PL 54 · cols. 1014–1017

Leo the Great, Letters

Letter CIX

aegritudinus ita fuerunt aggravati, ut quod paulo ante poscebant, sub praesentia sacerdotis significare non valeant, testimonia eis fidelium circumstantium prodesse debebunt, ut simul et poenitentiae et reconciliationis beneficium consequantur; servata tamen regula canonum paternorum circa eorum personas qui in Deum a fide discedendo peccarunt.

[…] of sickness they have been so weighed down that they are unable to signify in the presence of the priest what they were asking for a little before, the testimonies of the faithful standing around them ought to avail them, so that they may obtain at once the benefit both of penance and of reconciliation; the rule of the fathers' canons being observed, however, concerning the persons of those who have sinned against God by departing from the faith.

CAP. VI. — Haec autem, frater, quae ad interrogationem dilectionis tuae ideo respondit, ne aliquid contrarium sub ignorantiae excusatione gereretur, in metropolitani tui notitiam facies pervenire: ut si qui forte sunt fratrum qui de his antea putaverint ambigendum, per ipsum de omnibus quae ad te scripta sunt instruantur Data III idus Junii, Herculano viro clarissimo.

Chap. VI. — These things, brother, which I have answered to the inquiry of your Dilection for this reason, that nothing contrary might be done under the excuse of ignorance, you will bring to the notice of your metropolitan: so that, if there are perhaps any of the brethren who thought there was doubt about these matters before, they may be instructed through him about all that has been written to you. Given on the third day before the Ides of June, [in the consulship of] the most distinguished Herculanus.

EPISTOLA CIX.

LETTER CIX.

AD JULIANUM EPISCOPUM COENSEM.

To Julian, Bishop of Cos.

LEO papa JULIANO episcopo.

Pope Leo to Bishop Julian.

CAP. I. — Gravia sunt, et non parvo maerore lugenda, quae falsorum monachorum turbas fraternitas tua perpetrare significat, Eutyche impio per

Chap. I. — Grievous, and to be mourned with no small grief, are the things which your Fraternity indicates that the mobs of false monks are perpetrating, the impious Eutyches through […]

Editors' notes and page, col. 1014

Footnotes

(i) printed under this column; its call is in col 1013, set in n1013

(j) ‹circa eorum personas› · printed under col 1014

Vindebon. Hisp. et duo Vat. collect. 21, qui in Dominica fide. Paulo ante in utrisque Hisp. omittitur paternorum.

The Vienna Hispana and two Vatican manuscripts of collection 21: qui in Dominica fide ("who in the Lord's faith"). A little before, paternorum is omitted in both Hispana manuscripts.

(k) ‹Haec autem,› · printed under col 1014

Vindebon. collect. 5, frater charissime.

The Vienna manuscript of collection 5: frater charissime ("dearest brother").

(l) ‹sub ignorantiae excusatione› · printed under col 1014

Codd. collect, 8, generetur. Dein innotescant pro instruentur in Vindebon. Hisp.

The manuscripts of collection 8: generetur. Then innotescant ("may become known") for instruentur in the Vienna Hispana.

(m) ‹scripta sunt instruantur› (call before Data) · printed under col 1014

Vindebon. collect. 5 et exemplum Merlini collect. 12 chronicam notam praetermittunt. Vat. et Vallicell. collect. 8, III idus Jan., ubi Jan. pro Jun. facile subrepere potuit. Vindebon. Hisp., III Jul., sine notatione iduum. Hunc defeetum, ut videtur, correctum fuit ex arbitrio in Vat. Hisp. et Isid. aliisque codd. inde profectis scribendo, III kal. Jul. Editi cum Vat. 3791 secundo loco. et alio Vat. collect. 24, IV idus Junias. Praetulimus III et Junias, cum in his plerique codd. et potiores collectiones conveniant. Kalendas autem deseruimus eo quod kalendarum notatio arbitrio antiqui scriptoris in memoratis codd. ex Hispanica collectione provenientibus suppleta videatur. Post consularem notam in Vat. 3791 secundo loco haec subjiciuntur: Tunc enim plures ad poenitentiam poterunt provocari, si populi auribus non publicetur conscientia confitentis. Dat. II nonas Martii; quae verba ex fine epist. 168 ad Campanos sumpta sunt.

