαῖμον. At hinc Arnobii narratio plane firmatur, si ejus in textu legeretur: Nulla est ergo Mentis (vel Metis, ut Meursius voluit. conf. Hesiodi Theogon. vers. 885 seq.), nulla Victoria. Si vero legendum sit nulla Victoriæ, expende, quæso, utrum hæc opinio inde invaluit, quod a templo ipsius, quæ Victoria nuncupabatur, cognominata est, aut quia pugnantes ejus auxilio victoriam reportare ferebantur. NOURR., p. 445.

"No [daughter] of Victory." It is hard to prove on what ground Minerva is called the daughter of Victory by Arnobius. For Dionysius of Halicarnassus relates (Antiquities, book 1, p. 26, Sylburg): "The Arcadians tell the story that Nike was the daughter of Pallas son of Lycaon, and that she received the honours from men which she still has by Athena's will, having been the goddess's foster-sister; for Athena, straight from her birth, was given by Zeus to Pallas, and was reared by him until she came of age." By these words he certainly makes plain that Minerva was not the daughter of Victory but only brought up with her. Arnobius nevertheless had Pausanias as an earlier upholder of his opinion, who had said (book 1, p. 40, Sylburg): "and another temple has been built there of Athena called Nike." And in a certain hymn of Orpheus, as it is titled (no. 32, Hermann's edition), she is called "victory-bearing deity." But Arnobius's account would be plainly confirmed from this if his text read: "There is therefore no Mind (or Metis, as Meursius wished; compare Hesiod, Theogony 885 ff.), no Victory." If, however, "no [daughter] of Victory" is to be read, consider, I pray, whether this opinion prevailed because she was surnamed from her own temple, which was called Victory's, or because those who fought were said to win victory by her help. Le Nourry, p. 445.

(comm. 3) (on the same, continued: Cuper) · col 981 Gisb. Cuperus in Apotheosi Homeri, p. 173, legendum censet: nulla Victoria, hæc offerens: « Victoriam Νίκην dictam testatur Phurnutus vel Cornutus, de Nat. deor., c. 28 (p. 187, ed. Gal.): Ἀλαλκομενηΐδα δὲ αὐτὴν καλοῦσι καὶ ἀγελεΐδα· τὸ μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀλαλκεῖν παράγοντας (ἱκανὴ γάρ ἐστιν ἐπαμύνειν καὶ προσβοηθεῖν, ἐξ οὗ καὶ Νίκη προσαγορεύεται)· τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄγειν αὐτὴν τοὺς λαούς. Et paulo inferius, p. 189: πτερωτὴ παρεισάγεται διὰ τὸ ὀξύρροπον καὶ ἀμετάβολον τῶν πράξεων. Quin et Athenis in arce Ἀθηνᾶς τῆς Νίκης simulacrum fuisse alis aureis ornatum, ex Aristophonte Pythagorista, Aristophane et Eustathio probat Meursius, l. I, Lectt. Att., c. 20. Nonnus, l. XXXII, eam vocat ἀρηγόνα θῆλυν Ἀθήνην, Νίκην ἣν καλέουσι: illiusque meminit etiam Euripides (Ion., vers. 1528. Vide ibid., vers. 457). Utque Minerva Jovis capite prognata, ita etiam Victoria, docente Philone Judæo (de mundi Opif.): Μόνος δέ, ὡς ἔφην, ὁ ἑπτὰ οὔτε γεννᾶν πέφυκεν οὔτε γεννᾶσθαι, δι' ἣν αἰτίαν οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι φιλόσοφοι τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῦτον ἐξομοιοῦσι τῇ ἀμήτορι Νίκῃ καὶ παρθένῳ, ἣν ἐκ τῆς τοῦ Διὸς κεφαλῆς λόγος ἔχει, etc. » Hæc Cuperus. ORELL.

Gisbert Cuper, in his Apotheosis of Homer, p. 173, thinks one should read "no Victory," offering this: "Phurnutus or Cornutus, On the Nature of the Gods, ch. 28 (p. 187, Gale's edition), attests that she was called Victory, Nike: 'They call her Alalcomeneïs and Ageleïs: the first deriving it from alalkein, to ward off (for she is able to defend and to bring help, whence she is also called Nike); the second from her leading (agein) the peoples.' And a little lower, p. 189: 'She is brought in winged because of the swift turn and the unchangeableness of deeds.' Moreover, Meursius proves from Aristophon the Pythagorist, Aristophanes and Eustathius (Lectiones Atticae 1.20) that at Athens on the citadel there was a statue of Athena Nike adorned with golden wings. Nonnus, book 32, calls her 'the female helper in war Athena, whom they call Nike'; and Euripides too mentions her (Ion 1528; see also there line 457). And as Minerva was sprung from the head of Jupiter, so too was Victory, as Philo the Jew teaches (On the Creation of the World): 'Alone, as I said, the seven is by nature neither to beget nor to be begotten; for which reason the other philosophers liken this number to the motherless Nike and virgin, who the story holds came from the head of Zeus,' etc." So Cuper. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹Jovis enata de cerebro› · col 981 Jovis enata de cerebro. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. Alii: nata. Editio princeps elata. ORELL.

"Born out of Jupiter's brain": so the Leiden edition. Others: "born." The first edition: "brought forth." Orelli.

(comm. 5) (continued; lemma and earlier lines above the rendered foot) · col 982 [...] Scaliger ad Theophrast., de Causis Plantarum derivat a νίπτω. Vid. Voss., de Idol., l. II, c. 77, p. 259. A nando derivat Cicero de Nat. deor., II, c. 26, ubi vide Davisium. Lipsius, qui de hoc etymo multus est, Saturnal. Serm., l. I, c. 2, in Ciceronis loco l. legendum censet: a nubendo. Cæterum nubere hoc loco sensu proprio et primario idem quod velare, obvelare. Vid. Weitz. ad Pervigil. Veneris, vers. 22. ORELL.

[...] Scaliger, on Theophrastus, On the Causes of Plants, derives it from νίπτω (to wash). See Vossius, De idololatria 2.77, p. 259. Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 2.26, derives it from nando (swimming); see Davies there. Lipsius, who has much to say about this etymology (Saturnalia sermones 1.2), thinks that in Cicero's passage one should read "a nubendo." For the rest, nubere in this place, in its proper and primary sense, means the same as to veil, to cover over. See Weitz on the Pervigilium Veneris, line 22. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹Nullus deus est omnino Neptunus› · col 982 Nullus deus est omnino Neptunus. In edit. Lugd. Bat. fortassis operarum vitio legitur: nullius deus, etc. Atqui recte habet nullus, ut supra: Nulla soror et conjux Jovis, nulla Fluvionia, etc. ORELL.

"Neptune is no god at all." In the Leiden edition, perhaps by the printers' error, one reads "god of no one," etc. But "no" is right, as above: "No sister and wife of Jupiter, no Fluvionia," etc. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹Stygii frater Jovis› · col 982 Stygii frater Jovis. Vide supra, ad lib. II, cap. 70. ORELL.

"Brother of Stygian Jove." See above, on book 2, ch. 70. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹Pistricum dominus› · col 982 Pistricum dominus. Pistrix bellua marina longi corporis, sed angusti, interprete Nonio. De diversis marinis monstris ista vox videtur usurpata. Balænam interpretatur Festus. Sed aperte distinguit balænam et pristem, idem quod pistricem, Plinius, Hist. nat., lib. IX, c. 3, et 4, ubi novissimus illius libri editor, Laur. Theod. Gronovius, p. 6, pristin interpretatur piscem Oceani, præsertim Arctici incolam, ex squali genere, rostro cuspidato, osseo, plano, utrinque dentato, Linnæo dictum squalus pristis, der Sagehay, Sagefisch. Conf. Jan. Dousam ad Lucilii Fragment., p. 199, ed. Haverc. ORELL.

"Lord of the sea-monsters." The pistrix is a sea beast with a long but narrow body, as Nonius explains. The word seems to have been used of various sea monsters. Festus explains it as the whale. But Pliny, Natural History 9.3 and 4, plainly distinguishes the whale from the pristis, the same as the pistrix; there the latest editor of that book, Laurens Theodoor Gronovius, p. 6, explains the pristis as a fish of the Ocean, especially an inhabitant of the Arctic, of the shark kind, with a pointed, bony, flat snout toothed on both sides, called by Linnaeus Squalus pristis, in German der Sagehay, Sagefisch (sawfish). Compare Jan Dousa on the Fragments of Lucilius, p. 199, Havercamp's edition. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹Mænarum› · col 982 Mænarum. De hoc contempto et vilis pretii pisciculo multus est N. Heinsius, ad Ovid. Fast. II, vers. 578, quem vide. Græcis dicitur μαινίς verbi causa Plutarcho in Numa, c. 15, ubi Kaltwasser. vertit sardelle. Harduinus ad Plin., Hist. nat., l. XXXII, c. 11, intelligit pisciculum illum, quem Galli la mendole, Romani menola vocant, der Haufling, Sparfisch. OREL.

"Of sprats." N. Heinsius has much to say about this despised little fish of mean price, on Ovid, Fasti 2.578; see him. In Greek it is called μαινίς, for example by Plutarch in Numa, ch. 15, where Kaltwasser translates "Sardelle." Hardouin, on Pliny, Natural History 32.11, understands that little fish which the French call la mendole, the Romans menola, in German der Haufling, Sparfisch. Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹Rex salsorum gurgitum, et tremebundi motator soli› · col 982 Rex salsorum gurgitum, et tremebundi motator soli. Ita Meursius. Alii sali, ut videtur, ex ms. Sed præfero motator soli, id est Σεισίχθων et Ἐνοσίγαιος. Cæterum hæc verba mihi videntur e vetere aliquo Comico vel Tragico, irrisionis causa, mutuata ab Arnobio. ORELL.

"King of the salt whirlpools and shaker of the trembling ground." So Meursius. Others "of the sea (sali)," apparently from the manuscript. But I prefer "shaker of the ground," that is, Σεισίχθων and Ἐνοσίγαιος (earth-shaker). For the rest, these words seem to me to have been borrowed by Arnobius, for mockery's sake, from some old comic or tragic poet. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹XXXII. — Mercurius etiam quasi quidam medicurrius dictus est› · col 982 XXXII. — Mercurius etiam quasi quidam medicurrius dictus est. Isidorus, l. VIII Originum, c. 11: Mercurius quasi Medius currens dicitur appellatus, quod sermo currat inter homines medius. Conf. Augustin., de Civit. Dei, l. VII, c. 14. ELMENH.—A mercibus derivat Festus. ORELL.

Ch. 32. "Mercury too was so called as a kind of mid-runner." Isidore, Etymologies 8.11: "Mercury is said to have been so named as if 'running in the middle' (medius currens), because speech runs in the middle between men." Compare Augustine, City of God 7.14. Elmenhorst. — Festus derives it from merces, wares. Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹Quod inter loquentes duo media currat et reciprocetur oratio› · col 982 Quod inter loquentes duo media currat et reciprocetur oratio. Hæc est vera et genuina membranarum lectio pro illo quod ediderunt: inter loquentes duos. Quarto casu duo pro duos antiquis in usu fuisse, ostendi ad Fl. Vegetium de Re Milit. cui eam phrasin bis restitui, l. II, c. 6, et l. III, c. 15. Exempla si desideras, vide Ciceron., ad Fam., l. VII, ep. XXV: Præter duo nos (inquit) loquitur isto modo nemo. Prudentius, in Apotheosi: Panes jubet et duo pisces apponi. Censorinus, de Die natali, c. 19, in scito Tribunitio: Prætor urbanus, qui nunc est, quique posthac fuat, duo lictores apud se habeto: vulgant vulgo duos lictores, non recte. Eadem de re annotasse commemini Sosipatrum grammaticum. STEWECH. —Conf. Manut. ad Ciceronis, l. l. ORELL.

"Because speech runs and passes back and forth in the middle between two speakers." This is the true and genuine reading of the parchment manuscript, in place of what they printed: "between two (duos) speakers." That the ancients used duo for duos in the accusative I have shown on Flavius Vegetius, On Military Matters, to whom I twice restored that phrase, book 2, ch. 6, and book 3, ch. 15. If you want examples, see Cicero, To his Friends 7, letter 25: "Besides us two (duo)," he says, "no one speaks in that way." Prudentius, in the Apotheosis: "He orders loaves and two (duo) fishes to be set out." Censorinus, On the Birthday, ch. 19, in a tribunician decree: "The urban praetor, who now is and who hereafter shall be, shall have two (duo) lictors with him": they commonly print "duos lictores," wrongly. I remember that the grammarian Sosipater noted the same thing. Stewech. — Compare Manutius on Cicero, at the place cited. Orelli.

(printed under page 493)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (?) · col 983 and col 984 [The last line of each column's variant notes is cut by the top edge of the rendered foot and cannot be read; not set.]

[Not translated: illegible in the render.]

COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) ‹Caduceator ille Cyllenius, in algido fusus monte, vertice› · col 983 Caduceator ille Cyllenius, in algido fusus monte, vertice. Constructio Arnobio familiaris pro in algidi fusus montis vertice. Vide supra, ad l. I, c. 36. Partus eleganter dicitur fundi, effundi. Sic supra, l. I, l. l.: Mercurius utero fusus Maiæ. L. II, c. 16: Ex alvis fundimur atque emittimur matrum. Infra, l. IV: Et quid Jovem mirantur ex fœminæ effusum dictare vos alvo? Lactant., l. III, c. 16: Non enim aut parietes, aut locus, in quo quisque est fusus ex utero, conciliat homini sapientiam. Idem, de Opific. Dei, c. 3: Queruntur..... hominem nudum et inermem, tamquam ex naufragio, in hujus vitæ miserias projici et expelli; qui neque movere se loco, ubi effusus est, possit, nec alimentum lactis appetere, nec injuriam temporis ferre. Ubi vide Bunemann., p. 1127. HERALD. et ORELL.

"That herald of Cyllene, poured forth on a cold mountain, on its summit." A construction familiar to Arnobius, for "poured forth on the summit of a cold mountain." See above, on book 1, ch. 36. Birth is elegantly said to be a "pouring," a "pouring forth." So above, book 1, at the place cited: "Mercury poured from Maia's womb." Book 2, ch. 16: "We are poured out and sent forth from our mothers' wombs." Below, book 4: "And why do they wonder that you say Jupiter was poured from a woman's womb?" Lactantius, book 3, ch. 16: "For neither the walls nor the place in which each was poured from the womb wins wisdom for a man." The same, On the Workmanship of God, ch. 3: "They complain ... that man is thrown and driven out into the miseries of this life naked and unarmed, as from a shipwreck; who can neither move from the place where he was poured forth, nor seek the nourishment of milk, nor bear the harm of the weather." See Bünemann there, p. 1127. Hérault and Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹Mercium commerciorumque mutator› · col 983 Mercium commerciorumque mutator. Festus: Mercurius a mercibus est dictus: hunc enim negotiorum omnium existimabant esse deum. Plautus in Prologo Amphytrion.: Ut vos in vestris voltis mercimoniis Emundis vendundisque me lætum lucris Afficere atque adjuvare in rebus omnibus. Conf. G. J. Voss., Etymol. rom., v. merces. ELMENH. et ORELL.

"Exchanger of wares and trades." Festus: "Mercury is named from merces, wares; for they thought him the god of all business." Plautus in the Prologue of the Amphitryon: "As you wish me to grant you glad gains in your buying and selling of goods, and to help you in all things." Compare G. J. Vossius, Etymologicon, under the word merces. Elmenhorst and Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹Terram quidam e vobis ... Matrem esse dixerunt magnam› · col 983 Terram quidam e vobis, quod cunctis sufficiat animantibus victum, Matrem esse dixerunt magnam. Lucretius, l. II, v. 995, seqq.: Pabula cum præbet, quibus omnes corpora pascunt Et dulcem ducunt vitam, prolemque propagant, Quapropter merito maternum nomen adepta est. HERALD.

"Some of you have said that the Earth is the Great Mother, because she supplies food to all living things." Lucretius 2.995 ff.: "Since she provides the fodder by which all feed their bodies and lead a sweet life and propagate offspring, she has therefore rightly gained the name of mother." Hérault.

(comm. 4) ‹Quod salutarium seminum frugem gerat, Cererem esse pronuntiant› · col 983 (continues into col 984) Quod salutarium seminum frugem gerat, Cererem esse pronuntiant. Ita sentiunt Cicero, de Nat. deor., l. II, c. 26. Mater (Proserpinæ) autem est a gerendis frugibus Ceres, tamquam Geres., et Varro, de Ling. lat. Et ut hic C pro G, contra in aliis fieri notat Varro, libro IV, dum scribit: Gladius C in G commutato a clade. Festus item ab urguendo Orcum, a prædicendo prodigium format. Promiscuæ etiam hæ litteræ olim librorum descriptoribus: unde in codicibus confusa totiens Gaius et Caius et alia mille. Immo et in varietate linguarum hunc quasi lusum reperiri nemo nescit. Ciconiam latine dicimus; verum Galli, Itali, Hispani secundum syllabam per g scribunt, atque effantur suavius. STEWECH.—At falsum esse hoc etymon et nomen Cereris derivandum vel ab antiquo verbo cereo, quod est creo, vel a græco Cereris nomine antiquissimo Γῆρυς, pluribus docet summus Scaliger ad Varron, p. 31, ed. Dordr. — Sainte-Croix, in Recherches sur les Mystères du Paganisme, p. 523, derivat a Cerus, quo nomine creatorem significabant veteres Etrusci (Cerus mannus intelligitur creator bonus. Festus, l. XI, p. 237; Isidor., Origg., l. VIII, c. 10), des Brosses a nomine ægyptio vel hebraico Erets, terra. Conf. quæ de latini nominis Cereris et græci Δηοῦς etymo doctissime disputat N. Ignarra Emendatt. in Homeri Hymn. in Cerer., in Ruhnkenii illius Hymni editione novissima, p. 493 et seqq. ORELL.

