L. Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius, Divinarum institutionum liber IV, De vera sapientia et religione

<!-- Notes on this page are the editors' VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [De vera sapientia et religione] ‹anchor: book title› · lemma note in col 447 De vera sapientia et religione. Recte, ut colligitur, tum ex mss. et editis codicibus, tum ex ipsomet Lactantio Div. Inst., l. iv, c. 3, et l. vii, c. 1. In mss. 1 Lips. legitur, de vera Philosophia. Hoc præcipue libro indicat causas Lactantius, cur et quomodo ignorantiæ caligo mundum invaserit.—De vera Sapientia. Editio prima Sublacensis : De vera Sapientia et Religione. In Epit., c. 41 : Ad veram Religionem Sapientiamque veniamus, et quidem conjuncte, quia cohærent, de utraque dicendum est. Bun.

On true wisdom and religion. Rightly so, as is gathered both from the manuscript and printed copies and from Lactantius himself, Divine Institutes book 4, ch. 3, and book 7, ch. 1. In 1 Leipzig manuscript the reading is "on true Philosophy". In this book above all Lactantius shows the causes why and how the darkness of ignorance invaded the world.—"On true Wisdom": the first Subiaco edition has "On true Wisdom and Religion". In the Epitome, ch. 41: "Let us come to true Religion and Wisdom, and indeed we must speak of both jointly, because they cohere." Bünemann.

[Cogitanti mihi] ‹anchor: Cogitanti mihi› · lemma note in col 448 Cogitanti mihi. Ita omnes editi et cuncti prope mss. Sic huncce librum incohavit Lactantius ad imitationem Minucii Felicis in Octavio, qui sic incipit : Cogitanti mihi, et cum animo meo Octavii boni et fidelissimi contubernalis memoriam recensenti. Lactantiani mss. 1 Bon. antiq., 3 Reg., Lips., Pal., Marm. pro cogitanti habent consideranti.

As I was reflecting. So all the printed editions and nearly all the manuscripts. Lactantius began this book thus in imitation of Minucius Felix in the Octavius, which begins: "As I was reflecting, and going over in my mind the memory of Octavius, my good and most faithful companion." The Lactantius manuscripts 1 Bon. antiq., 3 Reg., Lips., Pal., Marm. have "considering" for "reflecting".

[Constantine imperator] ‹anchor: Constantine imperator› · lemma note in col 448 Constantine imperator. Has voces admittunt mss. 2 Regii, quorum unus est omnium antiquissimus; alter bonæ notæ, Lips., Goth., Marm. multique alii scripti (continues)

Constantine, emperor. These words are admitted by 2 Royal manuscripts, of which one is the oldest of all, the other of good repute, and by the Leipzig, Gotha and Marm. manuscripts and many other written copies (continues)

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animalia quædam vento et aura concipere soleant, et hujusmodi Christi nativitas a prophetis fuerit prædicta. Locus nativitatis Judæa nominatur, in qua ideo nasci voluit, et quidem ex semine Judæorum, ne, si fuisset alienigena, justam possent excusationem de lege prætendere, quod eum non suscepissent. Fines nativitatis Lactantius recenset varios, ut universis gentibus, quæ sub cœlo sunt, Dei singularis et veri sanctum mysterium revelaret (cap. 12). Item ut per omnia summo Patri similis existeret, essetque et ipse ut Pater, ἀπάτωρ et ἀμήτωρ (cap. 13).

certain animals are wont to conceive by the wind and the air, and that a nativity of Christ of this kind was foretold by the prophets. The place of the nativity is named as Judaea, in which He willed to be born for this reason, and indeed of the seed of the Jews, lest, had He been a foreigner, they might be able to put forward from the law a just excuse for not having received Him. Lactantius reviews various ends of the nativity: that He might reveal the holy mystery of the one and true God to all the nations which are under heaven (ch. 12); likewise that He might be in all things like the supreme Father, and that He too might be, as the Father is, ἀπάτωρ and ἀμήτωρ, 'without father' and 'without mother' (ch. 13).

Duas quoque in Christo naturas, divinam et humanam, auctor affirmat. Divinam quia illa ex operibus quæ fecit, apparuerit, et quia Deum Esaias, Hieremias et David Christum prædicaverint. Humanam, quia hæc ex passione, quam pertulit, apparuerit; quia item Hieremias, Esaias, Moses, Nathan hominis filium Christum futurum prædixerint (cap. 14). Et Zacharias propheta sacerdotium et personam ipsam sacerdotalem determinarit.

The author also affirms two natures in Christ, the divine and the human: the divine, because it was made manifest from the works which He did, and because Isaiah, Jeremiah and David proclaimed Christ as God; the human, because this was made manifest from the passion which He endured, and because likewise Jeremiah, Isaiah, Moses and Nathan foretold that Christ would be the son of man (ch. 14). And the prophet Zechariah defined His priesthood and His priestly person itself.

Miracula Christi recensentur varia, eaque tum a prophetis, tum a sibyllis prædicta, ac proinde minime magica fuisse capite 15 ostenditur.

The various miracles of Christ are reviewed, and in chapter 15 it is shown that they were foretold both by the prophets and by the sibyls, and were therefore in no way magical.

Passionis Christi docentur causæ procreantes et impulsivæ, forma, consequentia et adjuncta. Causæ procreantes fuerunt pharisæi et sacerdotes. Impulsivæ doctrina Christi et scandalum ab humilitate ejus sumptum, itemque ex eo quod Mosis legem solveret, sabbatis non vacando : quod circumcisionem vacue faceret : quod abstinentiam suillæ carnis auferret, quæ tamen omnia docet antea fuisse a prophetis prædicta (cap. 16 et 17). Forma passionis historica recensione captivitatis et crucifixionis Christi declaratur; cui subjicitur detestatio facti, et testimoniorum enarratio, quibus passio illa fuit prænuntiata (cap. 18). Consequentia passionis sex enumerantur, miracula, custodia sepulchri, resurrectio, explicatio Scripturæ de Christi œconomia a Christo ipso ad discipulos facta, adscensio in cœlum, plena Evangelii revelatio per apostolos (cap. 19, 20, 21). Adjuncta dignitas passionis contra ethnicos defenditur, qui humilitate et passione Christi offendebantur (cap. 22).

There are set out the efficient and the impelling causes of Christ's passion, its form, its consequences and its attendant circumstances. The efficient causes were the Pharisees and the priests. The impelling causes were Christ's teaching and the offence taken at His lowliness, and likewise the charge that He was dissolving the law of Moses by not keeping the sabbaths, that He was making circumcision void, and that He was doing away with abstinence from swine's flesh; all of which, he teaches, had nevertheless been foretold beforehand by the prophets (chs. 16 and 17). The form of the passion is declared by an historical account of Christ's capture and crucifixion; to which is subjoined a denunciation of the deed, and a recital of the testimonies by which that passion was foretold (ch. 18). Six consequences of the passion are enumerated: the miracles, the guard at the sepulchre, the resurrection, the explanation of the Scripture concerning Christ's economy given by Christ Himself to the disciples, the ascension into heaven, and the full revelation of the Gospel through the apostles (chs. 19, 20, 21). As to the attendant circumstances, the dignity of the passion is defended against the heathen, who took offence at the lowliness and passion of Christ (ch. 22).

Lactantius affirmat oportuisse Christum non Deum tantum, sed et hominem esse et pati, hoc argumento : « Quicumque hominibus præcepta dat, ac vitam moresque aliorum fingit, hunc oportet facere præcepta, ut videant alii possibilia esse quæ præcipit, nec contemnant doctorem : oportet item ut e cœlo veniat, cum in homine interna et propria doctrina esse nullo modo possit, et cœlestis doctor in docendo perfectus

Lactantius affirms that it behoved Christ to be not God only but also man, and to suffer, by this argument: 'Whoever gives precepts to men, and shapes the life and morals of others, must himself do the precepts, that others may see that the things he enjoins are possible, and may not despise the teacher; it behoves him likewise to come from heaven, since in man there can in no wise be an inward and proper teaching, and a heavenly teacher perfect in teaching

LIBER QUARTUS. DE VERA SAPIENTIA ET RELIGIONE.

BOOK THE FOURTH.

<!-- note: Col 447 (left half of the page) opens mid-sentence with the analysis of Book IV carried over from the previous column; it is set to the column's foot, where the fifth paragraph breaks off mid-sentence inside the quotation and continues at the head of col 448. Below both columns, a full-width band prints the book title LIBER QUARTUS / DE VERA SAPIENTIA ET RELIGIONE across cols 447 and 448; it is set here (col 448 points to it) as the title of Book IV, standing above CAPUT PRIMUM and its heading at the head of the author's text in c447. Below that come the author's text and the VARIORUM NOTÆ (not set here). -->

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(continued) et editi, teste Gallæo, ex quibus sunt Fasitel., Betul., Tornes., Thys., Gall., Cellar., Walch., Soubr. Absunt a 32 scriptis et nonnullis impressis, et præsertim in ed. Sublac.

[Et cum animo meo sæpe reputanti] ‹anchor: Et cum animo› · lemma note in col 449 Et cum animo meo sæpe reputanti. Præpositio cum in 5 mss. Oxoniensibus et in editione Florentina desideratur; extat autem in cæteris tum mss. tum editis, et apud Minutium Felicem, quem hic imitatus est Lactantius, ut supra admonui.

And often turning over in my mind. The preposition "cum" is missing in 5 Oxford manuscripts and in the Florentine edition; but it stands in the rest, both manuscripts and editions, and in Minucius Felix, whom Lactantius has imitated here, as I noted above.

[Et mirum pariter] ‹anchor: Et mirum pariter› · lemma note in col 449 Et mirum pariter, etc. Lact., l. i, c. 11 : Id et doctis pariter et indoctis persuasum est. De Opif., c. 8 : Ministeriis et instruxit pariter et ornavit. Elegantissimus Plinius, l. vii, ep. 19 : Meque et novo pariter et rescisso vulnere adficiet; et l. x, ep. 44 (36) : et suscepimus pariter et solvimus. Solus Cyprianus vel centies et pariter et posuit. In versibus Ovidius, pro et pariter et, sæpe adhibet et pariterque, l. xiii Metamorph., vs. 422. Et vitam pariter regnumque reliquit. Bun.

"And wonderful alike", etc. Lactantius, book 1, ch. 11: "This has been believed by learned and unlearned alike." On the Workmanship of God, ch. 8: "He both furnished and adorned it alike with services." The most elegant Pliny, book 7, letter 19: "and will afflict me with a wound alike new and reopened"; and book 10, letter 44 (36): "we have both undertaken and discharged them alike." Cyprian alone has put "et pariter et" perhaps a hundred times. In verse Ovid often uses "et pariterque" for "et pariter et", Metamorphoses book 13, line 422: "And left life and kingdom alike." Bünemann.

[Cœperunt] ‹anchor: Cœperunt› · lemma note in col 449 Cœperunt. De hac defectione et hominum insipientia, vide Paulum ad Romanos, c. i, 21, 23, 24.

They began. On this falling away and the folly of men, see Paul to the Romans, ch. 1:21, 23, 24.

[Effecerit] ‹anchor: Effecerit› · lemma note in col 449 Effecerit. Sequor lectionem omnium fere mss. et 9 typis vulgatorum. In Reg. rec. est effecit; in 5 scriptis rec. et totidem editis, fecerit.

Effecerit ("brought about"). I follow the reading of almost all the manuscripts and of 9 printed editions. The later Royal manuscript has "effecit"; 5 later written copies and as many editions have "fecerit".

[Quia videri, tangi] ‹anchor: quia videri, tangi› · lemma note in col 449 Quia videri, tangi, etc. Sic Paulus I ad Corinth., c. 2, de Sapientia Dei ait quod oculus non vidit, et auris non audivit, et in cor hominis non ascendit.

Because it cannot be seen, touched, etc. So Paul, 1 Corinthians ch. 2, says of the Wisdom of God that "eye has not seen, nor ear heard, nor has it entered into the heart of man."

[Inhærebant] ‹anchor: inhærebant› · lemma note in col 449 Inhærebant. Mss. Tornes. adhærebant; 1 Bon. antiq., Jun., Ultr., ed. Is., Inhæserunt.

They clung. The Tornesius manuscripts have "adhaerebant"; 1 Bon. antiq., Junius, Ultr., and the Isaeus edition have "inhaeserunt".

[Sapientia occiderat] ‹anchor: sapientia occiderat› · lemma note in col 449, running into col 450 Sapientia occiderat. Sic lego cum edit. 2 vet. Rom. 1468. 1470, Venet. 1490, Tornes. 1579, Soubr., Genev. 1713, Cellar., et Walch. et omnibus mss. præter 1 Clarom. et 12 edit., quibus est sapientia ceciderat. — Sapientia occiderat. Hæc vera scriptura valde in libris depravata. Sic l. v, c. 4, extr. : Occasuram esse omnem philosophiam; l. ii, c. 10 : Occidere in totum, ut hic dixit. Cicero in Catone, c. 20, extr. : Ut superiorum ætatum studia occidunt, sic occidunt etiam senectutis; l. i de Legib., c. 12 : Jam amicitiæ nomen occiderit. Bun.

Wisdom had perished. So I read with the 2 old Roman editions of 1468 and 1470, Venice 1490, Tornesius 1579, Soubron, Geneva 1713, Cellarius and Walch, and all the manuscripts except 1 Clermont, and 12 editions, which have "wisdom had fallen". — Wisdom had perished: this true reading has been badly corrupted in the books. So book 5, ch. 4, at the end: "that all philosophy would perish"; book 2, ch. 10: "to perish altogether", as he has said here. Cicero in the Cato, ch. 20, at the end: "As the pursuits of earlier ages perish, so too do those of old age perish"; On the Laws book 1, ch. 12: "the name of friendship will now have perished." Bünemann.

[Appareat] ‹anchor: appareat› · lemma note in col 450 Appareat. Reposui ex editis 4 et cunctis prope mss. In Jun. et 10 excusis est apparuerit; in 3 scriptis rec. apparuit; in 1 Clarom. appareret.

May appear. I have restored this from 4 editions and nearly all the manuscripts. In Junius and 10 printed copies it is "apparuerit"; in 3 later written copies "apparuit"; in 1 Clermont "appareret".

[Esse inveniretur] ‹anchor: esse inveniretur› · lemma note in col 450 Esse inveniretur. Vera lectio, quam non intelligentes librarii 12 scripserunt esset inventa; 3 rec. esse inventa, corrupte.

Was found to be. The true reading; not understanding it, the scribes of 12 copies wrote "esset inventa"; 3 later ones "esse inventa", corruptly.

[Septem fuisse traduntur] ‹anchor: septem fuisse traduntur› · lemma note in col 450 Septem fuisse traduntur, etc. Sic lego cum omnibus fere mss. et vulgatis sex. In 4 scriptis rec. et 8 editis est : Septem fuisse traduntur primi omnium, qui quia de rebus, etc. Septem autem illi primi sapientes sunt Thales, Pittacus Mitylenæus, Bias Prienensis, Solon, Cleobulus Lindius, Chilo Lacedæmonius, Periander. His addunt aliqui Anacharsim Scytham. De quibus Laertius, libro i.

Seven are recorded to have been, etc. So I read with almost all the manuscripts and six printed editions. In 4 later written copies and 8 editions it is: "Seven are recorded to have been the first of all, who because about things", etc. Those first seven wise men are Thales, Pittacus of Mytilene, Bias of Priene, Solon, Cleobulus of Lindus, Chilo the Lacedaemonian, Periander. Some add Anacharsis the Scythian to them. On them see Laertius, book 1.

[Cierentur] ‹anchor: cierentur› · lemma note in col 450 Cierentur. Ms. Jun. legit crederentur. Nihil mutandum censui. Cierentur est vocarentur. Sic Lucret., l. v : Dissimiles soleant voces variasque ciere. Livius, ciere patres. Virg. vi, Æneid. : . . . . . . . . Quo non præstantior alter Ære ciere viros.

Might be called. The Junius manuscript reads "crederentur". I judged nothing should be changed. "Cierentur" means "vocarentur", were called. So Lucretius, book 5: "they are wont to call forth unlike and varied sounds." Livy, "to call the fathers". Virgil, Aeneid 6: "... than whom no other was more excellent at calling men with the bronze."

[Putaverunt] ‹anchor: putaverunt› · lemma note in col 450 Putaverunt. Pythagoras scilicet, de quo vide supra libro iii, c. 2 et 14.

They thought. Pythagoras, that is; on whom see above, book 3, ch. 2 and 14.

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [Manus opposuerat] ‹anchor: manus opposuerat› · lemma note in col 451 Manus opposuerat. Goth. apposuerat. Lips. pejus, adposuerant. Sen., l. ii de Ira, c. 4 : Tunc maxime illi opponendæ manus sunt. Senec., Trag. in Herc. Œt. 4, 1245 : Has ego opposui manus. Variabant quoque libri in Ovid., l. iv Fast., 178 : Opposuitque manum.

Had set its hands against it. Gotha: "apposuerat". Leipzig, worse: "adposuerant". Seneca, On Anger book 2, ch. 4: "Then above all hands must be put against it." Seneca, tragedy Hercules on Oeta 4, 1245: "These hands I put against it." The books also varied in Ovid, Fasti book 4, 178: "And he put his hand against it."

[Viderunt] ‹anchor: viderunt› · lemma note in col 451 Viderunt. Quidam legunt videre.

They saw. Some read "videre".

[Crediderant] ‹anchor: crediderant› · lemma note in col 451 Crediderant. Ex quamplurimis et antiquissimis mss. ac 5 veteribus editis est; in cæteris, crediderunt.

They had believed. This is from very many and very old manuscripts and 5 old editions; in the rest, "crediderunt".

[Nusquam ullam sapientiam] ‹anchor: nusquam ullam sapientiam› · lemma note in col 451 Nusquam ullam sapientiam. Ita scribo cum omnibus ferme mss. et vulgatis. In edit. Ald., Thomas., Thys., Gall., nullam, mendose; in 1 mss. Reg. rec. illam.

Nowhere any wisdom. So I write with almost all manuscripts and printed editions. In the Aldine, Thomasius, Thysius and Gallaeus editions, "nullam", faultily; in 1 later Royal manuscript, "illam".

[Illic] ‹anchor: illic› · lemma note in col 451 Illic. Mss. 10 rec., ibi.

There. 10 later manuscripts: "ibi".

[Stultitiæ titulus] ‹anchor: stultitiæ titulus› · lemma note in col 451 Stultitiæ titulus. Vide Paulum in priore ad Corinth. c. i, v. 20, 22, 24, etc. Vide etiam S. Hilarium, l. iv de Trinitate, circa finem.

The title of folly. See Paul in the first to the Corinthians ch. 1, vv. 20, 22, 24, etc. See also St Hilary, On the Trinity book 4, near the end.

[Arcanum sui divini operis] ‹anchor: arcanum sui divini operis› · lemma note in col 451 Arcanum sui divini operis. Post arcanum ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. et 4 edit. rec. addunt summi, quod abest a cæteris, et ut glossema expunxi.

The secret of his divine work. After "arcanum" 1 old Bologna manuscript and 4 later editions add "summi", which is absent from the rest, and I have struck it out as a gloss.

[Quod cum Pythagoras] ‹anchor: quod cum Pythagoras› · lemma note in col 451, running into col 452 Quod cum Pythagoras, etc. Contra Hermippus Pythagoræus; multa et Aristobulus Pythagoram ex Mosis lege didicisse non diffitetur. Clemens, l. i Strom.; Eusebius, l. ix Προπ., c. 3, et Joseph., l. i contra Appion.; ex recentioribus Seldenus non alia tantum, sed et Trinitatis nomen tetragrammaton Jehova et cognovisse, et τετρακτὺν vocasse probabiliter asserit, Synt. ii, de Diis Syr., c. 1. Certæ filiæ suæ nomen Judaicum imposuit. Duas habebat, Saram et Myiam, ut est apud Photium Cod. cclix. Horn. —Quod cum Pythagoras. De his Valerius, l. viii, de Studio et industria. Ecclesiasticorum de his suffragia colligemus. Lege primam Hieronymi ex tom. iv, epistolam ad Paulinum scriptam, quæ mirifice cum hoc capite convenit. Augustinus, l. viii C. vit., c. 4 : Plato, inquit, cum esset Atheniensis honesto apud suos loco natus, et ingenio mirabili longe suos condiscipulos anteiret, parum tamen putans perficiendæ philosophiæ sufficere seipsum, ac Socraticam disciplinam, quam longe lateque potuit, peregrinatus est, quaquaversum eum alicujus nobilitate scientiæ percipiendæ fama rapiebat. Itaque et in Ægypto didicit quæcumque illic magna habebantur ac docebantur, etc. Meminit ejusdem contra Academ., l. iii, c. 23. Ambrosius quoque, serm. 18, in psal. cxviii, testatur Platonem eruditionis gratia, ut Mosaicæ legis oracula et prophetarum dicta cognosceret, in Ægyptum esse profectum. Scito Platonicam et Pythagoricam disciplinam bona ex parte ex doctrina fluxisse mosaica : id quod de Platone Euseb. per totum undecimum de Præparatione evangel. librum multis et evidentibus exemplis docet. Et Cyrillus contra Julianum liquidis testimoniis hoc idem dicit. Origenes, contra Celsum l. vi, testatur, Platonem ea, quæ in Phædro scripsit, ab Hebræis transcripsisse. Ambrosius ad quemdam Irenæum scribens, ep. vi, l. i, testatur, Pythagoram ex populo Judæorum genus duxisse, et Mosen legisse, indeque sua accepisse symbola. Mirum itaque est, cur Lactantius dicat, ipsos ad Judæos non pervenisse. Betul.

Whereas Pythagoras, etc. On the contrary Hermippus the Pythagorean, and Aristobulus too, do not deny that Pythagoras learned much from the law of Moses. Clement, Stromata book 1; Eusebius, Preparation book 9, ch. 3; and Josephus, Against Apion book 1. Of the more recent writers, Selden asserts with probability, Syntagma 2, On the Syrian Gods, ch. 1, that he knew not only other things but also the tetragrammaton name of the Trinity, Jehovah, and called it the "tetraktys". He gave a Jewish name to one of his daughters. He had two, Sara and Myia, as is found in Photius, Codex 259. Horn. — Whereas Pythagoras: on these see Valerius, book 8, On zeal and diligence. We shall gather the testimonies of the churchmen on them. Read the first letter of Jerome from tome 4, written to Paulinus, which agrees wonderfully with this chapter. Augustine, City of God book 8, ch. 4: "Plato," he says, "though he was an Athenian born to an honourable station among his people, and far surpassed his fellow pupils in wonderful talent, yet thinking that he himself and the Socratic teaching were not enough for perfecting philosophy, travelled as far and wide as he could, wherever the report of some famous knowledge to be gained drew him. And so in Egypt too he learned whatever things were held great and were taught there", etc. He mentions the same in Against the Academics book 3, ch. 23. Ambrose too, sermon 18 on Psalm 118, testifies that Plato went into Egypt for the sake of learning, to come to know the oracles of the Mosaic law and the sayings of the prophets. Know that the Platonic and Pythagorean teaching flowed in good part from the Mosaic doctrine: which Eusebius teaches of Plato with many clear examples throughout the eleventh book of the Preparation for the Gospel. And Cyril against Julian says the same thing with plain testimonies. Origen, Against Celsus book 6, testifies that Plato copied from the Hebrews what he wrote in the Phaedrus. Ambrose, writing to a certain Irenaeus, letter 6, book 1, testifies that Pythagoras drew his descent from the Jewish people, and read Moses, and took his symbols from there. It is strange, then, that Lactantius should say that they did not reach the Jews. Betuleius.

[Ad Judæos... non accesserint] ‹anchor: ad Judæos ... non accesserint› · lemma note in col 452 Ad Judæos... non accesserint. At alii patres eos non tantum conversatos esse cum Judæis, sed etiam ideo Æpyptum adiisse tradunt, ut Mosis doctrinam cognoscerent. Malchus in Vita Pythagoræ confirmat, hunc non modo Arabas et Ægyptios, sed et Hebræos et Chaldæos adiisse. Bun.

Did not go to the Jews. But other Fathers record that they not only kept company with the Jews but went to Egypt precisely to learn the teaching of Moses. Malchus in the Life of Pythagoras affirms that he visited not only the Arabs and Egyptians but also the Hebrews and Chaldaeans. Bünemann.

[Aversos... ne scire possent] ‹anchor: aversos ... ne scire possent› · lemma note in col 452 Aversos... ne scire possent. Nullam, immo falsam esse hanc rationem, observavit Vockerodt in diss. de Notitia Divin. litterarum inter Gentes, p. 276. Bun.

Turned away ... so that they could not know. Vockerodt observed, in his dissertation On the Knowledge of the Divine Scriptures among the Gentiles, p. 276, that this reason is no reason, indeed a false one. Bünemann.

[Notescere] ‹anchor: notescere› · lemma note in col 452 Notescere. Ita restitui ex veterrimis mss. 5 Reg., 2 Bonon., Cauc., et 5 aliis recentioribus. In 3 rec. est noscere; in 10 rec. et in vulgatis est cognoscere.

To become known. So I have restored it from the very old manuscripts, 5 Royal, 2 Bologna, Cauc., and 5 other later ones. In 3 later ones it is "noscere"; in 10 later ones and in the printed editions it is "cognoscere".

[Ultimo tempore] ‹anchor: ultimo tempore› · lemma note in col 452 Ultimo tempore. Per ultimum tempus intelligit Lactantius tempus novi fœderis, quod in sacro codice poni pro tempore novi testamenti Kimchi non male pluribus observavit. Walch.

In the last time. By "the last time" Lactantius understands the time of the new covenant; Kimchi observed, not badly and at some length, that in the sacred book it is used for the time of the New Testament. Walch.

[Ducem magnum] ‹anchor: ducem magnum› · lemma note in col 452 Ducem magnum, etc. Jesum Christum Magnum dicit, comparatione Moseos vel Josuæ. Prophetæ Christum quandoque principem appellarunt, ut Esaiæ lv cap., ad quem locum hic respexisse videtur. Ecce, inquit sub persona Patris, testem populis dedi eum, ducem ac præceptorem Gentibus. Ecce gentem quam nesciebas vocabis, etc.

A great leader, etc. He calls Jesus Christ "Great" by comparison with Moses or Joshua. The prophets sometimes called Christ a prince, as in Isaiah ch. 55, to which passage he seems to have looked here. "Behold," he says in the person of the Father, "I have given him as a witness to the peoples, a leader and teacher to the Gentiles. Behold, you shall call a nation that you did not know", etc.

[Exteris gentibus] ‹anchor: exteris gentibus› · lemma note in col 452 Exteris gentibus. Recte, id est, paganis, quos Judæis opponit auctor noster sed et infra, cap. 11, dicit, ad exteras converteret nationes. Betulei editio habet, cæteris gentibus, sed minus bene; aliæ editiones legunt cæteris nationibus. Recte Heumannus ex antiquis editis legit exteris gentibus. — Exteris gentibus. Hanc quam Cellarius ejecerat, lectionem habent Sublac., Rost., Roman., etc., cp. cap. xliii : Ut aliam sibi plebem fideliorem de exteris gentibus congregaret. Bun.

To the foreign nations. Rightly, that is, to the pagans, whom our author sets against the Jews; and below too, ch. 11, he says "he would turn to the foreign nations". Betuleius's edition has "to the other nations", but less well; other editions read "to the other peoples". Heumann rightly reads "exteris gentibus" from old editions. — To the foreign nations: this reading, which Cellarius had thrown out, is in the Subiaco, Rostock and Roman editions, etc.; compare ch. 43 [of the Epitome]: "that he might gather for himself another, more faithful people from the foreign nations." Bünemann.

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [Officio mentis] ‹anchor: officio mentis› · lemma note in col 453 Officio mentis. Ideo lex jubet, ut Dominum ex toto corde amemus.

By the office of the mind. That is why the law commands that we love the Lord with all our heart.

[Ita] ‹anchor: Ita› · lemma note in col 453 Ita. Sic vet. edit. Rom. et omnes ms. præter recentissimos 1 Reg. et 2 Colb., in quibus, ut in editis, est Itaque.

Thus. So the old Roman edition and all the manuscripts except the most recent, 1 Royal and 2 Colbert, in which, as in the printed editions, it is "Itaque".

[Hanc religionem] ‹anchor: hanc religionem› · lemma note in col 453 Hanc religionem. Subaudivi veram.

This religion. I have understood "true".

[Qua caret] ‹anchor: qua caret› · lemma note in col 453 Qua caret. Ita reposui ex ms. et 12 vet. editis. Quia recentiorum editorum est.

Which it lacks. So I have restored it from the manuscript and 12 old editions. "Quia" belongs to the more recent editors.

[Utrumque verum esse] ‹anchor: utrumque verum esse› · lemma note in col 453 Utrumque verum esse. Francius legendum conjiciebat, utramque veram esse.

That both are true. Francius conjectured that one should read "utramque veram esse".

[Ubi autem sapientia cum religione inseparabili... implere] ‹anchor: Ubi autem sapientia ... implere› · lemma note in col 453 Ubi autem sapientia cum religione inseparabili... implere. Integra hæc sectio neglecta est in primis edd. Subl., Rost., Ven. 1471, et præsertim in ed. Sublac. Bun.

But where wisdom with religion by an inseparable ... to fulfil. This whole section was omitted in the first editions, Subiaco, Rostock, Venice 1471, and especially in the Subiaco edition. Bünemann.

[Conjungitur? Ibi scilicet] ‹anchor: conjungitur? Ibi scilicet› · lemma note in col 453 Conjungitur? Ibi scilicet. Ex ms. et plerisque impressis addidi Ibi, quod 4 scriptis et 2 editis rec. deest.

Is joined? There, namely. From the manuscript and most printed editions I have added "Ibi", which is lacking in 4 written copies and 2 later editions.

[Vita et actus] ‹anchor: vita et actus› · lemma note in col 453 Vita et actus. Sæpe nostro actus, ut Minucio et aliis, est actio. Vid. l. iii, c. 19; l. iv, c. 3; l. v, c. 9, de Ira c. 12, c. 17. Bun.

Life and conduct. Often in our author, as in Minucius and others, "actus" means "actio". See book 3, ch. 19; book 4, ch. 3; book 5, ch. 9; On the Anger of God ch. 12, ch. 17. Bünemann.

[Doctores sapientiæ] ‹anchor: doctores sapientiæ› · lemma note in col 453 Doctores sapientiæ. Id in christiana religione factum est, quia apostoli sunt doctores et sacerdotes : prædicant doctrinam Evangelii, et sacris præsunt mysteriis.