The Vienna manuscript of collection 5 and Merlin's copy of collection 12 omit the date. The Vatican and Vallicelliana manuscripts of collection 8: III idus Jan., where Jan. for Jun. could easily have crept in. The Vienna Hispana: III Jul., without mention of the Ides. This defect, as it seems, was corrected at will in the Vatican Hispana and Isidorian and in other manuscripts derived from them, by writing III kal. Jul. The editions, with Vat. 3791 in the second place and another Vatican manuscript of collection 24: IV idus Junias. We have preferred III and Junias, since most manuscripts and the better collections agree on these. But we have abandoned the Kalends because the mention of the Kalends seems to have been supplied at the will of an ancient scribe in the manuscripts mentioned, which derive from the Hispana collection. After the consular date, in Vat. 3791 in the second place, these words are added: "For then more will be able to be called to penance, if the conscience of the one confessing is not published to the ears of the people. Given on the second day before the Nones of March"; which words are taken from the end of letter 168, to the Campanians.

(n) ‹EPISTOLA› · printed under col 1014

Quae antea erat 109, nunc 138. Scripta 25 Nov. 452.

The letter that was formerly 109 is now 138. Written 25 November 452.

(o) ‹Gravia sunt … quae› · printed under col 1014

De monachis Palaestinis loquitur, qui duce Theodosio statim post Chalcedonensem synodum ad suos reverso Hierosolymis primum, dein in tota Palaestina ingentes turbas exitarunt. Vide imp. Marciani et Pulcheriae Augustae epistolas hac de re scriptas, quae ejusdem synodi gestis subjiciuntur, et Evagrium lib. II, c. 5.

He speaks of the Palestinian monks who, under the leadership of Theodosius, immediately after the synod of Chalcedon, on his return to his own people, stirred up great tumults first at Jerusalem, then in the whole of Palestine. See the letters of the Emperor Marcian and of the Augusta Pulcheria written on this matter, which are appended to the acts of the same synod, and Evagrius, book 2, chapter 5.

Editors' prose

Nunc primum edita e ms. Ratisponensi.

Now first edited from the Regensburg manuscript.

SYNOPSIS. — I. De Palaestinorum monachorum turbis et violentiis, quibus catholicos exagitabant, ac in Eutychianam haeresim assensnm extorquebant, queritur. — II. Eos ab imperatore cohibendos, et pertinaces in exsilium pellendos. — III. Epistolam S. Athanasii ad Epictetum eisdem opponendam mittit. — IV. De Juvenali episcopo Hierosolymorum ab eisdem pulso, et de alio ei subrogato.

Synopsis. — I. He complains of the tumults and violence of the Palestinian monks, with which they were harassing the catholics and extorting assent to the Eutychian heresy. — II. That they should be restrained by the emperor, and the obstinate driven into exile. — III. He sends the letter of St Athanasius to Epictetus, to be set against them. — IV. On Juvenal, Bishop of Jerusalem, driven out by them, and on another put in his place.

Page

running head: EPISTOLA CIX. 1014 (across both columns of page 512, with 1013)
marginal letters: A ‹aegritudinus ita fuerunt aggravati›; B ‹EPISTOLA CIX (heading)›; C ‹Melior visa est lectio (in the notes, note i)›; D ‹lendas autem deseruimus (in the notes, note m)›
old-edition numerals: 1177 before EPISTOLA CIX
signature: none
other: the italic line "Nunc primum edita e ms. Ratisponensi." under the address line of CIX is the editors' and is set above as editors' prose

PL 54:1015

deceptorum furorem bellum evangelicis et apostolicis praedicationibus inferente, retorquendo in ipsius et sociorum ejus exitium; quod ideo differtur per patientiam Dei, ut inimici crucis Christi quantum diabolo famulentur appareat; dum haeretica pravitas antiquum velamen suae simulationis excedens, intra limites hypocrisis suae continere se amplius non potest, totumque, quod diu texerat, virus effudit, non solum stylo in discipulos veritatis, sed etiam manu saeviens, ut consensum aut simplicitatis indoctae, aut trepidae fidei violenter extorqueat. Sed non ita debent filii lucis filios metuere tenebrarum, ut sani furentibus acquiescant, aut aestiment hujusmodi hominibus aliquid praestandum esse reverentiae, qui si perire malunt quam resipiscere, prospiciendum est ne impunitate sua latius noceant, et in multorum perniciem, dum diu tolerantur insurgant.