"Because she bears the fruit of wholesome seeds, they declare her Ceres." So thinks Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 2.26: "The mother (of Proserpina) is Ceres, from bearing (gerendis) crops, as if Geres"; and Varro, On the Latin Language. And as here C stands for G, Varro notes the reverse in other words, book 4, when he writes: "Gladius (sword), C being changed to G, from clades (slaughter)." Festus likewise forms Orcus from urguendo, prodigium from praedicendo. These letters were also used interchangeably by copyists of books long ago; hence Gaius and Caius and a thousand others are so often confused in the manuscripts. Indeed everyone knows that this kind of play is found in the variety of languages too. In Latin we say ciconia (stork); but the French, Italians and Spaniards write the second syllable with g and pronounce it more smoothly. Stewech. — But that this etymology is false, and that the name of Ceres is to be derived either from the old verb cereo, that is creo (create), or from the very ancient Greek name of Ceres, Γῆρυς, the great Scaliger shows at length on Varro, p. 31, Dordrecht edition. — Sainte-Croix, in Recherches sur les mystères du paganisme, p. 523, derives it from Cerus, the name by which the ancient Etruscans meant the creator ("Cerus mannus is understood as the good creator," Festus, book 11, p. 237; Isidore, Etymologies 8.10); de Brosses from the Egyptian or Hebrew name Erets, earth. Compare the very learned discussion of N. Ignarra on the etymology of the Latin name Ceres and the Greek Δηώ, in his Emendations on the Homeric Hymn to Ceres, in Ruhnken's latest edition of that hymn, p. 493 ff. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹Nonnulli autem Vestam, quod in mundo stet sola› · col 984 Nonnulli autem Vestam, quod in mundo stet sola, cæteris ejus partibus mobilitate in perpetua constitutis. Plato in Phædro, p. 247, vol. III, ed. H. Steph.: Μένει γὰρ Ἑστία ἐν θεῶν οἴκῳ μόνη. Ovid., Fast., l. VI, 299: Stat vi terra sua: vi stando Vesta vocatur Causaque par graii nominis esse potest. Conf. Dionys. Hal., l. II; Isidor., Origin., l. VIII, c. 11; Augustin., de Civ. Dei, l. IV, c. 10; G. J. Voss., de Idolol., l. II, c. 59, p. 231, et J. Lips. in Syntagm., de Vesta et Vestalibus, c. 1. Scilicet dictum hoc ex falsa antiquorum opinione. Contrarium plane statuunt recentiores astronomi inde a Copernico. ORELL.

"Some, however, [say she is] Vesta, because she alone stands still in the universe, its other parts being set in perpetual motion." Plato in the Phaedrus, p. 247, vol. 3, H. Estienne's edition: "For Hestia remains alone in the house of the gods." Ovid, Fasti 6.299: "The earth stands by its own force: from standing by force (vi stando) it is called Vesta; and the cause of the Greek name may be the same." Compare Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book 2; Isidore, Etymologies 8.11; Augustine, City of God 4.10; G. J. Vossius, De idololatria 2.59, p. 231; and J. Lipsius, Syntagma on Vesta and the Vestals, ch. 1. This was said, of course, from a false opinion of the ancients; the more recent astronomers from Copernicus on lay down plainly the contrary. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹Quam Nigidius autumat matrimonium tenuisse Saturni› · col 984 Quam Nigidius autumat matrimonium tenuisse Saturni. Infra, l. IV, matrimonium magna ejus tenuerit mater. HERALD. — De P. Nigidio Figulo, Ciceronis æquali et socio in peste Catilinæ exstirpanda, post Varronem doctissimo Romanorum ac Pythagoreo, vid. Harles Introduct. maj. et Notit. Litteraturæ rom., p. 165; Ernesti in Clav. Cic., et imprimis Jan. Rutgers., qui ejus fragmenta collegit, digessit et explicuit in Variar. Lection., l. III, c. 16, p. 246, seqq. ORELL.—Singularis de hoc scriptore Burignii Dissertatio exstat in libro cui titulus: Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions. OCHSNER.

"Who, Nigidius maintains, held the marriage of Saturn." Below, book 4: "his great mother held the marriage." Hérault. — On P. Nigidius Figulus, Cicero's contemporary and ally in stamping out the plague of Catiline, after Varro the most learned of the Romans, and a Pythagorean, see Harles, Larger Introduction and Notice of Roman Literature, p. 165; Ernesti in the Clavis Ciceroniana; and above all Jan Rutgers, who collected, arranged and explained his fragments in Variae lectiones 3.16, p. 246 ff. Orelli. — There is a particular dissertation by Burigny on this writer in the book entitled Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions. Ochsner.

(comm. 7) ‹His sola prædicationibus indicatur› · col 984 His sola prædicationibus indicatur. Fulv. Ursin. nescio qua de causa mutat his illa, etc. ORELL.

"She is indicated by these proclamations alone." Fulvio Orsini, for what reason I do not know, changes it to "by these, she," etc. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹XXXIII. — Satietatis fuga› · col 984 XXXIII. — Satietatis fuga. Id est nimietatis. Satis enim pro nimis passim apud hos scriptores. HERALD.— Ita Julius Capitolinus in Vita M. Antonini Philos., c. 24: Et Antoninus quidem non est satis motus defectione Cassii., id est valde, nimis motus; ubi vide Salmas., in Script. Hist. August., vol. I, p. 585. Apud Cyprianum nil frequentius. Ita nostrum genug sæpissime abundantiam vel, ut barbaro vocabulo utamur, nimietatem aliquam significat: verbi causa hich habe genug Arbeit, id est mehr als genug, uberflussig. Quo sensu Cicero aliique aureæ latinitatis scriptores dicunt satis superque, contra satis simpliciter positum usurpant de mediocritate quadam magis in defectu quam in excessu peccante, ut nostrum so so nicht allzuviel. Vide Heusinger., ad Cornel. Nepot., Cimon., c. II, et ad Ciceronem, de Off., II, c. 25, p. 363, necnon Bunemann., ad Lactant. Inst., l. VI, c. 13, p. 774. ORELL.

Ch. 33. "Flight from satiety": that is, from excess. For satis stands for nimis (too much) everywhere in these writers. Hérault. — So Julius Capitolinus in the Life of Marcus Antoninus the Philosopher, ch. 24: "And Antoninus was not enough (satis) moved by the revolt of Cassius," that is, greatly, too much moved; see Saumaise there, in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. 1, p. 585. Nothing is more frequent in Cyprian. So our German genug very often means abundance or, to use a barbarous word, a certain excessiveness: for example "hich habe genug Arbeit," that is, more than enough, superfluous. In this sense Cicero and other writers of golden Latinity say "satis superque," enough and more; but on the other hand they use satis set down simply of a certain moderation that errs rather by defect than by excess, like our "so so, nicht allzuviel." See Heusinger on Cornelius Nepos, Cimon, ch. 2, and on Cicero, De officiis 2.25, p. 363, and also Bünemann on Lactantius, Inst. 6.13, p. 774. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹Quem esse omnes ignem› · col 984 Quem esse omnes ignem, etc. Vide Isidor., Orig., l. VIII, c. 10; Augustin., de Civ. Dei, l. VII, c. 16. ELMENH.

"Whom all [say] is fire," etc. See Isidore, Etymologies 8.10; Augustine, City of God 7.16. Elmenhorst.

(comm. 10) ‹Quod ad cunctos veniat, Venerem› · col 984 (continues) Quod ad cunctos veniat, Venerem. Cicero, de Nat. deor., l. II, c. 26: Quæ autem Dea ad res omnes veniret, Venerem nostri nominaverunt. ELMENH. Aliis

"Venus, because she comes to all." Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 2.26: "The goddess who came (veniret) to all things our people named Venus." Elmenhorst. To others

(printed under page 494)

LECTIONES VARIANTES.

(b) ‹his sola› · call in col 984

Illa Fulv.

"She" (illa) [for his]: Fulvio Orsini.

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 495)

(a) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 985

Prorepant Fulv.

"Creep forth": Fulvio Orsini.

(printed under page 495)

(b) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 985

Præjudicata Fulv.

"Prejudged": Fulvio Orsini.

(printed under page 495)

(c) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 986

Indixerit alii.

"Has proclaimed": others.

(printed under page 495)

(d) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 986

Item Gelen.

The same: Gelenius.

COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) (continued) · col 985 tamen de hujus vocis etymo aliter visum. Nam Varro (de Ling. lat. l. IV, p. 12) a verbo antiquo viere (vid. supra, ad l. II, c, 38), id est vincire illud deducit, quod Venus non quidem vincere, sed vincire, vinciri, pudendis scil. vinculis, ipsa velit. Isidorus vero, Orig., l. VIII, c. 11: Venus, inquit, inde dicta, quod sine vi (aliter viro) femina esse virgo non desinat. Sed Arnobio haud forsitan immerito probabilior visa est Ciceronis opinio. NOURR., p. 449. — Add. Selden., de diis syris, p. 223. Ciceronis locus Fulvium Ursinum movit mutare: Quod ad cuncta veniret. ORELL.

others, however, have thought otherwise about the etymology of this word. For Varro (On the Latin Language 4, p. 12) derives it from the old verb viere (see above, on book 2, ch. 38), that is, to bind, because Venus wishes not to conquer (vincere) but to bind (vincire) and be bound, namely with shameful bonds. Isidore, Etymologies 8.11: "Venus," he says, "is so called because without force (vi) (otherwise: without a man, viro) a woman does not cease to be a virgin." But Arnobius, perhaps not undeservedly, found Cicero's opinion more probable. Le Nourry, p. 449. — Add Selden, On the Syrian Gods, p. 223. Cicero's passage moved Fulvio Orsini to change it to "because she came to all things." Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹Proserpinam› · col 985 Proserpinam. Vide Cic., de Nat. deor., l. II, c. 26; Isidor., Orig., l. VIII, c. 11. ELMENH.—Adde Varron., de Ling. lat., l. IV, p. 20, ed. Bipont. Pro proserpant Fulv. Ursin. conjicit prorepant, male. ORELL.

"Proserpina." See Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 2.26; Isidore, Etymologies 8.11. Elmenhorst. — Add Varro, On the Latin Language 4, p. 20, Bipontine edition. For "creep forward" (proserpant) Fulvio Orsini conjectures "creep forth" (prorepant), wrongly. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹Non sentientis vocabulum potestatis› · col 985 Non sentientis vocabulum potestatis. Ita Gelenius, quod probo. Potestas autem passim pro numine. HERALD.—Sic infra, l. IV, c. XI, init: Quid dicitis, o patres novarum religionum, quid potestatum. Editio princeps Romana. Non sentiens vocabulum potestatis, quod nescio qua de causa revocavit editor Lugd. Bat. ORELL.

"The name of a power without sense." So Gelenius, which I approve. Potestas is used everywhere for a deity. Hérault. — So below, book 4, ch. 11, beginning: "What do you say, O fathers of new religions, of powers?" The first Roman edition: "the name of a power, not perceiving it," which the Leiden editor, for what reason I do not know, brought back. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹Frugum succrescentium motiones› · col 985 Frugum succrescentium motiones. Motio pro incremento, et moveri pro crescere sæpissime. Columella, l. XI, c. 2: Igitur a kal. martiis eximia est vitium putatio in x. kal. aprilis, si tamen se gemmæ nondum moveant. Ovidius, l. III. Trist. Eleg. XII, 13: Quoque loco est vitis, de palmite gemma movetur. Eodem sensu κινεῖν καὶ βλαστάνειν ap. Græcos, verbi causa Theophrast., l. I, de Causis Plant., c. 7. Plura collegit J. Fr. Gronovius, Obss., l. III, c. 1, p. 335, ed. Platneri. ORELL.

"The stirrings of the crops growing up." Motio is very often used for growth, and moveri for to grow. Columella 11.2: "So from the Kalends of March to the tenth day before the Kalends of April is the best pruning of vines, provided the buds are not yet stirring." Ovid, Tristia 3.12.13: "And wherever there is a vine, the bud stirs on the shoot." In the same sense κινεῖν and βλαστάνειν among the Greeks, for example Theophrastus, On the Causes of Plants 1.7. J. F. Gronovius collected more, Observationes 3.1, p. 335, Platner's edition. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹Quid cum Liberum, Apollinem, Solem unum esse contenditis numen› · col 985 Quid cum Liberum, Apollinem, Solem unum esse contenditis numen. Macrob., l. I, Sat., c. 17, 18; Augustin., de Civ. Dei, l. VII, c. 16; Servius, ad Virgil. Georg., I. vers. 7. ELMENH. — Vide imprimis Gisb. Cuper. in Harpocrate, p. 106, seqq. ORELL.

"What of it, when you contend that Liber, Apollo and the Sun are one deity?" Macrobius, Sat. 1.17, 18; Augustine, City of God 7.16; Servius on Virgil, Georgics 1.7. Elmenhorst. — See above all Gisbert Cuper, Harpocrates, p. 106 ff. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹Semeleius Pythius› · col 985 Semeleius Pythius. Rescribunt (Fulv. Ursin.) Sminthius propter ea, quæ sequuntur: Sminthiorum alter pernicies murum. Sed quemadmodum, quæ dicuntur de Baccho, non pertinent ad Semeleium, ita et quæ hic adduntur, non pertinent fortasse ad Apollinis epitheton, quo Pythius dicitur, sed aliam innuit illius appellationem. HERALD.—Pro Semeleius, quod Meursius restituit, editio princeps Semelius. ORELL.

"Son of Semele, Pythian." They (Fulvio Orsini) rewrite "Sminthian," because of what follows: "the other, the destruction of Sminthian mice." But just as what is said of Bacchus does not belong to "son of Semele," so what is added here perhaps does not belong to the epithet of Apollo by which he is called Pythian, but hints at another title of his. Hérault. — For Semeleius, which Meursius restored, the first edition has Semelius. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹Alter fæculentæ hilaritatis dator› · col 985 (continues into col 986) Alter fæculentæ hilaritatis dator. Varro apud Nonium: Quo nihil jucundius quisquam bibit. Hoc ægritudinem ad medendam invenerunt, hoc hilaritatis dulce seminarium, hoc continet coagulum convivia. Vini dotes congerebat hic Varro: de quibus e variis scriptoribus Athenæus, l. II. HERALD.

"The one the giver of dregs-laden merriment." Varro in Nonius: "Than which no one drinks anything more pleasant. This they found to heal sickness; this is the sweet seed-bed of merriment; this is the rennet that holds banquets together." Varro was here heaping up the virtues of wine; on which Athenaeus, book 2, from various writers. Hérault.

(comm. 8) ‹Sminthiorum alter pernicies murum› · col 986 Sminthiorum alter pernicies murum. Sminthii Apollinis meminere Lactant., l. I, c. 7 (ubi vid. Cellar. et Bunemann.), Macrobius, I, Sat., c. 17; Ammian. Marcellin., l. XXII, cap. 11. ELMENH.—Eustathius, ad Iliad., lib. I, v. 39. Σμινθεύς, Ἀπόλλωνος ἐπίθετον· καὶ οἱ μέν φασιν, ἀπὸ Σμίνθης πόλεως περὶ Τροίαν· οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν σμίνθων, ὃ δηλοῖ τοὺς μύας, αὐτὸν οὕτω καλεῖσθαί φασι· δοκεῖ γάρ ποτε ἀναιρέτης γενέσθαι σμίνθων, βλαπτόντων τοὺς ἐκεῖ· ὡς διὰ τοῦτο ναόν τε αὐτοῦ ἱδρυθῆναι καὶ αὐτὸν Σμινθέα κληθῆναι, διὰ τοὺς ἀποσοβηθέντας μύας, οὓς οἱ ἐγχώριοι σμίνθους ἐκάλουν· φησὶ γὰρ ἡ ἱστορία, ὅτι ἐν τῇ Χρύσῃ Σμινθέως ἐστὶν ἱερὸν, καὶ μῦς ὑπόκειται τῷ ποδὶ τοῦ ξοάνου, etc. Conf., qui de hoc nomine multus est, Gisb. Cuperi Commentar. ad Monumenta antiqua inedita, annex. Harpocrati, p. 212, seqq., ed. Ultrajectinæ et Bunemann., ad Lactant., p. 47. ORELL.

"The other the destruction of Sminthian mice." Lactantius 1.7 (see Cellarius and Bünemann there), Macrobius, Sat. 1.17, and Ammianus Marcellinus 22.11 mention Sminthian Apollo. Elmenhorst. — Eustathius on the Iliad, book 1, line 39: "Smintheus, an epithet of Apollo. Some say it is from Sminthe, a city near Troy; others say he is so called from the sminthoi, which means mice; for he is thought once to have become a destroyer of the sminthoi that were harming the people there; so that for this reason a temple of his was founded and he was called Smintheus, because of the mice driven off, which the natives called sminthoi. For the story says that in Chryse there is a temple of Smintheus, and a mouse lies under the foot of the wooden image," etc. Compare Gisbert Cuper, who has much to say on this name, Commentary on Unpublished Ancient Monuments, appended to the Harpocrates, p. 212 ff., Utrecht edition, and Bünemann on Lactantius, p. 47. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹XXXIV.— Non indocti apud vos viri› · col 986 XXXIV.— Non indocti apud vos viri. Heic procul dubio Stoicos respexit Arnobius, de quibus ita Servius ad Virgil. Georg., I. vers. 7: Stoici eumdem solem..... item Lunam eamdem Dianam, eamdem Cererem, eamdem Junonem, eamdem Proserpinam dicunt; secundum quos Virgilius pro Sole et Luna Liberum et Cererem invocavit. NOURRIUS.

Ch. 34. "Men among you not unlearned." Here beyond doubt Arnobius had the Stoics in view, of whom Servius on Virgil, Georgics 1.7, says: "The Stoics say that the sun is the same ... likewise that the Moon is the same as Diana, the same as Ceres, the same as Juno, the same as Proserpina; following them Virgil invoked Liber and Ceres in place of the Sun and the Moon." Le Nourry.