Teachers of wisdom. This came about in the Christian religion, because the apostles are teachers and priests: they preach the teaching of the Gospel and preside over the sacred mysteries.

[Ut Pater] ‹anchor: ut pater› · lemma note in col 453, running into col 454 Ut Pater. Spoliat deos Gentium patris epitheto auctoritate juris et naturalis et civilis : quod certe in ipsos non competit. Quia patris nomen non modo soli Deo, sed etiam semper convenit. Illi autem, quia aliquando patres, et esse, et nominari cœperunt, dii esse non possunt. Nam Deus ἄχρονος est pater, qui genuit etiam filium ἄχρονον. Est enim ὁμήλικος γενετῆρ, ut Nonnus eum compellat. Ipsi autem in tempore nati sunt, si volumus Hesiodo fidem habere. Non opus est hic allegare auctoritatem Christi, qui apud Matth. cap. xxiii, unum esse dicit Patrem, eum nempe, qui in cœlis est. Betuleius.

As a father. He strips the gods of the Gentiles of the epithet of father by the authority of both natural and civil law: it certainly does not belong to them. For the name of father belongs not only to God alone, but to him always. But they, since at some time they began both to be and to be called fathers, cannot be gods. For God is a timeless father, who also begot a timeless Son. He is, as Nonnus addresses him, "of equal age with his begetter". But they were born in time, if we will believe Hesiod. There is no need here to cite the authority of Christ, who in Matthew ch. 23 says that there is one Father, namely he who is in heaven. Betuleius.

[Pater, nomen dicatur ad unum] ‹anchor: nomen dicatur ad unum› · lemma note in col 454 Pater, nomen dicatur ad unum. Fr. Douza et Seldenus legunt, omnes dicamus ad unum. Vide Seldenum de Diis Syris Syntag. ii; sic edidit etiam Cl. Vossius de Idololatria lib. ii, cap. 16. Gallæus. — Hi tres versus ex Lucilii Satyris desumpti sunt.

Father, the name be spoken to one. Fr. Douza and Selden read "let us all say, to a man". See Selden, On the Syrian Gods, Syntagma 2; so too the learned Vossius printed it, On Idolatry book 2, ch. 16. Gallaeus. — These three verses are taken from the Satires of Lucilius.

[Multi patres] ‹anchor: multi patres› · lemma note in col 454 Multi patres. Lego multi cum mss. et Cellario. Vulgati habent, plures.

Many fathers. I read "multi" with the manuscripts and Cellarius. The printed editions have "plures".

[Juris civilis ratio demonstrat] ‹anchor: juris civilis ratio demonstrat› · lemma note in col 454 Juris civilis ratio demonstrat. Patribus olim summa in liberos erat potestas, adeo ut jus vitæ ac necis habuerint, quemadmodum domini in servos (l. 11, D. de suis et leg. hær. l. fin., c. de Patr. potest., l. i, Cod. Theod., de Caus. liber.). Sopater in Hermogen. et Simplicius in Epict. Hæc patris in liberos majestas ab Attica lege migravit Romam (sub Consulib.); (continues)

The principle of civil law shows it. Fathers once had supreme power over their children, so much so that they had the right of life and death, as masters over slaves (law 11, Digest, On heirs of one's own and statutory heirs; last law, Code, On paternal power; law 1, Theodosian Code, On cases of free status). Sopater on Hermogenes and Simplicius on Epictetus. This majesty of the father over his children passed from Attic law to Rome (under the consuls); (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [Juris civilis ratio demonstrat] ‹anchor: (note from p. 230)› · lemma note continued, in col 455

(continued) Athenis enim Solon legem tulit περὶ τῶν ἀκρίτων, qua filium necare parenti permissum, ut auctor est Sext. Empiric. libro iii, Pyrrhon. Hypoth.

[Nisi habeat in eos domini potestatem] ‹anchor: domini potestatem› · lemma note in col 455 Nisi habeat in eos domini potestatem. Hæc lectio est multorum mss. inter quos sunt duo vetustissimi Regii, et 5 edit. Sic et Lactantius, lib. v, cap. 6, scribit jure dominorum. In 6 scriptis et decem impressis legitur dominii, quæ vox deest in 2 mss. Reg. rec. et 2 vet. edit. Rom.

Unless he has a master's power over them. This is the reading of many manuscripts, among them two very old Royal ones, and of 5 editions. So too Lactantius, book 5, ch. 6, writes "by the right of masters". In 6 written copies and ten printed ones "dominii" is read, a word lacking in 2 later Royal manuscripts and 2 old Roman editions.

[Paterfamilias] ‹anchor: paterfamilias› · lemma note in col 455 Paterfamilias, etc. Quemadmodum paterfamilias dicitur is, qui in domo dominium habet, quamvis filium non habeat: sic servientium quoque solemus appellare familiam, auctore Ulpiano, leg. Pronuntiatio, § Famil. appel., ff. de verb. sig. Et ob id (teste Macrobio) majores omnem dominis invidiam, omnem servis contumeliam detrahentes, dominum patremfamilias, servos familiares appellarunt. Betuleius.

Father of the household, etc. Just as he is called father of the household who has lordship in the house even if he has no son, so too we commonly call those who serve a "household", on the authority of Ulpian, law "Pronuntiatio", § "Familiae appellatio", Digest, On the meaning of words. And for this reason (as Macrobius attests) our ancestors, removing all odium from masters and all insult from slaves, called the master "father of the household" and the slaves "members of the household". Betuleius.

[Et filius manumittitur] ‹anchor: et filius manumittitur› · lemma note in col 455 Et filius manumittitur. Καταχρηστικῶς id quidem. Nam proprie liberi emancipantur, servi manumittuntur. Hoc claret ex tit. 5 Instit. qui est de Libertinis. Illud ex tit. 12, qui docet quibus modis jus patriæ potestatis solvatur. Utrumque quidem a manu, id est imperio dictum. Cæterum emancipandi verbum etiam ad alias res pertinet, de quo videndus est Budæus in Annotation. prioribus. Betul.

And the son is manumitted. That is said by extension. For properly children are emancipated, slaves manumitted. The latter is clear from title 5 of the Institutes, which concerns freedmen; the former from title 12, which teaches in what ways the right of paternal power is dissolved. Both, to be sure, are named from "manus", that is, authority. But the word "emancipate" also applies to other things; on which see Budé in his earlier Annotations. Betuleius.

[Patroni nomen accipit] ‹anchor: patroni nomen accipit› · lemma note in col 455 Patroni nomen accipit. Servis, quibus domini summum libertatis pretium persolvebant, nomen ex se vel alterum, vel etiam tertium dabant. Prænomen Marci Damas Persianus a patrono accepit. Tertii meminit etiam Juvenalis, Tanquam habeas tria nomina. Id est: per manumissionem, ultra servile nomen, prænomen et nomen a patrono acquisiveris. Eodem id modo fiebat, quo hæredes testamento in nomen familiamque adoptabantur. Qui vero a dominis manumittebantur, alii cives Romani fiebant, alii dedititii, alii Latini. De quo post Theophilum Institutionum paraphrastem, vide Politianum cap. 34; Miscel. Alciatum, cap. 14 libri i Parerg.; Alexandrum ab Alexandro libro iv, cap. 10, Genial. dierum. Betul.

He takes the name of his patron. To slaves on whom masters bestowed the supreme reward of freedom they gave from their own names a second, or even a third name. Persius's Dama received the praenomen Marcus from his patron. Juvenal too mentions the third: "As though you had three names." That is: through manumission, besides your slave name, you will have acquired a praenomen and a nomen from your patron. It was done in the same way as heirs were adopted by will into the name and family. Of those freed by their masters, some became Roman citizens, some dediticii, some Latins. On this, after Theophilus the paraphrast of the Institutes, see Politian, Miscellanea ch. 34; Alciato, Parerga book 1, ch. 14; Alessandro d'Alessandro, Genial Days book 4, ch. 10. Betuleius.

[Quia et indulgere] ‹anchor: quia et indulgere› · lemma note in col 455 Quia et indulgere. Ita cum cunctis editis omnes mss. excepto uno Reg. in quo erat a prima manu qui; et sic legere mallem. Vide seq.

Because he can also show indulgence. So all the manuscripts with all the printed editions, except one Royal one in which the first hand had "qui"; and so I would prefer to read. See the following.

[Quia pater est] ‹anchor: quia pater est› · lemma note in col 456 Quia pater est. Additum est ex omnibus fere mss. et plerisque editis.

Because he is father. "Est" is added from almost all manuscripts and most editions.

[Si multi] ‹anchor: si multi› · lemma note in col 456 Si multi. Quare Terentianus ille Servus scire volebat quotnam sibi essent domini. Hinc Philo Judæus post Homerum Iliad. vi, ait bonam non esse multorum dominationem; unus igitur sit dominus, sit unus rex.

If many. That is why the well-known slave in Terence wanted to know how many masters he had. Hence Philo the Jew, after Homer, Iliad 6 [sic], says that the rule of many is not good; so let there be one lord, let there be one king.

[Et incesta] ‹anchor: et incesta› · lemma note in col 456 Et incesta. Mss. 4 rec. et 8 impressi incerta : sed minus bene.

And unchaste. 4 later manuscripts and 8 printed copies have "incerta", uncertain: but less well.

[Incertus] ‹anchor: incertus› · lemma note in col 456 Incertus. Ita omnes scripti, dempto 1 Reg. recentiore, et omnes editi præter 4 quibus est incestus. Recte Thomasius defendit lectionem incertus.

Uncertain. So all the written copies, except 1 later Royal, and all the printed ones except 4, which have "incestus". Thomasius rightly defends the reading "incertus".

[Deus] ‹anchor: Deus› · lemma note in col 456 Deus. Constructio phrasis vitiosa; dicere debuisset : Deum... et amare debemus.

God. The construction of the phrase is faulty; he should have said: "God ... we ought both to love."

[Utramque personam sustinet] ‹anchor: utramque personam sustinet› · lemma note in col 456 Utramque personam sustinet. Sic de Ira c. 23 : Utraque persona in eo venerabilis. Persona, id est, munus, conditio. Sæpe Cicero, personam tenere, sustinere; e. g. l. ii de Oratore cap. 24 : Tres personas unus sustineo... meam, adversarii, judicis. Bun.

He sustains both roles. So On the Anger of God ch. 23: "Both roles in him are to be revered." "Persona", that is, office, condition. Cicero often has "to hold, to sustain a role"; for example On the Orator book 2, ch. 24: "I alone sustain three roles ... my own, my opponent's, the judge's." Bünemann.

[Et timere, quia servi] ‹anchor: et timere quia servi› · lemma note in col 456 Et timere, quia servi. Timor apud Prophetas fere reverentiam majestatis divinæ, adeoque religionem significat: cum Apostolus timorem cum Philosophis mali opinionem dicat, quam odium comitatur, juxta tragicum illud tyrannicumque : Oderint, dum metuant. Hoc modo Dominum timent, qui non bonitatem ejus inestimabilem, sed justitiam inevitabilem considerant : non ut salvatorem amant, sed ut judicem et quasi Væjovem quemdam extimescunt. Timorem autem idem cum religione apud Prophetam et Sapientem esse, testatur Græca translatio : εὐσέβειαν, id est, religionem (sic enim Tertull. interpretatur) idem quod est sapientia, dicit. Pari modo exponunt etiam oraculum Propheticum, πνεῦμα γνώσεως καὶ εὐσεβείας ἐμπλήσει αὐτόν. Ex his facile colligere est, qua significatione utrinque timoris vox accipienda sit; nec sine Scripturæ exemplo Lactantium timorem, hoc est, religionem cum sapientia tam arcto vinculo copulasse. Videtur autem Lactantius alludere ad illud Malach. I : Filius honorat Patrem et servus dominum suum. Si ergo pater ego sum, ubi est honor meus? et si Dominus ego sum, ubi est timor meus? Quo loco procul dubio timoris nomen pro veneratione accipiendum est, et sollicitudine, ne is offendatur per nos, quem summo studio colimus et amamus; et id ipsius, non nostri causa. Betuleius.

And fear him, because we are servants. Fear in the Prophets generally means reverence for the divine majesty, and so religion: whereas the Apostle, with the philosophers, calls fear an expectation of evil, which hatred accompanies, according to that tragic and tyrannical saying: "Let them hate, provided they fear." In this way they fear the Lord who consider not his inestimable goodness but his inescapable justice: they do not love him as Saviour, but dread him as judge and as a kind of Vejovis. That fear is the same as religion in the Prophet and the Wise Man is attested by the Greek translation: it says that piety, that is, religion (for so Tertullian renders it), is the same as wisdom. In the same way they also expound the prophetic oracle, "he will fill him with the spirit of knowledge and piety." From this it is easy to gather in what sense the word fear is to be taken in both places; and that not without the example of Scripture has Lactantius joined fear, that is religion, with wisdom in so close a bond. Lactantius seems moreover to allude to Malachi 1: "A son honours his father and a servant his master. If then I am a father, where is my honour? and if I am a master, where is my fear?" In which place without doubt the word fear is to be taken for veneration, and for anxiety lest he whom we worship and love with the greatest zeal be offended by us; and that for his sake, not ours. Betuleius.

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. Page foot also prints the signature line "PATROL. VI." and "15" (not notes). --> [Quamvis diversa esse videatur] ‹anchor: diversa esse videatur› · lemma note in col 457 Quamvis diversa esse videatur Ita potiores mss. et quamplures editi. Scripti recentiores cum 5 vulgatis videantur.

Although it may seem to be different. So the better manuscripts and very many editions. The more recent written copies, with 5 printed ones, have "videantur".

[Filiis abdicatis, aut servis fugitivis] ‹anchor: abdicati ... fugitivi› · lemma note in col 457 Filiis abdicatis, aut servis fugitivis. Mos erat Græcorum, ut liberi qui voluntati paternæ ac honestis moribus tenaciter repugnarent, a parentibus abdicarentur, probata apud judicem abdicationis causa. Apud Lucianum et Quintilianum in Declamationibus leguntur abdicationis causæ. Abdicatus autem carebat alimentis et omni ope a patre in vita, et post mortem successione in bonis. De abdicatione mentio apud Aristotelem in fine octavi Ethicor. Senec. lib. iii Controvers. Hic mos non est permissus ad Romanos transire, ut in leg. Abdicatio Cod. de patern. potestate, quam declarat et restituit Alciatus secundo, dispunctione cap. 28. Isæus. — Fugitivorum servorum pœna fuit pugna cum bestiis. Cujus rei exemplum est Androdus servus apud Gellium lib. v, cap. 14. Quamquam stigmatibus notatos legimus a dominis eos clementiore pœna. Betuleius.

Disowned sons, or runaway slaves. It was the custom of the Greeks that children who stubbornly resisted their father's will and decent morals were disowned by their parents, once the cause for disowning had been proved before a judge. In Lucian and in Quintilian's Declamations cases of disowning are to be read. The disowned son lacked maintenance and all help from his father in life, and after his death succession to his goods. Disowning is mentioned in Aristotle at the end of Ethics book 8; Seneca, Controversiae book 3. This custom was not allowed to pass to the Romans, as in the law "Abdicatio", Code, On paternal power, which Alciato explains and restores in Dispunctiones book 2, ch. 28. Isaeus. — The punishment of runaway slaves was fighting with beasts; an example of this is the slave Androdus in Gellius book 5, ch. 14. Though we read that masters branded them with marks, a milder punishment. Betuleius.

[Accipient] ‹anchor: accipient› · lemma note in col 457 Accipient. Sic reposui ex cunctis fere mss. et edit. Cellar. et in altero membro sequitur, effugient. In 4 Reg. et Jun., est accipiunt.

They will receive. So I have restored it from almost all manuscripts and Cellarius's edition; and in the other member "effugient" follows. In 4 Royal and Junius it is "accipiunt".

[Plato.... et M. Tullius] ‹anchor: ut Plato ... et M. Tullius› · lemma note in col 457, running into col 458 Plato.... et M. Tullius. Ille præcipue in Tim., hic vero in i de Legib. Vide et Eusebium de Præparat. Evangel. lib. ii, cap. 15. — M. Tullius, qui fatetur hominem præclara. Cicero de Legibus lib. i, cap. 7. Animal hoc providum, sagax, multiplex, acutum, memor, plenum rationis et consilii, quem vocamus hominem, præclara quadam conditione generatum est a supremo Deo. Cell.

Plato ... and M. Tullius. The former especially in the Timaeus, the latter in On the Laws book 1. See also Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel book 2, ch. 15. — M. Tullius, who acknowledges that man [was begotten] in a noble [condition]: Cicero, On the Laws book 1, ch. 7: "This provident, shrewd, many-sided, keen animal, mindful, full of reason and counsel, which we call man, has been begotten by the supreme God in a certain noble condition." Cellarius.

[Qui creavit] ‹anchor: qui creavit› · lemma note in col 458 Qui creavit. Id est, genuit, generavit, ut infra c. 8. Sic Phædrus, lib. i, fab. 6, fin., Si crearit liberos. Bun.

Who begot. That is, bore, begot, as below ch. 8. So Phaedrus, book 1, fable 6, at the end: "If he should beget children." Bünemann.

[Fictum esse a diis hominem] ‹anchor: fictum esse a diis hominem› · lemma note in col 458 Fictum esse a diis hominem. Mss. 7 rec. ab iis; Regio-Put. et 8 impressi ab his.

That man was fashioned by the gods. 7 later manuscripts: "ab iis"; Regio-Put. and 8 printed copies: "ab his".

[Qui habet vitæ ac necis] ‹anchor: qui habet vitæ ac necis› · lemma note in col 458 Qui habet vitæ ac necis, etc. Alludit ad antiquam dominorum in servos potestatem, quibus vitæ necisque potestas fuit : quæ postea Imp. Antonini constitutione prohibita fuit, ne sine causa legibus cognita in servos suos supra modum sævirent; ut est in Instit. de his qui sunt sui vel alieni juris. lib. i. Cod. de emend. serv. At Deus non modo necis potestatem habet, sed etiam post necem, ut est apud Lucam capite xii, conjiciendi in gehennam. Betuleius.

Who has [power] of life and death, etc. He alludes to the ancient power of masters over slaves, who had the power of life and death: this was afterwards forbidden by a constitution of the Emperor Antoninus, so that they should not rage beyond measure against their slaves without a cause recognized by the laws; as in the Institutes, On those who are in their own power or another's, book 1; Code, On the correction of slaves. But God has not only the power of death, but also, after death, as in Luke ch. 12, of casting into Gehenna. Betuleius.

[Diduci] ‹anchor: diduci› · lemma note in col 458 Diduci. Ita noster de Opif., c. 9 : Quum acies oculi utriusque diducitur. Seneca ep. 113 : Separati esse debent. Ita alter ab altero debet esse diductus, ut duo sint. Idem de Vita Beata, cap. 6 : Negant voluptatem a virtute posse diduci. Bun.

To be drawn apart. So our author, On the Workmanship of God, ch. 9: "When the sight of each eye is drawn apart." Seneca, letter 113: "They must be separate. So the one must be drawn apart from the other, so that they are two." The same, On the Happy Life, ch. 6: "They deny that pleasure can be drawn apart from virtue." Bünemann.

[Sub velamine stultitiæ] ‹anchor: sub velamine stultitiæ› · lemma note in col 458 Sub velamine stultitiæ. Isæus, sub velamine justitiæ, (continues)

Under the veil of folly. Isaeus: "under the veil of justice", (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [Sub velamine stultitiæ] ‹anchor: (note from p. 232)› · lemma note continued, in col 459

(continued) vitiose. Vid. not. cap. 2. Cujus (stultitiæ) velamento. Plures edd. antiquæ etiam hic, sub velamento.

[Multique scriptos libros] ‹anchor: multique scriptos libros› · lemma note in col 459 Multique scriptos libros, etc. Ita scripto cum vet. excusis 8, et omnibus mss. præter 1 Reg. rec. et 5 edit. qui ferunt, scriptores. Ex iis qui ante Lactantii tempora de Judaicis rebus scripserunt, nihil quod ego sciam, extat, præter Josephi scripta, et quæ Philonis titulo circumferuntur, et Egesippi quinque libros cum anacephalæosi. Justus quidam ex Tyberiade Galilæus ad imitationem Josephi scripsit : qui tamen ab ipso Josepho notatus fuit mendacii, ut Hieronymus in Catologo Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum refert. Περὶ τῆς ἀρχαιγονίας Moseos et Judaicæ gentis scripserunt Aristobulus, Demetrius, et Eupolemus, quæ et ipsa Hieronymi etiam temporibus interierunt. De vitis Prophetarum interiit Melitonis Asiani liber. Extat Epiphanii, Constantiæ Cypri episcopi, de vitis Prophetarum liber. Habemus Synopsin Theodori et Dorothei; et Chronicus est etiam tertius Theophili sermo. Betuleius.

And many written books, etc. So I write with 8 old printed copies and all the manuscripts except 1 later Royal and 5 editions, which have "writers". Of those who wrote on Jewish affairs before Lactantius's time nothing, so far as I know, survives except the writings of Josephus, those that circulate under the name of Philo, and the five books of Hegesippus with a recapitulation. A certain Justus of Tiberias, a Galilean, wrote in imitation of Josephus; but he was branded a liar by Josephus himself, as Jerome reports in the Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers. Aristobulus, Demetrius and Eupolemus wrote "on the ancient origins" of Moses and the Jewish nation, and these too perished already in Jerome's time. The book of Melito of Asia on the lives of the Prophets has perished. There survives a book on the lives of the Prophets by Epiphanius, bishop of Constantia in Cyprus. We have the Synopsis of Theodore and Dorotheus; and the third discourse of Theophilus is also a chronicle. Betuleius.

[Septingentis fere annis] ‹anchor: septingentis fere annis› · lemma note in col 459, running into col 460 Septingentis fere annis. Sic restitui ex edit. 2 vet. Rom. et Is. aliisque multis in marg. necnon ex 30 et amplius mss. quorum duo sunt veterrimi : quod ad veriorem (ut plerique existimant) chronologiam propius accedit, quam nongentis vel nongentos recentiorum 4 Reg., 5 Vatic., 1 Sorbon., 1 Clarom. et Marm. a prima manu atque 11 excusorum. At puto utramque hanc supputationem mendosam esse : Bucholceri probabiliorem judico, qui putat Moysen trojanum bellum 415 vel circiter antecessisse. Eutropius 410 annos intercessisse existimat. Gallæus. — Nongentis fere annis. Eadem fere Porphyrii impii ratio annorum fuit, qui teste Eusebio 800 pene et quinquaginta annis Trojano bello Mosen seniorem fecit. Cæterum ipse Eusebius in Chronicis, Porphyrii errorem castigans, 328 annos inter Mosis ducatum et Trojanum excidium ponit : sed in ipsa Eusebii Chronologia invenio annos 347. Atque idem Eusebius de Præparat. Evang., libro x, capite 3. Inde, inquit, a captivitate Trojana, si quadringentos ascendendo annos auferas, ad Mosen et terrigenam Cecropem devenies. Cyrillus, lib. i contra Julianum refert, Trojam expugnatam post Mosen 410 annis, judicante apud Hebræos Esebone (vel Abesam). Sed ex Phrygionis Chronico, inter Mosis ducatum et Trojanum excidium non plures quam 322 annos intercessisse invenio. Nam Mosen ponit anno ab orbe condito 2454, Trojanum vero excidium 2775. Ex Beda Anglosaxone colligo annos 308. Labdonem judicem Hebræorum, cujus anno tertio Trojam captam scribit, anno 2708. Augustinus præterea, libro xviii Civit. Dei, cap. 8, quædam de Mosis ætate scribit. Betuleius. — Sed tota hæc tempora supputandi ratio non est adeo facilis, propter differentias in examinandis judicum temporibus. Verum hæc ad chronologiæ studiosos non Theologos spectant. Quidquid enim dicas, Moyses ad minus trecentis et amplius annis Bello Trojano prior est. Quidam tamen, ut Pezeronius atque Vossius his ultimis sæculis septuaginta Interpretes secuti, opinantur Mosem excidio Trojano septingentis circiter vetustiorem fuisse. Sed hæc ad alios mittimus.

About seven hundred years. So I have restored it from the 2 old Roman editions and Isaeus and many others in the margin, and also from 30 and more manuscripts, two of them very old: which comes closer to the truer chronology (as most think) than "nine hundred" in the later 4 Royal, 5 Vatican, 1 Sorbonne, 1 Clermont and the Marm. at first hand, and in 11 printed copies. But I think both these reckonings are faulty: I judge more probable that of Bucholcer, who thinks Moses preceded the Trojan war by 415 years or about. Eutropius reckons 410 years intervened. Gallaeus. — About nine hundred years: almost the same was the reckoning of the impious Porphyry, who, as Eusebius attests, made Moses older than the Trojan war by nearly 850 years. But Eusebius himself in the Chronicle, correcting Porphyry's error, puts 328 years between the leadership of Moses and the fall of Troy; yet in Eusebius's own Chronology I find 347 years. And the same Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel book 10, ch. 3: "From the capture of Troy," he says, "if you go back four hundred years, you will come to Moses and the earth-born Cecrops." Cyril, Against Julian book 1, reports that Troy was taken 410 years after Moses, when Esebon (or Abesam) was judge among the Hebrews. But from the Chronicle of Phrygio I find that no more than 322 years passed between the leadership of Moses and the fall of Troy. For he puts Moses in the year of the world 2454 and the fall of Troy in 2775. From Bede the Anglo-Saxon I gather 308 years: he writes that Troy was taken in the third year of Labdon, judge of the Hebrews, in the year 2708. Augustine moreover, City of God book 18, ch. 8, writes some things on the age of Moses. Betuleius. — But the whole method of reckoning these times is not so easy, because of the differences in establishing the times of the judges. These matters, however, concern students of chronology, not theologians. Whatever you say, Moses is earlier than the Trojan War by at least three hundred years and more. Some, however, like Pezron and Vossius in these latest centuries, following the Seventy Translators, think Moses was about seven hundred years older than the fall of Troy. But we leave these matters to others.

[Jesum] ‹anchor: Jesum› · lemma note in col 460 Jesum. Sic lego cum 2 vet. Rom. editis et omnibus mss. præter 2 rec. in quibus est Josue; 1 alii Josua; 1 alteri Josuam; editis 9, Josuem.

Jesus. So I read with the 2 old Roman editions and all the manuscripts except 2 later ones, which have "Josue"; 1 other has "Josua"; another 1 "Josuam"; 9 editions "Josuem".

[Septem et viginti] ‹anchor: septem et viginti› · lemma note in col 460 Septem et viginti. In ea supputatione ducatus Josuæ non concordant inter se Chronologi. Sed hæc ad alios.

Twenty-seven. In this reckoning of Joshua's leadership the chronologers do not agree among themselves. But this is for others.

[Sub judicibus fuerunt per annos trecentos septuaginta] ‹anchor: sub judicibus fuerunt› · lemma note in col 460 Sub judicibus fuerunt per annos trecentos septuaginta. Ms. Pal. ccclxxx. At Scriptura Act. XIII, 20, dicit, Quadringentos et quinquaginta annos.

They were under judges for three hundred and seventy years. The Palatine manuscript: 380. But Scripture, Acts 13:20, says "four hundred and fifty years".

[Per annos quadringentos quinquaginta] ‹anchor: per annos quadringentos quinquaginta› · lemma note in col 460 Per annos quadringentos quinquaginta. Sic restitui Lactantio ex mss. 7 Vatic., 6 Reg. quorum duo sunt antiquissimi, Cauc., Jun., 4 Colbert., Nav., Vict., Gat., Torn., Ultr., Em., 1 Clarom., Brun. Multum hic variant mss. In 2 Bon. est quadringentos quadraginta; in 5 Vatic., 4 Reg., Pen. et in 15 excusis, quadringentos sexaginta; in 1 Colbert. et ed. Spark. quadringenta lxx., mendose; in 1 Reg., 1 Clarom., 1 Sorbon. est solummodo per annos quadringentos. Sed quamlibet lectionem sequaris, cum chronologis non conveniunt hi calculi. Vide, si lubet, Concordiam Regum et Paralipomenon Joan. Bapt. le Brun, Parisiis editam anno 1691, vel saltem Tabulam Chronologicam ei præfixam.

For four hundred and fifty years. So I have restored it to Lactantius from the manuscripts: 7 Vatican, 6 Royal, two of which are very old, Cauc., Junius, 4 Colbert, Nav., Vict., Gat., Torn., Ultr., Em., 1 Clermont, Brun. The manuscripts vary much here. In 2 Bologna it is "four hundred and forty"; in 5 Vatican, 4 Royal, Pen. and 15 printed copies, "four hundred and sixty"; in 1 Colbert and the Sparke edition "four hundred and 70", faultily; in 1 Royal, 1 Clermont, 1 Sorbonne it is only "for four hundred years". But whichever reading you follow, these figures do not agree with the chronologers. See, if you please, the Concord of Kings and Chronicles by Jean-Baptiste Le Brun, published at Paris in 1691, or at least the Chronological Table prefixed to it.

[Capti Judæi] ‹anchor: capti Judæi› · lemma note in col 460 Capti Judæi. De hoc vide iv Reg. cap. 25; Jerem., xxxix et lii.

The Jews taken captive. On this see 4 Kings ch. 25; Jeremiah 39 and 52.

[Septuagesimo post anno eos] ‹anchor: septuagesimo post anno eos› · lemma note in col 460 Septuagesimo post anno eos, etc. Id quod a Jeremia prædictum fuerat : Post anno eos Cyrus major terris ac sedibus. Edit. Sublac. habet, post annos Cyrus major captivos Judæos terris ac sedibus. Et vero pro eos 31 mss. et 6 editi habent captivos Judæos, quod a Lactantio scriptum fuisse nusquam in animum induxerim; siquidem mox præcessit captique Judæi. — Cyrus in Persas cœpit imperium Olympiade lxi, anno ante vulgarem æram 536.

In the seventieth year after, them, etc. As had been foretold by Jeremiah: "[In the seventieth] year after, Cyrus the elder [restored] them to their lands and homes." The Subiaco edition has "after years Cyrus the elder [restored] the captive Jews to their lands and homes." And indeed for "eos" 31 manuscripts and 6 editions have "the captive Jews", which I could never bring myself to believe Lactantius wrote, since "and the Jews taken captive" came just before. — Cyrus began his rule over the Persians in Olympiad 61, in the year 536 before the common era.

[Romæ Tarquinius Superbus] ‹anchor: Romæ Tarquinius Superbus› · lemma note in col 460 Romæ Tarquinius Superbus. Vide Orosium lib. ii, cap. 6. Consentiunt Eusebius et Beda. Sed constat Zorobabelem Judæorum ducem Jehosua pontifice fuisse, anno Servii Tullii trigesimo secundo, qui fuit annus ab Urbe cond. 207, Orbis conditi 3417, Olympiade lviii. Cæterum Tarquinii tempore a Cambyse templi ædificatio interdicta fuit, et a Dario rursus concessa. Betul.