[…] the fury of deceived men waging war on the evangelical and apostolic preaching, to be turned back to the destruction of himself and his associates; which is put off by the patience of God for this reason, that it may become apparent how much the enemies of the cross of Christ serve the devil; while heretical depravity, going beyond the ancient veil of its pretence, can no longer keep itself within the limits of its hypocrisy, and has poured out all the poison which it had long concealed, raging not only with the pen against the disciples of the truth but also with the hand, so as to extort by violence the consent either of untaught simplicity or of fearful faith. But the sons of light ought not so to fear the sons of darkness that the sound should give way to the raging, or think that any reverence is to be shown to men of this kind, who, if they prefer to perish rather than to come to their senses, must be prevented from doing harm more widely through their impunity, and from rising up, while they are long tolerated, to the ruin of many.

CAP. II. — Non ignoro quid charitatis et gratiae filiis nostris sanctis et veris monachis debeatur, qui professionis suae modestiam non relinquunt, et quod proposito voverunt, moribus exsequuntur. Superbi autem in inquieti, qui sacerdotum contemptu et injuriis gloriantur, non servi Christi, sed Antichristi milites sunt habendi; maximeque in suis sunt praepositis humiliandi, qui imperitam multitudinem ad defensionem suae perversitatis instigant. Unde cum clementissimus princeps toto religiosi cordis affectu catholicam diligat fidem, et multum, sicut ubique

Chap. II. — I am not unaware what charity and favour are owed to our sons, the holy and true monks, who do not abandon the modesty of their profession, and carry out in their conduct what they vowed in their resolve. But the proud and restless, who glory in contempt of and injuries to priests, are to be held not servants of Christ but soldiers of Antichrist; and they are to be humbled above all in their leaders, who incite the unskilled multitude to the defence of their perversity. Hence, since the most clement prince loves the catholic faith with the whole affection of a religious heart, and greatly, as everywhere […]

Editors' notes and page, col. 1015

Footnotes

(a) ‹non solum› (call before stylo) · printed under col 1015

Marcianus imperator in epistola ad synodum Palaestinam tom. IV Concil. pag 1823 edit. Venet. de Theodosio turbarum auctore ait: Quasdam exbogitavit et composuit litteras, quas solus poterat fingere diabolus; ac per eas sanctam, quae Chalcedone habita est, synodum calumniari destitit.

The Emperor Marcian, in his letter to the synod of Palestine (vol. IV of the Councils, p. 1823, Venice edition), says of Theodosius, the author of the tumults: "He devised and composed certain letters which the devil alone could have invented; and through them he desisted from calumniating the holy synod held at Chalcedon" (so printed).

(b) ‹sed etiam› (call before manu) · printed under col 1015

Idem Marcianus ad archimandritas et monachos Aelienses pag. 1862 ait: Nos autem.....gladiis, aliisque crudelitatibus, et injuriis et tormentis in mulieres honestas et nobiles perpetratis, necessitatem plurimis non dubitastis inferre, ut consentirent perversis doctrinis. etc.

The same Marcian, to the archimandrites and monks of Aelia, p. 1862, says: "But you ... with swords and other cruelties, and with injuries and tortures inflicted on honourable and noble women, did not hesitate to lay on very many the necessity of consenting to perverse doctrines," etc.

Severianum episcopum Scythopolitanum haeretici tumultuantes occiderunt; et occidissent etiam Juvenalem Hierosolymorum antistitem nisi se fuga subduxisset. Confer, eamdem Marciani epistolam.

The rioting heretics killed Severian, Bishop of Scythopolis; and they would also have killed Juvenal, the prelate of Jerusalem, had he not withdrawn by flight. Compare the same letter of Marcian.