(comm. 10) ‹Neque quod induxerit libido, garrientes› · col 986 Neque quod induxerit libido, garrientes. Id est: non temere, nec linguæ intemperantia ac morbo quodam fabulas et nugas blaterantes. Nam libidinem sæpe dicunt Latini, quam Græci νόσον: cum naturali et cæco impetu ferimur ad aliquid sine ratione. Naturalem hanc ac temerariam ad rem quamlibet propensionem Græci etiam exprimunt per verbum φιλεῖν. Sic φιλομύθους dicunt, φιλοψευδεῖς, φιλονείκους et similia. HERALD.

"Nor chattering whatever whim prompted." That is: not rashly, nor babbling tales and trifles out of intemperance of tongue and a kind of disease. For the Latins often say libido for what the Greeks call νόσος (disease): when we are carried towards something without reason by a natural and blind impulse. This natural and rash bent towards anything at all the Greeks also express by the verb φιλεῖν. So they say φιλόμυθοι (lovers of tales), φιλοψευδεῖς (lovers of lies), φιλόνεικοι (lovers of strife) and the like. Hérault.

(comm. 11) ‹Triviali germanitate› · col 986 Triviali germanitate. Id est, triplici germanitate. Alludit scilicet Arnobius ad nomen Dianæ triviæ. ORELL.

"With a threefold sisterhood": that is, a triple sisterhood. Arnobius is of course alluding to the name of Diana Trivia. Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹Differentias› · col 986 Differentias. Ms. dissidentias.

"Differences." The manuscript: "dissensions."

(comm. 13) ‹Atque ita si esse› · col 986 Atque ita si esse. Sic Meursius pro eo quod antea legebatur: Atque ita se esse. Alii: atque ita esse. ORELL.

"And so if to be." So Meursius, for what was read before: "and so that they are." Others: "and so to be." Orelli.

(comm. 14) ‹Exspolietur› · col 986 Exspolietur. Fulv. Ursinus: et spolietur. Stewech. conjicit despolietur, quod verbum Ciceroni, Plauto, Apuleio frequentatum. Equidem causam mutandi nullam video. ORELL.

"Be stripped bare." Fulvio Orsini: "and be stripped." Stewech conjectures "be despoiled," a word frequent in Cicero, Plautus and Apuleius. For my part I see no reason to change it. Orelli.

(comm. 15) ‹Corniger ille venator› · col 986 Corniger ille venator. Actæon in cervum mutatus. Vide Apollodor., Bibl., III, c. 4, § 4; Hygin., Fab. 180; Fulgent., Mythol., III, 3, et imprimis Ovid., Met., III, 131, 252; ibique Gierig. V. C., pag. 188, ed. nov. OR.

"That horned hunter": Actaeon, changed into a stag. See Apollodorus, Library 3.4.4; Hyginus, Fable 180; Fulgentius, Mythologies 3.3; and above all Ovid, Metamorphoses 3.131–252, and Gierig there, p. 188, new edition. Orelli.

(comm. 16) ‹XXXV.— In philosophiæ memorabiles studio› · col 986 (continues) XXXV.— In philosophiæ memorabiles studio. Edi-

Ch. 35. "Men memorable in the study of philosophy." The edi-

(printed under page 495)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 496)

(a) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 987

Ita Sab. male. Corrige: rationale.

So Sabaeus [the first edition], wrongly. Correct to "rationale" (rational).

(printed under page 496)

(b) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 987

Omnino Fulv.

"Altogether": Fulvio Orsini.

COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) (continued) · col 987 tio princeps memorabili, e male intellecta Codicis scriptura, ubi est memorabilis, antique pro memorabiles. HERALD., in Curis II.

[The edi]tion princeps has "memorabili," from a misunderstood reading of the manuscript, where it is "memorabilis," in the old manner for "memorabiles." Hérault, Second Thoughts (Curae II).

(comm. 2) ‹Columen› · col 987 Columen. Alii: culmen. Sed prius amat Arnobius. Vide supra ad lib. I, cap. 8. ORELL.

"Summit" (columen). Others: culmen. But Arnobius likes the former. See above on book 1, ch. 8. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹Animal esse unum, sapiens, rationale› · col 987 Animal esse unum, sapiens, rationale. Plato Timæo pag. 30. (Vol. III. ed. H. Steph.) οὕτως οὖν δὴ κατὰ λόγον τὸν εἰκότα δεῖ λέγειν, τόνδε τὸν κόσμον ζῷον, ἔμψυχον, ἔννουν τε τῇ ἀληθείᾳ διὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ γενέσθαι πρόνοιαν. Vertit Cicero de universo: Quam ob causam non est cunctandum profiteri, si modo investigari aliquod conjectura potest, hunc mundum animal esse, idque intelligens et divina providentia constitutum. Vid. Philostratus, de Vita Apollonii, lib. III, cap. 11. ELMENH.—Pro rationale Edit. Rom. et Gelen. rationabile.: male. Pro animal codex ms. habet animas, quod defendit Meursius in Appendice tamquam loquendi genus antiquum pro animans, animal, exemplo Ennii: Ova parire solet genu' pennis condecoratum, Non animas. Ita Cosules, prægnas, damnas, Cesores, istita sine n. Sed haud verosimile est Arnobium ita scripsisse, cum in toto hoc opere constanter scribat animal, nunquam animas. ORELL.

"That it is one living being, wise, rational." Plato, Timaeus p. 30 (vol. 3, H. Estienne's edition): "Thus, then, according to the likely account, we must say that this cosmos came into being a living creature, ensouled and endowed with intelligence in truth, through the providence of God." Cicero translated it in his De universitate: "For which reason we must not hesitate to declare, if anything at all can be traced out by conjecture, that this world is a living being, and one endowed with intelligence and established by divine providence." See Philostratus, Life of Apollonius 3.11. Elmenhorst. — For "rationale" the Roman edition and Gelenius have "rationabile": wrongly. For "animal" the manuscript has "animas," which Meursius defends in his Appendix as an old form of speech for animans, animal, on the example of Ennius: "The feathered kind is wont to lay eggs, not living things (animas)." So cosules, praegnas, damnas, cesores, istita, without n. But it is hardly likely that Arnobius wrote so, since throughout this work he consistently writes animal, never animas. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹Consultum› · col 987 Consultum. Idem quod prudens. Nihil amplius. ORELL.

"Considered": the same as prudent. Nothing more. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹Quorum si est vera et fixa, certa sententia› · col 987 Quorum si est vera et fixa, certa sententia. Forsitan legendum: quorum si est vera, fixa et certa sententia. TH. CANTER. — Nihil mutandum, distinguendum tamen: et fixa, certa sententia. Hæc ita copulare amat Arnobius sine copula. HERALD.

"If their opinion is true and fixed, certain." Perhaps read: "if their opinion is true, fixed and certain." Th. Canter. — Nothing should be changed, but it should be punctuated: "and fixed, certain opinion." Arnobius likes to join such things in this way without a conjunction. Hérault.

(comm. 6) ‹Neque homines rursus multi disjunctionis differentia conservata› · col 987 (continues into col 988) Neque homines rursus multi disjunctionis differentia conservata. Ita Meursius et cæteri illum secuti usque ad ed. Lugd. Bat. corrigentem dijunctionis dissidentia. Antea legebatur: neque homines rursus multitudinis junctionis differentia conservata. Vocem multitudinis vitiosam esse nemo non videt. Sed junctionis differentia male mutatum puto in disjunctionis differentia. Junctionis differentia est junctarum partium differentia, discordia. Ita Ovid., Met., I, 9: Non bene junctarum discordia semina rerum. Tale monstrum illud, quod Horatius fingit in Arte Poetica init. Humano capiti, etc. Itaque legendum videtur: multi junctionis differentia conservata, id est, multi si in junctione differentiam, animorum scil. et ingeniorum, conservant. Et ita legendum sequentia suadent: nec si ejus particulæ dii sunt, in unius animantis conscientiam cogi atque verti. ORELL.

"Nor again many men, the difference of their disjunction preserved." So Meursius and the others who followed him, down to the Leiden edition, which corrects to "the dissension of their disjunction." Before, it read: "nor again men, the difference of the junction of a multitude preserved." Everyone sees that the word "multitude" is faulty. But I think "difference of junction" was wrongly changed into "difference of disjunction." Difference of junction is the difference, the discord, of parts joined together. So Ovid, Metamorphoses 1.9: "The discordant seeds of things ill joined." Such is that monster which Horace imagines at the beginning of the Art of Poetry: "To a human head," etc. So it seems one should read: "many, the difference of junction preserved," that is, many, if in their junction they preserve their difference, namely of minds and dispositions. And what follows recommends reading so: "nor, if the gods are its particles, can they be gathered and turned into the consciousness of one living being." Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹In unius sensus simplicitatem› · col 988 In unius sensus simplicitatem. Fulv. Ursinus mavult: in unius censum simplicitatis, quæ conjectura necessaria non est, si præcedens junctionis intelligamus de junctione diversarum partium animi. ORELL.

"Into the simplicity of one sense." Fulvio Orsini prefers "into the census of one simplicity," a conjecture that is not necessary if we understand the preceding "junction" of the junction of the different parts of the mind. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹Ut neque sol deus sit, neque luna› · col 988 Ut neque sol deus sit, neque luna, etc. Abunde hoc docent Jul. Firmicus de Errore profanarum relig. Lactant. Inst., lib. II, cap. 5. ELMENH.

"So that neither the sun is a god, nor the moon," etc. Julius Firmicus, On the Error of Profane Religions, and Lactantius, Inst. 2.5, teach this abundantly. Elmenhorst.

(comm. 9) ‹XXXVI. Quibus sitim soletis vestram ... proluere› · col 988 XXXVI. Quibus sitim soletis vestram............ proluere. Virgilius, Æn. I, 739: . . . . . . . . Et pleno se proluit auro. Prudentius lib. I, contra Symmach.: Avidus vini multo se proluit haustu. HERALD. et ELMENH.

Ch. 36. "With which you are wont to drench your thirst." Virgil, Aen. 1.739: "... and drenched himself from the brimming gold." Prudentius, Against Symmachus, book 1: "Greedy for wine, he drenched himself with a deep draught." Hérault and Elmenhorst.

(comm. 10) ‹Quidem› · col 988 Quidem. Ita Meursius. Editio princeps Sabæi quidam, male. ORELL.

"Indeed": so Meursius. Sabaeus's first edition: "certain ones," wrongly. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹Neque una esse in parte naturæ› · col 988 Neque una esse in parte naturæ. Ita cod. ms. quam lectionem recte defendunt Th. Canterus et Heraldus, ut sit idem quod neque ulla esse in parte naturæ, ἐν οὐδενὶ φύσεως μέρει. Gelenius ed. neque ulla, etc. ORELL.

"Nor to exist in one part of nature." So the manuscript, a reading rightly defended by Th. Canter and Hérault, so that it means the same as "nor to exist in any part of nature," ἐν οὐδενὶ φύσεως μέρει. Gelenius printed "nor any," etc. Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹XXXVII. — Mnaseas› · col 988 (continues) XXXVII. — Mnaseas. Patarensis e Lyciæ civitate. Hujus librum III Εὐρωπιακῶν citat Athenæus, lib. IV, p. 158, et librum II, de Asia, lib. VIII, p. 346; denique Periplum eodem libro p. 331. Græcæ gentis non obscurus scriptor vocatur a Columella, lib. XII, cap. 4, qui cum Varrone eum inter scriptores Rei rusticæ laudat, lib. I, cap. 1. Non confundendus cum Mnasea Berytio, qui de arte rhetorica et nominibus Atticis scripsit, teste Suida, et alio ejusdem nominis Locro seu Colophonio, qui (ut idem Athenæus refert) inscriptos lusus composuit, ob varietatem Salpem nominatos. Conf. Nourr., p. 544. Voss., de Hist. Græc.,

Ch. 37. "Mnaseas." Of Patara, a city of Lycia. Athenaeus cites the third book of his Europe-history, book 4, p. 158, and the second book, on Asia, book 8, p. 346; finally his Periplus in the same book, p. 331. Columella, book 12, ch. 4, calls him a not obscure writer of the Greek nation, and praises him with Varro among the writers on agriculture, book 1, ch. 1. He is not to be confused with Mnaseas of Berytus, who wrote on the art of rhetoric and on Attic names, as Suidas attests, nor with another of the same name, of Locris or Colophon, who (as the same Athenaeus relates) composed titled jests, called "Salpe" because of their variety. Compare Le Nourry, p. 544; Vossius, On the Greek Historians,

(printed under page 496)

(none set here) Footnote (b), "Omnino Fulv.", is called in THIS column, at "quinimmo" (para 1); it stands in notes/n987.md marked "call in col 987". QA Q5a: that anchor should read "call in col 988, anchor: quinimmo" (n987 not edited by this pass).

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 497)

(a) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 989

Quidem alii.

"Indeed": others.

(printed under page 497)

(b) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 989

Horus Sab. mendose.

"Horus": Sabaeus, a misprint.

(printed under page 497)

(c) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 990

Myrsilus Fulv. Murcylus ms. Myrtilis Sab.

"Myrsilus": Fulvio Orsini. "Murcylus": the manuscript. "Myrtilis": Sabaeus.

COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) (continued) · col 989 lib. I, cap. 21, pag. 134 seqq., et Harduin., in Indice Plinii Hist. Nat., hoc verbo. ORELL.

book 1, ch. 21, p. 134 ff., and Hardouin, in the Index to Pliny's Natural History, under this word. Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹Filias esse Telluris ac Cœli› · col 989 Filias esse Telluris ac Cœli. Hyginus in deorum Genealogia fabulis præmissa, pag. 31, ed. Munkeri Monetam, id est Mnemosynen, matrem Musarum ex Æthere et Terra prognatam dicit. ORELL.

"That they are daughters of Earth and Heaven." Hyginus, in the Genealogy of the gods prefixed to the Fables, p. 31, Muncker's edition, says that Moneta, that is Mnemosyne, the mother of the Muses, was born of Aether and Earth. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹Ephorus has igitur numero esse tres effert› · col 989 Ephorus has igitur numero esse tres effert. De Ephoro, historico Cumano notissimo, auditore Isocratis et condiscipulo Theopompi, vide Suidam et G. J. Voss., de Hist. Græc., pag. 30. Cæterum hic est locus classicus de controverso Musarum numero, de quo vide etiam Serv., ad Virg., Æn. I, vers. 12, et ad Eclog. VII, 21, et Munker., ad. Hygin., Fab. CCXXII, p. 288. Antiquissimis temporibus tres tantum statuebantur, quarum nomina, Μελέτην, Ἀοιδὴν, Μνήμην, Pausanias conservavit in Bœoticis. Ausonius, in Gripho ternario, vers. 30 seq.: Et Lyrici vates numero sunt Mnemonidarum, Tris solas quondam tenuit quas dextera Phœbi. ubi vide Toll., p. 458, Tzetz Comment. ad Hesiod., Ἔργα p. 6, ed. Heins.: Ἀλλ' Εὔμηλος μὲν ὁ Κορίνθιος τρεῖς φησιν εἶναι Μούσας, θυγατέρας Ἀπόλλωνος, Κηφισοῦν, Ἀπολλωνίδα, Βαρυσθενίδα. Add. G. J. Voss., de Idolol., lib. VIII, cap. 12, pag. 752. ORELL. — Vid. Tzetz., ad Hesiod. Op. et D., vers. 1, Phurnut., de Nat. deor., p. 157; Gal. Creutzer Symbol., tom. III, p. 295, seq. Hug uber den Mythus, etc., p. 222, seq. Varro, quod tres essent Musæ, hanc attulit causam (apud Augustin., de Civ. Dei, XVIII, et A. Popm. in Fragmm., p. 459): quia facile esset animadvertere, omnem sonum, qui materies cantilenarum est, triformem esse natura. Ruhnkenius, Epist. crit. II, p. 309, ed. nov. locum e Cod. Paris. exhibuit, ubi Εὔμηλος (sic leg.) ὁ Κορίνθιος τρεῖς εἶναί φησι τὰς Μούσας, θυγατέρας Ἀπόλλωνος, Κηφισοῦν, Ἀπολλωνίδα καὶ Βορυσθενίδα. MARX ad Ephori Fragm., p. 264.

"Ephorus, then, declares that they are three in number." On Ephorus, the very well-known historian of Cyme, a hearer of Isocrates and fellow pupil of Theopompus, see Suidas and G. J. Vossius, On the Greek Historians, p. 30. For the rest, this is the classic passage on the disputed number of the Muses, on which see also Servius on Virgil, Aen. 1.12, and on Eclogue 7.21, and Muncker on Hyginus, Fable 222, p. 288. In the most ancient times only three were reckoned, whose names, Melete (Practice), Aoide (Song), Mneme (Memory), Pausanias preserved in his Boeotica. Ausonius, in the Griphus of the number three, line 30 f.: "And the lyric poets are of the number of Memory's daughters, the three alone whom once the right hand of Phoebus held"; see Tollius there, p. 458; Tzetzes, Commentary on Hesiod's Works, p. 6, Heinsius's edition: "But Eumelus of Corinth says there are three Muses, daughters of Apollo: Cephiso, Apollonis, Borysthenis." Add G. J. Vossius, De idololatria 8.12, p. 752. Orelli. — See Tzetzes on Hesiod, Works and Days, line 1; Phurnutus, On the Nature of the Gods, p. 157; G. Creuzer, Symbolik, vol. 3, p. 295 f.; Hug, Über den Mythus, etc., p. 222 f. Varro gave this reason why the Muses were three (in Augustine, City of God 18, and A. Popma in the Fragments, p. 459): "because it was easy to notice that all sound, which is the material of songs, is threefold by nature." Ruhnken, Critical Letter 2, p. 309, new edition, produced the passage from a Paris manuscript, where "Eumelus (so read) of Corinth says the Muses are three, daughters of Apollo: Cephiso, Apollonis and Borysthenis." Marx on the Fragments of Ephorus, p. 264.