At Rome Tarquin the Proud. See Orosius book 2, ch. 6. Eusebius and Bede agree. But it is established that Zerubbabel was leader of the Jews, with Jeshua as high priest, in the thirty-second year of Servius Tullius, which was the year 207 from the founding of the City, 3417 from the founding of the world, Olympiad 58. In the time of Tarquin, however, the building of the temple was forbidden by Cambyses, and permitted again by Darius. Betuleius.

[Cecinisse] ‹anchor: cecinisse› · lemma note in col 460 Cecinisse. Id est, prophetavisse.

To have sung. That is, to have prophesied.

[Adeo antiquiores] ‹anchor: adeo antiquiores› · lemma note in col 460 Adeo antiquiores, etc. Prophetas Græcis scriptoribus antiquiores esse, docent Theophilus ad Autolycum Serm. 3, Justinus Martyr ad Gentes. Josephus contra Appionem, Eusebius libro x de Præparat. Evang. cap. 3, Augustinus libro xviii de Civitate Dei, capite 37. Pythagoras, qui cum postremis prophetarum floruit, inter primos et antiquissimos Græcorum fuit.

So much older, etc. That the Prophets are older than the Greek writers is taught by Theophilus to Autolycus, discourse 3, Justin Martyr to the Gentiles, Josephus against Apion, Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel book 10, ch. 3, Augustine, City of God book 18, ch. 37. Pythagoras, who flourished with the last of the prophets, was among the first and most ancient of the Greeks.

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [Adoriretur] ‹anchor: adoriretur› · lemma note in col 461 Adoriretur. Legere mallem cum mss. Jun. et 1 Clarom., adordiretur. Gall.

Should undertake. I would rather read, with the Junius manuscript and 1 Clermont, "adordiretur". Gallaeus.

[Sanctum et incorruptibilem] ‹anchor: sanctum et incorruptibilem› · lemma note in col 461 Sanctum et incorruptibilem. Mss. Jun. Pen. et 1 Colbert. in marg. edit. Paris. 1525, Ald., Graph., Is., addunt et incomprehensibilem; unde edit. Rom. 1470, inreprehensibilem; mss. 4 Reg. rec., 4 Colb., Cauc., octo alii et 8 excusi irreprehensibilem. Hæc autem dictio abest ab antiquioribus et potioribus mss. 2 Bonon., 2 Reg., 3 al. Reg. rec., Tax., 1 Sorbon., 1 Clarom. et edit. Thys. et Gall. Quod hic dicit Lactantius, Sanctum et incorruptibilem spiritum genuit, quem filium nuncuparet, cave ne intelligas Spiritum sanctum esse Filium, sed sicut dicitur, quod Deus spiritus est.

Holy and incorruptible. The manuscripts Junius, Pen. and 1 Colbert, and in the margin the Paris edition of 1525, the Aldine, Gryphius and Isaeus, add "and incomprehensible"; whence the Roman edition of 1470 has "inreprehensibilem"; 4 later Royal manuscripts, 4 Colbert, Cauc., eight others and 8 printed copies have "irreprehensibilem" (blameless). But this word is absent from the older and better manuscripts, 2 Bologna, 2 Royal, 3 other later Royal, Tax., 1 Sorbonne, 1 Clermont, and from the Thysius and Gallaeus editions. When Lactantius says here "He begot a holy and incorruptible spirit, whom he would call son", beware of understanding that the Holy Spirit is the Son; but it is said as it is said that "God is spirit".

[Per ipsum creavisset] ‹anchor: per ipsum creavisset› · lemma note in col 461 Per ipsum creavisset. Duas illas dictiones per ipsum, addendas censeo, ut dicatur, Deum per filium suum fecisse mundum, ut etiam docent SS. Scriptores Johannes et Paulus. Hæ duæ dictiones per ipsum legnntur in mss. 2 Bonon., Cauc., 7 Reg. et 20 aliis, necnon in editis 2 vet. Rom. et sex aliis. Nonnulli scripti et excusi habent, per se ipsum : absunt autem a 3 Reg., 1 Clarom. et editis Gymn. et Fasitel.

Had created through him. I judge that the two words "per ipsum" should be added, so that it is said that God made the world through his Son, as the holy writers John and Paul also teach. These two words are read in the manuscripts 2 Bologna, Cauc., 7 Royal and 20 others, and also in the 2 old Roman editions and six others. Some written and printed copies have "per se ipsum"; but they are absent from 3 Royal, 1 Clermont and the Gymnicus and Fasitelius editions.

[Divini nominis appellatione] ‹anchor: divini nominis appellatione› · lemma note in col 461 Divini nominis appellatione, etc. Imo hoc a natura habet, non ex eo quod dignatus sit illum divini nominis appellatione. Gallæus.

With the title of the divine name, etc. Rather, he has this by nature, not from the fact that he deigned [to honour] him with the title of the divine name. Gallaeus.

[Trismegisti] ‹anchor: Trismegisti› · lemma note in col 461 Trismegisti. Τρισμέγιστος, ter maximus. Hæc in Asclep. cap. 4. De Hermetis Trismegisti auctoritate multa scribit Augustinus Steuchus lib. vii Perennis philosophiæ. Betuleius.

Of Trismegistus. Trismegistos, thrice greatest. These words are in the Asclepius, ch. 4. On the authority of Hermes Trismegistus Agostino Steuco writes much in book 7 of the Perennial Philosophy. Betuleius.

[Ὁ λόγος τέλειος] ‹anchor: ὁ λόγος τέλειος› · lemma note in col 461 Ὁ λόγος τέλειος. Lat. Verbum perfectum.

The perfect discourse. Latin: the perfect Word.

[Ὁ Κύριος] ‹anchor: ὁ Κύριος› · lemma note in col 461 Ὁ Κύριος, etc. Latine : Dominus atque omnium creator, quem Deum vocare censemus, quia secundum Deum fecit visibilem et sensibilem. Sensibilem autem assero, non ideo quia ipse sentit (hoc enim non est, utrum ipse sentiat), sed quia ipse in sensum mittit et mentem. Quoniam ergo hunc fecit primum, et solum, et unum, pulcher autem ei visus est, et plenissimus omnium bonorum, sanctificavitque et amavit valde quasi proprium filium.

The Lord, etc. In Latin: "The Lord and creator of all, whom we think right to call God, since he made a second God, visible and perceptible. I say perceptible, not because he himself perceives (for the question is not whether he himself perceives), but because he sends into sense and mind. Since then he made him first, and alone, and one, and he seemed to him beautiful and most full of all good things, he both hallowed him and loved him greatly as his own son."

[Principio] ‹anchor: principio› · lemma note in col 461 Principio. Hæc vide apud Theophil. lib. ii, ad Autolyc.

In the beginning. See these things in Theophilus, To Autolycus book 2.

[Παντοτρόφον] ‹anchor: παντοτρόφον› · lemma note in col 461, running into col 462 Παντοτρόφον. De Sibyllinis carminib. vide supra lib. i, cap. 6, pag. 28, ubi quid de iis sit sentiendum legitur. Latine : Omnium nutritorem creatoremque, qui dulcem spiritum (omnibus Apposuit, ac principem omnium Deum fecit.

All-nourishing. On the Sibylline verses see above, book 1, ch. 6, p. 28, where it is stated what is to be thought of them. In Latin: "The nourisher and creator of all, who put his sweet spirit into all, and made God the ruler of all."

[Θεὸν] ‹anchor: Θεὸν› · lemma note in col 462 Θεὸν. Sic restitui ex 2 vetustissimis mss. Regiis, 1 Sorbon., 3 Colbert., Brun. et edit. Rom. 1468, ac Gymnic. Et malo legere Θεὸν cum Opsopœio, eo quod Lactantius filium Dei Ducem et Imperatorem dicat omnium, quam Θεῶν deorum ex recentioribus mss. et impressis. Sibyllar. serm. 3.

God. So I have restored it from the 2 very old Royal manuscripts, 1 Sorbonne, 3 Colbert, Brun., and the Roman edition of 1468 and Gymnicus. And I prefer to read "God" with Opsopoeus, because Lactantius calls the Son of God Leader and Commander of all, rather than "of gods" with the more recent manuscripts and printed copies. Sibylline Oracles, discourse 3.

[Ἀλλ' ὄν] ‹anchor: ἀλλ' ὄν› · lemma note in col 462 Ἀλλ' ὄν. Ita reposui ex mss. 4 Regiis, quorum duo sunt antiquissimi, 2 Colbert., 1 Clarom., 1 Brun. aliisque. Et sic Opsopœius legebat. In codice Sibyllino mutilus est hic versus. Sed quem dedit Deus fidelibus viris honorare. Sibyllar. sermone 8.

But whom. So I have restored it from 4 Royal manuscripts, two of which are very old, 2 Colbert, 1 Clermont, 1 Brun. and others. And so Opsopoeus read. In the Sibylline book this verse is mutilated. "But whom God gave to faithful men to honour." Sibylline Oracles, discourse 8.

[Αὐτὸν σόν] ‹anchor: αὐτὸν σόν› · lemma note in col 462 Αὐτὸν σόν. Sic iidem mss. et edit. In 1 Clarom. et edit. Rom. 1468 est σου. Lat. Ipsum tuum cognosce Deum, qui Dei Filius est.

Him, your own. So the same manuscripts and editions. In 1 Clermont and the Roman edition of 1468 it is "σου". Latin: "Know him, your God, who is the Son of God."

[Videlicet ipse est Dei filius] ‹anchor: ipse est Dei filius› · lemma note in col 462 Videlicet ipse est Dei filius. Ita mss. antiquissimi 2 Bonon., 2 Reg., 2 al. Regii, Tax., Pen. et editi quinque. In Cauc. Jun. et 18 scriptis rec. atque octo excusis additur et.

Namely, he is the Son of God. So the very old manuscripts 2 Bologna, 2 Royal, 2 other Royal, Tax., Pen., and five editions. In Cauc., Junius and 18 later written copies and eight printed ones "et" is added.

[Deus condidit me] ‹anchor: Deus condidit me› · lemma note in col 462 Deus condidit me, etc. Locus ex cap. viii Proverbior., v. 22 usque ad 31. Et satis sit semel moneri lectorem, quod Lactantius quæ promit loca sacræ Scripturæ, ea fere, ut cæteri antiqui Patres, ex versione Septuaginta Interpretum promit. Isæus. — Condidit, juxta textum Hebræum lege, possidebat me ab initio, etc. quod doctrinam catholicam de Verbi æternitate confirmat. Sed hæc omnia ad primævum textum sunt referenda.

God founded me, etc. The passage is from Proverbs ch. 8, v. 22 to 31. And let it suffice to warn the reader once that the passages of Holy Scripture Lactantius brings forward he brings forward, like the other ancient Fathers, generally from the version of the Seventy Translators. Isaeus. — For "founded", according to the Hebrew text read "possessed me from the beginning", etc., which confirms the Catholic doctrine of the eternity of the Word. But all this must be referred to the original text.

[Et fines inhabitabiles] ‹anchor: et fines inhabitabiles› · lemma note in col 462 Et fines inhabitabiles. Sic restitui ex omnibus mss. codicibus, cum in excusis habeatur, et terras inhabitabiles.

And the uninhabitable bounds. So I have restored it from all the manuscript books, whereas the printed ones have "and the uninhabitable lands".

[Cum confirmatos poneret montes] ‹anchor: cum confirmatos poneret montes› · lemma note in col 462 Cum confirmatos poneret montes. Librorum omnium editorum est hæc lectio, eamque requirunt præcedentia. Ponebat manuscriptorum est. Apud Septuaginta, Tertullianum et Cyprianum legitur, ponebat fontes; in 1. Colbert. rec. ponebat ventos.

When he set the mountains firm. This is the reading of all the printed books, and what precedes requires it. "Ponebat" is the manuscripts' reading. In the Septuagint, Tertullian and Cyprian one reads "he set the springs"; in 1 later Colbert, "he set the winds".

[Penes illum disponens] ‹anchor: penes illum disponens› · lemma note in col 462 Penes illum disponens. Ms. Brun., Penes illum cuncta disponens; 1 Colb., contra, pro, cuncta.

Beside him, setting in order. The Brun. manuscript: "beside him setting all things in order"; 1 Colbert has "contra" for "cuncta".

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [Δημιουργὸν τοῦ θεοῦ] ‹anchor: δημιουργὸν τοῦ θεοῦ› · lemma note in col 463 Δημιουργὸν τοῦ θεοῦ. Latine, Opificem Dei. Trismegistus in Pimandro c. 1. Demiurgon etiam Irenæus loco jam citato vocat, et alibi sæpe Valentinianorum animalem demiurgum confutans, et Apostolus cap. ii ad Hebr. Betuleius.

Craftsman of God. In Latin, "the Maker of God". Trismegistus in the Poimandres ch. 1. Irenaeus too calls him Demiurge in the passage already cited, and often elsewhere when refuting the animal demiurge of the Valentinians; and so the Apostle, Hebrews ch. 2. Betuleius.

[Σύμβουλον] ‹anchor: σύμβουλον› · lemma note in col 463 Σύμβουλον. Latine, Consiliatorem, ex mss. 1 Colb., 1 Lips., Brun. Qua voce usus est Lactantius infra lib. iv, cap. 11.

Counsellor. In Latin "Consiliator", from the manuscripts 1 Colbert, 1 Leipzig, Brun. Lactantius used this word below, book 4, ch. 11.

[Quod tanta sapientia et virtute sit instructus] ‹anchor: tanta sapientia et virtute› · lemma note in col 463 Quod tanta sapientia et virtute sit instructus. Ita reposui ex omnibus mss. præterquam in 1 Colbert. cui est quot; corrupte, pro quod.

Because he is furnished with such wisdom and power. So I have restored it from all the manuscripts except 1 Colbert, which has "quot", corruptly, for "quod".

[Fortasse quærat aliquis] ‹anchor: fortasse quærat aliquis› · lemma note in col 463 Fortasse quærat aliquis. Parrh., Junt., Ald., Crat., Gymn., in futuro, fortasse quæret aliquis, et probat Heumannus, quia et alibi ita loquatur. Recte quidem; sed alterum, fortasse quærat, æque rectum, et hic nititur auctoritate mss. Lips., Goth., Gryph., Torn., Betul., Thomas. et reliquorum. Lact. l. i, c. 3 et l. iv, c. 26 : Dicat fortasse aliquis. Ibid. 29 : Fortasse quærat aliquis. De Ira c. 15 : Hic fortasse quærat aliquis. Plura noto ad Epitom. c. 29. Bun.

Someone may perhaps ask. Parrhasius, the Juntine, the Aldine, Cratander and Gymnicus have the future, "someone will perhaps ask", and Heumann approves it, because he speaks thus elsewhere too. Rightly indeed; but the other, "may perhaps ask", is equally correct, and here rests on the authority of the Leipzig and Gotha manuscripts, Gryphius, Tornesius, Betuleius, Thomasius and the rest. Lactantius book 1, ch. 3 and book 4, ch. 26: "Someone may perhaps say." Ibid. 29: "Someone may perhaps ask." On the Anger of God ch. 15: "Here someone may perhaps ask." I note more at Epitome ch. 29. Bünemann.

[Virtute construxerit] ‹anchor: virtute construxerit› · lemma note in col 463 Virtute construxerit. Ita mss. et editi. Francius, forte virtus.

Built by power. So the manuscripts and editions. Francius: perhaps "virtus".

[Scire nos convenit, nomen ejus ne Angelis quidem notum esse] ‹anchor: scire nos convenit› · lemma note in col 463 Scire nos convenit, nomen ejus ne Angelis quidem notum esse. Quæ lectio majorem auctoritatem habet ex mss. 10 Reg. quorum duo sunt veterrimi, 6 Colb. sexque aliis et edit. 2 vet. Rom. et Betul. In 2 Reg. pro ne est nec. In Cauc., Jun., Lips., Pal. et 4 edit., neque; in 4 excusis Ald., Paris. 1525, Crat. Graph. scire nomen ejus non convenit hominibus, neque Angelis quidem notum est.

We should know that his name is not known even to the Angels. This reading has the greater authority, from 10 Royal manuscripts, two of which are very old, 6 Colbert and six others, and the 2 old Roman editions and Betuleius. In 2 Royal, "nec" for "ne". In Cauc., Junius, Leipzig, Palatine and 4 editions, "neque"; in 4 printed copies, the Aldine, Paris 1525, Cratander, Gryphius: "it is not fitting for men to know his name, nor is it known even to the Angels."

[Ne Angelis quidem] ‹anchor: ne Angelis quidem› · lemma note in col 463 Ne Angelis quidem. Quia, ut ait Paulus ad Philipp. cap. 2, dedit illi nomen quod est super omne nomen.

Not even to the Angels. Because, as Paul says to the Philippians ch. 2, "he gave him the name which is above every name."

[Αἰτία] ‹anchor: αἰτία› · lemma note in col 463 Αἰτία. Latine : Causa autem hujus causæ est divini boni voluntas, quæ Deum protulit, cujus nomen non potest humano ore dici.

Cause. In Latin: "The cause of this cause is the will of the divine good, which brought forth God, whose name cannot be spoken by human mouth."

[Θείου ἀγαθοῦ] ‹anchor: θείου ἀγαθοῦ› · lemma note in col 463 Θείου ἀγαθοῦ. In paucis admodum Θεοῦ. Ed. Tornes. in marg. Dei, ex ms.

Of the divine good. In a very few, "of God". The Tornesius edition in the margin: "of God", from a manuscript.

[Ἔστι] ‹anchor: ἔστι› · lemma note in col 463 Ἔστι, etc. Latine : Est, o fili, secretus quidam sermo sapientiæ, sanctus circa solum Dominum omnium, et Domini ante mente percipientis (percepti) quem dicere supra hominem est.

There is, etc. In Latin: "There is, my son, a certain secret word of wisdom, holy, concerning the only Lord of all and the Lord first perceiving (perceived) by the mind, whom to speak of is beyond man."

[Ὅσιος περὶ τοῦ μόνου κυρίου πάντων] ‹anchor: ὅσιος περὶ τοῦ μόνου κυρίου πάντων› · lemma note in col 463 Ὅσιος περὶ τοῦ μόνου κυρίου πάντων. Hæc verba, quæ in aliquibus scriptis desunt, restituta sunt Lactantio, vel potius Hermeti, ex mss. Bonon., Cauc., Regiis, Tax., Em., Cant., Brun., 2 Colbert. In 1 Reg., 1 Sorbon. et in quibusdam editis desideratur καὶ προεννοουμένου Θεοῦ.

Holy, concerning the only Lord of all. These words, which are lacking in some written copies, have been restored to Lactantius, or rather to Hermes, from the manuscripts Bologna, Cauc., the Royal ones, Tax., Em., Cant., Brun., 2 Colbert. In 1 Royal, 1 Sorbonne and some editions "and of God first conceived" is missing.

[Θεοῦ] ‹anchor: Θεοῦ› · lemma note in col 463, running into col 464 Θεοῦ. Ita restitui ex antiquissimis mss. 2 Bonon., Cauc., 1 Reg. 900 annor. aliis item 2 Regiis, 2 Colb., 2 Brun., edit. Rom. 1470, atque etiam anni 1497, et Isiana Romæ 1650. Sed in mss. 2 et 7 excusis est κυρίου. In plerisque mss. deest utrumque.

Of God. So I have restored it from the very old manuscripts, 2 Bologna, Cauc., 1 Royal 900 years old, and also 2 other Royal, 2 Colbert, 2 Brun., the Roman edition of 1470 and also that of 1497, and Isaeus's at Rome 1650. But 2 manuscripts and 7 printed copies have "of the Lord". In most manuscripts both are lacking.

[Jesus] ‹anchor: Jesus› · lemma note in col 464 Jesus. Latine servator.

Jesus. In Latin, "saviour".

[Chrestum] ‹anchor: Chrestum› · lemma note in col 464 Chrestum. Suetonius refert, impulsore Chresto Judæos assidue fuisse tumultuatos : de Christo ipso, licet falso et impie, intellexit; veteres enim gentiles veri nominis ignoratione, Chrestum et Chrestianos, non Christum et Christianos dixere. Id me et hic Tertulliani locus in Apolog. docuit. Si nominis (inquit) odium est, quis nominis reatus? quæ accusatio vocabulorum? nisi si aut Barbarum sonat aliqua vox nominis, aut infaustum, aut maledicum, aut impudicum. Sed et cum perperam Chrestianos (sic ex sequentibus scribendum arbitror, ut et apud Tacitum lib. xv) pronuntiatur a vobis (nam nec nominis certa est notitia penes vos), de suavitate, vel benignitate compositum est : oditur itaque in hominibus innocuis etiam nomen innocuum. Hactenus Tertull. verba, ex quibus sane quod proposui confectum credo Χρῆστος suavem, facilem et benignum significat. Vide Sueton. in Claudio c. 25, Tertullianum Apologetic. cap. 3.

Chrestus. Suetonius reports that the Jews were constantly rioting at the instigation of Chrestus: he meant Christ himself, though falsely and impiously; for the old Gentiles, not knowing the true name, said Chrestus and Chrestians, not Christ and Christians. This passage of Tertullian in the Apology taught me the same here: "If it is hatred of a name," he says, "what guilt attaches to a name? What charge lies against words? Unless some word of a name sounds barbarous, or ill-omened, or abusive, or indecent. But even when you wrongly pronounce 'Chrestians' (so I think it must be written from what follows, as also in Tacitus book 15), for you have no sure knowledge even of the name, it is formed from sweetness or kindness: so in harmless men even a harmless name is hated." Thus far Tertullian's words, from which I believe my proposal is surely established: "chrestos" means sweet, easy and kind. See Suetonius, Claudius ch. 25; Tertullian, Apology ch. 3.

[Ad sacerdotium, vel ad regnum] ‹anchor: ad sacerdotium, vel ad regnum› · lemma note in col 464 Ad sacerdotium, vel ad regnum, etc. Utrumque in Christo locum habet, qui et rex est, cujus regni non erit finis, ut Angelus Beatiss. Virgini promisit, et sacerdos in æternum, secundum ordinem Melchisedek. Unde Petrus Ecclesiam, id est, regnum Christi, recte regale sacerdotium appellavit. De unctione regis lege primum Samuelis librum, de sacerdotali vero chrismate, Levit. c. viii. De sacerdotio Christi, adeoque ipsius unctione, nemo doctius aut plenius quam Paulus in Epist. ad Hebræos. Betuleius.

To the priesthood, or to the kingship, etc. Both apply to Christ, who is both king, "of whose kingdom there shall be no end", as the Angel promised the most blessed Virgin, and "a priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek". Hence Peter rightly called the Church, that is, the kingdom of Christ, a royal priesthood. On the anointing of a king read the first book of Samuel; on the priestly chrism, Leviticus ch. 8. On the priesthood of Christ, and so on his anointing, no one has written more learnedly or fully than Paul in the Epistle to the Hebrews. Betuleius.

[Vel ad regnum] ‹anchor: vel ad regnum› · lemma note in col 464 Vel ad regnum. Mos tamen iste ad alias quoque gentes postea dimanavit.

Or to the kingship. This custom, however, later spread to other nations too.

[Indumentum purpuræ insigne est regiæ dignitatis] ‹anchor: indumentum purpuræ insigne est› · lemma note in col 464 Indumentum purpuræ insigne est regiæ dignitatis. Ornamentum est regium, hoc rubicundo colore insinuans sanguinis imperium, et necis inferendæ potestatem. Quo sensu forte Horat. Tyrannos appellat Purpureos, 1 Od., 35. Purpurei metuunt tyranni, Injurioso ne pede proruas Stantem columnam. Et ob hanc majestatem Deus haud dubie sacerdotis vestem fieri jussit purpuream (Exod. 39), et unicus salutis nostræ instaurator Christus cum a profligatis militibus Rex salutaretur, purpura indutus fuisse legitur. Salmuth.

A garment of purple is the mark of royal dignity. It is a royal ornament, by its red colour suggesting the rule of blood and the power of inflicting death. In which sense perhaps Horace calls tyrants "purple", Odes 1, 35: "Purple tyrants fear lest with insulting foot you overthrow the standing column." And because of this majesty God, no doubt, ordered the priest's vestment to be made purple (Exod. 39), and Christ, the one restorer of our salvation, when he was saluted as King by the abandoned soldiers, is read to have been clothed in purple. Salmuth.

[Αὐτούς] ‹anchor: αὐτούς› · lemma note in col 464 Αὐτούς. (Vide infra.) Latine : Eos autem famulæ laverunt, et unxerunt oleo.

Them. (See below.) In Latin: "And the maidservants washed them and anointed them with oil."

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [Interpretatæ sunt] ‹anchor: interpretatæ sunt› · lemma note in col 465 Interpretatæ sunt. Sic emendavi ex mss. et pluribus editis. Alii, interpretata sunt, mendose. Francius legendum esse censebat interpretati snnt. At interpretatæ sunt genuina Lactantii lectio est, a quo hic istud verbum passive usurpatur, ut a Cicerone lib. i de Divinat., n. 53, ab Hieronymo et Augustino passim, sed et a Paulo Jurisconsulto. In testamentis, inquit, voluntates testantium interpretantur, etc. Et quidem Gellius lib. xv, cap. 13, illud verbum dicit esse commune, utriusque scilicet vocis activæ et passivæ. — Interpretatæ sunt. Passivo sensu, ut Tertullian. adv. Hermog. c. 19 : Quod in materiam interpretari possit. De carne Chr. c. 8 : Capitulis interpretatis; l. v adv. Marcionem : Invenimus interpretatum. Imo ipse Cicero L. ii de Legib. c. 12. Nos prope idem Græcum interpretatum nomen tenemus. L. i Divin. c. 52 : Male conjecta maleque interpretata falsa sunt. Conf. Voss. l. 3; Analog. c. 6; Gronov. ad Gell. lib. xv, c. 14, pag. 683. Duker. de Latin. Vet. Ict. p. 334 sq. Bun.

Have been interpreted. So I have corrected it from the manuscripts and several editions. Others have "interpretata sunt", faultily. Francius thought one should read "interpretati sunt". But "interpretatae sunt" is Lactantius's genuine reading; he uses the verb here in the passive, as Cicero does in On Divination book 1, no. 53, Jerome and Augustine throughout, and also Paul the jurist: "In wills," he says, "the intentions of the testators are interpreted", etc. And indeed Gellius, book 15, ch. 13, says that this verb is common, that is, of both voices, active and passive. — Have been interpreted: in a passive sense, as Tertullian, Against Hermogenes ch. 19: "which can be interpreted as matter"; On the Flesh of Christ ch. 8: "the headings having been interpreted"; Against Marcion book 5: "we find it interpreted". Indeed Cicero himself, On the Laws book 2, ch. 12: "We keep almost the same Greek name, interpreted." On Divination book 1, ch. 52: "Things badly guessed and badly interpreted are false." Compare Vossius book 3; Analogia ch. 6; Gronovius on Gellius book 15, ch. 14, p. 683; Duker, On the Latin of the Old Jurists, p. 334 ff. Bünemann.

[ἠλειμμένος] ‹anchor: ἠλειμμένος› · lemma note in col 465 ἠλειμμένος. Latine, ungendo curatus. Hæc quatuor verba, quæ sunt Græci vocabuli interpretatio, ex ora libri in textum intrusa, cum non reperiantur nisi in 4 recentissimis mss. et pluribus editis, e textu eliminavi.

Anointed. In Latin, "tended by anointing". These four words, which are an interpretation of the Greek word and were thrust into the text from the margin of the book, I have removed from the text, since they are found only in 4 very recent manuscripts and several editions.

[Ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀλείφεσθαι] ‹anchor: ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀλείφεσθαι› · lemma note in col 465 Ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀλείφεσθαι. Latine, ab ungendo.

From being anointed. In Latin, "from anointing".

[Rex significatur] ‹anchor: rex significatur› · lemma note in col 465 Rex significatur. Ita omnes fere mss. et editi. In quibusdam est res.

A king is signified. So almost all the manuscripts and editions. In some it is "res", a thing.

[Cujus capiendi] ‹anchor: cujus capiendi› · lemma note in col 465 Cujus capiendi, etc. Errat Lactantius; nunquam enim tempus adveniet, quo regnum terrenum sit accepturus, siquidem ipsius regnum non est terrenum; sed totum quantum spirituale. Lactantius autem sic loquitur, eo quod putet Christum mille annis regnaturum in hoc mundo, antequam in cœlum nos deducet; quam opinionem suo loco refutabimus. Gallæus.

For taking which, etc. Lactantius errs; for the time will never come when he is to receive an earthly kingdom, since his kingdom is not earthly, but entirely spiritual. Lactantius speaks so because he thinks Christ will reign a thousand years in this world before he leads us into heaven; an opinion we shall refute in its place. Gallaeus.

[Hieremiam] ‹anchor: apud Hieremiam› · lemma note in col 465 Hieremiam. Sed hæc prior prophetia nonnisi secundario et sublimiore sensu de Christo Jesu intelligitur; nam sensu primario ad ipsum Jeremiam spectare contextus satis indicat. Vide Jerem. cap. i.

Jeremiah. But this first prophecy is understood of Christ Jesus only in a secondary and higher sense; for the context shows clearly enough that in the primary sense it concerns Jeremiah himself. See Jeremiah ch. 1.

[Et item apud ipsum] ‹anchor: et item apud ipsum› · lemma note in col 465 Et item apud ipsum. 1 Reg. veterrimus, Et item apud eumdem. Hæc desunt in 5 mss. rec.

And likewise in him. 1 very old Royal: "And likewise in the same". These words are lacking in 5 later manuscripts.

[Beatus qui erat] ‹anchor: beatus qui erat› · lemma note in col 465, running into col 466 Beatus qui erat. Non extat hic locus apud Jeremiam, imo ne quidem in totis Bibliis. Unde autem hunc locum deprompserit auctor, mihi non constat. Fortasse alicunde ex Versione lxx, seu quavis alia. Nonnumquam SS. Patres loca tamquam e Scripturis petita allegant, quæ tamen frustra in illis quæras. Gallæus.—Et sunt forsan deperdita. Fuit hoc, ut non satis divinæ majestati conveniens, in Nicena synodo explosum, et anathemate interdictum. Vide ea de re Eusebii verba, quæ extant apud Theodoretum libro Ecclesiasticæ historiæ primo, cap. 12 : Καὶ τὸν ἀναθηματισμὸν δὲ τὸν μετὰ τὴν πίστιν πρὸς αὐτὸν τεθέντα, δεκτὸν εἶναι ἡγησάμεθα, etc. Hunc locum paulo altius repetimus, quod supra libro ii, cap. 9, duo superiora dicta, nempe de nihilo, item illud, Fuit aliquando cum non esset, a Lactantio citata fuerunt. Betuleius.