(d) printed under this column and continuing under col 1016; its call is in col 1016, set in n1016

Page

running head: 1015 S. LEONIS MAGNI EPISTOLAE. (across both columns of page 513, with 1016)
marginal letters: A ‹deceptorum furorem bellum›; B ‹spiciendum est ne impunitate›; C ‹Theodosio turbarum auctore (in the notes, note a)›; D ‹praeterea est his Athanasii (in the notes, note d)›
old-edition numerals: 1178 after acquiescant,
signature: none
other: none

PL 54:1016

percrebuit, rebellium haereticorum hac offendatur audacia, agendum est apud ipsius clementiam, ut incentores harum seditionum ab insanis congregationibus separentur; nec tantum Eutyches et Dioscorus, sed etiam quicumque studiosius furiosam adjuvant pravitatem, in his constituantur locis, in quibus nullum cum suis sociis blasphemiarum possint habere commercium: forte enim aliquorum simplicitas hac medenti ratione curabitur, et ad incolumitatem mentium facilius revocabuntur, si liberiores fuerint ac instigationibus pestilentium magistrorum.

[…] has become known, is offended by this audacity of rebellious heretics, action must be taken with his Clemency that the instigators of these seditions be separated from their mad gatherings; and that not only Eutyches and Dioscorus, but also whoever too zealously assist this furious depravity, be placed in those places where they can have no traffic in blasphemies with their associates: for perhaps the simplicity of some will be cured by this healing method, and they will more easily be called back to soundness of mind, if they are freer from the instigations of pestilent teachers.

CAP. III. — Ne autem ad confirmandos piorum animos, vel ad haeredicos confutandos necessaria aut deesset, aut lateret instructio, misi epistolam sanctae memoriae Athanasii episcopi ad Epicetum episcopum datam, cujus testimoniis sanctae memoriae Cyrillus usus est in Ephesina synodo contra Nestorium, quia incarnationem Verbi tam lucide ac diligenter astruxit ut Nestorium et Eutychen in illius jam temporis haereticis debellarit. Audeant hunc tantae auctoritatis virum Eutychis et Dioscori sectatores aut imperitiae, aut pravitatis arguere, qui praedicationem nostram a doctrina atque intelligentia Patrum jactitant deviare. Prodesse autem debet confirmandis sensibus omnium Domini sacerdotum, quos haeretici olim in auctoribus suis praesciti atque damnati, apertius jam coeperunt dogma suae impietatis astruere, ne latente intra silentium sensu dubitabile vederetur an vere in ipsis triplex Appollinaris, error, et insana

Chap. III. — But lest the necessary instruction for confirming the minds of the devout, or for confuting the heretics, should either be lacking or remain hidden, I have sent the letter of Athanasius, bishop of holy memory, addressed to Bishop Epictetus, whose testimonies Cyril of holy memory used in the synod of Ephesus against Nestorius, because he set forth the incarnation of the Word so clearly and carefully that he vanquished Nestorius and Eutyches already in the heretics of that time. Let the followers of Eutyches and Dioscorus, who boast that our preaching departs from the doctrine and understanding of the Fathers, dare to accuse this man of such great authority either of ignorance or of depravity. And it ought to profit the confirming of the minds of all the Lord's priests that the heretics, long ago foreseen and condemned in their authors, have now begun more openly to assert the dogma of their impiety, lest, their meaning lying hidden within silence, it should seem doubtful whether there truly flourished in them the threefold error of Apollinaris and the insane […]

Editors' notes and page, col. 1016

Footnotes

(d) ‹misi› (the call is printed "(q)", before epistolam) · printed under col 1015, continuing under col 1016