(comm. 4) ‹Mnaseas, quem diximus, quatuor› · col 989 Mnaseas, quem diximus, quatuor. Cicero, de Nat. deor. III, cap. 21: Jam Musæ primæ quatuor, natæ Jove altero, Thelxiope, Aœde, Arche, Melete. Ubi autem de lectione ambigitur, vid. Davis. Quatuor Musas statuit etiam Aratus in libro v. Ἀστρικῶν, teste Tzetze ad Hesiod., l. l. ORELL.

"Mnaseas, whom we have mentioned, four." Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 3.21: "Then the first Muses, four, born of the second Jupiter: Thelxiope, Aoede, Arche, Melete." Where the reading is in doubt, see Davies. Aratus too fixed the Muses at four, in book 5 of his Astrica, as Tzetzes attests on Hesiod, at the place cited. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹Myrtilus› · col 989 Myrtilus, Varie scribitur. Myrtilum vocant præter nostrum et Clemens, quem exscripsit Phrynicus verbo καταφαγᾶ, et Scholiastes Apollonii: Myrsilum autem Athen., lib. XIII, p. 617. Lesbius, æqualis Alcæo et Sapphoni, Lesbiaca scripsit, teste Antigono Carystio, cap. 5, 17, 129. Sub ejus nomine librum supposititium de Origine Italiæ ac Tyrrhenorum edidit Jo. Annius Viterbiensis. Vid. Voss., de Hist. Græc., lib. III, p. 391, et Harduin., Ind. Plin. ORELL.

"Myrtilus." It is written variously. Besides our author, Clement calls him Myrtilus, whom Phrynichus copied under the word καταφαγᾶ, and the scholiast on Apollonius; Athenaeus, however, Myrsilus, book 13, p. 617. A Lesbian, contemporary of Alcaeus and Sappho, he wrote Lesbiaca, as Antigonus of Carystus attests, chs. 5, 17, 129. Under his name Giovanni Annio of Viterbo published a spurious book On the Origin of Italy and of the Etruscans. See Vossius, On the Greek Historians, book 3, p. 391, and Hardouin, Index to Pliny. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹Myrtilus inducit septem› · col 989 (continues into col 990) Myrtilus inducit septem. Epicharmus etiam, teste eodem Tzetze, l. l.: Ἐπίχαρμος δὲ ἐν τῷ τῆς Ἥβας Γάμῳ ἑπτὰ λέγει, θυγατέρας Πιέρου καὶ Πιμπληΐδος Νύμφης· Νειλοῦν, Τριτώνην, Ἀσωποῦν, Ἑπτάπολιν, Ἀχελωΐδα, Τιτόπλουν, καὶ Ῥοδίαν. ORELL.

"Myrtilus brings in seven." So does Epicharmus, as the same Tzetzes attests, at the place cited: "Epicharmus, in the Marriage of Hebe, speaks of seven, daughters of Pierus and the nymph Pimpleis: Neilo, Tritone, Asopo, Heptapolis, Acheloïs, Titoplo and Rhodia." Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹Octo asseverat Crates› · col 990 Octo asseverat Crates. Procul dubio intelligendus Crates Mallotes, grammaticus et Homeri interpres notissimus. Cæterum figmentum grammaticorum de octo Musis natum videtur e commento illo Platonis de Sirenibus octonis verticulis in adamantino illo Parcarum fuso insidentibus, quod legitur de Rep. libro X, p. 616, ed. H. Steph. (Bipont., vol. VII, pag. 327 seq.). ORELL.

"Crates asserts eight." Beyond doubt Crates of Mallus is meant, the grammarian and very well-known interpreter of Homer. For the rest, the grammarians' fiction of eight Muses seems to have been born of that invention of Plato's about the Sirens seated on the eight whorls of that adamantine spindle of the Fates, which is read in the Republic, book 10, p. 616, H. Estienne's edition (Bipontine, vol. 7, p. 327 f.). Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹Ad extremum Hesiodus novem, cum nominibus prodit› · col 990 Ad extremum Hesiodus novem, cum nominibus prodit. Ita interpunxi. Sensus enim est: Hesiodus novem Musas, cum nominibus suis prodit, a prodo, ere, non autem: prodit (a prodeo ire) cum novem nominibus. Cæterum locus Hesiodi legitur in Theogonia vers. 75 seqq.: Ταῦτ' ἄρα Μοῦσαι ἄειδον, Ὀλύμπια δώματ' ἔχουσαι, Ἐννέα θυγατέρες μεγάλου Διὸς ἐκγεγαυῖαι, Κλειώ τ', Εὐτέρπη τε, Θάλειά τε, Μελπομένη τε, Τερψιχόρη τ', Ἐρατώ τε, Πολύμνιά τ', Οὐρανίη τε, Καλλιόπη θ'· ἡ δὲ προφερεστάτη ἐστὶν ἁπασέων. ORELL.

"Lastly Hesiod hands down nine, with their names." So I have punctuated. For the sense is: Hesiod hands down (prodit, from prodo) nine Muses with their names, and not: he comes forward (prodit, from prodeo) with nine names. For the rest, Hesiod's passage is read in the Theogony, line 75 ff.: "These things, then, the Muses sang, who hold the Olympian halls, nine daughters born of great Zeus: Clio, and Euterpe, and Thalia, and Melpomene, Terpsichore, and Erato, and Polyhymnia, and Urania, and Calliope, who is the foremost of them all." Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹Nam si liquido sciretur quid sit, unanimis esset vox omnium› · col 990 Nam si liquido sciretur quid sit, unanimis esset vox omnium. Ita edidit Oberthur. In Cod. ms. abest esset, male. Ed. Lugd. Bat. dedit: una esset, etc. Th. Canterus legendum censet; nam si liquido sciretur, fuisset unanimis vox omnium. Sed verba quid scit eliminare non ausim: quid sit scil. absolute positum, ut nos dicimus: was an der Suche sey. Grotius ap. Meursium legendum conjicit: Quin sit, etc. ORELL.

"For if it were clearly known what is so, the voice of all would be unanimous." So Oberthür printed it. In the manuscript "would be" is missing, wrongly. The Leiden edition gave "would be one," etc. Th. Canter thinks one should read: "for if it were clearly known, the voice of all would have been unanimous." But I would not dare to throw out the words "quid scit": "what is so," that is, put absolutely, as we say in German "was an der Suche sey" [sic; "Sache"], what the truth of the matter is. Grotius, in Meursius, conjectures one should read "Quin sit," etc. Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹In ejusdem sententiæ finem cunctorum pergere ac conveniret assensio› · col 990 In ejusdem sententiæ finem cunctorum pergere ac conveniret assensio. Pergere hoc loco sensu proprio et primario pro ire, tendere. Ita huc pergo, horsum pergo ap. Terentium. ORELL.

"The assent of all would proceed and converge on the end of the same opinion." Pergere here in its proper and primary sense, for to go, to make for. So "huc pergo," "horsum pergo" (I go hither) in Terence. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹XXXVIII. — Quonam modo igitur religionis potestis integrare vim plenam› · col 990 XXXVIII. — Quonam modo igitur religionis potestis integrare vim plenam. Integrare est ad integritatem, perfectionem adducere. Ita supra lib. II, cap. 15. Virtutum omnium servamus atque integramus tenorem. Eodem sensu integrator apud Tertullianum Apologet., cap. XLVI. fin.: Adeo quid simile Philosophus et Christianus, Græciæ discipulus et cœli, famæ negotiator et salutis..... interpolator erroris et integrator veritatis, furator ejus et custos? ORELL.

Ch. 38. "In what way, then, can you make whole the full force of religion?" Integrare is to bring to wholeness, to perfection. So above, book 2, ch. 15: "We keep and make whole the course of all the virtues." In the same sense "integrator" in Tertullian, Apology, ch. 46, end: "So what is there alike in the philosopher and the Christian, the disciple of Greece and of heaven, the trader in fame and in salvation ... the falsifier of error and the restorer of truth, its thief and its guardian?" Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹Aut ille primus eradit atque interficit sex divas Musas› · col 990 Aut ille primus eradit atque interficit sex divas Musas. Heraldus delere vult Musas tamquam glossema. Sed talea περιττολογίαι haud infrequentes apud Arnobium. Cæterum interficere eleganter pro tollere, auferre. Eodem sensu interfector veritatis apud Tertullianum de Carne Christi cap. 4. ORELL.

"Or the first erases and kills six divine Muses." Hérault wants to delete "Muses" as a gloss. But such redundancies (περιττολογίαι) are not infrequent in Arnobius. For the rest, interficere is used elegantly for to take away, to remove. In the same sense "killer of truth" in Tertullian, On the Flesh of Christ, ch. 4. Orelli.

(comm. 13) ‹Novensiles Piso deos esse credit novem in Sabinis apud Trebiam constitutos› · col 990 (continues) Novensiles Piso deos esse credit novem in Sabinis apud Trebiam constitutos. Et hic classicus locus de diis Novensilibus, multa continens, quæ alibi frustra quæsiveris. Conf. Jac. Nicol. Loensis Miscell. Epi-

"Piso believes the Novensiles are nine gods established among the Sabines at Trebia." This too is a classic passage on the Novensile gods, containing much that you would look for elsewhere in vain. Compare Jacobus Nicolaus Loensis, Miscellanea Epi-

(printed under page 497)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 498)

(a) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 991

Innovandis Fulv.

"For things to be renewed": Fulvio Orsini.

COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) (continued) · col 991 phyll., lib. IV, cap. 15. in Lampade Critica Gruteri vol. V, pag. 421, seq., qui omnia veterum loca de diis illis diligenter excussit. Cum Pisone consentit etiam Varro de Ling. lat., lib. IV, pag. 22, ed. Bipont. Cæterum de L. Calpurnio Pisone Frugi, Consule anno U. C. DXX. latore legis Calpurniæ de repetundis et scriptore Annalium, vide G. J. Voss., de Hist. lat., lib. I, cap. 6. ORELL.

[Epi]phyllides, book 4, ch. 15, in Gruter's Lampas critica, vol. 5, p. 421 f., who carefully sifted all the passages of the ancients about those gods. Varro too agrees with Piso, On the Latin Language, book 4, p. 22, Bipontine edition. For the rest, on L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, consul in the year of the City 520 [as printed], proposer of the Calpurnian law on extortion and writer of Annals, see G. J. Vossius, On the Latin Historians 1.6. Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹Consensum accommodans Ælio› · col 991 Consensum accommodans Ælio. Hic est Ælius Stilo, qui carmen Saliare explanarat, aliaque scripserat, quorum mentio passim apud grammaticos, Varronem, A. Gellium, Festum. Alius Ælius Gallus. HERALD.

"Lending his agreement to Aelius." This is Aelius Stilo, who had explained the Salian hymn and written other works, which are mentioned here and there in the grammarians, Varro, Aulus Gellius, Festus. Another is Aelius Gallus. Hérault.

(comm. 3) ‹Novenarium numerum tradit Varro› · col 991 Novenarium numerum tradit Varro, quod id movendis rebus potentissimus semper habeatur et maximus. Censorinus de Die nat., cap. 14: Plerique (Genethliaci) duos istos numeros (7 et 9) subtiliter discreverunt, dicentes septenarium ad corpus, novenarium ad animam pertinere; hunc medicinæ corporis et Apollini attributum, illum Musis, quia morbos animi, quos appellant πάθη musica lenire ac sanare consueverit. Conf. Ausonii Idyll. XI. Pro movendis Fulv. Ursinus mavult innovandis, male: movendis est idem quod promovendis. ORELL.

"Varro hands down that the number nine [was chosen] because it is always held the most powerful and greatest for setting things in motion." Censorinus, On the Birthday, ch. 14: "Most (of the casters of nativities) have subtly distinguished these two numbers (7 and 9), saying that seven belongs to the body, nine to the soul; this one assigned to the medicine of the body and to Apollo, that to the Muses, because music has been wont to soothe and heal the diseases of the mind, which they call πάθη (passions)." Compare Ausonius, Idyll 11. For "movendis" Fulvio Orsini prefers "innovandis," wrongly: movendis is the same as promovendis, for advancing. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹Cornificius› · col 991 Cornificius. Grammaticus potius quam historicus, citatus a Festo et Macrobio aliquoties, qui ejus Etymorum libros laudat. Vossius, de Hist. lat., lib. III, in Appendice scriptorum de quibus incertum an historica scripserint, Op. ed. Amstelod., tom. IV, pag. 260, eum floruisse ait temporibus Augusti. Non confundendus cum L. Cornificio rhetore, ad quem Ciceronis epistolæ exstant. ORELL.

"Cornificius." A grammarian rather than a historian, cited several times by Festus and by Macrobius, who praises his books of Etymologies. Vossius, On the Latin Historians, book 3, in the Appendix of writers of whom it is uncertain whether they wrote history (Works, Amsterdam edition, vol. 4, p. 260), says he flourished in the times of Augustus. He is not to be confused with L. Cornificius the rhetor, to whom letters of Cicero survive. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹Deos novem Manilius› · col 991 Deos novem Manilius, etc. T. Manilius, quem citant Varro de Ling. lat., lib. IV, et VI nec non Plinius, Hist. Nat., lib. X, cap. II, illum primum atque diligentissimum togatorum laudans. Floruit temporibus Marii et Syllæ. Vid. G. J. Voss., de Hist. lat., lib. I. cap. IX. Vel potest intelligi Manilius Chrestus, qui librum scripsit de Hymnis deorum, teste Fulgentio de prisco sermone. v. Injuges boves, cujus fragmenta aliquot inseruit Joannes Mydus opusculo suo de Mensibus a Schowio edito. ORELL.

"Manilius [says] nine gods," etc. T. Manilius, whom Varro cites, On the Latin Language, books 4 and 6, and also Pliny, Natural History 10.2, praising him as the first and most diligent of the men of the toga. He flourished in the times of Marius and Sulla. See G. J. Vossius, On the Latin Historians 1.9. Or Manilius Chrestus may be meant, who wrote a book On the Hymns of the Gods, as Fulgentius attests, On Ancient Speech, under the word "injuges boves," some fragments of whom John [Lydus, printed "Mydus"] inserted in his little work On the Months, edited by Schow. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹Quibus solis Jupiter potestatem jaciendi sui permiserit fulminis› · col 991 (continues into col 992) Quibus solis Jupiter potestatem jaciendi sui permiserit fulminis. Lucem nostro affundit Plinii locus Hist. nat., lib. II, cap. LII: Tuscorum litteræ novem deos emittere fulmina existimant, eaque esse undecim generum: Jovem enim trina jaculari. Romani duo tantum ex iis servavere, diurna attribuentes Jovi, nocturna Summano, etc., ubi vide Harduin. Conf. Senec. Nat. Quæst., lib. II, cap. 41: « Jupiter quidem præcipue fulmine armatur, putabaturque tantum mittere fulmina rubra, cum alii Dii jacularentur alba aut nigra, uti ex Horatio, Claudiano et Acrone observat Meursius in Lycophronem. Inde forte est, quod apud Livium legamus lib. XXXII, Jovi donum fulmen aureum pondo L factum esse, Junoni Minervæque ex argento. Præter Jovem autem deos fulminantes invenio Summanum, Saturnum, Martem, Herculem, Vulcanum, Minervam, Junonem, Matrem deum, Apollinem vel Solem, et Zagræum sive Bacchum ab antiquis memoratos. » Hæc Gibs. Cuperus, qui de his diis docte et fuse disputat in Harpocrate pag. 99 seqq. ed. Ultraject. in-4°. ORELL.

"To whom alone Jupiter granted the power of hurling his thunderbolt." Pliny's passage, Natural History 2.52, sheds light on our author: "The books of the Etruscans hold that nine gods send thunderbolts, and that these are of eleven kinds, for Jupiter hurls three. The Romans kept only two of them, assigning those by day to Jupiter, those by night to Summanus," etc.; see Hardouin there. Compare Seneca, Natural Questions 2.41: "Jupiter indeed is armed chiefly with the thunderbolt, and he was thought to send only red bolts, while the other gods hurled white or black ones, as Meursius observes on Lycophron from Horace, Claudian and Acro. Hence perhaps it is that we read in Livy, book 32, that a golden thunderbolt of fifty pounds was made as a gift to Jupiter, and to Juno and Minerva of silver. Besides Jupiter, I find as thundering gods, mentioned by the ancients, Summanus, Saturn, Mars, Hercules, Vulcan, Minerva, Juno, the Mother of the gods, Apollo or the Sun, and Zagreus or Bacchus." So Gisbert Cuper, who discusses these gods learnedly and at length in his Harpocrates, p. 99 ff., Utrecht edition, quarto. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹Cincius› · col 992 Cincius. L. Cincius Alimentus, æqualis Fabii Pictoris et post Cannensem cladem prætor Siciliæ, scripsit Historiam Annibalicam, græca lingua, Latina autem Historiam de Gorgia Leontino, libros de Re militari, (unde plura hausit Vegetius,) de Fastis, de Verbis priscis, e quibus hæc petita videntur: Diligens auctor monumentorum Livio laudatus, Hist. lib. VII, init. Vide G. J. Voss., de Hist. Græc., lib. IV, cap. III. et de Hist. lat., lib. I. cap. IV. ORELL.