Blessed is he who was. This passage does not exist in Jeremiah, indeed not in the whole Bible. Where the author drew it from I do not know. Perhaps from somewhere in the Septuagint version, or some other. The holy Fathers sometimes cite passages as taken from the Scriptures which you will nevertheless look for there in vain. Gallaeus. — And perhaps they are lost. This saying, as not befitting the divine majesty, was rejected at the synod of Nicaea and forbidden under anathema. See Eusebius's words on the matter, which survive in Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History book 1, ch. 12: "And the anathema set after the creed we have judged acceptable", etc. We go back over this passage a little more deeply because above, book 2, ch. 9, the two sayings above, namely "from nothing", and also "There was once when he was not", were cited by Lactantius. Betuleius.

[Regeneratus est] ‹anchor: regeneratus est› · lemma note in col 466 Regeneratus est. Id est, iterum natus. Francius.

He was regenerated. That is, born again. Francius.

[Circumfudit] ‹anchor: circumfudit› · lemma note in col 466 Circumfudit. Bene, non circumfundit.

He poured round. Rightly, not "circumfundit".

[Instruantur] ‹anchor: instruantur› · lemma note in col 466 Instruantur. Restitui ex omnibus mss. et 2 vet. edit. Rom. In cæteris excusis est instituantur : quod idem est.

May be instructed. I have restored it from all the manuscripts and the 2 old Roman editions. In the other printed copies it is "instituantur", which is the same.

[Cum solus sit] ‹anchor: cum solus sit› · lemma note in col 466 Cum solus sit. Ita antiquissimi mss. 2 Bonon. Regio Put. et 1 al. Reg., 2 Colb., Tornes., Tax., 2 Clarom. et 5 edit. In plerisque, cum solus adhuc esset.

Since he is alone. So the very old manuscripts 2 Bologna, Regio-Put. and 1 other Royal, 2 Colbert, Tornesius, Tax., 2 Clermont, and 5 editions. In most, "since he was still alone".

[Orpheus] ‹anchor: sicut Orpheus› · lemma note in col 466 Orpheus. De Orphei Theologia vide S. Cyrillum lib. i, contra Julianum.

Orpheus. On the theology of Orpheus see St Cyril, Against Julian book 1.

[Sed et Hermes] ‹anchor: sed et Hermes› · lemma note in col 466 Sed et Hermes. Addidi particulam et ex mss. ac edit. Tornes., Soubron. et Walch. Abest a cæteris impressis et a 3 mss. rec.

But Hermes too. I have added the particle "et" from the manuscripts and the Tornesius, Soubron and Walch editions. It is absent from the other printed copies and from 3 later manuscripts.

[Αὐτοπάτορα, καὶ αὐτομήτορα] ‹anchor: αὐτοπάτορα, καὶ αὐτομήτορα› · lemma note in col 466 Αὐτοπάτορα, καὶ αὐτομήτορα. Latine, Ipsum patrem sui, et ipsum matrem sui. Post hæc verba, mss. rec. 1 Reg., Gat., Nav., Vict. et Brun. sequentia interserunt : Et æternum est quod ait Deus, Fiat lux, quia Verbum Dei, Deus apud Deum, Filius unicus Deo Patri coæternus est. Cum enim verba sint temporis; cum dicimus, quando et aliquando, æternum tamen est in verbo Dei, quando aliquid fieri debeat, et tunc fit quando fieri debuisset, in illo verbo est in quo non est quando et aliquando, quoniam totum illud Verbum æternum est. Quomodo autem per creaturam, quam fecit ante tempora, dici potuit temporaliter, Fiat lux, invenire difficile est. Sono enim vocis non (al. nos) intel (continues)

Self-fathered and self-mothered. In Latin, "himself his own father, and himself his own mother". After these words the later manuscripts, 1 Royal, Gat., Nav., Vict. and Brun., insert the following: "And what God says, 'Let there be light', is eternal, because the Word of God, God with God, the only Son, is coeternal with God the Father. For though words belong to time, when we say 'when' and 'at some time', yet in the Word of God it is eternal when something ought to be made; and it is made then when it ought to have been made, in that Word in which there is no 'when' and 'at some time', since that whole Word is eternal. But how, through a creature which he made before time, 'Let there be light' could be said in time, is hard to find. For by the sound of the voice not (another reading: we) unders- (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [Αὐτοπάτορα, καὶ αὐτομήτορα] ‹anchor: (note from p. 236)› · lemma note continued, in col 467

(continued) ligimus dictum. Sed hæc aliena sunt a stylo Lactantiano.

[Enarrari] ‹anchor: enarrari› · lemma note in col 467 Enarrari. Ita in 3 Reg., 4 Colb., Goth., Brun. et in sola edit. Cellar. Juxta illud Prophetæ : Generationem ejus quis enarrabit? Cæteri habent narrari.

To be declared. So in 3 Royal, 4 Colbert, Gotha, Brun., and in Cellarius's edition alone; according to the Prophet's saying: "Who shall declare his generation?" The rest have "narrari".

[Sermonem, sive etiam rationem] ‹anchor: sermonem, sive etiam rationem› · lemma note in col 467 Sermonem, sive etiam rationem. Hæ tres ultimæ voces, quæ sunt in ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. edit. Is. et nonnullis aliis, absunt a mss. 10 Reg., 6 Colbert. et omnibus fere scriptis et excusis.

Speech, or also reason. These last three words, which are in the 1 old Bologna manuscript, the Isaeus edition and some others, are absent from 10 Royal manuscripts, 6 Colbert, and almost all written and printed copies.

[Nam sermo est spiritus] ‹anchor: nam sermo est spiritus› · lemma note in col 467 Nam sermo est spiritus, etc. Definitio est minime sufficiens ad confirmandam Sermonis deitatem. Sermo humanus proferentis substantiam in se non continet; Sermonem autem qui filius Dei est, qui caro factus est, ejusdem cum patre essentiæ esse, et catholica docet fides, et Tertullianus tam adversus Praxeam, quam alibi indicat. Betuleius.

For speech is breath, etc. The definition is by no means sufficient to establish the deity of the Word. Human speech does not contain in itself the substance of the speaker; but that the Word who is the Son of God, who was made flesh, is of the same essence as the Father, both the Catholic faith teaches and Tertullian shows, against Praxeas as well as elsewhere. Betuleius.

[Ad hominem proferendi] ‹anchor: ad hominem proferendi› · lemma note in col 467 Ad hominem proferendi. Sic restitui ex mss. 2 Bonon., 2 Reg., Jun., Goth., Lipsiensibus et 5 editis. In multis legitur perferendi; in 1 Clarom. præferendi.

Of bringing forth to man. So I have restored it from the manuscripts 2 Bologna, 2 Royal, Junius, Gotha, the Leipzig ones, and 5 editions. In many "perferendi" is read; in 1 Clermont "praeferendi".

[Quod ipsum] ‹anchor: quod ipsum› · lemma note in col 467 Quod ipsum. Subaudi verbum; ita ut sit : quod ipsum verbum primo ita locutus est Deus.

Which itself. Understand "word"; so that it runs: "which word itself God first spoke thus."

[Ut per eum ad nos loqueretur] ‹anchor: ut per eum ad nos loqueretur› · lemma note in col 467 Ut per eum ad nos loqueretur. Hæc lectio omnium prope mss. et editorum est, expuncto ipse quod interponunt editi. 1 Reg. rec. Em. et Lipsienses habent nobis.

That he might speak to us through him. This is the reading of nearly all manuscripts and editions, with "ipse", which the editions insert, struck out. 1 later Royal, Em. and the Leipzig ones have "nobis".

[Verbum Dei] ‹anchor: verbum Dei› · lemma note in col 467 Verbum Dei. De quo dicetur capite sequenti.

Word of God. On which see the following chapter.

[Vocalem] ‹anchor: vocalem› · lemma note in col 467 Vocalem. Deest in ms. 1 Colb. In Em. est vitalem.

Vocal. Lacking in 1 Colbert manuscript. In Em. it is "vitalem", living.

[Alios item spiritus suos in angelos] ‹anchor: alios item spiritus suos in angelos› · lemma note in col 467 Alios item spiritus suos in angelos. Addidi pronomen suos ex cunctis ferme mss. et edit. Betul., Cellar., Walch. Deest in cæteris editis et in 4 Reg. rec., Colb.

Likewise his other spirits into angels. I have added the pronoun "suos" from almost all the manuscripts and the Betuleius, Cellarius and Walch editions. It is lacking in the other editions and in 4 later Royal and Colbert.

[Nostri spiritus dissolubiles sunt] ‹anchor: nostri spiritus dissolubiles sunt› · lemma note in col 467 Nostri spiritus dissolubiles sunt. Hic per spiritum putarim flatum intelligi; nam de sermone et locutione dicere pergit : de animis quidem nostris illud asserere non est censendus, qui ubique doceat illos esse immortales. Isæus.

Our breaths are dissoluble. Here I would think "spiritus" means breath; for he goes on to speak of speech and utterance: he is not to be thought to assert this of our souls, since he teaches everywhere that they are immortal. Isaeus.

[Sensu ac virtute comitari] ‹anchor: sensu ac virtute comitari› · lemma note in col 467, running into col 468 Sensu ac virtute comitari. Comitari hic sumitur passive, ut apud Virgilium.— Uno comitatus Achate; apud Justinum xxx, 2, jam salutantur, jam comitantur; et apud Ciceronem ad Attic. ix, 2.

To be accompanied with sense and power. "Comitari" is taken here in the passive, as in Virgil: "accompanied by Achates alone"; in Justin 30, 2, "now they are greeted, now accompanied"; and in Cicero, To Atticus 9, 2.

[Quorum alterum... Trojanæ urbis excidium 140 annis antecessit] ‹anchor: quorum alterum ... antecessit› · lemma note in col 468 Quorum alterum... Trojanæ urbis excidium 140 annis antecessit. Sic habent mss. 1 Vatic. et 3 Colb. Et certa videtur lectio. At vulgati habent alter; male : siquidem Salomon regnum exorsus est anno 1019, ante vulgarem æram, Troja vero capta est aut anno 1209 aut 1184 ante camdem æram; spatium igitur est ad minus annorum centum et sexaginta quinque : sed in rebus chronologicis tam remotis vix attenditur ad errorem paucorum annorum. In hac temporum supputatione chronologi non consentiunt; Euseb. enim annis 170; Glareanus 147, quod ad Lactantii calculum proxime accedit. Si vulgata lectio admitteretur, erraret Lactantius. Trojana eversio duodecim sæculis æram vulgarem antecessit : at Salomon decimo tantum sæculo fuit ante vulgarem æram. Salomon ergo Trojanum excidium non præcessit : sed potius Rex iste Israel secundo sæculo vixit post Trojanam stragem. Troja enim excisa est juxta marmora Oxoniensia an. 1209 ante vulgarem æram. Salomon cœpit templum ædificare an. 1015, ante æram nostram. Trojanum igitur excidium multo antiquius est Salomone, non Salomon antiquior excidio Trojano.

Of whom one ... preceded the fall of the city of Troy by 140 years. So the manuscripts 1 Vatican and 3 Colbert have it, and the reading seems certain. But the printed editions have "alter"; wrongly: for Solomon began his reign in the year 1019 before the common era, while Troy was taken either in 1209 or 1184 before the same era; so the interval is at least a hundred and sixty-five years: but in chronological matters so remote an error of a few years is hardly regarded. In this reckoning of times the chronologers do not agree: Eusebius has 170 years; Glareanus 147, which comes nearest to Lactantius's figure. If the vulgate reading were admitted, Lactantius would be in error. The overthrow of Troy preceded the common era by twelve centuries, but Solomon was only in the tenth century before the common era. So Solomon did not precede the fall of Troy; rather, this King of Israel lived in the second century after the destruction of Troy. For Troy was destroyed, according to the Oxford marbles, in 1209 before the common era. Solomon began to build the temple in 1015 before our era. So the fall of Troy is much older than Solomon, not Solomon older than the fall of Troy.

[Verbo Dei cœli solidati sunt] ‹anchor: verbo Dei cœli solidati sunt› · lemma note in col 468 Verbo Dei cœli solidati sunt. Apud Cyprianum Testimonior. adversus Judæos lib. ii, cap. 3, firmati sunt. Sed et utraque lectio extat apud Augustinum Enarrat. 3 in Psalmum xxxii. In Hebræo sic sonat, et Psal. XXXIII, v. 5, Verbo Jehovæ facti sunt cæli, et spiritu oris ejus omnis exercitus eorum.

By the Word of God the heavens were made solid. In Cyprian, Testimonies against the Jews book 2, ch. 3, "were made firm". But both readings are found in Augustine, Exposition 3 on Psalm 32. In the Hebrew it runs thus, Psalm 33, v. 5: "By the word of Jehovah the heavens were made, and by the breath of his mouth all their host."

[Et spiritu oris ejus] ‹anchor: et spiritu oris ejus› · lemma note in col 468 Et spiritu oris ejus. Ita cum veteribus 9 editis et 2 rec. omnes mss. Septuaginta, Vulgata, Cyprianus et Augustinus supra laudati. In 7 impressis legitur in spiritu.

And by the breath of his mouth. So all the manuscripts, with 9 old editions and 2 later ones, the Septuagint, the Vulgate, and Cyprian and Augustine cited above. In 7 printed copies "in spiritu" is read.

[Item Salomon] ‹anchor: item Salomon› · lemma note in col 468 Item Salomon. Imo filius Syrach Ecclesiastici cap. xxiv, v. 3 et deinceps. Hæc verba catenus fuerunt Salomoni tributa, quia creditum est Jesum, qui Siracidi cognomen erat, ex abundantia Salomonis suas hausisse sententias. Cellar. — Item Solomon. Tribuunt Solomoni Siracidis librum multi patres, quo (continues)

Likewise Solomon. Rather the son of Sirach, Ecclesiasticus ch. 24, v. 3 and following. These words were attributed to Solomon to this extent, because it was believed that Jesus, whose surname was Siracides, drew his sayings from the abundance of Solomon. Cellarius. — Likewise Solomon: many Fathers attribute the book of the son of Sirach to Solomon, (continues)

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(continued) rum loca operose collegit Pamelius ad Cyprian. l. ii, ad Quirin. ineunte, ut probaret ad libros Chronicos pertinere, notatus inde ab Goulartio. Veterum loca Ecclesiasticum Salomoni tribuentium colligit quoque Serarius ad S. Bonifacii Epist. i. Bun.

[Tradidit] ‹anchor: tradidit› · lemma note in col 469 Tradidit. Mss. 8 et 4 ed., tradit.

Handed down. 8 manuscripts and 4 editions: "tradit".

[Zeno] ‹anchor: Zeno› · lemma note in col 469 Zeno. Hæc fere apud Laertium et apud Ciceronem in libro i de Natura deorum traduntur.

Zeno. These things are related more or less in Laertius and in Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book 1.

[Quem et fatum] ‹anchor: quem et fatum› · lemma note in col 469 Quem et fatum. Item Laert. ait, Ἕν τε εἶναι θεὸν, καὶ νοῦν, καὶ εἱμαρμένην, καὶ Δία; aliisque multis appellari nuncupationibus : Ζῆνα, nempe, Ἀθηνᾶν, Ἥραν, Ἥφαιστον, Ποσειδῶνα, Δήμητραν. Sed Aristoteles in libro de Mundo, circa finem fere, plura ex Orphicis enumerat ejusdem Dei nomina. Betul.

Whom also fate. Likewise Laertius says "that God, and mind, and fate, and Zeus are one"; and that he is called by many other names: namely Zen, Athena, Hera, Hephaestus, Poseidon, Demeter. But Aristotle in the book On the Universe, near the end, lists more names of the same God from the Orphic writings. Betuleius.

[Quo fatetur] ‹anchor: quo fatetur› · lemma note in col 469 Quo fatetur. Editi 7, in quo. Præpositionem expunxi, quæ abest a cæteris editis omnibusque mss.

In which he admits. 7 editions: "in quo". I have struck out the preposition, which is absent from the other editions and all the manuscripts.

[A principio processisse] ‹anchor: a principio processisse› · lemma note in col 469 A principio processisse. Mss. 6 rec. et edit. 7, præcessisse.

To have proceeded from the beginning. 6 later manuscripts and 7 editions: "praecessisse".

[Ut cum magisterio] ‹anchor: ut cum magisterio› · lemma note in col 469 Ut cum magisterio. Idem infra cap. 16, quo magisterio ac Dei legatione perfunctus.

That with the office of teacher. The same below, ch. 16: "having discharged which office of teacher and embassy of God".

[Et homini, quem induerat] ‹anchor: et homini, quem induerat› · lemma note in col 469, running into col 470 Et homini, quem induerat. Familiaris Patribus locutio, ut dicant Verbum divinum assumpsisse, vel induisse hominem. Sic Cyprianus in fine libri de Idolorum vanitate; Augustinus in lib. de Fide contra Manich. initio cap. 26; Hilar., x de Trinitate, circa med.; quod ita intelligendum est, ut dicamus hominem assumptum, quia ejus natura est assumpta, et quia assumptio terminata est ad hoc, ut Filius Dei sit homo. Vide S. Thomam in iii p. quæst. iv, art. 3. Isæus. — Homini, quem induerat. Homini, id est, humanæ naturæ, quam induerat; concretum pro abstracto. Sæpe ita Cyprianus, e. g. de Idol. Vanit. fine : Qui mediator duorum hominem induit. .. ut hominem, quem dilexit, quem induit . . . ad patrem victor imponeret. Arnobius l. i, p. 38 : Homo, quem induerat, et secum ipse portabat. Ita quoque in Græcis Irenæus, Origenes et Athanasius; in Latinis Hilarius, Ambrosius, Augustinus. Buneman.

And to the man whom he had put on. A phrase familiar to the Fathers, who say that the divine Word assumed, or put on, a man. So Cyprian at the end of the book On the Vanity of Idols; Augustine, On the Faith against the Manichees, beginning of ch. 26; Hilary, On the Trinity book 10, about the middle; which is to be understood thus: we say the man was assumed because his nature was assumed, and because the assumption had as its end that the Son of God should be man. See St Thomas, part 3, question 4, article 3. Isaeus. — To the man whom he had put on: "to the man", that is, to the human nature which he had put on; the concrete for the abstract. So Cyprian often, e.g. at the end of On the Vanity of Idols: "who, mediator of the two, put on man ... that the man whom he loved, whom he put on ... he might as victor set before the Father." Arnobius book 1, p. 38: "the Man whom he had put on and himself carried with him." So too among the Greeks Irenaeus, Origen and Athanasius; among the Latins Hilary, Ambrose, Augustine. Bünemann.

[Temporum] ‹anchor: temporum› · lemma note in col 470 Temporum. 1 Bonon. antiq. et 1 Colb., annorum.

Of times. 1 old Bologna and 1 Colbert: "annorum", of years.

[Patibulo] ‹anchor: patibulo› · lemma note in col 470 Patibulo. Solemne Lactantio, Hieronymo, aliis, crucem vocare patibulum. Conf. Epit. c. 47, c. 51. Prudent. Peri Stephan. H. 10, p. 641 : crux illa nostra est, nos patibulum adscendimus. Buneman.

On the gibbet. It is customary with Lactantius, Jerome and others to call the cross a gibbet. Compare Epitome ch. 47, ch. 51. Prudentius, Peristephanon hymn 10, p. 641: "That cross is ours, we mount the gibbet." Bünemann.

[Majores nostri] ‹anchor: majores nostri› · lemma note in col 470 Majores nostri. Patriarchæ scilicet. — Majores nostri. Quia nos ab Christo convocati ex gentibus in illorum (Judæorum) locum successimus, secundum l. iv, cap. 11, unde, l. v, c. 22 : Quorum nos successores et posteri sumus; et epit. c. 48. Buneman.

Our forefathers. The Patriarchs, that is. — Our forefathers: because we, called together by Christ from the Gentiles, have succeeded into their (the Jews') place, according to book 4, ch. 11; whence book 5, ch. 22: "whose successors and descendants we are"; and Epitome ch. 48. Bünemann.

[In Ægyptum] ‹anchor: in Ægyptum› · lemma note in col 470 In Ægyptum. Vide Genes. xlii. Homerus Iliad. vi, Ægyptum terram feracem vocat; hæc Strabonis tempore vocabatur publicum orbis horreum.

Into Egypt. See Genesis 42. Homer, Iliad 6, calls Egypt a fertile land; in Strabo's time it was called the public granary of the world.

[Misertus] ‹anchor: misertus› · lemma note in col 470 Misertus. Exod. I et iii, Esdr. II et ix.

Having pity. Exodus 1 and 3; Esdras 2 and 9.

[Post annos quadringentos et triginta] ‹anchor: post annos quadringentos et triginta› · lemma note in col 470 Post annos quadringentos et triginta. Ita ferunt mss. codices optimi 2 Bon., 2 Reg. veterrimi, itemque 5 alii Reg., 9 Vaticani, Tax., Pen., 6 Col- (continues)

After four hundred and thirty years. So the best manuscript books have it, 2 Bologna, 2 very old Royal, and also 5 other Royal, 9 Vatican, Tax., Pen., 6 Col- (continues)

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(continued) bert., Lipsienses, Navar., Sorbon., Vict., Gat., Marm., Pal., Jun., Ultr., Em., Goth., 2 Clarom., Tornes., Brun. et 5 excusi. Cæteri cum sex scriptis rec. trecentos triginta, vitiose. Theoph. in libro de Temporibus habet ut in textu, computando scilicet Hebræorum mansionem in terra Chanaan, juxta editionem Septuaginta; quem etiam locum refert S. Augustinus Quæst. 47.

[Duce Moyse] ‹anchor: duce Moyse› · lemma note in col 471 Duce Moyse. (Vid. supra col. 470.) Exod. XII, Galat. xxx, Exod. XIX et xxxiv, Deut. IX, Mach. XL. Ed. Sulbac. habet trecentos. — Mari rubro. Hoc mare non dicitur rubrum, vel Erythræum, a colore, sed ab Erythra Rege, qui Hebræis est Edom. Bochart.

With Moses as leader. (See above, col. 470.) Exodus 12, Galatians 30 [sic], Exodus 19 and 34, Deuteronomy 9, Maccabees 40 [sic]. The Subiaco edition has "three hundred". — The Red Sea: this sea is called Red, or Erythraean, not from its colour but from King Erythras, who to the Hebrews is Edom. Bochart.

[Præcedente angelo, et scindente aquam] ‹anchor: præcedente angelo› · lemma note in col 471 Præcedente angelo, et scindente aquam. Gallæus in Notis contrarium ex Mose concludit, eo quod dicatur Exod. c. xiv, v. 18 : Tollensque se angelus Dei, qui præcedebat castra Israel, abiit post eos, et cum eo pariter columna nubis. Sed hæc contra Lactantium nihil faciunt : siquidem licet angelus a tergo esset, lux tamen usque præcesserit, ut non immerito de angelo lucem præferente idem dici possit, quod de luce, quam prætulit, sacræ Litteræ affirmant. Nec majoris forsan momenti est, quod Lactantium arguat perperam scripsisse, aquam fuisse ab angelo scissam. Textus quem profert Gallæus ex ejusdem capitis v. 21, sic habet : Cumque extendisset Moyses manum super mare, abstulit illud Dominus (mare) flante vento vehementi, etc. Factum est hoc quidem a Deo : sed non inde excludi putaverim angeli ministerium, angeli (inquam) fœderis, qui populo Hebræo toties se exhibuit, cujusque ductum jam tum secuti sunt Israelitæ. Spark.

With an angel going before and dividing the water. Gallaeus in his Notes concludes the contrary from Moses, because it is said in Exodus ch. 14, v. 18: "And the angel of God, who went before the camp of Israel, removing, went behind them, and with him likewise the pillar of cloud." But this does nothing against Lactantius: for although the angel was behind, the light still went before, so that not undeservedly the same may be said of the angel who carried the light as the sacred Scriptures affirm of the light he carried. Nor perhaps is there more weight in his charging Lactantius with having wrongly written that the water was divided by the angel. The text Gallaeus brings forward, from v. 21 of the same chapter, runs: "And when Moses had stretched out his hand over the sea, the Lord took it (the sea) away by a strong wind blowing", etc. This was indeed done by God: but I would not think the ministry of an angel is excluded by it, of the angel (I say) of the covenant, who so often showed himself to the Hebrew people, and whose leading the Israelites followed even then. Sparke.

[Curvata] ‹anchor: curvata› · lemma note in col 471 Curvata. Virgil. iv Georg., 361, ubi Aristæi pastoris fabulam narrat.

Arched. Virgil, Georgics 4, 361, where he tells the story of the shepherd Aristaeus.

[Cum magna suorum manu insecutus] ‹anchor: cum magna suorum manu insecutus› · lemma note in col 471 Cum magna suorum manu insecutus. Vide Josephum, ii, 6; sed pedites nulli interfuere, ut ex Mose patet. Meminit enim equitum tantum et curruum, ac qui de iis pugnabant. Quorum præfecti lxx, τριστάται, quasi triarios dicas; quia in quovis curru novem ut Cajetano videtur, terni ad singula trium laterum. Aliis, in quolibet curru tres fuisse, aurigam et duos propugnatores.

Pursuing with a great band of his own. See Josephus 2, 6; but there were no foot soldiers, as is plain from Moses. For he mentions only horsemen and chariots, and those who fought from them. Their officers the Seventy call "tristatai", as you might say "triarii"; because in each chariot there were nine, as Cajetan thinks, three to each of the three sides. Others think there were three in each chariot, a driver and two fighters.

[Cum omni exercitu deletus est] ‹anchor: cum omni exercitu deletus est› · lemma note in col 471 Cum omni exercitu deletus est. Justinus, xxvi : Ægyptii domum redire tempestatibus compulsi sunt. Orosius libro i, cap. 12 : Extant etiamnunc certissima horum monumenta gestorum. Nam tractus curruum atque rotarum orbitæ, non solum in littore, sed etiam in profundo, quousque visus admittitur, pervidentur. Drusius. —Verum hæc Orosii observatio parum certa videtur. Vide Josephum. Periit ipse Pharao, sed ultimus, ut spectato prius suorum interitu gravius cruciaretur. Sic tradunt Rabbini, et Alphonsus Tostatus.

He was destroyed with all his army. Justin, 26: "The Egyptians were driven by storms to return home." Orosius book 1, ch. 12: "Most certain memorials of these deeds survive even now. For the tracks of the chariots and the ruts of the wheels are seen not only on the shore but in the deep, as far as sight reaches." Drusius. — But this observation of Orosius seems hardly certain. See Josephus. Pharaoh himself perished, but last, so that having first seen the destruction of his own men he might be the more grievously tormented. So the Rabbis relate, and Alonso Tostado.

[Ingressi in solitudinem multa mirabilia viderunt] ‹anchor: ingressi in solitudinem› · lemma note in col 471, running into col 472 Ingressi in solitudinem multa mirabilia viderunt. Ita emendavi ex perantiquo et optimo ms. codice Regio-Put., accedentibus i Clarom., in quo ingressi in solitudine, etc. i al. Clarom., ingressi in solitudine, multa, etc. littera m absorpta ob sequentem m in voce multa; et i Reg. antiquissimo et i, al. Reg., 7 rec., sed bonæ notæ, 4 Colb., i Sorbon., Em., Brun., quibus est, egressi in solitudinem, multa mirabilia viderunt. In solitudinem, id est, in desertum. Cæteri cum editis, egressi in solitudine multa mirabilia viderunt.

Having entered the wilderness they saw many wonders. So I have corrected it from the very old and excellent manuscript Regio-Put., with the support of 1 Clermont, which has "ingressi in solitudine", etc., and 1 other Clermont, "ingressi in solitudine, multa", etc., the letter m being swallowed before the following m in the word "multa"; and 1 very old Royal and 1 other Royal, 7 later but of good repute, 4 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, Em., Brun., which have "having gone out into the wilderness they saw many wonders". "Into the wilderness", that is, into the desert. The rest, with the editions: "having gone out, in the wilderness they saw many wonders".

[Ictu virgæ rupe percussa] ‹anchor: ictu virgæ rupe percussa› · lemma note in col 472 Ictu virgæ rupe percussa, etc. Exod. XV, Gentiles finxerunt, asini ductu repertam aquam. Et hinc fabula illa fluxit, Judæos asinum coluisse. Tacitus v. Hist. Plutarc., iv, συμπ. Hæc aquæ scaturigo non unius diei beneficium fuit : sed ea in desertis illis postea quoque usi sunt; hodieque perdurat. Sic Cosmographi et Tostatus Abulens.

The rock being struck by a blow of the rod, etc. Exodus 15 [sic]. The Gentiles made up the story that the water was found under the guidance of an ass. And from this flowed the well-known fable that the Jews worshipped an ass. Tacitus, Histories 5; Plutarch, Table Talk 4. This spring of water was not a one-day benefit: they used it afterwards too in those deserts; and it lasts to this day. So the cosmographers and Tostado of Ávila.

[Cœlestis alimenti] ‹anchor: cœlestis alimenti› · lemma note in col 472 Cœlestis alimenti. Scilicet manna. Exod. XV.

Of heavenly food. Manna, that is. Exodus 15.

[Coturnices in castra eorum] ‹anchor: coturnices in castra eorum› · lemma note in col 472 Coturnices in castra eorum, etc. Πλῆθος ὀρτύγων, Josephus; hoc est, magna vis aut multitudo coturnicum. Locus est lib. iii, cap. 1 : Nec ita multo post magna vis coturnicum, quod genus præ cæteris Arabicus sinus alit, superato interjacente mari longo volatu fessarum, qui alioquin etiam non est sublimis, in Hebræos defertur. Vide Diodorum lib. i de incolis Rhinocoluræ, Plin. lib. x, cap. 23 : Aura vehi volunt (coturnices migrantes) propter pondus corporum viresque parvas; aquilone ergo maxime volant, ortygometra duce. Vide Arist. Histor. anim. lib. viii, cap. 12. Drusius.

Quails into their camp, etc. "A multitude of quails", Josephus; that is, a great quantity or multitude of quails. The passage is book 3, ch. 1: "And not long after, a great quantity of quails, a kind which the Arabian gulf breeds above others, wearied by their long flight across the intervening sea, which besides is not a lofty one, is borne down upon the Hebrews." See Diodorus book 1 on the inhabitants of Rhinocolura; Pliny book 10, ch. 23: "They (migrating quails) like to be carried by the breeze because of the weight of their bodies and their small strength; so they fly mostly with the north wind, with the corncrake as leader." See Aristotle, History of Animals book 8, ch. 12. Drusius.