Hujus epistolae fragmentum a Leone subjectum fuit epistolae 165. Integra autem haec epistola ex eadem qua Leo usus est, antiqua versione, inserta legitur non solum in collectione 5 c. 52, verum etiam post Leonis epistolas in mss. collect. 12. Notandum praeterea est his Athanasii litteris in iisdem collectionibus subjici S. Cyrilli epistolam ad Joannem Antiochenum, in qua de ea Athanasii epistola Cyrillus disserit, ejusque emendatum exemplum ad eumdem transmisit. Cum vero Cyrillus hujus suae epistolae ad Joannem exemplar cum caeteris gestis pacis cum eodem constitutae misisset ad Xistum pontificem, inter haec forte erat etiam ipsa sincera epistola Athanasii ad Epictetum, et fortassis omnia missa fuerant Latine reddita, uti ad Coelestinum praedecessorem ejus Latinitate donata jam pridem direxerat alia similia Graece scripta in Nestorii causa, ut liquet ex epistola Cyrilli 8 inter litteras Caelestini apud Constantium num. 9. Certe haec omnia documenta a Cyrillo directa ac Xistum (Latine profecto reddita) lecta fuisse in Romana synodo, colligitur ex ejusdem Xisti epistola 5. Sicut autem documenta ad Caelestinum missa, et Latine, ut vidimus, reddita, apostolica scrinia susceperunt, ut Leo testatur epist. 69, c. 1, ita idem credendum est de gestis ad Xistum directis; ac propterea ex horum versione in scriniis custodita, ea Leoni cognita fuerunt, indeque in memoratas collectiones transiere.

A fragment of this letter was appended by Leo to letter 165. The whole letter, in the same ancient version that Leo used, is found inserted not only in collection 5, chapter 52, but also after Leo's letters in the manuscripts of collection 12. It is to be noted besides that in the same collections this letter of Athanasius is followed by St Cyril's letter to John of Antioch, in which Cyril discusses that letter of Athanasius, and he sent a corrected copy of it to the same John. And since Cyril had sent a copy of this letter of his to John, with the other acts of the peace made with him, to Pope Xystus, among these perhaps was also the genuine letter of Athanasius to Epictetus itself, and perhaps everything sent had been rendered into Latin, just as he had long before sent to Celestine, Xystus's predecessor, other similar things written in Greek in the cause of Nestorius, furnished with a Latin rendering, as is clear from Cyril's letter 8 among the letters of Celestine in Coustant, no. 9. Certainly, that all these documents sent by Cyril to Xystus (rendered, no doubt, into Latin) were read in the Roman synod is gathered from letter 5 of the same Xystus. And just as the apostolic archives received the documents sent to Celestine, and rendered into Latin, as we have seen, as Leo testifies in letter 69, chapter 1, the same must be believed of the acts sent to Xystus; and therefore, from their version kept in the archives, they became known to Leo, and thence passed into the collections mentioned.

(e) ‹arguere, qui› · printed under col 1016

Palestini scilicet Eutychiano errore impliciti, praeter Chalcedonensem definitionem Leonis etiam epistolam 28 ad Flavianum repudiabant, quam idem Leo vindicavit epist. 124.

That is, the Palestinians, entangled in the Eutychian error, besides the definition of Chalcedon, also rejected Leo's letter 28 to Flavian, which the same Leo defended in letter 124.

(f) ‹an vere in ipsis› · printed under col 1016, continuing under col 1017

Superius epistola 59 ad Constantinopolitanos cap. 5 Leo scripsit: Tria falsa et vana Apollinaristarum haereticorum tres partes varias protulerunt. Has autem tres partes antecedentibus verbis indicavit: Nec ita hominem (dicimus Christum) ut aliquid eis desit quod ad humanam certum est pertinere naturam, sive animam, sive mentem rationalem, sive carnem, quam non de femina sumpsit, sed factam de Verbo in carnem converso atque mutato. Haec tria Apollinaristarum capita, id est sive animam, sive mentem rationalem, sive carnem, Augustinus, ex quo Leo videtur sumpsisse, in libro de Haeresibus c. 55 ita describit. Primo dixerunt Verbum carnem sine anima suscepisse; et rationem eorum affert Leo serm. 4 de Nativitate c. 5, qua vicem ejus expleverit ipsa Divinitas. Secundo priorem sententiam emollientes docuere non totam animam humanam defuisse Christo, sed partem animae rationalem, seu mentem, ita ut Verbum loco mentis in Christo fuerit. Tertio tandem carnem et Verbum unius esse substantiae asseruere, et in hoc potissimum conveniebant omnes. Hoc autem tertium Apollinaristarum caput Leo tantummodo Eutychi tribuens epist. 124 c. 2, et 165 c. 2, latius proponit ita ut non tam corpus quam animam unius cum Verbo naturae Eutychem cum illis asseruisse tradat: Tertium, inquit, Apollinaris dogma delegit, ut negata humanae carnis atque animae veritate: totum Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum unius assereret esse naturae tamquam Verbi Deitas ipsa se in carnem animamque converterit, et concipi ac nasci, nutriri et crescere, crucifigi et mori..... divinae tantum essentiae fuerit.