"Cincius." L. Cincius Alimentus, contemporary of Fabius Pictor and praetor of Sicily after the disaster of Cannae, wrote a History of the Hannibalic War in Greek, and in Latin a History of Gorgias of Leontini, books On Military Matters (from which Vegetius drew much), On the Fasti, On Old Words, from which this seems to have been taken. He is praised by Livy, History, book 7, beginning, as "a diligent authority on records." See G. J. Vossius, On the Greek Historians 4.3, and On the Latin Historians 1.4. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹Nam solere Romanos religiones urbium superatarum partim privatim per familias spargere› · col 992 Nam solere Romanos religiones urbium superatarum partim privatim per familias spargere, etc. Ita ed. Lugd. Bat. ex emendatione Fr. Modii ad cod. ms. vestigia, qui habet regiones; unde Gelenius fecerat omnes deos. Deos ante expugnationem urbium a Romanis evocari solitos et Romam invitari res notissima. Videatur formula illi rei adhibita apud Macrob., Saturn., lib. III, cap. 9; Plinium, lib. XXVIII, cap. 2; Livium, etc. Hinc Prudentius contra Symmachum, lib. II: Innumeros post deinde deos, virtute subactis Urbibus, ex claris peperit sibi Roma triumphis. Inter fumantes templorum armata ruinas Dextera victoris simulacra hostilia cepit, Et captiva domum venerans ceu numina vexit. ORELL., STEWECH. et HERALD.

"For [he says] the Romans were wont to scatter the cults of conquered cities, partly privately among families," etc. So the Leiden edition, from Fr. Modius's emendation following the traces of the manuscript, which has "regiones" (regions); from which Gelenius had made "all the gods." That the gods were customarily called out by the Romans before cities were stormed, and invited to Rome, is a very well-known fact. See the formula used for it in Macrobius, Saturnalia 3.9; Pliny 28.2; Livy, etc. Hence Prudentius, Against Symmachus, book 2: "Then afterwards Rome got herself countless gods from her famous triumphs, the cities subdued by valour. Amid the smoking ruins of temples the victor's armed right hand seized the enemy's images, and carried them home captive, venerating them as deities." Orelli, Stewech and Hérault.

(comm. 9) ‹Ac ne aliquis deorum multitudine aut ignorantia præteriretur› · col 992 Ac ne aliquis deorum multitudine aut ignorantia præteriretur. Sic edidi ex emendatione Heraldi in Curis II. Cæteri: ac ne aliquid deorum, etc. ORELL.

"And lest any of the gods should be passed over through their number or through ignorance." So I have printed it, from Hérault's emendation in his Second Thoughts. The others: "and lest anything of the gods," etc. Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹XXXIX. — Sunt præterea nonnulli, qui ex hominibus divos factos› · col 992 XXXIX. — Sunt præterea nonnulli, qui ex hominibus divos factos. Servius ad Virgil. Æn. VIII, vers. 187: Sane quidam veteres deos Novensiles dicunt, quibus merita virtutis dederint numinis dignitatem. Conf. Martian. Capella de Nupt. Philol., lib. I, pag. 27, ed. Bern. ORELL.

Ch. 39. "There are besides some who [say they are] gods made from men." Servius on Virgil, Aen. 8.187: "Certainly some of the ancients call those the Novensile gods to whom the merits of their virtue gave the dignity of godhead." Compare Martianus Capella, On the Marriage of Philology, book 1, p. 27, Bern edition. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹Qui rebus in substantia constitutis inanissimas subdit et res cassas› · col 992 Qui rebus in substantia constitutis inanissimas subdit et res cassas. Hæc est lectio vetus, quæ tolerari et explicari potest. Dicebat enim Varro: Novensiles deos esse numerum novenarium; et ita res inanissimas et cassas (quid enim numeris inanius?) rebus in substantia constitutis subdebat. Obscuritas autem hujus loci nata est ex trajectione copulæ pro inanissimas subdit res et cassas. HERALDUS.—Trajectio copulæ familiaris apud Arnobium. Ita lib. I, cap. 64: ludorum et celebritate natalium, pro celebritate ludorum et natalium, ubi vide notas. Itaque hoc loco opus non habemus correctione editoris Lugd. Bat.: Inanissima subdit, et re cassa, multo minus Fulv. Ursini conjectura: Inanissimas subdit rationes, vel Meursii: inanissimas subdit res et cassas. Pro in substantia Modius refinxit in essentia. Sed cod. ms. habet instantia, quod per compendium scribendi in stantia fortasse scriptum pro in substantia. ORELL.

"Who substitutes for things established in substance the emptiest and hollow things." This is the old reading, which can be tolerated and explained. For Varro said that the Novensile gods were the number nine; and so he substituted the emptiest and hollow things (for what is emptier than numbers?) for things established in substance. The obscurity of this passage arose from the transposition of the conjunction, for "substitutes the emptiest things and hollow." Hérault. — Transposition of the conjunction is familiar in Arnobius. So book 1, ch. 64: "of games and by the celebration of birthdays," for "by the celebration of games and birthdays"; see the notes there. So in this place we have no need of the Leiden editor's correction, "substitutes the emptiest, and with a hollow thing," much less of Fulvio Orsini's conjecture, "substitutes the emptiest reasons," or Meursius's, "substitutes the emptiest things and hollow." For "in substance" Modius remade it as "in essence." But the manuscript has "instantia," which, by an abbreviation in writing, was perhaps written "in stantia" for "in substantia." Orelli.

(printed under page 498)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 499)

(a) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 993

Immortalium ms. vitiosissime.

"Of immortals": the manuscript, most faultily.

COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) ‹Cornificius labare convincitur› · col 993 Cornificius labare convincitur. Restitui Arnobio verissimam hanc et contextui convenientissimam codicis ms. lectionem, bene defensam a Stewechio et P. Colvio ad Apulei., Met., lib. V, pag. 368, ed. Oudendorp. Sabæus in ed. principe Romana dedit balare, quod editores cæteri retinuerunt, defendit etiam Heraldus, putans Arnobium hoc verbo illudere voluisse nomini Cornificii. Balare scilicet ovium vox; quod quoniam simplicissimum est animal, hominibus parum callidis et paulo stolidioribus appellatio ista tributa est a veteribus, v. c. Aristophane in Nubibus: Λίθοι, ἀριθμὸς, πρόβατα. Itaque balare etiam recte dici, qui stolide aliquid effutiunt potius, quam loquuntur. At vero observandum est, Arnobium hoc loco doctos illos quos recensuerat viros modestissime et sine ulla acerbitate aut virulentia refutare, errare illos dicentem, imprudentes inveniri, falsum dicere, etc. Itaque balare hoc loco prorsus alienum. Guil. Canterus, Novar. Lectt., lib. III, cap. 22 in J. Gruteri Lampad. Crit., vol. III, pag. 584, legendum conjicit halare, quod antiqui usurparunt pro mentiri, auctore Festo. Sed præstat labare. Ita cap. sequenti: Labant sententiæ, et cap. 41, cum ex uno et ex altero manifestum fiat et pateat hæsitare, labare, nec quidquam vos certi de his rebus, quas asseritis, scire. ORELL.

"Cornificius is convicted of wavering." I have restored to Arnobius this most true reading of the manuscript, best fitting the context, well defended by Stewech and by P. Colvius on Apuleius, Metamorphoses, book 5, p. 368, Oudendorp's edition. Sabaeus in the first Roman edition gave "balare" (to bleat), which the other editors kept; Hérault too defended it, thinking Arnobius meant by this word to mock the name of Cornificius. Bleating, of course, is the voice of sheep; and since the sheep is the simplest of animals, that name was given by the ancients to men of little cunning and rather stupid, for example by Aristophanes in the Clouds: "Stones, a number, sheep." So those too may rightly be said to bleat who blurt something out stupidly rather than speak. But it should be observed that Arnobius in this place refutes those learned men whom he had reviewed most modestly and without any bitterness or venom, saying that they err, are found imprudent, say what is false, etc. So "bleat" is entirely out of place here. Guil. Canter, Novae lectiones 3.22, in J. Gruter's Lampas critica, vol. 3, p. 584, conjectures one should read "halare," which the ancients used for "to lie," on Festus's authority. But "labare" (to waver) is better. So in the next chapter: "Opinions waver"; and ch. 41: "since from the one and from the other it becomes manifest and plain that you hesitate, waver, and know nothing certain about these things which you assert." Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹Ob novitatem honoris› · col 993 Ob novitatem honoris. Editio Lugd. Bat. Ab novitate honoris. Meursius: Ob novitatis honorem, respiciens ad Cornificii sententiam, qui dicebat eos novitatum præsides. ORELL.

"On account of the newness of the honour." The Leiden edition: "from the newness of the honour." Meursius: "on account of the honour of newness," with an eye to the opinion of Cornificius, who called them presiders over new things. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹Ita cum Novensile dicimus nomen esse deorum› · col 993 Ita cum Novensile dicimus nomen esse deorum, qui ex hominibus meruerunt dii esse. Ita Gelenius locum restituit. Cod. ms.: ita cum Novensiles dicimus omnes si novem esse eorum, vitiose. Fulv., Ursinus: dicimus omnes novem eorum. Meursius: ita cum Novensiles dicimus omnes qui, etc. deletis vocibus si novem esse eorum. Ed. Lugd. Bat.: ita cum Novensiles dicimus, si nomen est istud deorum, etc. Quamcumque loci corruptissimi emendationem eligamus, novem certe locum habere minime potest, cum eorum, qui ex hominibus meruerunt dii esse, non novenarius, sed multo major et incertus sit numerus. ORELL.

"So when we say that Novensile is the name of gods who from men earned the right to be gods." So Gelenius restored the passage. The manuscript: "so when we say Novensiles all if nine to be of them," faultily. Fulvio Orsini: "we say all nine of them." Meursius: "so when we say Novensiles all who," etc., deleting the words "if nine to be of them." The Leiden edition: "so when we say Novensiles, if that is a name of gods," etc. Whatever emendation of this very corrupt passage we choose, "nine" certainly cannot have a place, since the number of those who from men earned the right to be gods is not nine but much greater and uncertain. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹XL. — Nigidius Penates deos Neptunum esse atque Apollinem prodidit› · col 993 XL. — Nigidius Penates deos Neptunum esse atque Apollinem prodidit. Macrobius, Sat. lib. III, cap. 4: Nigidius de Diis, lib. XIX, requirit, num dii Penates sint Trojanorum Apollo et Neptunus, qui muros eis fecisse dicuntur. Conf. Serv. ad Æneid., III, vers. 12. ELMENHORST.

Ch. 40. "Nigidius recorded that the Penate gods are Neptune and Apollo." Macrobius, Sat. 3.4: "Nigidius, On the Gods, book 19, asks whether the Penate gods of the Trojans are Apollo and Neptune, who are said to have built their walls." Compare Servius on Aeneid 3.12. Elmenhorst.

(comm. 5) ‹Cæsius et ipse has sequens› · col 993 (continues into col 994) Cæsius et ipse has sequens. Omnino sine ulla dubitatione ita legendum contenderim: has sequens, scil. disciplinas Etruscas; præcesserat enim paulo ante. THEOD. CANTER. Cod. ms. assequens, nullo sensu. Alii; eas sequens. Ed. Lugd. Bat. id sequens. Sed Canteri emendatio proxime accedit ad scripturam Codicis. Pro Cæsio idem Canterus legendum suspicatur Cœlius, intelligens sine dubio L. Cœlium Antipatrum, qui Gracchorum temporibus floruit scripsitque historiam belli Punici et alia. Conf. Liv., lib. XXI, cap. 38. G. J. Vossius autem intelligit Cæsium Bassum, poetam lyricum et, secundum nonnullos, auctorem Commentariorum in Arati Phænomena a Germanico conversa, qui vixit temporibus Neronis et Galbæ. Vide de Hist. lat., lib. I, cap. 22, et in Appendice. M. Delrio in Syntagm. Tragœdiæ latinæ, P. III, pag. 377, ubi de his diis multus est, corrigit Cassius e loco Macrobii Sat., lib. III, cap. 4, Cassius vero Æmina dicit, Samothracas deos eosdemque Romanorum Penates proprie dici θεοὺς μεγάλους, θεοὺς χρηστοὺς, θεοὺς δυνατούς. At vero, ut videmus, maxime dissentit Cassius hic Macrobii a Cæsio Arnobii. ORELL.

"Caesius, himself also following these." I would contend that it should be read so entirely without any doubt: "following these," namely the Etruscan disciplines; for they had come just before. Theod. Canter. The manuscript has "assequens" (attaining), which makes no sense. Others: "following them." The Leiden edition: "following this." But Canter's emendation comes nearest to the manuscript's writing. For "Caesius" the same Canter suspects one should read "Coelius," meaning without doubt L. Coelius Antipater, who flourished in the time of the Gracchi and wrote a history of the Punic War and other works. Compare Livy 21.38. G. J. Vossius, however, understands Caesius Bassus, the lyric poet and, according to some, the author of the Commentaries on Aratus's Phaenomena as translated by Germanicus, who lived in the times of Nero and Galba. See On the Latin Historians 1.22, and in the Appendix. M. Delrio, in the Syntagma of Latin Tragedy, part 3, p. 377, where he says much about these gods, corrects to "Cassius" from the passage of Macrobius, Sat. 3.4: "But Cassius Hemina says that the Samothracian gods, who are also the Penates of the Romans, are properly called great gods, good gods, mighty gods." But, as we see, this Cassius of Macrobius differs greatly from the Caesius of Arnobius. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹Genium Jovialem› · col 994 Genium Jovialem. Deus valde obscurus, cujus notitiam alibi frustra quæsiveris. C. Barthius in Disputatione de Geniis satis prolixa ad Rutil. Itinerar., vers. 328, ex inscriptionibus probare conatur, gentiles diis suis peculiaria numina et genios quosdam adscripsisse, ideoque Genium Jovialem interpretatur Numen quod Jovi esset genii loco. Quod falsissimum esse docet Jo. Clericus, in Art. Crit., part. II, sect. II, cap. 5. Genius enim Jovis, Junonis, Plutonis nihil aliud esse, quam genios a diis illis progenitos aut missos. Genium itaque Jovialem putat esse nomen Laris domestici, ideo sic dicti, quod a Jove datus familiæ crederetur. Equidem neutri assentior, sed crediderim potius, hoc loco indicari ab Arnobio primum illum maximumque geniorum, qui genius κατ' ἐξοχὴν appellabatur Martiano Capellæ in loco non minus obscuro, ubi de regionibus vel circulis cœli, sedibusque deorum agit, de Nupt. Philolog., lib. I, pag. 16, ubi vid. Grot.: Corrogantur ex proxima (sexta) regione, transcursis domibus conjugum regum, Ceres, Tellurus, terræque pater Vulcanus et Genius. Genium Jovialem hic innui concludo ex verbis Martiani brevi intervallo sequentibus: Junonis vero hospitæ genius accitus ex nona (regione), tamquam inferior priore illo. Genii itaque quasi ministri, nuntii Jovis et Junonis. At judicent doctiores. ORELL.

"The Jovial Genius." A very obscure god, knowledge of whom you would look for elsewhere in vain. C. Barth, in a rather long Disputation on Genii, on Rutilius's Itinerary, line 328, tries to prove from inscriptions that the pagans assigned to their gods particular deities and certain genii, and so interprets the Jovial Genius as the deity that served Jupiter as his genius. Jean Le Clerc shows that this is utterly false, Ars critica, part 2, sect. 2, ch. 5: for the genius of Jupiter, of Juno, of Pluto is nothing other than genii begotten or sent by those gods. So he thinks "the Jovial Genius" is the name of the household Lar, so called because he was believed to have been given to the family by Jupiter. For my part I agree with neither, but would rather believe that here Arnobius indicates that first and greatest of the genii who is called the Genius par excellence (κατ' ἐξοχήν) by Martianus Capella, in a passage no less obscure where he treats of the regions or circles of the sky and the seats of the gods, On the Marriage of Philology, book 1, p. 16 (see Grotius there): "From the nearest (sixth) region, after passing the houses of the royal spouses, are summoned Ceres, Tellurus, Vulcan the father of the earth, and the Genius." That the Jovial Genius is hinted at here I conclude from Martianus's words that follow at a short interval: "But the genius of Juno the hostess was summoned from the ninth (region)," as being inferior to the former. The genii, then, are as it were ministers and messengers of Jupiter and Juno. But let the more learned judge. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹Ac Palem..... sed masculini nescio quem generis ministrum Jovis atque villicum› · col 994 (continues) Ac Palem..... sed masculini nescio quem generis ministrum Jovis atque villicum. Palis tamquam masculini generis dei meminit Martianus Capella loco supra laudato, lib. I, pag. 27: Vos quoque Jovis filii Pales et Favor cum celeritate Solis filia ex sexta (cœli regione) poscimini, et paulo post: Sed etiam Liber ac Secundanus Pales vocantur ex septima; ubi vid. Grot.,

"And Pales ... but some minister and steward of Jupiter, of the masculine gender." Martianus Capella mentions Pales as a god of the masculine gender in the passage cited above, book 1, p. 27: "You too, sons of Jupiter, Pales and Favor, with Swiftness the daughter of the Sun, are summoned from the sixth (region of the sky)"; and a little after: "But Liber too and Secundanus Pales are called from the seventh"; see Grotius there,

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COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) (continued; earlier lines above the rendered foot) · col 995 [...] infra popularis vulgaritas. ORELL.

[...] below, the popular commonness. Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹Deos esse censet quos loquimur› · col 995 Deos esse censet quos loquimur, etc. Verba illa, quos loquimur, antiquum aliquid occultare visa sunt. Nisi vererer longius discedere a lectione vulgari, scriberem: Deos esse censet Selectos, etc. Augustinus, de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, cap. 23: Quis enim ferat (inquit), quod neque inter deos Consentes, quos dicunt in consilium Jovis adhiberi, nec inter deos, quos Selectos vocant, Felicitas constituta est. Idem, libro VII, cap. 29, eorumdem Selectorum commeminit ex Varrone. STEWECH. — Mihi verba quos loquimur nihil aliud significare videntur, quam quos modo diximus, scil. deos Penates. ORELL.