[Ventus invexit] ‹anchor: ventus invexit› · lemma note in col 472 Ventus invexit. Sic restitui ex 3 antiquissimis mss. 1 Bonon., 2 Reg., 2 item Reg. rec., sed optimæ notæ, 1 Colb., Goth., Lipsiensibus, et Brun. In 12 scriptis rec. et in impressis est, induxit; in 1 Clarom. perduxit.

The wind carried in. So I have restored it from 3 very old manuscripts, 1 Bologna, 2 Royal, and also 2 later Royal but of the best repute, 1 Colbert, Gotha, the Leipzig ones and Brun. In 12 later written copies and in the printed ones it is "induxit"; in 1 Clermont "perduxit".

[Pro his tamen divinis beneficiis] ‹anchor: pro his tamen divinis beneficiis› · lemma note in col 472 Pro his tamen divinis beneficiis. Mss. Regio-Put., 2 al. Reg. rec. et Jun. cum sex editis, tam.

Yet for these divine benefits. The manuscripts Regio-Put., 2 other later Royal and Junius, with six editions: "tam".

[Aureum caput bovis] ‹anchor: aureum caput bovis› · lemma note in col 472 Aureum caput bovis. Vituli caput tantummodo, non vitulum integrum efficium putant cum Lactantio nostro aliqui Patres, Tertullianus ad Jud. I, xx, 3; Clemens Recognit. lib. i, 13; Cyprianus, de bono Patientiæ, sub finem; S. Ambrosius, Epist. 62; Hieronymus, in Jerem. cap. vii, Amos cap. v, Osee cap. iv; et S. Augustinus in Psalm. lxxiii.

A golden head of an ox. That only the head of a calf, not a whole calf, was made is held, with our Lactantius, by some Fathers: Tertullian, Against the Jews 1, 20, 3; Clement, Recognitions book 1, 13; Cyprian, On the Good of Patience, near the end; St Ambrose, Letter 62; Jerome on Jeremiah ch. 7, Amos ch. 5, Hosea ch. 4; and St Augustine on Psalm 73.

[Apin] ‹anchor: Apin› · lemma note in col 472 Apin. Fuit vitulus Apis, Ægyptius bos, alio nomine dictus Serapis, vitulus electus, de quo Jeremias cap. 46. Bos erat qui ab Ægyptiis alebatur et adorabatur, ex Theodoreto Commentar. in hunc Jeremiæ locum.

Apis. The calf Apis was an Egyptian ox, called by another name Serapis, the chosen calf, of which Jeremiah speaks in ch. 46. It was an ox that was fed and worshipped by the Egyptians, according to Theodoret's Commentary on this passage of Jeremiah.

[Quod eos in signo præcederet] ‹anchor: quod eos in signo præcederet› · lemma note in col 472 Quod eos in signo præcederet. Ita emendavi ex edit. Gymnic. et mss. 2 Reg. veterrimis, aliisque 15. Sed scripti decem et editi novem carent præpositione in. A mss. 1 Reg. et Cantabrig. et editis 2 vet. Rom. abest in signo. Scripti 11 et vulgati tres habent in signum; 1 Clarom., quod eos signum præcedens; ms. a Barthio visus, quod Deus signo præcederet. Sed vocem illam Deus insertam alibi non reperio.

That it might go before them as a sign. So I have corrected it from the Gymnicus edition and the 2 very old Royal manuscripts and 15 others. But ten written and nine printed copies lack the preposition "in". From the manuscripts 1 Royal and Cambridge and from the 2 old Roman editions "in signo" is absent. 11 written copies and three printed ones have "in signum"; 1 Clermont, "that a sign going before them"; a manuscript seen by Barth, "that God might go before with a sign". But I do not find that word "Deus" inserted elsewhere.

[Legi] ‹anchor: legi› · lemma note in col 472 Legi. Recte monent interpretes, Moysem montem ascendisse, legis accipiendæ gratia, priusquam vituli simulacrum efficerent Judæi; lex ergo de qua hic, non Decalogus, sed præcepta cæremonialia, etc.

To the law. The interpreters rightly point out that Moses went up the mountain to receive the law before the Jews made the image of the calf; so the law spoken of here is not the Decalogue but the ceremonial precepts, etc.

[Amiserunt vetus nomen] ‹anchor: amiserunt vetus nomen› · lemma note in col 472 Amiserunt vetus nomen, etc. Hebræi dicti fuerunt (continues)

They lost their old name, etc. They were called Hebrews (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> <!-- GAP: on this page the notes begin above the top edge of both foot images (rendered from 0.25 of the page height). The first line of col 473's notes ("ab Heber ... is filius") was read from the column image c473_1 (Q2b) and is set below; the opening of that note lies on p. 239. The opening of col 474's notes (an italic lemma beginning "Cuju…", cut off at the image edge in c473_1, before "novæ quæstiones") is NOT set here; re-render from the page top to complete. --> [Amiserunt vetus nomen] ‹anchor: (note from p. 239)› · lemma note continued, in col 473; [opening on p. 239] […] ab Heber, qui pronepos fuit Noæ, per Sem : is filius Selæ, et nepos Arphaxadi, de quo lege Genes. x; Josephum lib. i, cap. 14, Antiquit.; Hieronymum in quæstionibus Hebraicis in Genes.; Augustin. lib. xvi, cap. 11. Quem vero Judam ducem post Mosis tempora Lactantius hic somniet, non video : nisi is sit, qui, ut est in capite primo Jud., jussu Domini a populo dux declaratus fuit adversus Chananæum, quo cæso, Hierusalem incendio absumpsit. Hic, inquam, Judas a quibusdam veluti interrex inter duces et judices habitus fuit. Atqui communis non modo Bibliorum, sed etiam scriptorum ecclesiasticorum consensus habet, Judæam et tribum Juda, ex Juda Israelis filio, familiæque Judaicæ Patriarcha et progenitore dictas esse, qui patri suo Jacobo ex ancilla Lia in Mesopotamia natus, constantiorque Josephi adversus iniquitatem fratrum defensor fuit : ex cujus linea et prolis serie regnum Israelitarum diutius floruit, et verus Judæorum rex, Christus scilicet, natus est. At Judæorum nomen non habuerunt Hebræi nisi post Salomonem, ante quem ii vocabantur Israelitæ, vel filii Israel. — Hebræi. Quod nomen deducitur vel ab Heber pronepote Noæ, vel potius ab Abrahamo quem dixerunt Hebræum, id est trans flumen habitantem, quia Abraham ex orientali Euphratis ripa in occidentalem sese contulerat jussu supremi Numinis. Ex priori mansione sua nomen Hebræi habuit sanctus Patriarcha.

[…] from Eber, who was the great-grandson of Noah through Shem: he was the son of Shelah, and grandson of Arphaxad, on whom read Genesis 10; Josephus, Antiquities book 1, ch. 14; Jerome, Hebrew Questions on Genesis; Augustine book 16, ch. 11. But what Judah, a leader after the times of Moses, Lactantius is dreaming of here I do not see: unless it be the one who, as in the first chapter of Judges, was declared leader by the people at the Lord's command against the Canaanite, and having slain him, consumed Jerusalem with fire. This Judah, I say, was regarded by some as a kind of interrex between the leaders and the judges. Yet the common consent not only of the Bible but of the church writers holds that Judaea and the tribe of Judah were named from Judah, son of Israel, Patriarch and progenitor of the Jewish family, who was born to his father Jacob of Leah [printed "the handmaid Lia"] in Mesopotamia, and was the steadier defender of Joseph against the wickedness of his brothers: from whose line and succession of offspring the kingdom of the Israelites flourished longest, and the true king of the Jews, Christ, was born. But the Hebrews did not have the name of Jews until after Solomon; before him they were called Israelites, or sons of Israel. — Hebrews: this name is derived either from Eber, great-grandson of Noah, or rather from Abraham, whom they called the Hebrew, that is, one dwelling across the river, because Abraham had moved from the eastern bank of the Euphrates to the western at the command of the supreme Deity. The holy Patriarch took the name Hebrew from his former dwelling.

[Examinis] ‹anchor: examinis› · lemma note in col 473 Examinis. Nihil muto; examen hic ponitur pro exercitu, grege. Horat. i Epist. 19. Dux regit examen. Clare hic imitatur Tertull. Apolog. c. 39 : Nondum Judæum ab Ægypto Examen Palæstina susceperat.

Of the swarm. I change nothing; "swarm" stands here for army, flock. Horace, Epistles 1, 19: "The leader rules the swarm." Here he clearly imitates Tertullian, Apology ch. 39 [sic]: "Palestine had not yet received the Jewish swarm from Egypt."

[Judæi sunt appellati] ‹anchor: Judæi sunt appellati› · lemma note in col 473 Judæi sunt appellati. Josephus a tempore reditus e captivitate Babylonica illos Judæos vocatos fuisse testatur lib. xi, 5. Betuleius. — Primis enim temporibus, vel Hebræi, vel Israelitæ, vel populus Israel, ut jam diximus, cognominabantur.

They were called Jews. Josephus attests, book 11, 5, that they were called Jews from the time of the return from the Babylonian captivity. Betuleius. — For in the earliest times they were named Hebrews, or Israelites, or the people of Israel, as we have said.

[In annum] ‹anchor: in annum› · lemma note in col 473 In annum. Ita omnes mss. et cuncti fere impressi. Nonnullis editis est in annuum.

For a year. So all the manuscripts and almost all the printed copies. Some editions have "in annuum".

[Potestas regalis] ‹anchor: potestas regalis› · lemma note in col 473 Potestas regalis. Non continuo; nam hierarchia intercessit 80 annorum. Heli enim Sacerdos, et Samuel ejus successor, uterque 40 annis Israeliticæ gentis imperium tenuit. Historiam Samuelis nos liber prior docet. Cæterum de horum annis Scriptores inter se differunt.

Royal power. Not immediately; for a hierarchy of 80 years came between. For Eli the priest and Samuel his successor each held rule over the Israelite nation for 40 years. The first book of Samuel tells us his history. But the writers differ among themselves about their years.

[Susceperant] ‹anchor: susceperant› · lemma note in col 473 Susceperant. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiquior, susceperunt.

They had taken up. 1 older Bologna manuscript: "susceperunt".

[Subjugabat] ‹anchor: subjugabat› · lemma note in col 473 Subjugabat. Per servitutes. Judic., iii, iv, vi, x, xiii.

Subjugated. Through bondages. Judges 3, 4, 6, 10, 13.

[Exinde Tetrarchas habuerunt] ‹anchor: exinde Tetrarchas habuerunt› · lemma note in col 473 Exinde Tetrarchas habuerunt, etc. Post reditum, imo in ipso reditu, res Judæorum ad hierarchiam redacta fuit, Zorobabele auctore, deinde aliis sequentibus, de quibus vide Euseb. et Bedam. Tetrarchiæ cœperunt, postquam res Judaicæ in Romanorum potestatem venerunt : non quidem statim ab initio; nam Hircani hierarchia degeneravit in nescio quod regnum Herodis. Cujus minuendi causa quatuor Herodis filii Tetrarchæ constituti fuerunt : Herodes nimirum, Antipater, Lysias et Philippus. Et id beneficio Augusti Cæsaris. Betuleius.

From then on they had Tetrarchs, etc. After the return, indeed at the very return, the affairs of the Jews were brought back to a hierarchy, under Zerubbabel, then others following, on whom see Eusebius and Bede. The tetrarchies began after Jewish affairs came into the power of the Romans: not, however, at once from the beginning; for the hierarchy of Hyrcanus degenerated into some sort of kingdom of Herod. To reduce it, four sons of Herod were made Tetrarchs: namely Herod, Antipater, Lysias and Philip. And that by the favour of Augustus Caesar. Betuleius.

[(lemma above the image)] ‹anchor: not visible› · lemma note in col 474; [beginning not visible in the image] […] novæ quæstiones. Nempe quo anno Christus sit passus, et quo die. Utrinque allegatur Lactantii auctoritas. Paulus de Middelburgo in altera suæ Paulinæ parte, quæ est de passione Dominica, cap. 10. Ejus namque Paulina, quæ prodiit anno 1513, forte nixa erat quadam minus sincera Lactantii editione; ibi Paulus iste docet, Lactantium in hoc Tertulliani secutum esse auctoritatem, Juliique Africani, Ecclesiæ doctoris celeberrimi; et cum his consentire Orosium historicum. Eusebius, Beda et quidam alii passionem Domini in decimum octavum Tyberii annum rejiciunt : sed illi auctoritate Lucæ nixi, veriora tradere videntur. Nam cap. iii, apud Lucam legimus temporum rationem diligentissime observatam : Anno, scribit, decimo quinto imperii Tyberii Cæsaris, Pontio Pilato præside Judææ, Tetrarcha vero Galilææ Herode, Philippo autem fratre ejus Tetrarcha Itureæ et Trachonitidis regionis, et Lysania Abylenes Tetrarcha, sub Pontificibus Anna et Caipha, factum est verbum Domini super Joannem Zachariæ filium, etc. Constat autem, tribus annis et aliquot mensibus amplius Christum post baptismum esse passum. In viii Calendarum Aprilium passionis diem retulerunt Tertullianus, Chrysostomus, Hieronymus, Cyrillus, Augustinus, et Beda.

[…] new questions: namely, in what year Christ suffered, and on what day. Lactantius's authority is cited on both sides. Paul of Middelburg, in the second part of his Paulina, which concerns the Lord's passion, ch. 10. For his Paulina, which appeared in 1513, perhaps relied on some less sound edition of Lactantius; there this Paul teaches that Lactantius in this followed the authority of Tertullian and of Julius Africanus, a most celebrated teacher of the Church; and that the historian Orosius agrees with them. Eusebius, Bede and some others put the Lord's passion back to the eighteenth year of Tiberius: but they, relying on the authority of Luke, seem to report the truer account. For in Luke ch. 3 we read the reckoning of the times most carefully observed: "In the fifteenth year," he writes, "of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, Pontius Pilate being governor of Judaea, and Herod tetrarch of Galilee, and his brother Philip tetrarch of the region of Ituraea and Trachonitis, and Lysanias tetrarch of Abilene, under the high priests Annas and Caiaphas, the word of the Lord came upon John the son of Zechariah", etc. And it is established that Christ suffered three years and some months more after his baptism. Tertullian, Chrysostom, Jerome, Cyril, Augustine and Bede placed the day of the passion on the eighth day before the Kalends of April.

[Duobus Geminis Coss.] ‹anchor: duobus Geminis consulibus› · lemma note in col 474 Duobus Geminis Coss. Tertullianus lib. advers. Judæos, cap. 8 : Passio hujus exterminii intra tempora septuaginta hebdomadum perfecta, sub Tiberio Cæsare, Coss. Rubellio Gemino, et Fusio Gemino, mense Martio, temporibus Paschæ, die viii Kal. April.

In the consulship of the two Gemini. Tertullian, book Against the Jews, ch. 8: "The passion of this destruction was accomplished within the times of the seventy weeks, under Tiberius Caesar, in the consulship of Rubellius Geminus and Fufius Geminus, in the month of March, at the time of the Pasch, on the eighth day before the Kalends of April."

[Ante diem..... Cruci affixerunt] ‹anchor: ante diem ... cruci affixerunt› · lemma note in col 474 Ante diem..... Cruci affixerunt. Sic quidem habent mss. optimi et vetustiores, 9 Reg., 8 Vatic., Bonon., Gat., Marm., Tax., Pen., Cauc., Nav., Vict., Jun., Ultr., Tornes., 2 Brun., Cantabrig., Em. a secunda et quidem eadem manu, 6 Colbert., 1 Sorbon., 2 Clarom., edd. Rom. 1468, 1470, Crat. in marg., Betul., Isæi. Nonnulli mss. et editi legunt Ante diem septimum Kal. April. Hunc Lactantii locum longa et pulcherrima disputatione enarravit Marcellus Francolinus in Tractat. de Temp. Horar. Canonicar. cap. 73 et 74, quem compendio referemus. Per illa, Ante diem decimam Kalendarum, Lactantius intelligit non diem undecimum Kalendarum, ut Paul. Middelburg. quinto Paulin. pag. 2, cap. 4, et Thomasius in Notis ad hunc auctorem putaverunt, sed diem ipsam decimam ante Kalendas Aprilis, in qua locutione computati intelliguntur utrique dies extremi, id est dies qui describitur, et ipse Kalendarum dies, ut recte cum Alciato ipse Marcell. notat d. cap. 73, num. 18, refutata objectione de § Ante diem in leg. Anniculus amittitur. D. de verb. signif. et eodem § egregie explicato. His igitur verbis Lactantius putavit, Christum Dominum passum fuisse die vigesima tertia mensis Martii. Idem sensit Theophilus Cæsariensis vicinus Apostolorum temporibus in Epist. Synodic. de Paschate, quæ impressa legitur inter Opera Bedæ tom. ii, in fine. Idem quoque sensit Eusebius Cæsariensis in omnimod. Historia Canon. Chronicorum, cujus extat fragmentum apud Anastasium Antioch. (continues)

On the ... day before ... they fixed him to the cross. So indeed the best and older manuscripts have it: 9 Royal, 8 Vatican, Bologna, Gat., Marm., Tax., Pen., Cauc., Nav., Vict., Junius, Ultr., Tornesius, 2 Brun., Cambridge, Em. in a second and indeed the same hand, 6 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, 2 Clermont, the Roman editions of 1468 and 1470, Cratander in the margin, Betuleius, Isaeus. Some manuscripts and editions read "on the seventh day before the Kalends of April". Marcello Francolini expounded this passage of Lactantius in a long and very fine discussion in his Treatise on the Times of the Canonical Hours, ch. 73 and 74, which we shall report in brief. By the words "on the tenth day before the Kalends", Lactantius means not the eleventh day before the Kalends, as Paul of Middelburg, Paulina part 5, p. 2, ch. 4, and Thomasius in his Notes on this author thought, but the very tenth day before the Kalends of April, in which expression both end days are understood to be counted, that is, the day described and the day of the Kalends itself, as Marcello himself rightly notes with Alciato in the said ch. 73, no. 18, having refuted the objection from § "Ante diem" in the law "Anniculus amittitur", Digest, On the meaning of words, and having excellently explained the same §. By these words, then, Lactantius held that Christ the Lord suffered on the twenty-third day of the month of March. Theophilus of Caesarea, near the times of the Apostles, thought the same in the Synodical Letter on the Pasch, which is found printed among the Works of Bede, tome 2, at the end. Eusebius of Caesarea also thought the same in the Universal History of the Chronicle Canons, of which a fragment survives in Anastasius of Antioch (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [Ante diem..... Cruci affixerunt] ‹anchor: (note from p. 240)› · lemma note continued, in col 475

(continued) lib. variar. quæst. Idem et S. Augustinus Serm. 22, de Temp., qui est de Nativit. Domini 18; Beda, de Ratione temp. cap. 65, in Chronico; Ado Vienn. in Breviar. Chronicor. ætate prima in principio; Anselmus ii, de Imag. mundi, cap. 17; Nicetas ac Græci fere omnes, et alii. Ex Francolino et Isæo. — Vide nostram Dissert. ad lib. de Mortibus Persecutorum, atque Epistolam eruditissimi et clarissimi viri Stephani Baluzii ad Henricum de Noris ad lib. de Mortibus Persecutorum editam infra tomo ii hujusce Lactantianæ editionis.

[Rerum textus] ‹anchor: rerum textus› · lemma note in col 475 Rerum textus. Ut hic textus et ordo; sic textus et series junguntur ab Arnobio, l. v. Ammian. Marcellin. l. xx, cap. 8 : Gestorum hic textus est. De voce conf. Bornch. Vindic. Lat. p. 229, sqq. Ed. Sublac. habet exitus. Bun.

The web of events. As here "web and order", so "web and series" are joined by Arnobius, book 5. Ammianus Marcellinus book 20, ch. 8: "This is the web of what was done." On the word compare Borrichius, Vindiciae Latinae p. 229 ff. The Subiaco edition has "exitus". Bünemann.

[Eos ipsos] ‹anchor: eos ipsos› · lemma note in col 475 Eos ipsos. Addidi ipsos ex mss. et cunctis pene editis.

Those very men. I have added "ipsos" from the manuscripts and almost all the editions.

[Propheta Jeremias] ‹anchor: propheta Jeremias› · lemma note in col 475 Propheta Jeremias. Hoc testimonium maxima ex parte est Hierem. xliv. Addita sunt quædam ex c. vii, xiii, xvi, et fortasse aliis, non observata personarum mutatione, quæ apud Græcos vel Hebræos est creberrima. Betuleius.

The prophet Jeremiah. This testimony is for the most part Jeremiah 44. Some things are added from ch. 7, 13, 16 and perhaps others, without observing the change of persons, which is very frequent among the Greeks or Hebrews. Betuleius.

[A nequissimis affectionibus vestris] ‹anchor: a nequissimis affectionibus vestris› · lemma note in col 475 A nequissimis affectionibus vestris. Ita reposui ex omnibus pene mss. et plerisque editis. In 4 Reg. rec., 1 Colb., 1 Sorb. et 13 excusis; etiam in Gallæana et Cellariana legitur affectationibus.

From your most wicked affections. So I have restored it from nearly all the manuscripts and most editions. In 4 later Royal, 1 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne and 13 printed copies, and also in Gallaeus's and Cellarius's, "affectationibus" is read.

[Esdras etiam propheta] ‹anchor: Esdras etiam propheta› · lemma note in col 475 Esdras etiam propheta. Nehemiæ c. ix, hic locus invenitur, qui quidem liber apud Græcos est secundo Esdræ libro insertus; et hic sermo Esdræ, non Nehemiæ attribuitur. Est autem locus, ut dixi, Nehemiæ c. ix. Utrum autem Esdras propheta sit disputat Augustinus, lib. xviii de Civit. Dei, c. 36.

Ezra the prophet too. This passage is found in Nehemiah ch. 9, a book which among the Greeks is inserted into the second book of Ezra; and here the speech is attributed to Ezra, not Nehemiah. But the passage is, as I said, Nehemiah ch. 9. Whether Ezra is a prophet Augustine discusses, City of God book 18, ch. 36.

[Post corpus suum] ‹anchor: post corpus suum› · lemma note in col 475 Post corpus suum. Sic restitui ex editis Is., Cellar., Walch., et omnibus mss. præter 2 Reg. rec. quibus, sicut et 12 impressis, est post cor suum; in Bonon. antiq., post dorsum. At cum nostra textus lectione consentit Græcus Nehemiæ liber, quem Lactantius expressit, aut ejus versionem ὀπίσω σώματος αὐτῶν. Ex Cellario.

Behind their body. So I have restored it from the Isaeus, Cellarius and Walch editions and all the manuscripts except 2 later Royal, which, like 12 printed copies, have "behind their heart"; the old Bologna, "behind their back". But with our text's reading agrees the Greek book of Nehemiah, which Lactantius rendered, or its version "behind their body". From Cellarius.

[Æmulando æmulatus sum] ‹anchor: æmulando æmulatus sum› · lemma note in col 476 Æmulando æmulatus sum. Ita vet. edit. Rom. cum omnibus mss. præter 1 Reg. recentissimum et omnes fere edit. in quibus legitur : Æmulans æmulatus sum.

With zeal I have been zealous. So the old Roman edition with all the manuscripts except 1 very recent Royal and almost all the editions, in which one reads "Aemulans aemulatus sum".

[Abdicavit] ‹anchor: abdicavit› · lemma note in col 476 Abdicavit. Abdicant patres liberos degeneres, id est, excludunt, alienantque, ἀποκηρύττουσι. Nam ἀποκήρυξις abdicatio est, apud Justin. C. de patr. pot. Alciat., lib. ii, c. 28. Betuleius.

He disowned. Fathers disown degenerate children, that is, shut them out and estrange them; [in Greek] they "proclaim them off". For "apokeryxis" is disowning, in Justinian, Code, On paternal power; Alciato, book 2, ch. 28. Betuleius.

[Consiliatorem] ‹anchor: consiliatorem› · lemma note in col 476 Consiliatorem. Ed. Sublac. habet consolatorem.

Counsellor. The Subiaco edition has "consolatorem", comforter.

[Delabi jussit e cœlo] ‹anchor: delabi jussit e cœlo› · lemma note in col 476 Delabi jussit e cœlo. Ita meliores et antiquiores mss. et quamplurimi editi. In scriptis rec. et nonnullis editis est labi. — Delabi... e cœlo. Eleganter labi et delabi, pro descendere, uti variat in Epitom., c. 43. Tertull. Apol., c. 21 de Christo, delapsus in virginem. Bun.

Commanded to glide down from heaven. So the better and older manuscripts and very many editions. In later written copies and some editions it is "labi". — Glide down ... from heaven: "labi" and "delabi" are used elegantly for "descend", as the variant in the Epitome, ch. 43. Tertullian, Apology ch. 21, of Christ: "having glided down into a virgin". Bünemann.

[Denuntiaverat se esse facturum] ‹anchor: denuntiaverat se esse facturum› · lemma note in col 476 Denuntiaverat se esse facturum. Sic lego cum antiquioribus et potioribus mss. et 6 editis. In 1 Bonon. antiq. et Lips. est, denuntiaverat sese facturum; in 6 mss. et 4 excusis, annuntiaverat; in Pen., annuntiaverunt.

He had announced that he would do it. So I read with the older and better manuscripts and 6 editions. In 1 old Bologna and Leipzig it is "denuntiaverat sese facturum"; in 6 manuscripts and 4 printed copies, "annuntiaverat"; in Pen., "annuntiaverunt".

[Malachias propheta indicat] ‹anchor: Malachias propheta indicat› · lemma note in col 476 Malachias propheta indicat. In 2 antiquissimis mss. Reg. aliisque 2 item Regiis legitur Malachiel. Abest propheta a 7 veteribus excusis. Pro indicat, scriptum est annuntiat in 1 Regio; in Lips. annuntiavit. In Gothano est simpliciter Malachias propheta dicit, scil., c. 1.

As the prophet Malachi shows. In 2 very old Royal manuscripts and 2 other Royal ones "Malachiel" is read. "Prophet" is absent from 7 old printed copies. For "indicat", 1 Royal has "annuntiat"; Leipzig "annuntiavit". The Gotha has simply "the prophet Malachi says", namely ch. 1.

[Sacrificium acceptum non habebo] ‹anchor: sacrificium acceptum non habebo› · lemma note in col 476 Sacrificium acceptum non habebo. Sic restitui ex mss. 2 veterrimis Reg., 4 Colbert. et recte. Nec aliter legitur apud Cyprianum, lib. i Testimonior. adversus Judæos, c. 16. Apud Septuaginta, et in Vulgata, non suscipiam; in 2 al. Colbert. et 2 Clarom. Sacrificia non accipiam; quod in idem recidit. In recentioribus 2 Reg, et Brun. ac in excusis est, acceptum non habeo. Legitur acceptum non habebo apud Buneman., qui in hanc variantem notam sequentem exhibet. — Omnium optime Betuleius et solus edidit, acceptum non habeo; ita enim codex Taurin. Epit., c. 48, clare, æque ac Cyprian., c. 16, quem maxime sequitur, præferunt. Et est in hebr. et gr. futurum. Isæus quoque vidit. Bun.

I will not hold the sacrifice acceptable. So I have restored it from the 2 very old Royal manuscripts and 4 Colbert, and rightly. Nor is it read otherwise in Cyprian, Testimonies against the Jews book 1, ch. 16. In the Septuagint and the Vulgate, "I will not receive"; in 2 other Colbert and 2 Clermont, "I will not accept sacrifices"; which comes to the same. In the more recent 2 Royal and Brun. and in the printed copies it is "I do not hold it acceptable". "I will not hold acceptable" is read in Bünemann, who gives the following note on this variant. — Best of all, and alone, Betuleius printed "acceptum non habeo" [sic]; for so the Turin codex of the Epitome, ch. 48, clearly has it, as does Cyprian, ch. 16, whom he chiefly follows. And in the Hebrew and Greek it is a future. Isaeus saw it too. Bünemann.

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [Clarificabitur] ‹anchor: clarificabitur› · lemma note in col 477 Clarificabitur. Græce clarificatum est; et ita legitur apud Tertullianum, et apud Cyprianum adversus Judæos.

Shall be glorified. In the Greek "has been glorified"; and so it is read in Tertullian, and in Cyprian against the Jews.

[Quæ longe sunt] ‹anchor: quæ longe sunt› · lemma note in col 477 Quæ longe sunt. Tertull., v adv. Marc.: Qui eratis longe, facti estis prope. Cypr. i ad Quirin., c. 21 : Extollet signum in gentes, quæ longe sunt; et paulo ante in hoc ipso loco, quæ longe sunt; et c. 22. Bun.

Which are far off. Tertullian, Against Marcion book 5: "You who were far off have been made near." Cyprian, To Quirinus book 1, ch. 21: "He will lift up a sign to the nations which are far off"; and a little before in this very passage, "which are far off"; and ch. 22. Bünemann.

[Sic esse facturum] ‹anchor: sic esse facturum› · lemma note in col 477 Sic esse facturum. Mss. 9 rec. sic esse futurum.

That he would do so. 9 later manuscripts: "that it would be so".

[Serra consectum] ‹anchor: serra confectum› · lemma note in col 477 Serra consectum, etc. Atque hoc est unum de exquisitis suppliciis, quæ supra Lactant. dixit, quibus prophetæ sunt excarnificati. Sic Jehu ab Ela occiditur (III Reg., xvi); Esaias serra lignea in duas partes scinditur sub Manasse, qui plurimos interfecit prophetas; Hieremias in Ægypto a plebe lapidibus adobrutus interiit, vel (ut plurimi volunt) in lacum mersus; Ezechiel a duce populi in Babylone fuit interfectus; Naboth lapidibus obrutus interiit (III Reg., xxi); Amos ab Amasiæ sacerdotis filio clavo occisus; Michæas a Joram filio regis Achab præcipitatus; Zacharias inter aram et templum occisus a rege Joa (Luc, xi, 2; Par., xxiv). De Esaiæ supplicio neque in sacris Bibliorum monumentis quidquam est, neque apud Josephum, qui lib. iv, c. 10, de Manassis tyrannide scripsit : in Bibliis vero de hoc legimus IV Reg., xxi, 2; Paral., xxxiii. Et licet hæc inter apocrypha Esaiæ sint, Origenes tamen fidem censet esse habendam Paulo, qui Heb. II ait : Lapidati sunt, dissecti sunt; hoc posterius de Esaia intelligendum esse. Meminit hujus sectionis uterque Talmud, et inter scriptores ecclesiasticos Justinus Martyr Dial. cum Tryphone; Origen. Homil. i de Psal. XXXVII, item Hom. i in Esaiam; Tertul., in lib. de Patientia; Chrysost., in c. Matth. XIX, Homil. 33. Meminit item Hieronym. in c. lvii Esaiæ, Ambros. de Jacob et Vita beata, lib. ii, in Psal. CXVIII, serm. 3, item in c. xx Lucæ; Hilarius item contra Constantium August. Nec obticet Epiphan. in ejus Vita. Interfectus autem est, si Eusebio credimus, Olymp. xvii, regnante apud Rom. Numa Pompilio. Betul.