Above, in letter 59 to the people of Constantinople, chapter 5, Leo wrote: "The three different parties of the Apollinarist heretics have put forward three false and empty things." And he indicated these three parties in the preceding words: "Nor [do we call Christ] man in such a way that anything is lacking to Him which certainly belongs to human nature, whether the soul, or the rational mind, or the flesh, which He did not take from a woman, but which was made from the Word turned and changed into flesh." These three heads of the Apollinarists, that is, either the soul, or the rational mind, or the flesh, Augustine, from whom Leo seems to have taken them, describes thus in the book On Heresies, chapter 55. First they said that the Word took flesh without a soul; and Leo gives their reason in sermon 4 on the Nativity, chapter 5: that the Godhead itself filled its place. Secondly, softening the former opinion, they taught that not the whole human soul was lacking to Christ, but the rational part of the soul, or the mind, so that the Word was in Christ in place of the mind. Thirdly and finally, they asserted that the flesh and the Word are of one substance, and in this above all they all agreed. This third head of the Apollinarists Leo, attributing it to Eutyches alone in letter 124, chapter 2, and 165, chapter 2, sets out more fully, so as to report that Eutyches with them asserted that not so much the body as the soul was of one nature with the Word: "He chose," he says, "the third dogma of Apollinaris, so that, denying the reality of human flesh and soul, he asserted that our whole Lord Jesus Christ was of one nature, as though the Godhead of the Word itself had turned itself into flesh and soul, and to be conceived and born, to be nourished and to grow, to be crucified and to die ..... belonged to the divine essence alone."

Page

running head: S. LEONIS MAGNI EPISTOLAE. 1016 (across both columns of page 513, with 1015)
marginal letters: A ‹percrebuit, rebellium haereticorum›; B ‹datam, cujus testimoniis›; C ‹credendum est de gestis (in the notes, note d)›; D ‹in libro de Haeresibus (in the notes, note f)›
old-edition numerals: 1179 after Nestorium et
signature: none
other: col 1016 ends "in-", completed as "insana" from the first word of col 1017 and set whole here

PL 54:1017

Manichaeorum opinio pullularet. Qui cum jam non se occulere studeant, sed contra Christi Ecclesias audacter insurgant, nonne prospiciendum est quatenus eis vires omnium conatuum subtrahantur servato, ut dixi, eo districtionis moderamine, ut a quietioribus inconvertibiles dividantur: Corrumpunt enim mores bonos colloquia mala (I Cor. XV, 33); et, Castigato pestilente sapiens astutior erit (Prov. XXI, 11): ut quolibet modo dissipata societate reproborum, aliqua diabolo vasa rapiantur? Non enim ita conviciis et vaniloquiis debemus offendi, ut nullam curam ipsorum correctionis habeamus,

[…] opinion of the Manichaeans. Since these no longer take pains to hide themselves, but boldly rise up against the Churches of Christ, must it not be seen to that the strength of all their endeavours is withdrawn from them, while that moderation in severity is kept, as I have said, so that the unconvertible are separated from the quieter: for evil conversations corrupt good morals (1 Cor. 15:33); and, When a pestilent man is punished, the wise will be more prudent (Prov. 21:11): so that, the fellowship of the reprobate being broken up in whatever way, some vessels may be snatched from the devil? For we ought not to be so offended by insults and vain talk as to have no care for their correction.