"He thinks that the gods of whom we speak are," etc. Those words, "of whom we speak," have seemed to hide something old. If I did not fear departing too far from the common reading, I would write: "He thinks that the Select gods are," etc. Augustine, City of God 4.23: "For who could bear it," he says, "that Felicity has been placed neither among the Consentes gods, whom they say are called into Jupiter's council, nor among the gods they call Select?" The same, book 7, ch. 29, mentions the same Select gods, from Varro. Stewech. — To me the words "of whom we speak" seem to mean nothing other than "whom we have just mentioned," namely the Penate gods. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹Hos Consentes et Complices Etrusci aiunt› · col 995 (continues into col 996) Hos Consentes et Complices Etrusci aiunt. De his Complicibus diis nihil legi. Et existimavi aliquando, glossema esse hoc loco: ut imperitus aliquis Consentes interpretari voluerit Complices, quasi scil. ejusdem criminis conscios. Isidorus in Glossis: Complex, qui in uno peccato vel crimine alteri est applicatus ad malum: ad bonum vero numquam dicitur. Prudentius in agone Romani: Qui differo, inquit ille, utrosque perdere, Puerum ac magistrum, complices sectæ impiæ? Sed quod addit Arnobius: quod una oriantur et occidant una, lectionem confirmare videtur, ut sint scil. complices quasi simul conjuncti et arctissimis vinculis colligati. Consentes autem dicti potius, quod essent summi Jovis consiliarii, quod adjicit: Nempe quia consere συμβουλεύειν. Unde et deus Consus. HERALD. — V. Complices adversus Heraldum illam tamquam glossema librarii expungere volentem defendit Nourrius, pag. 456, explicans arctissime conjunctos, arctissimis nodis colligatos, quo sensu Ambrosius, de Offic. Ministr., lib. III, cap. 14. Complex, inquit, honestatis est semper utilitas et utilitatis honestas. — De diis Consentibus difficilis quæstio. Equidem illustrationis causa afferam, quæ habet Scipio Maffeus in Museo Veronensi, pag. 237, ad partes vocatis observatis Stewechii ad nostri lib. V, cap. 18, et additis meis etiam qualibuscumque. « Consentes dii (scribit Maffeus) quinam essent, non in aperto est. Arnobii verba, quæ de iis tamquam decretoria adducuntur, qui explicarit, erit mihi magnus Apollo. Varro (de Ling. Lat. lib. VII, pag. 121, ed. Bipont.): Populus dicit: Dii Penates, dii Consentes. Communiter pro majorum gentium diis accipiuntur, quos Græci duodecim vocant, θεοὺς δώδεκα καλουμένους. Μὰ τοὺς δώδεκα, Aristophanes in Equitibus. Sed illorum nota sunt nomina. » Ex disticho illo Enniano, conservato a Martiano Capella de Nupt. Philol., lib. I, pag. 26, ed. Bern. et Apuleio de Dæmon. Socr.: Juno, Vesta, Minerva, Ceres, Diana, Venus, Mars, Mercurius, Jovi', Neptunus, Vulcanus, Apollo. cum quo consentit etiam Kalendarium rusticum marmoreum Farnesianum, ubi singulis anni mensibus iidem dii tutelares adscribuntur, Juno videlicet januario, Neptunus februario, Minerva martio, Venus aprili, Apollo maio, Mercurius junio, Jupiter julio, Ceres augusto, Vulcanus septembri, Mars octobri, [...] Si undecim deos præter sese adducat Juppiter. et alii. At vero Ovidius, Met., VI, vs. 72: Bis sex cœlestes, medio Jove, sedibus altis Augusta gravitate sedent. et Seneca, Quæst. nat., lib. II, cap. 41: Duodecim enim deos advocat (Jupiter): duodecim excepto Jove præside, adeoque in toto tredecim statuunt. Interpretes itaque dissensum hunc conciliare conantes decimum tertium, addunt alii Bacchum, alii Cupidinem, alii Cybelen deorum matrem. Incerta itaque hæc omnia et arbitraria. Plura de diis Consentibus discere qui voluerit, adeat L. Vivem ad Augustini, l. l.; Columnam, ad Ennii Fragmenta, p. 264 (164 seq. ed. Hessel.), Salmas., ad Script. Hist. August., vol. I, p. 141, seq.; Burmann., ad Ovid., Met., I, vers. 167, et præ cæteris G. d'Arnaud in libello de Diis παρέδροις; qui autem Arnobii locum classicum plane ignorasse videtur. ORELL.

"These the Etruscans call the Consentes and Complices." Of these Complice gods I have read nothing. And I once thought there was a gloss in this place: that some unskilled person had wished to interpret "Consentes" as "Complices," as if, namely, accomplices in the same crime. Isidore in the Glosses: "Complex: one who in a single sin or crime is joined to another for evil; but it is never said of good." Prudentius, in the contest of Romanus: "Why do I delay," says he, "to destroy both, the boy and the master, accomplices of an impious sect?" But what Arnobius adds, "because they rise together and set together," seems to confirm the reading, so that they are complices as being joined together and bound by the tightest bonds. They are called Consentes rather because they were the counsellors of highest Jupiter, as he adds: "namely because consere is συμβουλεύειν (to counsel)." Whence also the god Consus. Hérault. — Against Hérault, who wished to strike out "Complices" as a copyist's gloss, Le Nourry defends it, p. 456, explaining it as "most closely joined, bound with the tightest knots," in which sense Ambrose, On the Duties of Ministers 3.14: "Utility," he says, "is always the companion (complex) of honesty, and honesty of utility." — The question of the Consentes gods is difficult. For illustration's sake I shall bring forward what Scipione Maffei has in the Museum Veronense, p. 237, calling into play Stewech's observations on book 5, ch. 18, of our author, and adding my own, such as they are. "Who the Consentes gods were," writes Maffei, "is not plain. Whoever explains the words of Arnobius that are brought forward about them as decisive will be to me a great Apollo. Varro (On the Latin Language 7, p. 121, Bipontine edition): 'The people say: Penate gods, Consentes gods.' They are commonly taken for the gods of the greater clans, whom the Greeks call the Twelve, 'the gods called the twelve.' 'By the Twelve!' Aristophanes in the Knights. But their names are known." From that distich of Ennius preserved by Martianus Capella, On the Marriage of Philology, book 1, p. 26, Bern edition, and by Apuleius, On the God of Socrates: "Juno, Vesta, Minerva, Ceres, Diana, Venus, Mars, Mercury, Jove, Neptune, Vulcan, Apollo"; with which the Farnese marble rustic calendar also agrees, where the same tutelary gods are assigned to the single months of the year: Juno to January, Neptune to February, Minerva to March, Venus to April, Apollo to May, Mercury to June, Jupiter to July, Ceres to August, Vulcan to September, Mars to October, [...] "If Jupiter brings eleven gods besides himself," and others. But Ovid, Metamorphoses 6.72: "Twice six heavenly ones, with Jove in the middle, sit on lofty seats in august gravity"; and Seneca, Natural Questions 2.41: "For he (Jupiter) summons twelve gods": twelve not counting Jove who presides, and so in all they fix thirteen. So the interpreters, trying to reconcile this disagreement, add as the thirteenth some Bacchus, some Cupid, some Cybele the mother of the gods. All this, then, is uncertain and arbitrary. Whoever wishes to learn more about the Consentes gods should go to L. Vives on Augustine, at the place cited; Colonna on the Fragments of Ennius, p. 264 (164 f., Hessel's edition); Saumaise on the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. 1, p. 141 f.; Burman on Ovid, Metamorphoses 1.167; and above all G. d'Arnaud in his little book On the Assessor Gods (παρέδροι), who, however, seems to have been wholly unaware of Arnobius's classic passage. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹Quod una oriantur et occidant› · col 996 Quod una oriantur et occidant. Sensum verbis reddemus legentes: Una erigantur et adsideant una. Sed oriantur quoque retineri potest. Nam Pompeius Festus: Oriri .... nasci vel surgere, et apud Velium Longum de Orthogr. Oriens Consul idem est ac surgens. Bene ergo se habet, quod Jovis Consiliarii una oriantur et assideant una. Ea propter Consentes, hoc est consentientes et concordes, seu considentes. MAFFEUS in Museo Veron., p. l. — Equidem non ausim aliquid mutare. Fundus forsitan hujus commenti planetarum ortus et occasus, adeoque omnibus duodecim attributum, quod paucis tantum convenit. ORELL.

"Because they rise and set together." We shall give sense to the words by reading: "they are raised up together and sit by together." But "rise" can also be kept. For Pompeius Festus: "Oriri ... to be born or to get up"; and in Velius Longus, On Orthography, "the consul rising (oriens)" is the same as getting up. It is right, then, that Jupiter's counsellors rise together and sit by together. For this reason they are Consentes, that is, agreeing and in concord, or sitting together. Maffei, Museum Veronense, at the page cited. — For my part I would not dare to change anything. The basis of this fiction is perhaps the rising and setting of the planets, and so assigned to all twelve what suits only a few. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹Sex mares et totidem feminas› · col 996 Sex mares et totidem feminas. Cum Arnobio consentit etiam Varro de Re rust., lib. I, cap. 1: Prius invocabo eos: nec, ut Homerus et Ennius, Musas, sed XII deos Consentes: neque tamen eos urbanos, quorum imagines ad forum auratæ stant, sex mares et feminæ totidem, sed illos XII deos, qui maxime agricolarum duces sunt. Ubi vide Schneider. V. Cl. Not., p. 245, etiam nostrum locum citantem. ORELL.

"Six males and as many females." Varro too agrees with Arnobius, On Agriculture 1.1: "First I shall invoke them: not, like Homer and Ennius, the Muses, but the twelve Consentes gods; and yet not those of the city, whose gilded images stand by the forum, six males and as many females, but those twelve gods who are the chief guides of farmers." See there Schneider, that most distinguished man, Notes, p. 245, who also cites our passage. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹Et miserationis parcissimæ› · col 996 (continues) Et miserationis parcissimæ. Verba difficillima, quæ mirum in modum torserunt interpretes. Gelenius mutandi libidini indulgens refingit: nationis barbarissimæ, quod tuetur A. Delrio in Syntagm. Tragœd. lat., P. III, p. 377, putans, Samothracas sic vocari, unde orti Phryges, qui proprie barbari. Fulv. Ursinus: memorationis parcissimæ, quod nihil aliud significare potest, nisi quorum rara tantum mentio fit, consideratione parum digni, numerus, non dii, si cum Jove comparentur. Jos. Scaliger: viscerationis parcissimæ, cum quo consentit Meursius legens: viscerationis parvissimæ (quem superlativum usurpat Lucretius, lib. I, vers. 609). Dii itaque viscerationis parvissimæ vel parcissimæ essent dii parcis tantum mactandi victimis, hostiis. Visceratio enim est epulum, quod ex visceribus, id est carnibus immolatarum hostiarum, inter sacricolas agitabatur, quale describit Virgilius, Æn. VIII, 179, seqq. Vide Salmas., ad Solin., p. 55. Hinc hoc loco sensu insolentiore, ut pars pro toto, de ipsis sacrificiis. Sed (pace virorum doctissimorum dixerim) equidem persuaderi minime possum, super-

"And of most sparing compassion." Very difficult words, which have tormented the interpreters wonderfully. Gelenius, indulging his itch to change, remakes it as "of a most barbarous nation," which A. Delrio defends in the Syntagma of Latin Tragedy, part 3, p. 377, thinking the Samothracians are so called, from whom the Phrygians sprang, who are barbarians in the proper sense. Fulvio Orsini: "of most sparing mention," which can mean nothing but those of whom only rare mention is made, little worth consideration, a number, not gods, if compared with Jupiter. Joseph Scaliger: "of most sparing feasting on flesh" (viscerationis), with whom Meursius agrees, reading "of the very smallest feasting" (parvissimae, a superlative Lucretius uses, 1.609). So the gods of the smallest or most sparing feast would be gods to be sacrificed to only with scant victims and offerings. For visceratio is a banquet held among the worshippers from the viscera, that is, the flesh, of the sacrificed victims, such as Virgil describes, Aen. 8.179 ff. See Saumaise on Solinus, p. 55. Hence in this place, in an unusual sense, the part for the whole, of the sacrifices themselves. But (with all respect to these most learned men) I for my part cannot at all be persuaded, super-

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COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) (continued; the first line is partly cut at the top edge of the render) · col 997 [...] diis parcis tantum et raris litandum nostris censuisse. Codicis lectio, miserationis parcissimæ, defendi quodammodo possit, ut significet duros deos et inhumanos, parum misericordes, precibus ac sacrificiis difficulter flectendos. Verum et hoc male consonat cum præcedentibus. Dubius et incertus de vera lectione statuenda, audeo tamen triplicem conjecturam eruditorum judicio proponere. Aut enim levissima mutatione, una tantum litterula elisa, legendum: miserationis parissimæ, id est æqualiter affectos erga humanum genus, eamdem rerum humanarum curam gerentes. Superlativus parissimus invenitur apud Plautum Curc., act. IV, scen. II, vers. 20, et A. Gell., XX, cap. 1: Parissima talio. Quidni etiam apud diligentissimum antiquitatis imitatorem Arnobium? Aut legendum: Viscerationis parissimæ, quod significat deos æquales honoris gradu adeoque iisdem vel æque magnis sacrificiis mactandos, quod apprime conveniret cum præcedentibus: Consentes et Complices .... quod una oriantur et occidant. Vel tandem, si retinere velimus parcissimæ, legendum videtur: moderationis parcissimæ, i. e. deos nullius fere rei curam habentes, quibus in paucissimas res imperium commissum est, sed puros putos Jovis consiliarios, nimirum ex sententia Etruscorum. Moderatio pro imperio, gubernatione legitur ap. Ciceronem, de Nat. deor., III, cap. 35: Mundi divina in homines moderatio profecto nulla est, si in ea discrimen nullum est bonorum et malorum. At judicent doctiores. ORELL.

[...] [that Arnobius] thought our gods should be sacrificed to only with sparing and rare offerings. The manuscript's reading, "of most sparing compassion," could in a way be defended, so as to mean hard and inhuman gods, little merciful, hard to bend by prayers and sacrifices. But this too fits badly with what precedes. Doubtful and uncertain in settling the true reading, I nevertheless venture to put a threefold conjecture to the judgement of the learned. Either, by the slightest change, eliding only one little letter, one should read "miserationis parissimae," of most equal compassion, that is, equally disposed towards the human race, having the same care of human affairs. The superlative parissimus is found in Plautus, Curculio, act 4, scene 2, line 20, and in Aulus Gellius 20.1: "parissima talio," a most equal retaliation. Why not also in Arnobius, a most diligent imitator of antiquity? Or one should read "viscerationis parissimae," of most equal feasting, which means gods equal in degree of honour and so to be sacrificed to with the same or equally great sacrifices, which would fit excellently with what precedes: "Consentes and Complices ... because they rise and set together." Or finally, if we wish to keep "parcissimae," it seems one should read "moderationis parcissimae," of most sparing governance, that is, gods having charge of almost nothing, to whom rule over very few things has been committed, but mere counsellors of Jupiter pure and simple, namely in the opinion of the Etruscans. Moderatio is read for rule, government, in Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 3.35: "There is surely no divine governance of the world over men, if in it there is no distinction between the good and the wicked." But let the more learned judge. Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹Summi Jovis consiliarios ac principes› · col 997 Summi Jovis consiliarios ac principes. Id est senatores, ut eos etiam appellat Martianus Capella, de Nuptiis Philologiæ, lib. I, l. l. HERALD.

"Counsellors and chiefs of highest Jupiter." That is, senators, as Martianus Capella also calls them, On the Marriage of Philology, book 1, at the place cited. Hérault.

(comm. 3) ‹Nec defuerunt, qui scriberent Jovem, Junonem ac Minervam deos Penates existere› · col 997 Nec defuerunt, qui scriberent Jovem, Junonem ac Minervam deos Penates existere. Macrobius, lib. III, Saturnal., cap. 4: Varro humanarum secundo Dardanum refert deos Penates ex Samothrace in Phrygiam et Ænean ex Troja in Italiam detulisse. Qui sint autem dii penates, in libro quidem memorato Varro non exprimit: sed qui diligentius eruunt veritatem, penates esse dixerunt, per quos penitus spiramus, per quos habemus corpus, per quos rationem animi possidemus: esse autem medium æthera Jovem, Junonem vero imum aera cum terra, et Minervam summum ætheris cacumen: et argumento utuntur, quod Tarquinius, Demarati Corinthii filius, Samothracicis religionibus mystice imbutus, uno templo ac sub eodem tecto numina memorata conjunxit. HERALD. — Conf. Serv. ad Æn. III, 12. ORELL.

"Nor were there lacking those who wrote that Jupiter, Juno and Minerva are the Penate gods." Macrobius, Saturnalia 3.4: "Varro, in the second book of the Human Antiquities, relates that Dardanus carried the Penate gods from Samothrace into Phrygia, and Aeneas from Troy into Italy. Who the Penate gods are, Varro does not state in the book mentioned; but those who dig out the truth more diligently have said that the Penates are those through whom we breathe inwardly (penitus), through whom we have a body, through whom we possess the reason of the mind; and that Jupiter is the middle ether, Juno the lowest air together with the earth, and Minerva the highest peak of the ether; and they use as proof that Tarquinius, son of Demaratus the Corinthian, initiated in the mysteries of the Samothracian rites, joined the deities mentioned in one temple and under the same roof." Hérault. — Compare Servius on Aen. 3.12. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹Et hic quoque nihil concinens dicitur› · col 997 (continues into col 998; lines between are above the rendered foot) Et hic quoque nihil concinens dicitur. Delirarunt correctores nugivenduli, (Gelenius) qui edendum curarunt continens, cum in membranis sit concinens, et ita eodem verbo Cicero usus non semel, qui ait (de Nat. deor., II, 8): partes mundi inter se concinentes. Iterum alibi (de Fin., V, 28): Videsne, ut hæc concinant? hoc est quadrent, conveniant. Martianus Capella, lib. II Nuptiarum: Ergo (inquit) prædictorum nominum numerus concinebat. Glossæ nostræ Manuscriptæ: concinens, consonans. STEWECH.—Ita jam Grotius ap. Meursium. Eodem sensu et Græcorum συνᾷσαι. Vide Herald., ad Minuc. Fel. Octav., cap. I, pag. 5, ed. Gronov. ORELL. [...] Ursini conjectura: nullum, ut referatur ad præcedentia; nihil concinens dicitur. ORELL.