Cut in pieces with a saw, etc. And this is one of the refined tortures, spoken of above by Lactantius, by which the prophets were butchered. So Jehu is killed by Elah (3 Kgs. 16); Isaiah is cut in two with a wooden saw under Manasseh, who killed very many prophets; Jeremiah died in Egypt overwhelmed with stones by the people, or (as most hold) plunged into a pit; Ezekiel was killed by a leader of the people in Babylon; Naboth died overwhelmed with stones (3 Kgs. 21); Amos was killed with a club by the son of Amaziah the priest; Micah was thrown headlong by Joram son of King Ahab; Zechariah was killed between the altar and the temple by King Joash (Luke 11:2 [sic]; Chr. 24). Of Isaiah's punishment there is nothing either in the sacred records of the Bible or in Josephus, who wrote of the tyranny of Manasseh in book 4, ch. 10; but in the Bible we read of this in 4 Kings 21:2; Chronicles 33. And though these things are among the apocrypha of Isaiah, Origen nevertheless judges that credence should be given to Paul, who says in Hebrews 2 [sic]: "They were stoned, they were sawn asunder"; the latter is to be understood of Isaiah. Both Talmuds mention this sawing, and among the church writers Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho; Origen, Homily 1 on Psalm 37, also Homily 1 on Isaiah; Tertullian, book On Patience; Chrysostom on Matthew ch. 19, Homily 33. Jerome too mentions it on Isaiah ch. 57; Ambrose, On Jacob and the Happy Life book 2; on Psalm 118, sermon 3; also on Luke ch. 20; Hilary likewise, Against Constantius Augustus. Nor is Epiphanius silent in his Life. He was killed, if we believe Eusebius, in Olympiad 17, while Numa Pompilius reigned at Rome. Betuleius.

[Incassum facta est metatura, falsi scribæ, et confusi sunt] ‹anchor: incassum facta est metatura› · lemma note in col 478 Incassum facta est metatura, falsi scribæ, et confusi sunt. Sic habent antiquissimi et optimi quique mss. 6 Reg., 2 Bonon., 2 Clarom. aliique cum omnibus impressis, præter edit. Rom. 1470 et 12 mss. rec. quibus est, metatura falsa : scribæ confusi sunt. In 1 Colbert., metatura falsa scribæ et confusi sunt; item in edit. Cellar., deleto et. In Regio-Put. est ut in textu, expuncta copula et. Apud lxx et apud Cyprianum, metatura falsa scribis, et confusi sunt. Apud Hieronymum, Mendacium operatus est stylus mendax scribarum. Confusi sunt sapientes, perterriti et capti sunt.

In vain was the measuring done; false are the scribes, and they are confounded. So the oldest and best manuscripts have it, 6 Royal, 2 Bologna, 2 Clermont and others, with all the printed copies except the Roman edition of 1470 and 12 later manuscripts, which have "the measuring was false: the scribes are confounded". In 1 Colbert: "the measuring was false, the scribes and they are confounded"; likewise in Cellarius's edition, with "et" deleted. In Regio-Put. it is as in the text, with the copula "et" struck out. In the Seventy and in Cyprian: "the measuring was false for the scribes, and they are confounded". In Jerome: "The lying pen of the scribes has wrought falsehood. The wise are confounded, they are dismayed and taken."

[Clemens est et pius erga suos Deus] ‹anchor: clemens est et pius erga suos› · lemma note in col 478 Clemens est et pius erga suos Deus. Pietas hic loci significat Dei misericordiam. Antoninus vocatus fuit pius, quod esset clementissimus. August. de Civit. Dei, lib. x, c. 1 : More autem vulgi hoc nomen (pietas) etiam in operibus misericordiæ frequentatur : ex qua loquendi consuetudine factum est, ut et Deus ipse dicatur pius, etc. Herald.

God is merciful and kind towards his own. "Pietas" in this place means the mercy of God. Antoninus was called Pius because he was most merciful. Augustine, City of God book 10, ch. 1: "In common usage this word (pietas) is also often used of works of mercy: from which custom of speech it has come about that God himself too is called 'pius'", etc. Hérault.

[Quos oderat] ‹anchor: quos oderat› · lemma note in col 478 Quos oderat. Vide Epistol. Pauli ad Rom., c. v.

Whom he hated. See Paul's Epistle to the Romans, ch. 5.

[Repudiassent] ‹anchor: repudiassent› · lemma note in col 478 Repudiassent. Mss. 1 Bonon. antiq. et edd. quatuor rec. ac etiam Thomasiana addunt, quod sciebat esse facturos. Hæc ut glossema a cæteris absunt.

They had rejected. 1 old Bologna manuscript and four later editions, and also Thomasius's, add "which he knew they would do". These words, as a gloss, are absent from the rest.

[Descendens] ‹anchor: descendens› · lemma note in col 478 Descendens. Scilicet ubi venit plenitudo temporis. Ad Galat. cap. iv.

Descending. That is, when the fullness of time came. Galatians ch. 4.

[Quod si animalia quædam vento et aura concipere solere] ‹anchor: vento et aura concipere› · lemma note in col 478 Quod si animalia quædam vento et aura concipere solere, etc. Mss. 2 Reg. et 6 editi rec. legunt aura; cæteri, et aura. Est quoque conjunctio et apud Virgilium. Equas vento Favonio concipere scribit Virgilius lib. iii Georgic., v. 272 : Et sæpe sine ullis Conjugiis, vento gravidæ, mirabile dictu. Varro lib. de Re rustica ii, cap. 1 : In fœtura, inquit, res incredibilis est in Hispania, sed est vera : quod in Lusitania ad Oceanum, in ea regione ubi est oppidum Olysippo, monte Tagro, quædam e vento certo tempore concipiunt equæ; ut hic gallinæ quoque solent, quarum ova hippenemia appellant, etc. Meminit Plin. lib. iv, (continues)

But if certain animals are wont to conceive by wind and breeze, etc. 2 Royal manuscripts and 6 later editions read "aura"; the rest "et aura". The conjunction "et" is also in Virgil. Virgil writes that mares conceive by the west wind, Georgics book 3, v. 272: "And often without any matings, made pregnant by the wind, wonderful to tell." Varro, On Agriculture book 2, ch. 1: "In breeding," he says, "there is a thing incredible in Spain, but true: that in Lusitania by the Ocean, in the region where the town of Olisipo is, on Mount Tagrus, certain mares at a fixed season conceive from the wind; as hens here also do, whose eggs they call 'hypenemia' [wind-eggs]", etc. Pliny mentions it, book 4, (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [Quod si animalia quædam vento et aura concipere solere] ‹anchor: (note from p. 242)› · lemma note continued, in col 479

(continued) cap. 22, lib. viii, cap. 42, lib. xvi, cap. 24. Hæc comparatio est a minori ad majus : sed vereor ne tunc temporis auctoritatem magnam non habuerit.

[Gravatam esse Virginem] ‹anchor: gravatam esse Virginem› · lemma note in col 479 Gravatam esse Virginem. Ita omnes editi et mss. præter 4 rec. in quibus est gravidatam. 1 Colbert a secunda manu gravidam. Et infra gravata est etiam in mss. codicibus.

That the Virgin was made heavy. So all the editions and manuscripts except 4 later ones, which have "gravidatam". 1 Colbert in a second hand "gravidam". And below, "gravata est" is also in the manuscript books.

[Salomon ita dicit] ‹anchor: Salomon ita dicit› · lemma note in col 479 Salomon ita dicit. Sic ferunt multi mss. Inter cæteros alii addunt in Ode undevigesima; alii in Psalmo undevigesimo; 2, in Psalmo vigesimo : quæ omnia mihi videntur esse glossemata. Alteri 2 Reg. rec. et editi octo, Salamon sic ait. Hæc Salomonis verba in ejus libris non leguntur.

Solomon speaks thus. So many manuscripts have it. Among the rest some add "in the nineteenth Ode"; others "in the nineteenth Psalm"; 2, "in the twentieth Psalm": all of which seem to me to be glosses. Another 2 later Royal and eight editions: "Salamon sic ait". These words of Solomon are not read in his books.

[Ecce Virgo accipiet in utero] ‹anchor: ecce Virgo accipiet in utero› · lemma note in col 479 Ecce Virgo accipiet in utero. Ita ms. antiquissimus Regio-Puteanus, 1 Colb. Em. et 1 Clarom. nec aliter legit S. Cyprianus lib. ii Testimonior. adversus Judæos, cap. 8. In 2 Reg. et 12 editis est in uterum; in 19 scriptis recentissimis et 8 excusis est, concipiet in utero. Ed. Sublac. habet concipiet.

Behold, a Virgin shall receive in the womb. So the very old manuscript Regio-Puteanus, 1 Colbert, Em. and 1 Clermont; nor does St Cyprian read otherwise, Testimonies against the Jews book 2, ch. 8. In 2 Royal and 12 editions it is "in uterum"; in 19 very recent written copies and 8 printed ones it is "shall conceive in the womb". The Subiaco edition has "concipiet".

[Vocabitis] ‹anchor: vocabitis› · lemma note in col 479 Vocabitis. Ita mss. 9 Regii, inter quos sunt duo antiquissimi, aliique cum 9 editis. Scripti 6 rec. cum totidem excusis habent vocabitur; alteri rec. vocabis. Hæc apud Isaiam cap. vii. Vide Irenæum lib. iii, cap. 24, 16.

You shall call. So 9 Royal manuscripts, two of them very old, and others, with 9 editions. 6 later written copies with as many printed ones have "vocabitur"; another later one "vocabis". This is in Isaiah ch. 7. See Irenaeus book 3, ch. 24, 16.

[Qui eum negaverunt] ‹anchor: qui eum negaverunt› · lemma note in col 479 Qui eum negaverunt. Ita omnes editi cum mss. præter 2 Reg., Tornes., 2 Colbert., 1 Clarom., in quibus est, necaverunt. Vide eamdem locutionem infra cap. 18.

Who denied him. So all the editions with the manuscripts except 2 Royal, Tornesius, 2 Colbert, 1 Clermont, in which it is "necaverunt", killed. See the same expression below, ch. 18.

[Hemanuel autem nunquam vocitatus est] ‹anchor: Hemanuel autem nunquam vocitatus est› · lemma note in col 479 Hemanuel autem nunquam vocitatus est, etc. Verum est nunquam fuisse ita vocitatum nomine proprio : sed certum tamen est, illum fuisse verum Emmanuelem nostrum, non quoad appellationem nominis externam, sed vel ad efficientiam, vel ad applicationem rei, quæ per nomen illud designatur.

But he was never called Emmanuel, etc. It is true that he was never so called as a proper name: but it is certain nevertheless that he was our true Emmanuel, not as to the outward use of the name, but either in effect or in the application of the thing which that name signifies.

[Qui suscitavit] ‹anchor: qui suscitavit› · lemma note in col 479 Qui suscitavit. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. quia.

Who raised up. 1 old Bologna manuscript: "quia".

[Suscitavit de terra pastorem ovium] ‹anchor: suscitavit de terra pastorem ovium› · lemma note in col 479, running into col 480 Suscitavit de terra pastorem ovium. Pro de terra, legitur apud lxx, eduxit de mari, ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης, pastorem ovium. Ita etiam Hebræus et S. Hieronymus in sua vers. In cæteris, ἐκ τῆς γῆς, et apud Hieronymum de terra. Hunc locum, quem ad calcem Epistolæ ad Hebræos Paulus respexisse videtur paulo aliter protulit : Deus... qui eduxit de mortuis pastorem magnum ovium, ὁ ἀναγάγων ἐκ νεκρῶν. Vide Isaiam capite lxiii atq. xlv.

He raised up the shepherd of the sheep from the earth. For "from the earth" one reads in the Seventy "he led out from the sea", "from the sea", the shepherd of the sheep. So too the Hebrew and St Jerome in his version. In the others, "from the earth", and in Jerome "de terra". This passage, which Paul seems to have had in view at the close of the Epistle to the Hebrews, he quoted a little differently: "God ... who brought again from the dead the great shepherd of the sheep", "who brought up from the dead". See Isaiah ch. 63 and 45.

[Ego enim dominus Deus creavi] ‹anchor: ego enim dominus Deus creavi› · lemma note in col 480 Ego enim dominus Deus creavi, etc. Non est quod somnies tibi creatum quemdam Dei Filium : cujus erroris arcendi causa Nicæna synodus curavit, ut deinceps in symbolo diceretur, Γεννηθέντα, οὐ ποιηθέντα. De quo lege Basilii epistolam ad Antiochenses scriptam, et aliam Eusebii, quam Theodoretus ecclesiasticæ historiæ inseruit lib. i, cap. 12. Vide apud Epiphanium, hæreticæ pravitatis inquisitorem acerrimum, propheticarum vocum conciliatorem diligentissimum, libro iii, quæ sit inter creari et gigni differentia. Betuleius.

For I the Lord God have created, etc. There is no reason for you to dream up some created Son of God: to ward off this error the synod of Nicaea saw to it that the creed should thenceforth say "begotten, not made". On this read Basil's letter written to the Antiochenes, and another of Eusebius, which Theodoret inserted into his Ecclesiastical History, book 1, ch. 12. See in Epiphanius, most keen inquisitor of heretical depravity and most careful reconciler of prophetic sayings, book 3, what the difference is between being created and being begotten. Betuleius.

[Ecce] ‹anchor: ecce› · lemma note in col 480 Ecce, etc. Isai. IX. Sed hæc non sunt totidem verbis in Scriptura : unde conjicere licet, Lactantium memoriter allegasse Scripturas sacras.

Behold, etc. Isaiah 9. But these words are not in Scripture in so many words: from which one may conjecture that Lactantius cited the sacred Scriptures from memory.

[Singularis] ‹anchor: singularis› · lemma note in col 480 Singularis. Vox theologica, inquit Betuleius; sed non magis quam unus, unicus, pro quo sæpe eleganter singularis ponit. Notavi ad lib. i, c. 4 fin. Æque ac hic lib. i, cap. 13 : Dei singularis ac veri dixit. Bun.

Singular. A theological word, says Betuleius; but no more than "one", "only", for which he often elegantly puts "singularis". I noted it at book 1, ch. 4, end. Just as here, book 1, ch. 13, he said "of the singular and true God". Bünemann.

[Ablatum perfido populo] ‹anchor: ablatum perfido populo› · lemma note in col 480 Ablatum perfido populo. Goth. : ablato perfido populo, prave. Lib. iv, cap. 2 : Statuerat Deus ... ducem mittere, qui eam justitiam (hoc loco, sanctum mysterium) perfido ingratoque populo ablatam cæteris nationibus revelaret. Bun.

Taken away from the faithless people. Gotha: "ablato perfido populo", wrongly. Book 4, ch. 2: "God had determined ... to send a leader, who would reveal to the other nations that justice (in this place, the holy mystery), taken away from a faithless and ungrateful people." Bünemann.

[Daniel quoque similia prælocutus est] ‹anchor: Daniel quoque similia› · lemma note in col 480 Daniel quoque similia prælocutus est. Cap. vii. Hebræi eum prophetis non accensent; causa est, quod vitam egerit non propheticam, sed Satrapicam, ut David regalem. Quare eos aiunt scripsisse quidem per Spiritum Sanctum, sed Prophetas non fuisse : attamen et Christus, et Josephus, et catholica Ecclesia Danielem vocant prophetam. Ex Pererio.

Daniel too foretold similar things. Ch. 7. The Hebrews do not count him among the prophets; the reason is that he led not a prophet's life but a satrap's, as David a king's. So they say that these men wrote indeed through the Holy Spirit, but were not Prophets: yet Christ, and Josephus, and the Catholic Church call Daniel a prophet. From Pereira.

[Quod non corrumpetur] ‹anchor: quod non corrumpetur› · lemma note in col 480 Quod non corrumpetur. Amittit quod Buneman. « Antea, inquit, fuerat editum ab omnibus, et regnum ejus, quod non corrumpetur. Atque habent quod textus hebr., Tertullianus quoque lib. iii, adversus Marcionem : Et regnum ejus, quod non vitiabitur. Nihilominus omisi fide codicis Gothani, qui pariter ac antiquissimus tauriniensis in Epit. c. 47 clare legunt : et regnum ejus non corrumpetur. Bun. »

Which shall not be corrupted. Bünemann drops "quod". "Before," he says, "it had been printed by all, 'and his kingdom, which shall not be corrupted'. And the Hebrew text has 'quod', as does Tertullian, Against Marcion book 3: 'And his kingdom, which shall not be spoiled.' Nevertheless I have omitted it on the authority of the Gotha codex, which, like the very old Turin codex of the Epitome, ch. 47, clearly reads: 'and his kingdom shall not be corrupted.' Bünemann."

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [Ut Christus bis adveniat in terram] ‹anchor: bis adveniat in terram› · lemma note in col 481 Ut Christus bis adveniat in terram, etc. Falsum hoc est. Ita sensere illi quos Millenarios vocant, quorum errorem postea refutabimus ubi quæstionem illam ex professo tractabit Lactantius. Gallæus.

That Christ should come to earth twice, etc. This is false. So thought those whom they call Millenarians, whose error we shall refute later when Lactantius treats that question expressly. Gallaeus.

[Carne indui haberet in terra] ‹anchor: carne indui haberet› · lemma note in col 481 Carne indui haberet in terra. Mss. Jun., 1 Colb., 1 Clarom. et edit. Ald., Graph., Crat., carne indui deberet in terra. Sed haberet vera lectio, quæ omnium aliorum codicum confirmatur auctoritate, et Lactantii infra cap. 30, paulo post initium, et lib. vii, cap. 6, ante finem.—Indui haberet. Lego, inquit Heumannus, deberet, ut in 1513 et 1515. Hic est stylus Lactantii et Scriptorum sacrorum. Lact. l. iv, c. 20 : Quod per Christum dari haberet. Ibid. cap. 30 : Quod... hæreses haberent existere. Tertullianus de Velanda Virgine c. 5 : De qua Christus nasci habebat, c. 11 : Responderi ex adverso habebat. Advers. Judæos : Dari habebat circumcisio; c. 8 : Exterminari haberet; cap. 11 : Habebat expungi; cap. 14 : Agnosci habet; de Baptismo cap. 16 : Habet tingi. De Carne Chr. cap. 7 : Nasci haberet; Resurr. Carn. cap. 14 : Habent judicari. Buneman.

Was to be clothed with flesh on earth. The manuscripts Junius, 1 Colbert, 1 Clermont, and the Aldine, Gryphius and Cratander editions: "ought to be clothed with flesh on earth". But "haberet" is the true reading, confirmed by the authority of all the other codices, and by Lactantius below, ch. 30, a little after the beginning, and book 7, ch. 6, before the end. — "Indui haberet": "I read," says Heumann, "'deberet', as in 1513 and 1515." This is the style of Lactantius and of the sacred writers. Lactantius book 4, ch. 20: "which was to be given through Christ". Ibid. ch. 30: "that ... heresies were to arise". Tertullian, On the Veiling of Virgins ch. 5: "of whom Christ was to be born"; ch. 11: "was to be answered from the other side". Against the Jews: "circumcision was to be given"; ch. 8: "was to be destroyed"; ch. 11: "was to be blotted out"; ch. 14: "is to be recognized"; On Baptism ch. 16: "is to be dipped". On the Flesh of Christ ch. 7: "was to be born"; On the Resurrection of the Flesh ch. 14: "are to be judged". Bünemann.

[Usque ad antiquum] ‹anchor: usque ad antiquum› · lemma note in col 481 Usque ad antiquum. Sublac. et Ven : 1471 : Usque antiquum. Ut notavi ad lib. i, c. 22, hic non probo; habent enim reliqui omnes : variat tamen hic in verbis. Vid. supra, usque ad vetustum dierum. Cyprianus, l. ii Test. 26, usque ad veterum dierum. Bun.

Even to the Ancient. Subiaco and Venice 1471: "usque antiquum". As I noted at book 1, ch. 22, I do not approve it here; for all the rest have [ad]: but he varies in the words here. See above, "even to the Ancient of days" (vetustum). Cyprian, Testimonies book 2, 26: "usque ad veterem dierum" [printed "veterum"]. Bünemann.

[Esaias] ‹anchor: Esaias› · lemma note in col 481 Esaias. Capite scilicet xlv. At quamvis hæc prophetia Cyro nominatim conveniat, attamen aliquatenus eam Christo theologi adjudicant.

Isaiah. Chapter 45, that is. But although this prophecy applies to Cyrus by name, the theologians nevertheless to some extent assign it to Christ.

[Ego ante te ibo] ‹anchor: ego ante te ibo› · lemma note in col 481, running into col 482 Ego ante te ibo. Sic reposui ex omnibus fere mss. ac vet. edit. Rom., Cellar., Walch. Deest te in 3 Reg., 2 Colbert. rec. et 12 vulgatis. Est in textu Hebr. et apud Septuaginta; et mss. Lipsiensibus, Ego ante eum ibo. Et mox post invisibiles, lxx addunt, aperiam tibi.

I will go before you. So I have restored it from almost all the manuscripts and the old Roman edition, Cellarius and Walch. "Te" is lacking in 3 Royal, 2 later Colbert and 12 printed editions. It is in the Hebrew text and in the Septuagint; and the Leipzig manuscripts have "I will go before him". And just after "invisible", the Seventy add "I will open to you".

[Habet imperium atque honorem] ‹anchor: habet imperium atque honorem› · lemma note in col 482 Habet imperium atque honorem. Ita mss. antiquissimi et 7 typis excusi. At scripti 17 rec. et vulgati 7 habet imperium, habet honorem. Hæc ultima lectio non caret elegantia, eaque Lactantiana.

He has rule and honour. So the very old manuscripts and 7 printed copies. But 17 later written copies and 7 printed have "he has rule, he has honour". This last reading is not without elegance, and Lactantian.

[Rursus advenerit] ‹anchor: rursus advenerit› · lemma note in col 482 Rursus advenerit. Rursus ad ingenium redit Lactantius; atque iterum somniat de regno mille annorum, quod in mente habebat.

When he comes again. Lactantius returns to his bent again; and dreams once more of the thousand-year kingdom which he had in mind.

[Summo Patri similis] ‹anchor: summo Patri similis› · lemma note in col 482 Summo Patri similis. Mss. Lipsienses, 1 Colb., Em., Brun., summo Deo Patri. Hic autem similitudo intelligenda est non consistens accidentibus, quæ nulla in Deum cadunt, sed essentia. Videtur enim omnino τὸ ὁμοούσιον velle constituere, quod postea in Nicæna synodo fuit constitutum : nempe ut contra Arianos et alias hæreses confiterentur, Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, γεννηθέντα ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς μονογενῆ, τουτέστιν ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ Πατρὸς, Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ, καὶ φῶς ἐκ φωτὸς, θεὸν ἀληθινὸν ἐκ θεοῦ ἀληθινοῦ, etc. Fuit autem Christus homini etiam ita similis, ut peccator videretur. Rom. VIII : Deus Filium misit in similitudinem carnis peccati. Hinc etiam capite sequenti ex Zachariæ visione sordidis vestimentis amictus apparet. Betuleius.

Like the supreme Father. The Leipzig manuscripts, 1 Colbert, Em., Brun.: "summo Deo Patri". Here the likeness is to be understood as consisting not in accidents, none of which belong to God, but in essence. For he seems plainly to wish to establish the "homoousion", which was afterwards established at the synod of Nicaea: namely that against the Arians and other heresies they should confess "Jesus Christ the Son of God, begotten of the Father, only-begotten, that is, of the substance of the Father, God from God, and light from light, true God from true God", etc. And Christ was also so like man that he seemed a sinner. Romans 8: "God sent his Son in the likeness of sinful flesh." Hence too in the next chapter, from Zechariah's vision, he appears clothed in filthy garments. Betuleius.

[Ἀπάτωρ atque ἀμήτωρ] ‹anchor: ἀπάτωρ atque ἀμήτωρ› · lemma note in col 482 Ἀπάτωρ atque ἀμήτωρ. Hoc idem Cyrillus contra Julianum monet. Pauli epistola, quæ ad Hebræos scripta est, cap. vii, multum lucis hinc acquirit; neque hic locus sine illo recte intelligetur. Docet enim ibi Apostolus, regem Salem Melchisedech, qui idem altissimi Dei Pontifex fuit, in eo Christi typum gessisse, quod (continues)

Fatherless and motherless. Cyril points out the same against Julian. Paul's epistle written to the Hebrews, ch. 7, gains much light from this; nor will this passage be rightly understood without that one. For there the Apostle teaches that Melchizedek, king of Salem, who was also priest of the most high God, bore the type of Christ in that (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. One note on this page carries its own call, (a), inside the Latin version of the oracle; it is set at the end, where the page prints it. --> [Ἀπάτωρ atque ἀμήτωρ] ‹anchor: (note from p. 254)› · lemma note continued, in col 483

(continued) Gen. XIV legitur ignoti patris et ignotæ matris fuisse. Betuleius.— Vide etiam Cunæum de Republica Hebræorum libro iii, cap. 4.

[Ut et ipse] ‹anchor: ut et ipse› · lemma note in col 483 Ut et ipse. Addidi et ex omnibus prope mss.

That he too. I have added "et" from nearly all the manuscripts.

[Generatus est] ‹anchor: generatus est› · lemma note in col 483 Generatus est. Mss. Cauc., Jun., 2 Reg. et 11 vulgati, progeneratus est.

He was begotten. The manuscripts Cauc., Junius, 2 Royal and 11 printed editions: "progeneratus est".

[Virginali] ‹anchor: virginali› · lemma note in col 483 Virginali. Heum. legit e Virginali.

Virginal. Heumann reads "e Virginali".

[Interim] ‹anchor: interim› · lemma note in col 483 Interim, Reimm. al. iterum, quo varians lectio, iterum, indicatur. In Subl., Rost., Ven. 1471, 72, utraque 78 : Integrum et Deum fuisse testatur. Apertum typothetis verba, fuisse, et hominem ex utroque genere permistum, prophetis vaticinantibus discimus. Esaias Deum fuisse, excidisse, quia verba illa, Deum fuisse, bis sequebatur. Paris. 1513 : Integrum et Deum fuisse, etc. habet omnia. Edit. Sublac. habet integrum et Deum fuisse testatur his verbis : fatigata, etc. Bun.

Meanwhile. Reimmann: "al. iterum", by which the variant reading "iterum" is indicated. In the Subiaco, Rostock, Venice 1471 and 72, and both of 78: "He testifies that he was whole and God." It is plain that the typesetters dropped the words "fuisse, et hominem ex utroque genere permistum, prophetis vaticinantibus discimus. Esaias Deum fuisse", because the words "Deum fuisse" followed twice. Paris 1513: "Integrum et Deum fuisse", etc., has everything. The Subiaco edition has "He testifies that he was whole and God in these words: 'Egypt is wearied'", etc. Bünemann.

[Ex utroque genere permistum] ‹anchor: ex utroque genere permistum› · lemma note in col 483 Ex utroque genere permistum. Non confusione naturarum, sed ita ut constitueretur unicum ὑφιστάμενον, seu una persona, servatis proprietatibus cujusque naturæ. Rivet in Notis suis mss.— Id est ut esset unum suppositum. Alioqui notum est Arrii, Apollinaris, Nestorii et Eutychetis hæreses fuisse, quæ Christi personam et naturam impugnarunt, a quatuor prioribus conciliis œcumenicis damnatas.

Mixed of both kinds. Not by confusion of the natures, but so that a single subsistent, or one person, was constituted, the properties of each nature being preserved. Rivet in his manuscript Notes. — That is, so that there was one supposit. Otherwise it is well known that there were the heresies of Arius, Apollinaris, Nestorius and Eutyches, which attacked the person and nature of Christ, condemned by the first four ecumenical councils.

[Esaias] ‹anchor: Esaias› · lemma note in col 483 Esaias. Cap. xlv; quod etiam et de Cyro prius ac de Christo postea intelligitur.

Isaiah. Ch. 45; which is understood first of Cyrus and afterwards of Christ.

[Et negotiatio Æthiopum] ‹anchor: et negotiatio Æthiopum› · lemma note in col 483 Et negotiatio Æthiopum. Sic restitui ex omnibus mss. ac vet. edit. Romanis, Egnat., Paris. 1525, Crat., Graph., Is., Cellar. Vera lectio juxta Hebr. LXX et Vulgatam ipsam, estque apud Hieronymum. In 8 excusis perperam est natio.

And the merchandise of the Ethiopians. So I have restored it from all the manuscripts and the old Roman editions, Egnatius, Paris 1525, Cratander, Gryphius, Isaeus, Cellarius. It is the true reading according to the Hebrew, the Seventy and the Vulgate itself, and it is in Jerome. In 8 printed copies it is wrongly "natio".

[Et Sabaim] ‹anchor: et Sabaim› · lemma note in col 483 Et Sabaim. Reposui Sabaim ex omnibus mss. præter 2 rec. et edit. quibus est, et Saba.

And the Sabaeans. I have restored "Sabaim" from all the manuscripts except 2 later ones and the editions, which have "et Saba".

[Et in te precabuntur] ‹anchor: et in te precabuntur› · lemma note in col 483 Et in te precabuntur. Ita restitui ex antiquissimo Regio-Puteano, 2 aliis Reg. optimæ notæ, et Lips. ut est et Græcis.

And they shall pray in you. So I have restored it from the very old Regio-Puteanus, 2 other Royal of the best repute, and Leipzig, as it is also in the Greek.

[Hieremias sic ait] ‹anchor: Hieremias sic ait› · lemma note in col 484 Hieremias sic ait. Hic locus in Hieremia non legitur hodie, sed in Baruch cap. iii qui tamen et ipse in Græcis Bibliis inscribitur Ἱερεμίας Βαρούχ, et ante Threnos inter Hieremiæ scripta refertur. Lege Augustinum lib. xviii de Civit. Dei, cap. 33. Betuleius.

Jeremiah says thus. This passage is not read in Jeremiah today, but in Baruch ch. 3, which, however, in the Greek Bibles is itself headed "Jeremiah Baruch" and is placed before Lamentations among the writings of Jeremiah. Read Augustine, City of God book 18, ch. 33. Betuleius.