CAP. IV. — Episcopus vero Juvenalis, cujus injuriae sunt dolendae, nimis temere se haereticorum blasphemiis copularat et dum Eutychem Dioscorumque amplectitur, multos imperitos suo in praeceps egit exemplo, licet postea se consilio saniore correxerit. Hi tamen, qui avidius impietatis virus hauserunt, facti sunt ejus adversarii, cujus fuerant ante discipuli, ut sua ipse nutrimenta pateretur: qui ut eamdem emendationem, quam ille elegit, imitentur optandum est, si vel ipsa sanctorum locorum circa quae habitant testificatione resipiscant. Qualis autem sid qui in locum episcopi viventis obrepsit ex ipsa qualitate facti non potest dubitari, nec ambigendum est esse perversum quem impugnatores fidei dilexerunt. Interim fraternitas tua curam piae sollicitudinis continuare dignetur, ut frequentioribus scriptis, quo res proficiant, scire me facias. Data VII kal. Decembris, Herculano consule.

Chap. IV. — Bishop Juvenal, however, whose injuries are to be lamented, had too rashly joined himself to the blasphemies of the heretics, and, while he embraced Eutyches and Dioscorus, drove many unskilled people headlong by his example, although he afterwards corrected himself by a sounder counsel. Those, however, who drank in the poison of impiety more greedily have become the adversaries of him whose disciples they had been before, so that he himself suffers from what he had nourished: it is to be wished that they may imitate the same amendment which he chose, if they would come to their senses at least through the witness of the holy places around which they dwell. But what sort of man he is who has crept into the place of a living bishop cannot be doubted from the very nature of the deed, nor is it to be questioned that he whom the assailants of the faith have loved is perverse. Meanwhile may your Fraternity deign to continue the care of your devout solicitude, so that by more frequent letters you let me know how matters are progressing. Given on the seventh day before the Kalends of December, Herculanus being consul.

Editors' notes and page, col. 1017

Footnotes

(f) continued from col 1016, set in n1016

(a) ‹et insana› (call before Manichaeorum) · printed under col 1017

Manichaeorum quoque errorem Leo in laudata epist. 124 c. 2 eo sensu Eutychianis attribuit, quatenus, si Apollinaristarum errorem declinantes negent Christum in Divinitate natum, passum, etc., et nihilominus verum hominem fateri recusent; cum Manichaeis affirmare cogantur. Jesum Christum simulatorie omnia egisse, nec humanum in ipso corpus, sed phantasticam corporis speciem oculis apparuisse cernentium; quem Manichaeorum errorem fusius exagitat serm. 4 de Epiph. c. 4.

Leo, in the letter 124, chapter 2, already cited, attributes the error of the Manichaeans also to the Eutychians in this sense: that if, avoiding the error of the Apollinarists, they deny that Christ was born, suffered, etc., in His Godhead, and nevertheless refuse to confess Him true man, they are compelled with the Manichaeans to affirm "that Jesus Christ did everything in pretence, and that there was no human body in Him, but that a phantom appearance of a body appeared to the eyes of the beholders"; which error of the Manichaeans he attacks more fully in sermon 4 on the Epiphany, chapter 4.

(b) ‹nimis temere se› · printed under col 1017

Cum scilicet in pseudosynodo Ephesina Dioscoro adhaerens Eutychem absolvit, etc., quod postea in Chalcedonensi synodo consilio saniore emendavit.

That is, when in the false synod of Ephesus, adhering to Dioscorus, he acquitted Eutyches, etc., which he afterwards amended in the synod of Chalcedon "by a sounder counsel".

Lege, amplectebatur.

Read amplectebatur ("was embracing").

(d) ‹Qualis autem sid› (printed in col 1018, set under this rail) · printed under col 1017

Is est idem Theodosius qui Palaestinarum turbarum auctor fuit. Vide Marciani epistolas et Evagrium locis laudatis annot, 1 (Col. 1014, n. o).

He is the same Theodosius who was the author of the Palestinian tumults. See the letters of Marcian and Evagrius at the places cited in note 1 (col. 1014, note o).

(e) ‹EPISTOLA› (heading of Letter CX, set under the col 1018 rail) · printed under col 1017

Alias post epist. 88. Quae antea erat 110, nunc 130. Scripta 15 Eebruarii an. 433.

Formerly after letter 88. The letter that was formerly 110 is now 130 (so printed). Written 15 February in the year 433 (so printed; 453 is meant).