"And here too nothing consonant is said." The trifle-peddling correctors raved (Gelenius), who had "continens" (holding together) printed, when the parchment has "concinens," and Cicero used this same word more than once, saying (On the Nature of the Gods 2.8): "the parts of the world in harmony (concinentes) with one another"; and again elsewhere (On Ends 5.28): "Do you see how these things agree (concinant)?" that is, square, fit together. Martianus Capella, Marriage, book 2: "So," he says, "the number of the aforesaid names agreed (concinebat)." Our manuscript Glosses: "concinens, consonans." Stewech. — So already Grotius in Meursius. In the same sense also the Greek συνᾷσαι. See Hérault on Minucius Felix, Octavius, ch. 1, p. 5, Gronovius's edition. Orelli. [...] Orsini's conjecture: "nullum" (no), so as to refer to what precedes; "nothing consonant is said." Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹Nec est aliquid fidum, quo insistere mens possit› · col 998 Nec est aliquid fidum, quo insistere mens possit. Idem Fulvius mavult: Nec est aliquid solidum, etc. Sed fidus eodem sensu, verbi causa Virgil., Æn., II, 281: . . . . . . . Spes o fidissima Teucrum. ubi alii legunt: fortissima, alii: firmissima, male. ORELL.

"Nor is there anything trustworthy on which the mind may take its stand." The same Fulvio prefers: "Nor is there anything solid," etc. But fidus is used in the same sense, for example Virgil, Aen. 2.281: "... O most trusty hope of the Teucrians," where some read "bravest," others "firmest," wrongly. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹XLI. — Quos arbitratur vulgus vicorum atque itinerum deos esse› · col 998 XLI. — Quos arbitratur vulgus vicorum atque itinerum deos esse. Lares existimabant esse locorum quasi proprios genios, et singulis familiis ac domibus proprie assignatos. Quare Priscianus et Philoxenus Lares interpretantur θεοὺς κατοικιδίους: quos τοὺς κατ' οἰκίαν ἥρωας appellat Dionysius Halicarn., lib. IV. Ausonius Technopægnio: Nec Genius domuum, Larunda progenitus Lar. Quare et vicorum et itinerum eosdem deos existimabant: unde viales Lares apud Plautum in Mercatore. Idcirco et in compitis fixi etiam Lares, et ibidem culti, ac Compitales appellati. HERALD. — Sueton. August., cap. 31: Compitales Lares ornare bis anno instituit. Inscriptio vetus: FORTUNÆ REDUCI LARI VIALI ROMÆ ÆTERNÆ Q. AXIUS ÆLIAN. ELMENH. Conf. A. Delrio, in Synt. Trag. lat., P. III, p. 374. ORELL.

Ch. 41. "Whom the common people think are the gods of the streets and roads." They thought the Lares were, as it were, the proper genii of places, and assigned properly to individual families and houses. So Priscian and Philoxenus interpret Lares as "household gods": whom Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book 4, calls "the heroes of the house." Ausonius in the Technopaegnion: "Nor the Genius of homes, the Lar born of Larunda." So they also thought the same gods belonged to streets and roads; whence the "Lares of the road" in Plautus's Merchant. For that reason Lares were also set up at crossroads and worshipped there, and called Compitales. Hérault. — Suetonius, Augustus, ch. 31: "He ordained that the Lares of the crossroads be adorned twice a year." An old inscription: "To Fortune who brings home, to the Lar of the road, to eternal Rome, Q. Axius Aelian[us]." Elmenhorst. Compare A. Delrio, Syntagma of Latin Tragedy, part 3, p. 374. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹Ex eo, quod Græci vicos cognominant lauras› · col 998 Ex eo, quod Græci vicos cognominant lauras. Fulv. Ursinus præfert græcam vocem λαύρας. Vide Polluc., Onomast. lib. IX, cap. 5, Segm. 38, pag. 1002, ed. Hemsterh. ORELL.

"From the fact that the Greeks name streets laurae." Fulvio Orsini prefers the Greek word λαύρας. See Pollux, Onomasticon 9.5, segment 38, p. 1002, Hemsterhuis's edition. Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹Tectorum domuumque custodes› · col 998 Tectorum domuumque custodes. Unde genii domuum Ausonio dicti, ut observabamus modo. Et quia custodes et quasi præsides domuum erant, idcirco pellibus caninis velati stabant, unaque adstabat iis animal φυλακτικόν: atque ita statuti Lares Præstites dicebantur, quasi προεστῶτες, ait Plutarchus, melius quam Ovidius, Fast., lib. V: Causa tamen positi fuerat cognominis illis, Quod præstent oculis omnia tuta suis. HERALD. Inscriptio vetus p. 106. (Gruteri): LARIBUS PRO SALUTE ET INCOLUMITATE DOMUS Q. SERTORII. Plaut. Aulul. Prolog. et Rudente act. IV, scen. VI. Apuleius de Deo Socratis pag. 91. ELMENHORST.

"Guardians of roofs and houses." Hence they are called "genii of homes" by Ausonius, as we observed just now. And because they were guardians and as it were presidents of houses, they therefore stood clothed in dogskins, and beside them stood a watchful animal (the dog): and so set up, the Lares were called Praestites, as if προεστῶτες (those standing before), says Plutarch, better than Ovid, Fasti, book 5: "Yet the reason for the surname given them was that they keep all things safe (praestent) by their eyes." Hérault. An old inscription, p. 106 (Gruter): "To the Lares, for the safety and preservation of the house of Q. Sertorius." Plautus, Aulularia, Prologue, and Rudens, act 4, scene 6. Apuleius, On the God of Socrates, p. 91. Elmenhorst.

(comm. 9) ‹Modo Curetas illos, qui occultasse perhibentur Jovis æribus aliquando vagitum› · col 998 Modo Curetas illos, qui occultasse perhibentur Jovis æribus aliquando vagitum. Lucretius, lib. II, vers. 633, seqq.: Dictæos referunt Curetas: qui Jovis illum Vagitum in Creta quondam occultasse feruntur, Cum pueri circum puerum pernice chorea Armati in numerum pulsarent æribus æra, Ne Saturnus eum malis mandaret adeptus, Æternumque daret Matri sub pectore volnus.

"Now those Curetes who are said once to have hidden the wailing of Jupiter with bronzes." Lucretius 2.633 ff.: "They tell of the Dictaean Curetes, who are said once to have hidden that wailing of Jove in Crete, when, boys around the boy in a nimble dance, armed, they beat bronze on bronze in measure, lest Saturn should seize him and give him to his jaws, and deal the Mother an eternal wound in her breast."

(printed under page 501)

LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 502)

(a) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 999

Quosque Fulv. male.

"And whom": Fulvio Orsini, wrongly.

(printed under page 502)

(b) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 999

Coadunare ms.

"To unite": the manuscript.

(printed under page 502)

(c) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 999

Certe ms. male.

"Certainly": the manuscript, wrongly.

(printed under page 502)

(d) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 1000

Sic. ms et Sub. Scire alii.

So the manuscript and Sabaeus [printed "Sub."]. Others: "to know."

(printed under page 502)

(e) ‹anchor not visible in the rendered foot› · call in col 1000

Consolationem ms. male.

"Consolation": the manuscript, wrongly.

COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) (continued) · col 999 Ovidius, lib. IV Fastorum, vers. 207, seqq. Lactantius, lib. I, cap. 21. Minucius Octavio, Cyprianus de Idolis, Hygin., Fab. 139. ELMENH. — Festus: æribus pluraliter ab ære, id est æramento, dixit Cato. Vide Charisium, lib. I. Phocam de Heteroclitis. Priscian., lib. VII, et Meursium. ORELL.

Ovid, Fasti 4.207 ff.; Lactantius 1.21; Minucius in the Octavius; Cyprian, On Idols; Hyginus, Fable 139. Elmenhorst. — Festus: "Cato said 'aeribus' in the plural from aes, that is, bronze-ware." See Charisius, book 1; Phocas, On Heteroclites; Priscian, book 7; and Meursius. Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹Modo Digitos samothracios› · col 999 Modo Digitos samothracios. Hæc est optima Codicis msti. lectio pro eo quod antea edebatur Indigetes samothracios, merito in textum revocata a Salmasio, in ed. Lugd. Bat., et ad Solin., cap. II, pag. 46. Nam sic Latini verterunt Δακτύλους Ἰδαίους. Idem vocabulum ex ejusdem Salmasii sententia restituendum etiam Ciceroni, de Nat. deor., lib. III, cap. 16, ubi pro Idæis Dactylis vel Idæis indigenis, quod alii habent, rescribendum: Idæis Digitis, quod secuti etiam Jo. Davisius et Ernesti. Cæterum cum nostro consentit etiam Macrobius Saturn., lib. III, cap. 4: Cassius Hemina dicit, Samothracas deos, eosdemque Romanorum Penates, proprie dici θεοὺς μεγάλους, θεοὺς χρηστοὺς, θεοὺς δυνατούς, etc. De illorum deorum cultu multus est illustr. Sainte-Croix: Ueber die alten Mysterien, a Lenzio versus, lib. II, cap. 1, 2 et 5: « Opinor, hos a Prænestinis Digitos sive Digitios vocatos, quod viam quasi digito viatoribus indicarent. Fortassis etiam digito protenso sculpebantur, quemadmodum nunc etiam multæ provinciæ in viis ambiguis crucibus aut cippis manus ferreas vel ligneas affigunt, indice extento iter viarum dirigentes. » Hæc et plura alia M. A. Delrio, qui de Diis Laribus multus est in Syntagm. Tragœdiæ latinæ, part. III, pag. 373 et seqq. ORELL.

"Now the Samothracian Fingers." This is the excellent reading of the manuscript, in place of what was printed before, "the Samothracian Indigetes"; Saumaise rightly recalled it into the text, in the Leiden edition and on Solinus, ch. 2, p. 46. For so the Latins translated Δακτύλους Ἰδαίους (Idaean Dactyls, "Fingers"). In Saumaise's opinion the same word should be restored also to Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 3.16, where for "Idaean Dactyls" or "Idaean natives," which others have, one should write "Idaean Fingers," which Jo. Davies and Ernesti also followed. For the rest, Macrobius too agrees with our author, Saturnalia 3.4: "Cassius Hemina says that the Samothracian gods, who are also the Penates of the Romans, are properly called great gods, good gods, mighty gods," etc. The illustrious Sainte-Croix has much on the cult of those gods, Über die alten Mysterien, translated by Lenz, book 2, chs. 1, 2 and 5. "I think these were called Fingers or Digitii by the people of Praeneste because they showed travellers the way as with a finger. Perhaps too they were carved with a finger stretched out, just as even now many provinces fix iron or wooden hands to crosses or posts at doubtful roads, pointing the course of the ways with an outstretched forefinger." So, and much more, M. A. Delrio, who says much about the Lares gods in the Syntagma of Latin Tragedy, part 3, p. 373 ff. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹Quos quinque indicant Græci Idæos Dactylos nuncupari› · col 999 Quos quinque indicant Græci Idæos Dactylos nuncupari. Proba lectio: nec scio, quid sibi vellent ii, qui pro quinque reponi volebant quosque (ut Fulv. Ursinus). Julius Pollux (Onomast., lib. II, cap. 4, Segm. 156): Καὶ τοὺς Ἰδαίους δακτύλους κεκλῆσθαι λέγουσιν· οἱ μὲν κατὰ τὸν ἀριθμὸν, ὅτι πέντε, οἱ δὲ κατὰ τὸ τῇ Ῥέᾳ πάνυ ὑπουργεῖν, ὅτι καὶ οἱ τῆς χειρὸς δάκτυλοι τεχνῖταί τε καὶ πάντων ἐργάται. HERALD.—Conf. Is. Casaubon. ad Athenæum, lib. I, cap. 5, pag. 20. ORELL.— Lucian., V, pag. 455. OCHSNER.

"Which five the Greeks indicate are called the Idaean Dactyls." A sound reading; nor do I know what those meant who wished "and whom" to be put back for "five" (as Fulvio Orsini). Julius Pollux (Onomasticon 2.4, segment 156): "And they say the Idaean Dactyls were so called, some according to their number, because they were five; others because they served Rhea greatly, since the fingers of the hand too are craftsmen and workers of all things." Hérault. — Compare Is. Casaubon on Athenaeus 1.5, p. 20. Orelli. — Lucian, vol. 5, p. 455. Ochsner.

(comm. 4) ‹Nunc esse illos Manes, et ideo Maniam matrem esse cognominatam Larum› · col 999 Nunc esse illos Manes, et ideo Maniam matrem esse cognominatam Larum. Macrob.., lib. I, Saturn., cap. VIII: Ludi per urbem in compitis agebantur, restituti scilicet a Tarquinio Superbo, Laribus ac Maniæ, ex responso Apollinis: quo præceptum est, ut pro capitibus supplicaretur, idque aliquandiu observatum, ut pro familiarum sospitate pueri mactarentur Maniæ deæ, matri Larum, etc. Mater Mania etiam dicitur Marciano Cappellæ de Nupt. Philol., lib. II, pag. 65, ed. Bern. ORELL.

"Now that they are the Manes, and that therefore Mania was surnamed the mother of the Lares." Macrobius, Saturnalia 1 [printed "VIII"; recte 1.7]: "Games were held through the city at the crossroads, restored, namely, by Tarquin the Proud, to the Lares and Mania, following a response of Apollo, by which it was commanded that supplication be made for heads; and this was observed for some time, that boys were sacrificed for the safety of families to the goddess Mania, mother of the Lares," etc. Mother Mania is also mentioned by Martianus Capella, On the Marriage of Philology, book 2, p. 65, Bern edition. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹Larvas esse dicit Lares, quasi quosdam genios, et functorum animas mortuorum› · col 999 (continues into col 1000) Larvas esse dicit Lares, quasi quosdam genios, et functorum animas mortuorum. Τὸ animas suspicor esse glossema et interpretamentum τοῦ genios. Hac de re Apuleius libro de deo Socratis: Ut secundo signatu species dæmonum sit, animus humanus exutus et liber stipendiis vitæ corpore suo abjuratis. Hunc vetere latina lingua reperio Lemurem dictitatum. Ex hisce ergo Lemuribus, qui posterorum suorum curam sortitus, pacato et quieto numine domum possidet. Lar dicitur familiaris. Qui vero propter adversa vitæ merita nullis bonis sedibus in terra vagatione ceu quodam exilio punitur, inane terriculamentum bonis hominibus, cæterum noxium malis, hunc plerique Larvam nuncupant. Hos animales deos appellabant. Servius ad III. Æneid. (vers. 168): Labeo in libris, qui appellantur de Diis, quibus origo animalis est, ait esse quædam sacra, quibus animæ humanæ vertantur in deos, qui appellantur animales, quod de animis fiant. HERALD.—Cum Apuleio consentit etiam Martianus Capella, de Nupt. Philol., lib. II, pag. 65, ed. Bernens., addens: Manes ἀγαθοὺς καὶ κακοὺς δαίμονας memorat graia discretio.—Et functorum est e correctione Stewechii. Cod. ms. habet effunctorum, vitiose: unde Gelenius fecit defunctorum. P. Burmann., II, ad Antholog. lat., lib. IV, Epigr. 394, vol. II, pag. 285, mavult v. Mortuorum tamquam glossema delere, cum functus absolute pro defunctus sæpissime legatur, verbi causa ap. Prudent., Hymn. X; Peristeph. v. 1081: Functum deinde cum reliquit spiritus, Et ad sepulcrum pompa fertur funeris. et Claudian., Epigr. XLVIII, 20: Elapsasque animas in corpora functa reducis, Et vitam remeare jubes. Cui equidem prorsus assentior. Canterus utramque vocem, animas mortuorum, delendam censet. ORELL.

"He says that the Lares are Larvae, as if certain genii, and the souls of the dead who have finished their life." I suspect "souls" is a gloss and explanation of "genii." On this matter Apuleius, in his book On the God of Socrates: "So that by a second mark there is a kind of daemon, the human soul stripped and freed from the service of life, its body renounced. This I find was called Lemur in the old Latin tongue. Of these Lemures, then, the one who, allotted the care of his descendants, possesses the house with a peaceful and quiet presence, is called the household Lar. But the one who, because of the evil deserts of his life, is punished with no good dwelling-place but by wandering on earth as in a kind of exile, an empty bugbear to good men but harmful to the wicked, most call a Larva." These they called animal gods. Servius on Aeneid 3 (line 168): "Labeo, in the books called On the Gods whose origin is from souls, says there are certain rites by which human souls are turned into gods, who are called animal gods, because they are made from souls (animis)." Hérault. — Martianus Capella also agrees with Apuleius, On the Marriage of Philology, book 2, p. 65, Bern edition, adding: "Greek distinction calls the Manes good and evil daemons." — "And of those who have finished" is from Stewech's correction. The manuscript has "effunctorum," faultily; from which Gelenius made "defunctorum." P. Burman, on the Latin Anthology, book 4, epigram 394, vol. 2, p. 285, prefers to delete the word "of the dead" as a gloss, since functus is very often read absolutely for defunctus, for example in Prudentius, Hymn 10; Peristephanon, line 1081: "Then, when the spirit has left the finished body, and it is borne to the tomb in funeral procession"; and Claudian, Epigram 48.20: "You lead back the departed souls into the finished bodies and bid life return." With which I entirely agree. Canter thinks both words, "souls of the dead," should be deleted. Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹XLII. — De quo ambiguas discrepantesque sententias, opinionum mille varietatibus non prompseritis› · col 1000 XLII. — De quo ambiguas discrepantesque sententias, opinionum mille varietatibus non prompseritis. Ed. Lugd. Bat. non posuit ante ambiguas. Sed vulgatum convenientius videtur stylo Arnobii. ORELL.