[Et cum hominibus conversatus est] ‹anchor: et cum hominibus conversatus est› · lemma note in col 484 Et cum hominibus conversatus est. Hæc lectio est mss. codicum, præter tres recentiores quibus, ut editis, est, et cum hominibus versatus est.

And he dwelt among men. This is the reading of the manuscript books, except three more recent ones which, like the editions, have "et cum hominibus versatus est".

[Hieremias docet] ‹anchor: Hieremias docet› · lemma note in col 484 Hieremias docet, etc. (Apud lxx. cap. 17, v. 9.) Citat hæc eadem Epiphanius lib. contra Ebionitas ex eodem Hieremia, Christum non hominem tantum, sed etiam Deum esse probans. Ex Betuleio.

Jeremiah teaches, etc. (In the Seventy, ch. 17, v. 9.) Epiphanius cites these same words from the same Jeremiah in the book against the Ebionites, proving that Christ is not only man but also God. From Betuleius.

[Hominem qui salvabit eos] ‹anchor: hominem qui salvabit eos› · lemma note in col 484 Hominem qui salvabit eos. Sic lego cum cunctis fere mss. Vulgati et 2 Reg. rec., hominem, et salvabit eos.

A man who will save them. So I read with almost all the manuscripts. The printed editions and 2 later Royal: "a man, and he will save them".

[Exurget homo ex Israel] ‹anchor: exurget homo ex Israel› · lemma note in col 484 Exurget homo ex Israel. Sic legitur apud lxx. In Vulgata, virga de Israel. Sic apud Justinum ἡγούμενος dux ex Israel, sicut et apud Cyprianum lib. i adversus Judæos, § 10. Apud Symmachum, sceptrum.— Ex Israel. Addunt Lips. tert. Reimm. : Et dominabitur gentium. Lib. de ira Dei c. 14 : Ut rerum omnium dominaretur. Add. Cypr., l. ii adv. Jud. c. 10.

A man shall rise out of Israel. So it is read in the Seventy. In the Vulgate, "a rod out of Israel". So in Justin, "a leader", a captain out of Israel, as also in Cyprian, Against the Jews book 1, § 10. In Symmachus, "a sceptre". — Out of Israel: the third Leipzig and Reimmann add "and he shall rule over the nations". On the Anger of God, ch. 14: "that he might rule over all things". Add Cyprian, Against the Jews book 2, ch. 10.

[Milesius Apollo] ‹anchor: Milesius Apollo› · lemma note in col 484 Milesius Apollo. Sic dictus a Mileto urbe quondam, ut Mela inquit, Ioniæ totius belli pacisque artibus principe. Dictum hoc oraculum, eodem Mela teste, olim Branchidæ, postea Didymis; de quo vide etiam Strabonem et Herodotum. Betuleius.

Milesian Apollo. So called from Miletus, a city once, as Mela says, the first in all Ionia in the arts of war and peace. This oracle was called, on the same Mela's testimony, first "of the Branchidae", later "at Didyma"; on which see also Strabo and Herodotus. Betuleius.

[Θνητός] ‹anchor: Θνητὸς ἦν κατὰ σάρκα› · lemma note in col 484 Θνητός, etc. Latine : Mortalis erat corpore, sapiens portentificis (a) operibus, Sed sub Chaldæis judicibus armis comprehensus, Clavis et cruce amarum toleravit finem.

Mortal, etc. In Latin: "He was mortal in body, wise in wonder-working (a) deeds; but seized with arms under Chaldaean judges, with nails and cross he endured a bitter end."

[Ἀλλ' ὑπὸ χαλδαίων] ‹anchor: ἀλλ' ὑπὸ χαλδαίων› · lemma note in col 484 Ἀλλ' ὑπὸ χαλδαίων, etc. In mss. Cauc. sic legitur : Ἀλλ' ὑπὸ χαλδαίοισι δίκας πολίεσσιν ἁλώσας.

But by the Chaldaeans, etc. In the Cauc. manuscripts it reads thus: "But by the Chaldaeans, having been caught by judgements in the cities". [Greek of the variant uncertain in the image.]

(printed under page 255) (a) Portentificis. Ita edit. Tornes., Soubron., Thom. Et sic ipsemet Lactantius infra circa medium ejusdem capitis et 15, necnon supra lib. ii, cap. 15. Pro Clavis et cruce, 4 Colb. habent Transfixus.

Wonder-working. So the Tornesius, Soubron and Thomasius editions. And so Lactantius himself, below, about the middle of the same chapter and in ch. 15, and also above, book 2, ch. 15. For "with nails and cross", 4 Colbert have "transfixed".

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(a) ‹anchor: portentificis› · call in col 484 (within the Latin version of the oracle, in the note above)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE, keyed by lemma (no call letters). The lemma is given in place of a call. --> [Sed colligit se] ‹anchor: sed colligit se› · lemma note in col 485 Sed colligit se, etc. Quia furore confusus diversa dixerat. Ejusmodi multa oracula colligunt Eusebius de Præparat. Evangel. Augustinus de Civitat. lib. xix, cap. 23. Certum est, totam oraculorum vanitatem nato Christo cecidisse. Betul.

But he collects himself, etc. Because, confused by frenzy, he had said contradictory things. Eusebius in the Preparation for the Gospel and Augustine, City of God book 19, ch. 23, collect many oracles of this kind. It is certain that the whole vanity of the oracles fell when Christ was born. Betuleius.

[Veritas expresserat] ‹anchor: veritas expresserat› · lemma note in col 485 Veritas expresserat. Verbum istud restitui ex omnibus mss. et editis 3 vet. Rom. ac Betul. et Cellar. In cæteris excusis est extorserat.

Truth had pressed it out. I have restored that word from all the manuscripts and the 3 old Roman editions, Betuleius and Cellarius. In the other printed copies it is "extorserat".

[Judæi] ‹anchor: Judæi› · lemma note in col 485 Judæi. Dicebant enim, Jesum virtute dæmonis dæmonem ejicere; vide Matth. cap. xii, Marc. cap. iii, et Luc., c. xi. Ita et Judæi posteriores, ut videre est in vita Jeschuæ Nazareni ab Huldrico in-8°. Ludg. Bat. 1705.

The Jews. For they said that Jesus cast out a demon by the power of a demon; see Matthew ch. 12, Mark ch. 3, and Luke ch. 11. So too the later Jews, as may be seen in the Life of Jeshua the Nazarene, published by Huldrich, in octavo, Leiden 1705.

[Hoc idem] ‹anchor: hoc idem› · lemma note in col 485 Hoc idem. Hoc additum ex cunctis mss. et edit. Tornes. ac Soubron. Cæteris vulgatis deest. In sex scriptis rec. et ed. Tornes. est putaverunt.

This same. "Hoc" is added from all the manuscripts and the Tornesius and Soubron editions. It is lacking in the other printed editions. In six later written copies and the Tornesius edition it is "putaverunt".

[Quæ eis Prophetæ futura esse prædixerant] ‹anchor: quæ eis Prophetæ futura esse prædixerant› · lemma note in col 485 Quæ eis Prophetæ futura esse prædixerant. Sic ms. 1 Bon. omnium antiquissimus, edd. Thom., Is., Thys., Gall. Hæc verba, quæ cæteris desunt, valde Thomasio et Isæo probantur : nam hoc modo Judæorum malitia clarius demonstratur; et explicantur talia fuisse illa miracula, quibus ipsos fidem habere oportuit.—Illa miracula, quæ eis prophetæ futura prædixerant. Quum Thomasius ex antiquo Bonon. verba, quæ eis prophetæ futura prædixerant addiderit, et ex eodem Isæus confirmarit, jure ea restituanda puto. Maxime me movet nostri loci Epitome c. 45, ubi clare, videntes illa Judæi, magica potentia fieri putabant, ignorantes ea omnia, quæ fiebant ab eo (miracula) prædicta esse a prophetis. Et iterum cap. 46. Hæc omnia prophetæ... futura... prædixerant.

Which the Prophets had foretold them would come. So the 1 Bologna manuscript, the oldest of all, and the Thomasius, Isaeus, Thysius and Gallaeus editions. These words, which are lacking in the others, are strongly approved by Thomasius and Isaeus: for in this way the malice of the Jews is shown more clearly; and it is explained that those miracles were of such a kind that they ought to have believed them. — "Those miracles which the prophets had foretold them would come": since Thomasius added the words "which the prophets had foretold them would come" from the old Bologna manuscript, and Isaeus confirmed them from the same, I think they should rightly be restored. I am most moved by the Epitome of our passage, ch. 45, where it clearly says: "the Jews, seeing those things, thought they were done by magic power, not knowing that all the things which were done by him (the miracles) had been foretold by the prophets." And again ch. 46: "All these things the prophets ... had foretold ... would come."

[Præter cæteros] ‹anchor: præter cæteros› · lemma note in col 485 Præter cæteros. Ex edit. Cellar. et omnibus mss, præter. 2 Reg. recentissimos, qui ut alii editi habent inter.

Beyond the rest. From Cellarius's edition and all the manuscripts except 2 very recent Royal, which, like the other editions, have "inter".

[Non intellexerunt in operibus Domini] ‹anchor: non intellexerunt in operibus Domini› · lemma note in col 485, running into col 486 Non intellexerunt in operibus Domini. Hæc lectio est omnium pene mss. ac vet. edit. Rom., lxx Interpretum, etiamque Cypriani lib. i. Testimonior. adversus Judæos cap. 3. Editis est, opera.

They did not understand in the works of the Lord. This is the reading of nearly all the manuscripts and the old Roman edition, of the Seventy Translators, and also of Cyprian, Testimonies against the Jews book 1, ch. 3. The editions have "opera".

[Exiet virga de radice Jesse] ‹anchor: exiet virga de radice Jesse› · lemma note in col 486 Exiet virga de radice Jesse. Ms. 1 Merton. solus, Exurget; sed perperam. Legitur enim supra hujusce capitis initio exiet, ut prodient in fine cap. 16, lib. vii Institut. Et apud Matthæum in Vulgata, ex te exiet dux, etiamque apud Tertullianum adversus Judæos cap. 13 ex Michæa.

A rod shall come forth from the root of Jesse. The 1 Merton manuscript alone has "exurget"; but wrongly. For "exiet" is read above at the beginning of this chapter, as "prodient" at the end of ch. 16, book 7 of the Institutes. And in Matthew in the Vulgate, "out of you shall come forth a leader", and also in Tertullian, Against the Jews ch. 13, from Micah.

[Ἀνθήσει] ‹anchor: ἀνθήσει› · lemma note in col 486 Ἀνθήσει, etc. Latine : Florescet autem flos purus. Sibylla Sermon. 6.

Shall blossom, etc. In Latin: "And a pure flower shall blossom." Sibyl, discourse 6.

[Libro secundo] ‹anchor: libro secundo› · lemma note in col 486 Libro secundo. Scilicet capite 7, ubi quædam litterali sensu ad Salomonem, at secundario ad Christum referuntur.

In the second book. Chapter 7, that is, where some things are referred in the literal sense to Solomon, but in a secondary sense to Christ.

[Fabricare] ‹anchor: fabricare› · lemma note in col 486 Fabricare. Mss. rec. 4 Reg., 2 Colbert., Betul., Bodl., Cott., 2 Clarom., ædificare.

To build (fabricare). The later manuscripts 4 Royal, 2 Colbert, Betuleius, Bodleian, Cotton, 2 Clermont: "aedificare".

[Parabo regnum ejus] ‹anchor: parabo regnum ejus› · lemma note in col 486 Parabo regnum ejus. Ita cum Versione lxx Interpret., Vulgata, Cyprian. adv. Judæos lib. i, cap. 15, lib. ii, cap. 11, edit. Betul., Tornes., Soubron, Cellar., Walch. et omnes mss. præter tres recentiores in quibus, sicut in editis 14 est, parabo semen ejus.

I will prepare his kingdom. So, with the version of the Seventy Translators, the Vulgate, Cyprian against the Jews book 1, ch. 15, book 2, ch. 11, the Betuleius, Tornesius, Soubron, Cellarius and Walch editions, and all the manuscripts except three more recent ones, in which, as in 14 editions, it is "I will prepare his seed".

[Et regnum ejus] ‹anchor: et regnum ejus› · lemma note in col 486 Et regnum ejus. Hæc verba desunt in 3 Reg., 4 Colbert., Em., Cant., 3 vet. edit. Rom., Venet. 1490, erasa in Victorino : extant vero in cæteris.

And his kingdom. These words are lacking in 3 Royal, 4 Colbert, Em., Cambridge, the 3 old Roman editions, Venice 1490, and erased in the Victorinus; but they stand in the rest.

[Deo templum ædificavit, et civitatem... nuncupavit] ‹anchor: templum ædificavit, et civitatem ... nuncupavit› · lemma note in col 486 Deo templum ædificavit, et civitatem... nuncupavit. Fallitur auctor noster; neque enim Salomon urbem hanc condidit, nec de suo nomine nuncupavit. Conditor ejus fuit Melchisedech, Ps. LXXVI, 3, ut colligitur ex Gen. XIV, 18, ubi vocatur rex Salem, hoc est, conditor Salem; conditores enim urbium olim reges urbium dicti. Quidam putant Jerusalem vel Hierosolymam nomen esse Græcum, cum plane sit Hebræum. Euseb. putat esse vocem compositam ex verbo Græco ἱερὸν et Heb. Σολομῶν. Quo etiam propendere videtur Lactantius, qui simul ac locutus (continues)

Built a temple to God, and ... named the city. Our author is mistaken; for Solomon neither founded this city nor named it after himself. Its founder was Melchizedek, Psalm 76:3, as is gathered from Genesis 14:18, where he is called king of Salem, that is, founder of Salem; for founders of cities were once called kings of the cities. Some think Jerusalem or Hierosolyma is a Greek name, though it is plainly Hebrew. Eusebius thinks it is a word compounded of the Greek "hieron" [temple] and the Hebrew "Solomon". Lactantius too seems to lean to this, who as soon as he has spoken (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: (from previous page)› · col 487

fuit de templi ædificatione, statim subjungit et civitatem, etc. Alii componunt ex Jebus et Salem; cum enim prius diceretur Salem, deinde Jebus, atque hinc natum nomen Jerusalem. At Salomon non potest dici fundator et conditor, eo quod multis sæculis ante illum fuerit extructa, ut constat ex libris Josue et Judicum; nisi velimus interpretari Lactant. hoc pacto, quod nempe Jerusalem exornaverit atque multum ampliaverit Salomon: tum hic sensus posset tolerari. Profani Scriptores dixerunt plerumque Jerosolyma numero plurali, quamvis numerus singularis reperiatur. Partim ex GALLÆO. — De templi ædificatione vide III Regum, cap. VI et IX, et II Paralip. cap. III, VII et VIII. Vide, si lubet, Josephum lib. VII Antiq. cap. 3, item lib. VII de Bello Judaico cap. 18 et Hieronymum de locis Hebraicis.

…was about the building of the temple, he at once adds and the city, etc. Others compound it from Jebus and Salem; for it was first called Salem, then Jebus, and hence arose the name Jerusalem. But Solomon cannot be called its founder and builder, since it had been built many ages before him, as is plain from the books of Joshua and Judges; unless we choose to interpret Lactantius thus, that Solomon adorned Jerusalem and greatly enlarged it: then this sense could be tolerated. Profane writers mostly said Jerosolyma in the plural, though the singular is found. Partly from GALLAEUS. — On the building of the temple see III Kings, ch. 6 and 9, and II Paralipomenon ch. 3, 7 and 8. See, if you like, Josephus, Antiquities book VII ch. 3, also Jewish War book VII ch. 18, and Jerome on Hebrew places.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sed in corde› · col 487

Sed in corde. De hoc secundo templo vide Epist. II, Petri, cap. II, v. 5.

But in the heart. On this second temple see the Second Epistle of Peter, ch. 2, v. 5.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In vanum laboraverunt› · col 487

In vanum laboraverunt, qui illam ædificaverunt. mss. 10 rec. et 5 edit. sine causa laborant ii, qui ædificant eam.

In vain have they laboured who built it. Ten recent manuscripts and five editions: without cause they labour who build it.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In vanum vigilavit› · col 487

In vanum vigilavit, qui eam custodivit. LXX, et Vulgata, qui custodit eam; 1 Reg. in vacuum vigilavit, qui eam custodivit; Regio-Put. 2, al. Reg., 1 Sorbon., 1 Colbert., 2 Clarom., in vanum laboravit, qui eam custodivit; 3 rec. et edit. Betul. sine causa vigilavit, qui eam custodiebat; 2 rec. vigilabat, etc. 4 rec. et sex vulgati veteres, sine causa vigilant, qui custodiunt eam; Brun. custodiebant; 1 Colb. frustra vigilant, qui custodiant eam.

In vain has he watched who guarded it. The Septuagint and the Vulgate: who guards it; 1 Regius: in emptiness has he watched who guarded it; Regio-Puteanus 2, another Regius, 1 Sorbonne, 1 Colbert, 2 Claromontanus: in vain has he laboured who guarded it; 3 recent manuscripts and Betuleius's edition: without cause has he watched who was guarding it; 2 recent: was watching, etc.; 4 recent and six old printed editions: without cause they watch who guard it; Brunensis: were guarding; 1 Colbert: to no purpose they watch who should guard it.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et ad aditum templi› · col 487

Et ad aditum templi. Hæc vera desunt in Regio-Put. Sed illa esse Lactantii multi et optimi tum mss. tum editi codices manifeste evincunt. In 3 Reg. et ed. Thys. est ad templum; in 2 Lips. ad ipsum templum; in 1 Colb. ad dictum templum.

And to the entrance of the temple. These [words] are indeed lacking in Regio-Puteanus. But many of the best manuscript and printed copies plainly prove that they are Lactantius's. In 3 Regius and Thysius's edition it is to the temple; in 2 Leipzig, to the temple itself; in 1 Colbert, to the said temple.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Secundum ordinem Melchisedech› · col 487

Secundum ordinem Melchisedech. Hæc tria postrema verba absunt a mss. 2 Reg. antiquissimis et 3 aliis, 3 Reg. et Brun. quæ tamen a propheta Regio revera de Christo dicta fuisse Paulus diserte asseruit in sua ad Hebræos Epistola cap. V, v. 6. et cap. VII, v. 17. De hoc Sacerdotio vide caput V Epistolæ ad Hebræos.

According to the order of Melchisedech. These last three words are absent from two very old Regius manuscripts and three others, 3 Regius and Brunensis; yet Paul expressly asserted, in his Epistle to the Hebrews ch. 5, v. 6 and ch. 7, v. 17, that they were truly spoken of Christ by the royal prophet. On this priesthood see chapter 5 of the Epistle to the Hebrews.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Faciat› · col 488

Faciat. Mss. novem, faciet.

Should make. Nine manuscripts: will make.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Domum fidelem› · col 488

Domum fidelem. Id est, firmam et stabilem.

A faithful house. That is, firm and stable.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Zacharias› · col 488

Zacharias. Cap. III. Constat vel ex ipso Prophetæ vaticinio, verbum Domini factum esse ad Zachariam mense octavo anni secundi Darii, qui annus septuagesimus captivitatis fuit: quibus (ut Eusebius indicat) temporibus Romæ reges urbe pulsi fuerunt; quo Zorobabel et Jesus reduces templum ædificare cœperunt. Hic est ille Jesus sacerdos, filius Jozedec: de quo quidquid hic Prophetæ per visionem ostenditur, recte Christo hierarchæ Hierosolymitano æterno convenit. BETULEIUS.

Zechariah. Chapter 3. It is plain even from the Prophet's own prophecy that the word of the Lord came to Zechariah in the eighth month of the second year of Darius, which was the seventieth year of the captivity: at which time (as Eusebius indicates) the kings were driven out of the city of Rome; and in it Zerubbabel and Jesus, returned, began to build the temple. This is that Jesus the priest, son of Jozedech: whatever is shown here to the Prophet about him in vision fits rightly Christ, the eternal high priest of Jerusalem. BETULEIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sic enim dixit› · col 488

Sic enim dixit. Hæc verba absunt ab uno Bonon. antiq. et 3 editis rec. Sunt in cæteris cum mss. tum excusis.

For thus he said. These words are absent from one old Bologna manuscript and three recent editions. They are in the rest, both manuscript and printed.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Deus Jesum Sacerdotem magnum› · col 488

Deus Jesum Sacerdotem magnum. Ita cuncti mss. et omnes editi, præter rec. Sic LXX et Cyprianus. Vide Justinum martyrem in Dialogo cum Tryphone pag. 342, et Tertullianum libro adv. Judæos, cap. 14, et lib. III adv. Marcionem cap. 7. Editi tres, Jesu, mendose.

God [showed me] Jesus the great Priest. So all the manuscripts and all the editions, except recent ones. So the Septuagint and Cyprian. See Justin Martyr in the Dialogue with Trypho p. 342, and Tertullian in the book against the Jews ch. 14, and Against Marcion book III ch. 7. Three editions have Jesu, wrongly.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ad dextram› · col 488

Ad dextram, etc. Stare a dextris est potenter accusare, auctoritate Psal. CVIII. Constitue super eum peccatorem, et diabolus stet a dextris. Hinc διάβολος, id est, calumniator dictus est, quia sustinet personam calumniatoris, ut alibi Lactantius docuit. BETUL.

At the right hand, etc. To stand at the right hand is to accuse powerfully, on the authority of Psalm 108: Set a sinner over him, and let the devil stand at his right hand. Hence he is called διάβολος, that is, slanderer, because he plays the part of the slanderer, as Lactantius taught elsewhere. BETULEIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Contradiceret› · col 488

Contradiceret. Ita restitutum ex antiquissimis et plurimis mss. Bonon. Reg. aliisque. In 7 recentioribus et editis est, adversaretur. Ed. Sublac. habet adversaretur.

Should contradict. So restored from the oldest and very many manuscripts, the Bologna, Regius and others. In 7 more recent ones and the editions it is should oppose. The Subiaco edition has should oppose.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Imperet Dominus in te› · col 488

Imperet Dominus in te. Sic legunt quamplurimi mss. et editi. In 4 rec. est vitæ; in aliis 4 rec. et 5 excusis, Imperet tibi Dominus vitæ; in 4 aliis scriptis et in edit. Ald., Fasitel. et Is., Imperet tibi Dominus in te. Apud LXX et in Vulgata est, Increpet Dominus in te. Vexationis exemplum est, quæ iram justam excitat.

May the Lord command against you. So read very many manuscripts and editions. In 4 recent ones it is of life; in another 4 recent and 5 printed, May the Lord of life command you; in 4 other manuscripts and in the Aldine, Fasitelius's and Isaeus's editions, May the Lord command you against you. In the Septuagint and the Vulgate it is May the Lord rebuke you. It is an instance of harassment, which arouses just anger.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Imponite cidarim› · col 488

Imponite cidarim. Ita reposui ex 2 vet. edit. Rom. et cunctis mss. præter 2 Reg. rec. quibus est cydarin. In 12 excusis est ponite cydarim. Cydaris vero regium est capitis ornamentum apud Persas.

Put a mitre on. So I have restored from two old Roman editions and all the manuscripts except two recent Regius, which have cydarin. In 12 printed copies it is place a cydaris. The cydaris is a royal head-ornament among the Persians.

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Nefandas manus› · col 489

Nefandas manus. Mss. Cauc. et 8 rec. cum edit. Tornæs. et Soubr. nefarias.

Unspeakable hands. The Cauchi manuscript and 8 recent ones, with the Tornaesius and Soubron editions: wicked.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Crucifixus est› · col 489

Crucifixus est. Francius emendabat cruci affixus est. Sic Latini et ipsemet Lactantius ter infra eodem libro, cap. 18.

He was crucified. Francius emended to he was fastened to a cross. So the Latins, and Lactantius himself three times below in this same book, ch. 18.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Prope quingenti anni numerantur› · col 489

Prope quingenti anni numerantur. Ita mss. omnes et sex editi. In 9 vulgatis deest prope. Quæ vox admodum apta retinenda est. Siquidem præcise quingenti non numerantur anni. Eusebius in Chronico sub Olympiade CCII computat annos quingentos quinquaginta octo. Vide chronologos.

Nearly five hundred years are counted. So all the manuscripts and six editions. In 9 printed editions nearly is lacking. The word is quite apt and should be kept, since exactly five hundred years are not counted. Eusebius in the Chronicle, under the 202nd Olympiad, reckons five hundred and fifty-eight years. See the chronologers.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Darii et Alexandri› · col 489

Darii et Alexandri. Darii quarti Persarum regis. Hic autem Alexander non est ille magnus vocatus, Philippi filius, Macedonum rex XXIII, qui ab Eusebio ponitur sub Olympiade CXIV, sed Alexander X, Macedonum rex, qui ab eodem Euseb. sub Olympiad. LXIX, censetur. ISÆUS.

Of Darius and Alexander. Of Darius, fourth king of the Persians. This Alexander, however, is not the one called the Great, son of Philip, 23rd king of the Macedonians, whom Eusebius places under the 114th Olympiad, but Alexander, 10th king of the Macedonians, whom the same Eusebius reckons under the 69th Olympiad. ISAEUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non multo priusquam› · col 489

Non multo priusquam, etc. Sic lego ex mss. 1 Colbert. et Cotton. cum Betuleio et Sparkio. In 17 aliis et in editis est postquam. Immo antequam Tarquinius Superbus exactus est, plus minus septem annis. Ponunt profligationem regum anno ultimo Olympiad. LXVII. Templum autem, Zacharia etiamnum prophetante, absolutum est Olympiade LXVI, ex Eusebio. BETULEIUS. Nisi Lactantius lapsus fuerit, vel Amanuensis, scribendo postquam, pro priusquam.

Not long before, etc. So I read from the manuscripts 1 Colbert and Cotton, with Betuleius and Sparke. In 17 others and in the editions it is after. Indeed it was before Tarquin the Proud was driven out, by about seven years. They place the overthrow of the kings in the last year of the 67th Olympiad; but the temple, while Zechariah was still prophesying, was completed in the 66th Olympiad, according to Eusebius. BETULEIUS. Unless Lactantius slipped, or his amanuensis, in writing after for before.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ambureretur› · col 489

Ambureretur. Ita restitui ex mss. 9 Regiis, 2 Colbert., Goth., 1 Sorbon., 1 Brun., Lips. aliisque, et editis 3 vet. Rom. ac Betul., Tornes., Soubron., Cellar. In 6 scriptis rec. et 9 impressis est combureretur. Verbum amburo Lactantio familiare lib. VII, cap. 17 et 21.

Should be scorched. So I have restored from 9 Regius manuscripts, 2 Colbert, the Gotha, 1 Sorbonne, 1 Brunensis, the Leipzig and others, and from three old Roman editions and those of Betuleius, Tornaesius, Soubron and Cellarius. In 6 recent manuscripts and 9 printed it is should be burnt up. The verb amburo is familiar to Lactantius, book VII, ch. 17 and 21.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Cruciamenta› · col 489–490

Cruciamenta. Vox non adeo frequens, secundum Walchium, nostro eo frequentior, e. g. l. IV, c. 30; l. V, c. 2, c. 22, De Mort. persec., c. 49. Arnobius, l. I, p. 26; immo et Cicero Philip. IX. c. 4. BUN.

Torments. A word not very frequent, according to Walch, but the more frequent in our author, e.g. book IV, ch. 30; book V, ch. 2, ch. 22; On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 49. Arnobius, book I, p. 26; and indeed Cicero, Philippics IX, ch. 4. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Titionem enim vulgus appellat› · col 490

Titionem enim vulgus appellat, etc. Et ita Apuleius Metamorphos. lib. VII: Procurrit ad focum, ardentemque titionem gerens; et Quintilianus lib. X Declamat.: Velut mentitam atque cuncta fingentem, titione candenti inter media femina detruso, crudelissime necavit.

For the common people call a firebrand, etc. So too Apuleius, Metamorphoses book VII: He runs forward to the hearth, and carrying a burning brand; and Quintilian, Declamations book X: As though she had lied and feigned everything, he killed her most cruelly, thrusting a glowing brand between her thighs.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Filium suum legavit ad homines› · col 490

Filium suum legavit ad homines. Haud secus habent antiquissimi mss. 1 Bon. et Regio-Put. necnon editi Thomas., Is., Thys., Gall., Spark. Mss. vero 31 et 10, impressi post Filium suum, addunt principem Angelorum: quæ duæ voces Thomasio videntur additæ a quodam Ariano. Nisi ea dictione Christus significetur primus legatorum seu nuntiorum, ut infra vocatur a Lactantio, cap. 25 et 29, et lib. de Ira Dei, cap. 2, vel caput Angelorum, juxta illud Apostoli ad Coloss. II: Qui est caput omnis principatus et potestatis.

He sent his Son as envoy to men. So the very old manuscripts 1 Bologna and Regio-Puteanus, as well as the editions of Thomasius, Isaeus, Thysius, Gallaeus and Sparke. But 31 manuscripts and 10 printed copies add after his Son the words the prince of the Angels: these two words seem to Thomasius to have been added by some Arian. Unless by that expression Christ is meant as the first of envoys or messengers, as he is called below by Lactantius, ch. 25 and 29, and in the book On the Anger of God, ch. 2, or the head of the Angels, according to the Apostle's saying to the Colossians, ch. 2: Who is the head of all principality and power.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nec umquam se ipse Deum dixit› · col 490

Nec umquam se ipse Deum dixit. Frustra Lactantium falsi insimulat Gallæus, eo quod x Joannis legitur, Ego et Pater unum sumus. Ea quippe est Lactantii mens, nusquam illud a Christo dictum fuisse, se divinitatem habuisse a Patris natura distinctam: quod sequentia satis probant; fuisset enim hoc non ejus qui miserat, sed suum proprium negotium gerere, ac se ab eo, quem illustraturus venerat, separare. SPARK.

Nor did he ever call himself God. Gallaeus wrongly accuses Lactantius of falsehood, on the ground that in John 10 we read, I and the Father are one. For Lactantius's meaning is that Christ nowhere said he had a divinity distinct from the Father's nature: which what follows proves well enough; for that would have been to carry on, not the business of him who had sent him, but his own, and to separate himself from him whom he had come to glorify. SPARKE.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quem illustraturus venerat› · col 490

Quem illustraturus venerat. Sic restitui ex mss. 7 Reg., 2 Bonon., 5 Oxon., 4 Colbert. et 13 aliis atque 8 impressis. Sex manu exarati et 12 typis excusi habent illustratum: utraque lectio bona. Mss. Cauc., 1 Reg., 1 Lips., Pal., ad quem illustrandum venerat.