(f) ‹MARCIANI AUGUSTI› (heading of Letter CX) · printed under col 1018

Edita fuit ab Andrea Arnoldo ex codice Bodleiano, et a Quesnello secundae editioni inserta. Graecum originale contulimus cum ms. cod. Vat. Graeco 1455, qui nonnullas emendationes suggessit. Novam interpretationem Latinam ad Graecum textum perinde emendatum exactam, quae clarior multo efficitur, adjiciemus. His Augusti litteris S. pontifex respondet epist. 115.

It was edited by Andreas Arnold from a Bodleian manuscript, and inserted by Quesnel in his second edition. We have collated the Greek original with the Vatican Greek manuscript 1455, which suggested some emendations. We shall add a new Latin translation, made to fit the Greek text as likewise emended, which turns out much clearer. The holy pontiff answers this letter of the Augustus in letter 115.

(g) ‹synodum, et› (Latin version) · printed under col 1018

Epist. 98.

Letter 98.

(h) ‹quas videlicet› (Latin version) · printed under col 1018

Litterae ergo apostolicae sedis, quibus confirmabantur synodi generales, legendae erant in Ecclesiis Orientis, haecque confirmatio in omnium notitiam deducenda erat, ne quis de eadem ambigens, decretis synodi reluctari posset. Ecce ergo necessariae confirmationis pontificiae manifestissimum testimonium.

So the letters of the apostolic see, by which general synods were confirmed, were to be read in the Churches of the East, and this confirmation was to be brought to the knowledge of all, lest anyone, doubting about it, should be able to resist the decrees of the synod. Here, then, is a most manifest testimony to the necessity of the pontifical confirmation.

Editors' prose

SYNOPSIS. — Confirmationem synodi Chalcedonensis a pontifice uti necessariam petit. Ejus constantiam in vindicandis canonibus et reprimenda novitate laudat.

Synopsis. — He asks the pontiff for the confirmation of the synod of Chalcedon, as being necessary. He praises his constancy in upholding the canons and repressing novelty.

Ancient version (Latin)

Latin version of Letter CX printed in the left column beside Marcian's Greek (layer 1 in col 1018); the editors' note (f) says they will add a new translation of their own later. It continues in col 1019. Epistola piissimi imperatoris MARCIANI ad LEONEM archiepiscopum Romae. Victores VALENTINIANUS et MARCIANUS gloriosi triumphatores, semper Augusti, sanctissimo et vere venerabili LEONI archiepiscopo. Beatitudinem tuam valere syllabis nostrae serenitatis studiosissime precamur, postulantes ut favorem omnipotentis Dei tuarum nobis impertias precum intercessione: ut misericors et pacifica ipsius magnificentia omnia fausta et optabilia nostro regno concedere dignetur. Miramur supra modum quod post Chalcedonensem synodum, et litteras venerabilium episcoporum ad tuam sanctitatem missas, quibus omnia in ipsa synodo acta significabant, nullo prorsus pacto a tua clementia ejusmodi epistolae remissae sint, quas videlicet in sanctissimis Ecclesiis perlectas, in omnium oportebat notitiam venire. Quod nonnullorum animis qui Eutychetis etiam nunc pravam opinionem et perversitatem sectantur, ambiguitatem multam injecit, utrum tua beatitudo quae in sancta synodo decreta sunt confirmaverit. Et ob eam rem tua pietas

Page

running head: 1017 EPISTOLA CX. (across both columns of page 514, with 1018)
marginal letters: A ‹sana Manichaeorum opinio›; B ‹Epistola piissimi imperatoris (Latin version)›; C ‹animis qui Eutychetis (Latin version)›; D ‹Chalcedonensi synodo consilio saniore (in the notes, note b)›
old-edition numerals: 1180 after vaniloquiis; 1182 before Epistola piissimi (Latin version)
signature: none
other: page 514 has two columns (end of Letter CIX in both upper halves), then the heading and synopsis of Letter CX across the full width, then two columns again (Latin version left, Greek right). By the reading-order rule the whole end of CIX, including the head of col 1018 (from "que amplectitur" to "Herculano consule."), is set under this column's rail; the CX heading is set under the col 1018 rail, where layer-1 reading continues (the Greek)