Ch. 42. "About which you have not brought forth doubtful and conflicting opinions, with a thousand varieties of view." The Leiden edition put "not" before "doubtful." But the common reading seems better suited to Arnobius's style. Orelli.

(comm. 7) ‹Personaliter ignoramus qui sunt Lares› · col 1000 Personaliter ignoramus qui sunt Lares. Id est personas, vera nomina ignoramus Larum, etc. Hujus significationis adverbii personaliter aliud exemplum desiderat etiam Borrichius in Cogitatt., pag., 191. Alias adhibetur hoc vocabulum apud scriptores mediæ et infimæ latinitatis in stylo curiæ pro coram, per se, non alium. A. Gellio, lib. XV, cap. 13: Personaliter est per personas. ORELL.

"We do not know personally who the Lares are." That is, we do not know the persons, the true names of the Lares, etc. Borrichius too, in his Cogitationes, p. 191, looks in vain for another example of this meaning of the adverb personaliter. Elsewhere this word is used by writers of middle and low Latinity, in the style of the court, for "in person, by oneself, not another." In Aulus Gellius 15.13: "personaliter" means "through persons." Orelli.

(comm. 8) ‹Esse illos tamen consensione ipsa vindicante auctorum› · col 1000 Esse illos tamen consensione ipsa vindicante auctorum. Sic edidi ex emendatione Salmasii. Cæteri: Esse illos tamen, consensio ipsa vindicat auctorum, quod tolerari quidem possit, ut sit oratio directa. Sed Salmasii lectio multo concinnior. ORELL.

"That they exist, however, the very agreement of the authors asserting it." So I have printed it from Saumaise's emendation. The others: "That they exist, however, the very agreement of the authors asserts," which could indeed be tolerated, taken as direct speech. But Saumaise's reading is much neater. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹Et in numeris cœlitum formam sui generis obtinere› · col 1000 (continues) Et in numeris cœlitum formam sui generis obtinere,

"And that among the number of the heavenly ones they hold a form of their own kind,"

(printed under page 502)

COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) (continued) · col 1001 Ἐν τοῖς τάγμασι τῶν οὐρανίων. Vel alludit hellenismum. HERALD.

"In the ranks of the heavenly ones." Or he is alluding to a Greek idiom. Hérault.

(comm. 2) ‹Non omnes omnia deos posse præstare› · col 1001 Non omnes omnia deos posse præstare. Vocem præstare abesse posse arbitror. Virgilius: Non omnia possumus omnes. STEWECH. Sed tales abundantias amat Arnobius. ORELL.

"That not all gods can perform all things." I think the word "perform" can be dispensed with. Virgil: "We cannot all do all things." Stewech. But Arnobius loves such fullnesses. Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹Singulorum animos referatis offensionesque placari› · col 1001 Singulorum animos referatis offensionesque placari. Animos, hoc est, iracundiam. Sic infra lib. VII: Sacrificia superis ea diis fieri de causa, ut iras atque animos ponant, et animos canum dicit Apuleius, Met. VIII, pag. 554, ed. Oudendorp. Vide C. Barth., Advers., lib. XXXIII, cap. 22, pag. 1543. Conf. Savaro ad Sidon., carm. VII, pag. 82. ORELL.

"You report that the tempers and offences of each are appeased." Animos, that is, anger. So below, book 7: "that sacrifices are made to the gods above for this reason, that they may lay aside their wrath and tempers"; and Apuleius speaks of "the tempers of dogs," Metamorphoses 8, p. 554, Oudendorp's edition. See C. Barth, Adversaria 33.22, p. 1543. Compare Savaron on Sidonius, poem 7, p. 82. Orelli.

(comm. 4) ‹XLIII. — Etenim si hic atram, ille albam desiderat pellem› · col 1001 XLIII. — Etenim si hic atram, ille albam desiderat pellem. Diis enim superis albæ, inferis nigræ aut furvæ hostiæ solebant offerri. Quæ res notissima. Vide scholiast., ad Horat. III, Od. VIII, et Serv., ad Æn. VI, 244. ORELL.

Ch. 43. "For if this one wants a black hide, that one a white." For white victims were customarily offered to the gods above, black or dusky ones to those below. This is very well known. See the scholiast on Horace, Odes 3.8, and Servius on Aen. 6.244. Orelli.

(comm. 5) ‹Huic capite velato, illi sacrificandum est nudo› · col 1001 Huic capite velato, illi sacrificandum est nudo. Deos salutantes velato erant capite, ne qua hostilis et infausta facies occurreret et omina turbaret (vide Virgil., Æn., III, 405, seqq.), exceptis tamen Saturno et Hercule, quibus aperto capite sacra faciebant: testibus Festo, v. Saturno (ubi vid. intpp.), Macrobio, sat., l. III, c. 6; Serv., ad Æn., l. I. HERALD. et HELMENH.

"To this one sacrifice must be made with the head veiled, to that one with it bare." When greeting the gods they had their heads veiled, lest some hostile and ill-omened face should meet them and disturb the omens (see Virgil, Aen. 3.405 ff.), except, however, for Saturn and Hercules, to whom they sacrificed with the head uncovered: as Festus attests under the word Saturnus (see the interpreters there), Macrobius, Saturnalia 3.6, and Servius on Aen. 1. Hérault and Elmenhorst [printed "Helmenh."].

(comm. 6) ‹De matrimoniis ille consulitur› · col 1001 De matrimoniis ille consulitur. Etsi matrimoniis sui præsides erant, Apollinem tamen adibant, oraculum ejus scitaturi, si quando matrimonium contracturi erant: aut augures, aruspices, cæterosque vanos Apollinis sequaces consulebant. Apuleius Milesia, II: Nam et Corinthi nunc apud nos passim Chaldæus quidam hospes miris totam civitatem responsis turbulentat, et arcana fatorum stipibus emerendis edicit: qui dies copulam nuptialem affirmet: qui fundamenta mœnium perpetuet, etc. Docet etiam Aristophanes nonnisi consultis avibus contracta matrimonia. Sic enim apud eum Aves: Ἐσμὲν δ' ὑμῖν Ἄμμων, Δελφοὶ, Δωδώνη, Φοῖβος Ἀπόλλων. Ἐλθόντες γὰρ πρῶτον ἐπ' ὄρνις, οὕτω πρὸς ἅπαντα τρέπεσθε, Πρός τ' ἐμπορίαν καὶ πρὸς βιότου κτῆσιν καὶ πρὸς γάμον ἀνδρός. Hinc et M. Tullius, de Divin., l. I, c. 46: L. Flaccum flaminem ego audivi cum diceret, Cæciliam Metelli, cum vellet sororis suæ filiam in matrimonium collocare, exisse in quoddam sacellum ominis capiendi causa, quod fieri more veterum solebat. HERALD.

"That one is consulted about marriages." Although marriages had their own presiding deities, they nevertheless went to Apollo to inquire of his oracle whenever they were about to contract a marriage; or they consulted augurs, haruspices and the other vain followers of Apollo. Apuleius, in the Milesian tale, book 2: "For at Corinth too, now among us, a certain Chaldaean stranger throws the whole city into turmoil everywhere with his wonderful responses, and proclaims the secrets of the fates for coins to be earned: which day would make the marriage bond firm, which would make the foundations of walls everlasting," etc. Aristophanes too teaches that marriages were contracted only after the birds had been consulted. For so the Birds say in him: "We are your Ammon, Delphi, Dodona, Phoebus Apollo. For you come first to the birds, and so turn to everything: to trade, to the getting of a livelihood, and to a man's marriage." Hence also Marcus Tullius, On Divination 1.46: "I heard L. Flaccus the flamen say that Caecilia, wife of Metellus, when she wished to settle her sister's daughter in marriage, went out into a certain small shrine to take an omen, as used to be done in the custom of the ancients." Hérault.

(comm. 7) ‹Adeste, adestote, dii Penates› · col 1001 (continues into col 1002) Adeste, adestote, dii Penates. Servius ad Æn. VIII: Sic vocatur in precibus Tyberinus: Adesto, Tyberine, cum tuis undis. Unde dii præsentes et propitii. HERALD.— Conf. B. Brisson., de Form., l. I, p. 70, sq. ELMENH.

"Be present, be ye present, Penate gods." Servius on Aen. 8: "So Tiber is called in prayers: Be present, Tiber, with your waters." Hence gods "present" and propitious. Hérault. — Compare B. Brisson, De formulis, book 1, p. 70 f. Elmenhorst.

(comm. 8) ‹Uror, torreor, vexor› · col 1002 Uror, torreor, vexor. Torreor est ex emendatione Ob. Gifanii probata a Th. Cantero et cæteris editoribus. Cod. ms., terreor. Pro vexor Stewechius mavult versor, adducens Jan. Guilielm. Quæst. Plant., ad Persam, c. 4, qui de hoc verbo multus est. Sed nihil mutandum. Similiter enim Hieronymus Procem. in Habacuc.: Si ægrotus et æstuans febribus aquam frigidam postulet, et dicat ad medicum: vim patior, uror, examinor, quem locum citavit Elmenh. Versari autem, ut Guil. ostendit, proprie de piscibus, qui versantur, cum coquuntur. ORELL.

"I burn, I am scorched, I am tormented." "I am scorched" is from Obert Giphanius's emendation, approved by Th. Canter and the other editors. The manuscript: "I am terrified." For "I am tormented" Stewech prefers "I am turned," citing Jan. Gulielmius, Quaestiones Plautinae, on the Persa, ch. 4, who has much to say about this word. But nothing should be changed. For Jerome similarly, Preface [printed "Procem."] to Habakkuk: "If a sick man, burning with fever, asks for cold water and says to the doctor, 'I suffer violence, I burn, I am tormented,'" a passage Elmenhorst cited. Versari, as Gulielmius shows, is said properly of fish, which are turned when they are cooked. Orelli.

(comm. 9) ‹Quos digitos Samothracios› · col 1002 Quos digitos Samothracios. Et hic digitos revocavit Stewechius et editor Lugd. Bat., e ms. Vide supra, c. 41. ORELL.

"Whom [you call] the Samothracian Fingers." Here too Stewech and the Leiden editor brought back "Fingers" from the manuscript. See above, ch. 41. Orelli.

(comm. 10) ‹Usque adeo res exigit propriatim deos scire› · col 1002 Usque adeo res exigit propriatim deos scire. Lucretius (quem auctor noster in deliciis habet) propritim dicit, quod etiam malim; sed nihil temere mutandum sentio. TH. CANTER. — Locus Lucretii exstat, l. II, v. 974: Quid? Genus humanum propritim de quibu' factum 'st. Ubi autem Lambinus, nostrum locum adducens, edidit et in notis defendit propriatim vel proprietim, id est proprie. Propriatim deos scire est itaque scire quinam proprie dii sint. ORELL.

"So far does the matter require that the gods be known individually." Lucretius (whom our author holds dear) says "propritim," which I too would prefer; but I think nothing should be changed rashly. Th. Canter. — The passage of Lucretius is in 2.974: "What? The human race, of what [elements] specifically (propritim) is it made?" But there Lambin, citing our passage, printed and defended in his notes "propriatim" or "proprietim," that is, properly. So "to know the gods propriatim" is to know who properly are gods. Orelli.

(comm. 11) ‹Aures habeant structas› · col 1002 Aures habeant structas. Idem quod obstructas, cujus significationis aliud mihi exemplum non succurrit: Annon legendum surdas? ORELL.

"Let them have built-up ears." The same as obstructed, of which meaning no other example occurs to me. Should one not read "deaf"? Orelli.

(comm. 12) ‹XLIV. — In unius proloquii finibus convenit vos stare› · col 1002 XLIV. — In unius proloquii finibus convenit vos stare. Infra, l. V, c. 3: Imperfecta adhuc vox est, neque plena proloquii circumscriptave sententia. Et eodem libro, c. 37: Hoc iterum video communibus in proloquiis promptum. Gellius, Noct. Att., l. XVI, c. 8: M. Varro in libro de Lingua latina ad Ciceronem quarto vicesimo expeditissime ita finit: Proloquium est sententia, in qua nihil desideratur..... Exempli causa: Annibal Pœnus fuit: Scipio Numantiam delevit: Milo cædis damnatus est: neque bonum est voluptas neque malum: et omnino, quicquid ita dicitur plena atque perfecta verborum sententia, ut id necesse sit aut verum aut falsum esse, id a dialecticis ἀξίωμα appellatum est, a M. Varrone, sicut dixi, proloquium, a M. autem Cicerone (Tusc., I, c. VII) pronuntiatum. Quo ille tamen vocabulo tantisper uti se attestatus est, quoad melius, inquit, invenero. Conf. C. Barth., Adversar., l. IV, c. 13, p. 2610. Conf. ejusd. Glossarium in Claudian. Mamert., de Statu animæ. ORELL.

Ch. 44. "It befits you to stand within the bounds of one proposition." Below, book 5, ch. 3: "It is still an incomplete utterance, not a full or defined statement of a proposition." And in the same book, ch. 37: "This again I see ready to hand in common propositions." Gellius, Attic Nights 16.8: "Marcus Varro, in the twenty-fourth book On the Latin Language addressed to Cicero, defines it most readily thus: 'A proposition (proloquium) is a statement in which nothing is lacking ...' For example: 'Hannibal was a Carthaginian'; 'Scipio destroyed Numantia'; 'Milo was condemned for murder'; 'pleasure is neither good nor evil'; and in general whatever is said as a full and complete statement in words, such that it must be either true or false, has been called by the dialecticians ἀξίωμα, by M. Varro, as I said, proloquium, and by M. Cicero (Tusculans 1.7) pronuntiatum. Yet he declared that he used that word only for the time being, 'until,' he says, 'I find a better.'" Compare C. Barth, Adversaria 4.13, p. 2610. Compare the same author's Glossary on Claudianus Mamertus, On the State of the Soul. Orelli.

(comm. 13) ‹Fidem ipsis rebus, quas struitis, derogare› · col 1002 (continues) Fidem ipsis rebus, quas struitis, derogare. Ita La-

"To take credit away from the very things you construct." So La-

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LECTIONES VARIANTES. (printed under page 503)

(a) ‹anchor: cognomina› · call in col 1002 ("imposuero cognomina a?")

Nomina Fulv.

"Names": Fulvio Orsini.

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COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) (continued from n1001 comm. 13, "Ita La-"; the word completes as "Lactant.") · col 1003 ctant. Epitom., c. 50: Nam si non fecerit, præceptis suis fidem derogabit. Ubi vide Bunemann., qui locutionem fidem derogare pluribus exemplis illustrat, p. 1290. Pro struitis Meursius mavult adstruitis. ORELL.

[So Lac]tantius, Epitome, ch. 50: "For if he does not do so, he will take away credit from his own precepts." See Bünemann there, who illustrates the phrase "fidem derogare" with many examples, p. 1290. For "struitis" Meursius prefers "adstruitis." Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹Si Summanus› · col 1003 Si Summanus. Martianus Capella, de Nupt. Philol., l. II, p. 65, ed. Bern.: Pluto..... qui etiam Summanus dicitur, quasi summus Manium. ORELL.

"If Summanus." Martianus Capella, On the Marriage of Philology, book 2, p. 65, Bern edition: "Pluto ..., who is also called Summanus, as it were the highest of the Manes." Orelli.

(comm. 3) ‹Exploratæ in rei cognitione defigi› · col 1003 Exploratæ in rei cognitione defigi. Secutus sum emendationem Meursii. Alii: Explorate..... defigi. quod num latine dici possit, equidem valde addubito. Dicitur quidem constanter, firmiter, alicui rei defigi vel adhærere, non autem explorate. ORELL.

"To be fixed in the knowledge of an ascertained matter." I have followed the emendation of Meursius. Others: "to be fixed ... with certainty (explorate)"; whether that can be said in Latin I very much doubt. One is indeed said to be fixed on or to cling to something constantly, firmly, but not "with certainty." Orelli.

(comm. 4) (opening cut off at the right edge of the column render; only its first letter "T" is visible, four lines) · col 1004 [...]

[...]

(comm. 5) (opening cut off at the right edge of the column render; it begins with "S", five lines; only the last line is legible) · col 1004 [...] versarum urbium præsides. ORELL.

[...] "...versarum urbium praesides" (the start of the word stands in the line above, which is not legible in our renders). Orelli.

(comm. 6) ‹Et in id periculum ducere› · col 1004 Et in id periculum ducere. Alii adducere; editor Lugd. Bat. perducere, quod e cod. ms. fluxit, teste Meursio in Append. ORELL.

"And to lead into that danger." Others: "to bring into"; the Leiden editor: "to lead through into," which came from the manuscript, as Meursius attests in his Appendix. Orelli.

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COMMENTARIUS. (comm. 1) ‹Trebiani quinimmo dii sunt› · col 1004 Trebiani quinimmo dii sunt. Supra, cap. 38: Piso deos esse credit novem in Sabinis apud Trebiam constitutos. Nihil igitur mntandum. HERALD. — Male igitur Th. Canterus: Trebianis. ORELL.

"Nay rather, they are the Trebian gods." Above, ch. 38: "Piso believes that there are nine gods established among the Sabines at Trebia." Nothing, then, is to be changed. Hérault. — Wrongly, then, Th. Canter: "Trebianis." Orelli.

(comm. 2) ‹Subversarum potius vel urbium præsides› · col 1004 Subversarum potius vel urbium præsides. Vel addidit editor Lugd. Bat. incertum an ex Cod. ms. an ex ingenio, tantum ad vim orationis augendam. Est autem trajectio familiaris Arnobio pro vel potius subversarum urbium præsides. ORELL.

"Of overturned, rather, or of cities the presidents." The Leiden editor added "vel" (or), whether from the manuscript or from his own wit is uncertain, merely to strengthen the force of the sentence. It is, however, a transposition familiar to Arnobius, for "or rather the presidents of overturned cities." Orelli.

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