Whom he had come to glorify. So I have restored from 7 Regius manuscripts, 2 Bologna, 5 Oxford, 4 Colbert and 13 others, and 8 printed. Six written by hand and 12 printed in type have illustratum [to glorify, supine]: both readings are good. The manuscripts Cauchi, 1 Regius, 1 Leipzig and the Palatine: to glorify whom he had come.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quia sibi› · col 490

Quia sibi. Heum. legit, et quia sibi.

Because to himself. Heumann reads and because to himself.

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Cum primum cœpit adolescere› · col 491

Cum primum cœpit adolescere. Latius hanc vocem extendit Lactantius; erat enim ὡσεὶ ἐτῶν τριάκοντα (Luc. cap. III, v. 23). Eodemque sensu Lucretius accepit lib. III, v. 450; et Virgil. lib. XII Æneid, v. 438, pro crescentibus annis maturioribus.

As soon as he began to grow up. Lactantius stretches this word rather widely; for he was about thirty years of age (Luke ch. 3, v. 23). Lucretius took it in the same sense, book III, v. 450; and Virgil, Aeneid book XII, v. 438, for riper years as they grow.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tinctus est› · col 491

Tinctus est. Id significat vox βαπτίζεσθαι; sed Baptisare, nunc vox est sacrata apud Christianos. De hoc Jesu Christi baptismo vide Lucam, cap. III, Math. III, Joann. I, et Marc. I.

He was dipped. That is what the word baptizesthai means; but baptize is now a consecrated word among Christians. On this baptism of Jesus Christ see Luke ch. 3, Matthew 3, John 1 and Mark 1.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Aboleret› · col 491

Aboleret. Ms. Bodl., ablueret. Carnis equidem non suæ, sed humanæ conditionis — Lavacro... aboleret. Merton. lavacro... ablueret. Apte quidem: salva tamen recepta l. III, c. 26: Uno lavacro malitia omnis abolebitur. L. VI, c. 24: Labem vitæ prioris abolevit. BUN.

Might abolish. The Bodleian manuscript: might wash away. Of the flesh, that is, not his own but of the human condition — with the washing... might abolish. The Merton: with the washing... might wash away. Aptly indeed; yet the received reading stands, book III, ch. 26: By one washing all wickedness will be abolished. Book VI, ch. 24: He abolished the stain of his former life. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Purifici roris perfusione› · col 491

Purifici roris perfusione. Ita omnes mss. At edit. Ald., Plantin., Fasitel., Tys., purificati. Hinc potest concludi in primitiva Ecclesia obtinuisse, ut non solum aquæ immergerentur baptizandi, sed etiam aqua perfunderentur, ut obtinet in his oris. GALLÆUS.

By a pouring of purifying dew. So all the manuscripts. But the Aldine, Plantin, Fasitelius and Thysius editions: of purified [dew]. Hence it can be concluded that in the primitive Church the custom held that those to be baptized were not only immersed in water but also had water poured over them, as is the custom in these parts. GALLAEUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Spiritus Dei formatus in speciem columbæ candidæ› · col 491

Spiritus Dei formatus in speciem columbæ candidæ. Nescio unde hauserit Lactantius columbam quæ descendit super Jesum in baptismo, fuisse candidi coloris, nisi ex veteri quadam christianorum traditione; nullibi enim indicatur in Evangelio cujus coloris fuerit. — Columbæ candidæ. Majus filius in Obs. Sacr. ad Luc. III, 22, auctor est, Spiritum S. non formatum in speciem, sed sicut columbam leni lapsu descendisse. BUN.

The Spirit of God formed in the likeness of a white dove. I do not know where Lactantius drew the notion that the dove which came down upon Jesus at his baptism was white in colour, unless from some old tradition of the Christians; for nowhere in the Gospel is it indicated what colour it was. — Of a white dove. Maius the son, in his Observationes Sacrae on Luke 3:22, holds that the Holy Spirit did not descend formed in that likeness, but like a dove, with a gentle glide. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non præstigiis magicis› · col 491–492

Non præstigiis magicis, quæ nihil veri ac solidi ostentant. Gentes calumniabantur Christum fuisse magum. Augustin. in Matthæum Serm. XI: Pagani dicunt Dominum Christum magicis artibus fecisse miracula. Hos refutant August. de Consens. Evangelist. et Euseb. Demonst. lib. III, cap. 3 et 8. Recte autem dixit Lactant. nihil veri ac solidi præstigias magicas ostentare. Hinc eleganter Minucius: Magi quidquid miraculi ludunt, per dæmones faciunt, illis aspirantibus et infundentibus præstigias edunt, vel quæ non sunt videri, vel quæ sunt non videri. ELMENH.

Not by magical tricks, which display nothing true or solid. The Gentiles slandered Christ as a magician. Augustine, Sermon XI on Matthew: The pagans say that the Lord Christ worked miracles by magic arts. These are refuted by Augustine in On the Harmony of the Evangelists and by Eusebius, Demonstration book III, ch. 3 and 8. And Lactantius rightly said that magical tricks display nothing true or solid. Hence Minucius elegantly: Whatever wonder the magicians play at, they do through demons; by their breathing and pouring in they produce illusions, making things that are not seem to be, or things that are seem not to be. ELMENHORST.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quæ jampridem› · col 492

Quæ jampridem, etc. Ms. 1 Colb. et edit. Crat., quæ et jampridem; Scripti 3 Reg., 3 Colbert. et 4 alii ac quatuor excusi, quæ etiam pridem.

Which long since, etc. Manuscript 1 Colbert and the Cratander edition: which also long since; written copies 3 Regius, 3 Colbert and 4 others, and four printed: which even formerly.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Portentificas› · col 492

Portentificas. De quibus vide sup. cap. 13. Matth. IV, IX, XIXV; Marc. I, II, X: Luc. V, VII, XI.

Portent-working. On which see above, ch. 13; Matthew 4, 9, 19[?] ["XIXV" as printed]; Mark 1, 2, 10; Luke 5, 7, 11.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quacumque iter faciebat› · col 492

Quacumque iter faciebat. Lips. alter, quocumque: male. Imitatur Ciceronem l. I, in Verr. c. 16: Quacumque iter fecit; l. II. de Nat. deor. c. 33: Quacumque imus, quacumque movemur. Add. not. ad Lactant. l. VI, c. 18. Iterum, l. V, c. 17: Quacumque iter fecerit. BUN.

Wherever he made his way. The second Leipzig: whithersoever: wrongly. He imitates Cicero, Against Verres book I, ch. 16: Wherever he made his way; On the Nature of the Gods book II, ch. 33: Wherever we go, wherever we move. Add the note on Lactantius book VI, ch. 18. Again, book V, ch. 17: Wherever he shall have made his way. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ægros ac debiles› · col 492

Ægros ac debiles. Ægri, morbo sunt affecti; debiles, membrorum parte mutilati. Sic mox Lactantius noster debilibus integritatem reddere.

The sick and the disabled. The sick are those afflicted with disease; the disabled, those maimed in some part of their limbs. So our Lactantius shortly after: to restore wholeness to the disabled.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Membris omnibus capti› · col 492

Membris omnibus capti. Arnob., c. 1: Captos membris adsurgere, etiam suos referebant lectos, alienis paulo ante cervicibus lati. BUN.

Crippled in all their limbs. Arnobius, ch. 1: Those crippled in their limbs rose up; they even carried back their own beds, who a little before had been carried on the necks of others. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Aspersos maculis› · col 492

Aspersos maculis. Mss. 5 rec., asperos; 1 Reg. antiquissimus et Jun., aspersis maculis; ms. Cantabrig. et 7 edit. rec., ac sparsos maculis.

Sprinkled with spots. Five recent manuscripts: rough; 1 very old Regius and Junius: with sprinkled spots; the Cambridge manuscript and 7 recent editions: and scattered with spots.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Aut medela› · col 492

Aut medela. Præter cæcum, quem luto curavit Joann. IX.

Or a remedy. Except the blind man, whom he cured with clay, John 9.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Πάντα λόγῳ› · col 492

Πάντα λόγῳ. Interpret. Lat.: Omnia verbo agens, et omnem morbum curans.

All things by a word. The Latin interpretation: "Doing all things by a word, and curing every disease."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et genua debilia consolidamini› · col 492

Et genua debilia consolidamini. Sic lego cum 1 Reg. antiquissimo. Et sensus postulat. 1 Colbert. habet, et genua debilia confortamini. Consolamini qui estis. Hebr. Chald. et Vulgata habent roborate; Syriac., Confirmamini; LXX et omnes fere mss., Consolamini, ita ut ad sequentia referatur, minus apte. Vide præced. et seq.

And ye feeble knees, be made firm. So I read with 1 very old Regius; and the sense requires it. 1 Colbert has and ye feeble knees, be strengthened. Be comforted, ye who are. The Hebrew, the Chaldee and the Vulgate have strengthen; the Syriac, Be made firm; the Septuagint and almost all the manuscripts, Be comforted, so that it is referred to what follows, less aptly. See the preceding and following.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Νεκρῶν δὲ› · col 492

Νεκρῶν δέ. Sibyllar. carmina serm. 8 Latine: Mortuorum autem resurrectio erit, Et claudorum cursus erit velox, et surdus audiet; (continues)

And of the dead. The Sibylline oracles, discourse 8, in Latin: "And there shall be a resurrection of the dead, / And the running of the lame shall be swift, and the deaf shall hear;" (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Νεκρῶν δέ (from previous page)› · col 493

Cæci videbunt, et muti loquentur.

The blind shall see, and the dumb shall speak.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Καὶ χωλῶν δρόμος› · col 493

Καὶ χωλῶν δρόμος ἔστ' ὠκύς. Vetus membrana legit, καὶ χωλῶν δρόμος ὠκύτατος. OPSOPŒIUS.

And the running of the lame is swift. An old parchment reads and the running of the lame most swift. OPSOPOEUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Moratus esset› · col 493

Moratus esset. Ita reposui ex quamplurimis mss. magis apposite quam moraretur, quod est in 8 scriptis et in vulgatis. Vide Matth. XV et Marc. VIII.

Had stayed. So I have restored from very many manuscripts, more fittingly than was staying, which is in 8 manuscripts and in the printed editions. See Matthew 15 and Mark 8.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quantos secum cibos gestarent› · col 493

Quantos secum cibos gestarent. Francius legendum esse censebat, quantum secum cibi. Vide Matth. XIV, Marc. VI, Luc. IX, et Joan. VI.

How much food they were carrying with them. Francius thought it should read how much of food with them. See Matthew 14, Mark 6, Luke 9 and John 6.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Per quinquagenos distributam› · col 493

Per quinquagenos distributam. In mss. Bononiensi antiquiore, 2 Colbert. et quibusdam editis deest distributam.

Divided into fifties. In the older Bologna manuscript, 2 Colbert and some editions divided is lacking.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et cum apponere illa populo discipulis imperasset› · col 493

Et cum apponere illa populo discipulis imperasset. Sic restitui ex antiquissimis mss. 2 Reg. et 5 aliis Regiis, 4 Colbert., Em., 1 Clarom., Brun. et edit. 2 vet. Rom. In multis aliis est apponi.

And when he had commanded the disciples to set them before the people. So I have restored from the very old manuscripts 2 Regius and 5 other Regius, 4 Colbert, Emmanuel, 1 Claromontanus, Brunensis and two old Roman editions. In many others it is to be set.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Duodecim cophini› · col 493

Duodecim cophini. Erat cophinus mensuræ genus, aridas et liquidas res metiens, qua re notissimi erant Judæi. Unde ait Juvenalis: Delubra locantur Judæis, quorum cophinus, fœnumque supellex.

Twelve baskets. The cophinus was a kind of measure, for dry and liquid things, for which the Jews were very well known. Hence Juvenal says: "The shrines are let out / To Jews, whose household goods are a basket and some hay."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Εἰν ἄρτοις› · col 493

Εἰν ἄρτοις, etc. Codex Sibyllinus legit, ἐκ δ' ἄρτων ἅμα πέντε, καὶ ἰχθύος εἰναλίοιο. OPSOPŒIUS. Versus prior Sibyllæ emendandus est ex Lactantio, 4 Reg. et 1 Colb. Ἐξ ἄρτων, mendose ob sequens ἰχθύεσσι. 1 Clarom. et edit. 2 vet. Rom. Ἐν ἄρτοις. Latine: Panibus simul quinque, et piscibus duobus, Hominum in millia deserto quinque satiabit, Et reliquias tollens post fragmenta omnia, Duodecim implebit cophinos in spem multorum.

With loaves, etc. The Sibylline codex reads and from five loaves together, and from a fish of the sea. OPSOPOEUS. The Sibyl's first verse should be corrected from Lactantius. 4 Regius and 1 Colbert: From loaves, wrongly, because of the following with fishes. 1 Claromontanus and two old Roman editions: With loaves. In Latin: "With five loaves together and two fishes / He shall fill five thousand men in the desert, / And taking up the remnants after all the fragments, / Shall fill twelve baskets for the hope of many."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ad nihil aliud› · col 493

Ad nihil aliud. Ex quamplurimis mss. et excusis addidi præpositionem ad, quæ in 9 scriptis et 7 editis desideratur.

For nothing else. From very many manuscripts and printed copies I have added the preposition ad, which is wanting in 9 manuscripts and 7 editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ad circumscribendos› · col 493

Ad circumscribendos. Id est, ad fallendos, decipiendos. Ita et circumscriptio pro fraude et deceptione apud Ciceronem pro Cluentio, 46, et lib. III Offic. 61.

For circumventing. That is, for deceiving, for cheating. So too circumscriptio for fraud and deception in Cicero, For Cluentius 46, and On Duties book III, 61.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Vespere› · col 493

Vespere. Sic reposui ex antiquissimis Regio-Put., 2 Bonon., 2 Colb., 2 Clarom. et 12 excusis. Vespera est in 7 aliis scriptis et edit. Gall., Spark. In 1 Colbert., aura.

In the evening. So I have restored from the very old Regio-Puteanus, 2 Bologna, 2 Colbert, 2 Claromontanus and 12 printed copies. Vespera is in 7 other manuscripts and the editions of Gallaeus and Sparke. In 1 Colbert, breeze.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In solido› · col 494

In solido. Id est, in solida terra. Virgil. II, Georg. 231, Alteque jubebis In solido puteum demitti. BUN.

On the solid. That is, on solid ground. Virgil, Georgics II, 231: "and you will bid a pit be sunk deep in the solid ground." BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Orionem› · col 494

Orionem. Fabulam narrat Theon Alexandrinus in Aratæis phænomenis.

Orion. Theon of Alexandria tells the fable in his commentary on Aratus's Phaenomena.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Excitatus e somno› · col 494

Excitatus e somno. Præpositionem addidimus ex mss. et editis 3, vet. Romanis, Crat., Cellar., Walch. In 2, Colb. et Clarom. est a somno. Deest præpositio in 9, impressis.

Roused from sleep. We have added the preposition from the manuscripts and from 3 editions, the old Roman, Cratander's, Cellarius's and Walch's. In 2, Colbert and Claromontanus, it is a somno. The preposition is lacking in 9 printed.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sub verbo ejus› · col 494

Sub verbo ejus. Ipse Lact. iterum lib. VII, cap. 17: Fient hæc sub verbo ejus. Nec aliter Lucretius l. IV, v. 786: Omnia sub verbo recreat natura paratque. Quæ Creechius interpretatur ad nutum. Ego Lactantii sub verbo ejus interpretor, eo adhuc loquente et jubente. BUNEMAN.

At his word. Lactantius himself again, book VII, ch. 17: These things shall come to pass at his word. Nor otherwise Lucretius, book IV, v. 786: "Nature at a word renews and makes ready all things." Which Creech interprets as at a nod. I interpret Lactantius's at his word as while he was still speaking and commanding. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Τοὺς ἀνέμους› · col 494

Τοὺς ἀνέμους. Latine: Ventos compescet verbo, sternet autem mare Furiosum, pedibus pacis et fide calcans.

The winds. In Latin: "He shall check the winds by a word, and shall calm the raging sea, treading it with feet of peace and with faith."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Κύματα› · col 494

Κύματα. Sibyll. lib. VI, serm. 6. Latine: Fluctus superambulabit, infirmitatem hominum solvet, Eriget (a) mortuos, et pellet dolores multos, Et de unius perionis pane saturatio erit virorum.

The waves. Sibylline book VI, discourse 6. In Latin: "He shall walk upon the waves, he shall loose the infirmity of men, / He shall raise (a) the dead, and drive away many pains, / And from the bread of one wallet there shall be a filling of men."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Στήσει› · col 494

Στήσει. Sic emendavi ex vetustissimis mss. Regiis, Put., Cauc., 1 Colbert., 1 Brun. et edit. Basileens. 1569. In 4 Regiis recent., 1 Sorbon., 1 Claromont. et octo excusis, Ζήσει. In duobus aliis Reg. et 1 Colbert., Ζεύσει. Magis placeret Ζώσει. Græca desunt in plerisque manuscriptis.

He shall raise. So I have corrected from the very old Regius manuscripts, the Puteanus, Cauchi, 1 Colbert, 1 Brunensis and the Basel edition of 1569. In 4 recent Regius, 1 Sorbonne, 1 Claromontanus and eight printed: he shall live. In two other Regius and 1 Colbert: he shall yoke. He shall give life would please more. The Greek is lacking in most manuscripts.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ἄλγεα πολλά› · col 494

Ἄλγεα πολλά. Sic restitui ex 1 Reg. antiquissimo, 1 al. Reg., 1 Colb. et Brun. favente item vetustissimo Regio-Puteano, cui est τολλα, corrupte, pro πολλά. Sex mss. habent πολλοῖς.

Many pains. So I have restored from 1 very old Regius, 1 other Regius, 1 Colbert and Brunensis, with the support also of the very old Regio-Puteanus, which has tolla, corruptly, for polla. Six manuscripts have to many.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Πήρης› · col 494

Πήρης. Ita reposui ex mss. 2 veterrimis Reg. favente latina interpretatione perionis, quæ est in 4 Colbert. et Brun. cujus vice forte legendum esset peridionis, quæ est vox Græca significans saccum, de (continues)

Of a wallet. So I have restored from 2 very old Regius manuscripts, supported by the Latin rendering perionis, which is in 4 Colbert and the Brunensis; in place of which one should perhaps read peridionis, which is a Greek word meaning a sack, about (continues)

(sub-note) ‹anchor: (a) Eriget mortuos› · col 494 (a) Eriget mortuos. 1 Ms. Reg. antiquissimus et Brun. habent resurgere faciet.

(a) He shall raise the dead. 1 very old Regius manuscript and the Brunensis have shall make to rise again.

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(a) ‹anchor: Eriget› · call in col 494 (in the Latin version of the note Κύματα)

Eriget mortuos. 1 Ms. Reg. antiquissimus et Brun. habent resurgere faciet.

He shall raise the dead. One very old Regius manuscript and the Brunensis have he shall make rise again.

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(continued) ‹anchor: Πήρης (from previous page)› · col 495

quo supra, quinque panes et duos pisces in pera se habere dixerunt. Itaque legendum mihi videtur in Græco textu πήρης: non πηγῆς, ut in octo rec. scriptis. Et facilis mutatio fuerit πήρης in πηγῆς.

…about which above, they said they had five loaves and two fishes in a wallet. So it seems to me one should read of a wallet in the Greek text, not of a spring, as in eight recent manuscripts. And the change of pērēs into pēgēs would have been easy.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ficta› · col 495

Ficta. Sic repositum ex 7 vet. editis et omnibus mss. præter 1 Reg. rec. in quo est conficta. In 1 Reg. rec. et Brun. deest atque composita. Quæ vero fides sit adhibenda Sibyllis vide supra col. 000.

Feigned. So restored from 7 old editions and all the manuscripts except 1 recent Regius, in which it is fabricated. In 1 recent Regius and the Brunensis and composed is lacking. What credence should be given to the Sibyls, see above, col. 000 [so printed].

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ciceronem› · col 495

Ciceronem. Lib. II, de Natura deorum. Et Varronem, de quo lege, cap. 6, libri primi supra, et c. 22, libri de Ira Dei.

Cicero. On the Nature of the Gods, book II. And Varro, on whom read ch. 6 of book I above, and ch. 22 of the book On the Anger of God.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Φήσουσι› · col 495

Φήσουσι. Istud est sermone 3 quod sic vertitur latine: Dicent Sibyllam Insanam, mendacem. Cum vero facta fuerint omnia, Tunc mei memoriam facietis, neque me tum quisquam Insanam dicet me Dei magni vatem.

They will say. This is in discourse 3, and is rendered thus in Latin: "They will call the Sibyl / Mad, a liar. But when all things have come to pass, / Then you will remember me, and then no one / Will call me, the prophetess of the great God, mad."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ψευστεῖραν› · col 495

Ψευστεῖραν. Sic emendavi ex 2 vetustissimis mss. codicibus Regiis, favente Regio altero in quo Ψεστεῖραν. Scripti sex rec. et 9 edit. habent Ψεύστριαν, mendose, contra legem metri; itemque 1 Reg. et edit. Rom. 1470, quibus est Ψεύστριαν.

A liar. So I have corrected from 2 very old Regius manuscript codices, with the support of another Regius, in which it is Pseusteiran [misspelt]. Six recent manuscripts and 9 editions have Pseustrian, wrongly, against the law of the metre; and likewise 1 Regius and the Roman edition of 1470, which have Pseustrian [the second form is barely legible on the scan].

(lemma) ‹anchor: Προφῆτιν› · col 495

Προφῆτιν. 5 Reg. veterr. προφήτιν; 3, al. προφήτην, ut edd., masculino genere, male.

Prophetess. 5 very old Regius: prophētin; 3 others: prophētēn, like the editions, in the masculine gender, wrongly.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Jacuerunt› · col 495

Jacuerunt. Ita restitui ex mss. 2, antiquissimis Regiis, 2, al. Reg. bonæ notæ, 4 Colbert., 1 Lips., Em., Cant., Brun., ed. Rom. 1468. Jacuerunt, id est, in occulto fuerunt. Hac significatione istud verbum accipitur a Cicerone et Plauto. Recentiores librarii perperam substituere latuerunt.

They lay neglected. So I have restored from the manuscripts, 2 very old Regius, 2 other Regius of good quality, 4 Colbert, 1 Leipzig, Emmanuel, Cambridge, Brunensis, and the Roman edition of 1468. Jacuerunt, that is, they were in obscurity. In this sense the verb is taken by Cicero and Plautus. More recent copyists wrongly substituted they lay hidden.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Postea vero animadversa sunt, quam› · col 495–496

Postea vero animadversa sunt, quam. Id est, Animadversa vero sunt, posteaquam Christi nativitas et passio patefecit arcana. Sic de Mort. persec., cap. 5, Postea vero quam... finivit. Vid not. supra. BUNEMAN.

But afterward they were noticed, when. That is, But they were noticed after Christ's birth and passion had laid open the secrets. So in On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 5: But after... he had ended. See the note above. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Vel eo amplius› · col 496

Vel eo amplius. Hæc lectio manuscriptorum est Regio-Put., 2 Bon., 4 Colb., Em., Cant., aliorumque, edit. 3, vet. Rom. et 3, al. In 7 rec. scriptis totidemque excusis est et eo.

Or more than that. This is the reading of the manuscripts Regio-Puteanus, 2 Bologna, 4 Colbert, Emmanuel, Cambridge and others, of 3 editions, the old Roman, and 3 others. In 7 recent manuscripts and as many printed it is and than that.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quæ velut opprobrium› · col 496

Quæ velut opprobrium, etc. Pagani objiciebant christianis velut opprobrium, quod hominem crucifixum ac servili morte defunctum colerent. Augustin. de Convers. S. Pauli Serm. 1: Nolo erubescamus de Christi nomine. Insultetur nobis, quod credimus in crucifixum, occisum. Idem Serm. 8 de Verbis Apost.: De cruce Christi nobis insultant sapientes hujus mundi, et dicunt: Quale cor habetis, qui Deum colitis crucifixum. ELMENHORST.

Which as a reproach, etc. The pagans threw it at the Christians as a reproach that they worshipped a man crucified and dead by a slave's death. Augustine, Sermon 1 on the Conversion of St Paul: I would not have us blush at the name of Christ. Let them taunt us that we believe in one crucified, slain. The same, Sermon 8 on the Words of the Apostle: The wise of this world taunt us over the cross of Christ, and say: What sort of heart have you, who worship a crucified God? ELMENHORST.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Divinitatis› · col 496

Divinitatis. Sic restitui ex edit. Is. et Cellar. necnon ex omnibus mss. præter rec. 1 Reg. et 1 Colbert. in quibus corrupte legitur dignitatis pro divinitatis; ac 2 Reg. rec. et 13 vulgatos, in quibus est religionis. — Veræ divinitatis expertes. Lib. V, c. 10: Quanto religiosius terrenis istis simulacris inserviunt, tanto magis scelerati adversus nomen veræ divinitatis existunt. BUNEMAN.

Of divinity. So I have restored from the editions of Isaeus and Cellarius, and also from all the manuscripts except a recent Regius and 1 Colbert, in which of dignity is corruptly read for of divinity; and 2 recent Regius and 13 printed, in which it is of religion. — Without share in the true divinity. Book V, ch. 10: The more devoutly they serve those earthly images, the more criminal they show themselves against the name of the true divinity. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non tantum suspiciunt› · col 496

Non tantum suspiciunt. Ita emendavi ex ms. codice regio 400 duntaxat annorum, sed optimæ notæ, et 2 vet. edit. Rom. 1470, 1474. Et sic Betuleius, Rivetus, Meursius, Gallæus, Sparkius et Cellarius legere malunt, quam suscipiunt cæterorum. Eadem correctio est supra lib. II, cap. 2, circa medium. Suspiciunt, id est, admirantur.

They not only look up to. So I have corrected from a Regius manuscript codex only 400 years old but of the best quality, and from 2 old Roman editions of 1470 and 1474. And so Betuleius, Rivetus, Meursius, Gallaeus, Sparke and Cellarius prefer to read, rather than the others' suscipiunt [take up]. The same correction is above, book II, ch. 2, about the middle. Suspiciunt, that is, they admire.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Primores› · col 496

Primores. Noster expressit Cypr. Idol. Van. Hunc (continues)

The chief men. Our author has copied Cyprian, On the Vanity of Idols: Him (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Primores (from previous page)› · col 497

magistri eorum ac primores... tradiderunt; et Cyprianus Tertullianum in Apolog. cap. 21: Primores Judæorum, reliqua. BUNEMAN.

…their teachers and chief men... handed him over; and Cyprian [copied] Tertullian, Apology ch. 21: The chief men of the Jews, and the rest. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Cruciando› · col 497

Cruciando. Conf. cap. 18; cap. 22; Epit. cap. 46, 48. Illustrat Lipsius lib. I, de Cruce, cap. 3, et Columbus ad lib. de Mort. Persec. cap. 2. BUNEMAN.

By torturing. Compare ch. 18; ch. 22; Epitome ch. 46, 48. Lipsius illustrates it in On the Cross book I, ch. 3, and Columbus on On the Deaths of the Persecutors ch. 2. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et Salomon in libro Sapientiæ› · col 497

Et Salomon in libro Sapientiæ. Hieronymus cordatior præfatione in proverbia Salomonis est (quæ epistola est 115). Liber, inquit, ψευδεπίγραφος, qui Sapientia Salomonis inscribitur, qui apud Hebræos nusquam est, et ipse stylus græcam eloquentiam redolet, et nonnulli scriptorum veterum hunc esse Judæi Philonis affirmant. BUN.

And Solomon in the book of Wisdom. Jerome is more judicious in his preface to the Proverbs of Solomon (which is letter 115). The book, he says, falsely ascribed, which is entitled the Wisdom of Solomon, is nowhere found among the Hebrews; its very style savours of Greek eloquence, and some of the ancient writers affirm it to be the work of Philo the Jew. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Insuavis› · col 497

Insuavis. Hac voce passim utitur Lactantius lib. V, cap. 1, Epitom. cap. 45 et 64, lib. de Ira Dei cap. 20.

Unpleasant. Lactantius uses this word here and there: book V, ch. 1; Epitome ch. 45 and 64; On the Anger of God ch. 20.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quasi ab immunditiis› · col 497

Quasi ab immunditiis. Non abhorret Lactantius a voce. L. IV, cap. 17, Ab immunditiis. Lipsius ad Senec. l. III de Ira, c. 34, Immunditias, ex antiquo libro malebat. BUN.

As from uncleannesses. Lactantius does not shrink from the word: book IV, ch. 17, From uncleannesses. Lipsius, on Seneca On Anger book III, ch. 34, preferred uncleannesses from an old book. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et gloriatur patrem Deum› · col 497

Et gloriatur patrem Deum. Ediderant antea; et gloriatur patrem se habere Deum. At antiquissimus codex Taurin., c. 45. Et gloriatur patrem Dominum (leg. Deum). Atque, ut ego edo. BUN.

And boasts God as father. They had formerly printed: and boasts that he has God as father. But the very old Turin codex, ch. 45: And boasts the Lord as father (read God). And [so], as I print it. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Mille ac decem anni› · col 497

Mille ac decem anni. Sat recte ad mentem chronologiæ sacræ. Salomon enim obiit anno ante æram vulgarem 980. Christus vero cruci affixus est, juxta veteres Ecclesiæ doctores, duobus Geminis consulibus, id est anno Christianæ æræ 29. Hanc summam si addas ad eam 980, efficies annos 1009.

A thousand and ten years. Correct enough by the reckoning of sacred chronology. For Solomon died in the year 980 before the common era; and Christ was fastened to the cross, according to the ancient doctors of the Church, in the consulship of the two Gemini, that is, in the year 29 of the Christian era. If you add this sum to the 980, you will make 1009 years.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nihil addimus› · col 497

Nihil addimus. Mss. Em. et Brun., Nihil nos addimus.

We add nothing. The Emmanuel and Brunensis manuscripts: We add nothing ourselves.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Jesum› · col 497–498

Jesum. Ita quamplurimi et antiquissimi mss. et omnes editi. In 7 mss. rec. est ipsum.

Jesus. So very many and very old manuscripts and all the editions. In 7 recent manuscripts it is him.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quietum› · col 498

Quietum. Abest a 7 mss. rec.

Quiet. Absent from 7 recent manuscripts.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sordidum› · col 498

Sordidum. H. l. non significat immundum, nec avarum, parco oppositum, ut c. 1, l. VI, c. 14, sed obscurum, contemptum, haud clarum: quod patet ex citato dicto Esaiæ, n. 15; et Lact. VI, c. 14. BUN.

Mean. Here it does not mean unclean, nor miserly as opposed to thrifty, as in ch. 1 and book VI, ch. 14, but obscure, despised, not famous: which is plain from the cited saying of Isaiah, n. 15; and Lactantius VI, ch. 14. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In humilitate carnis› · col 498

In humilitate carnis. Secundum Tertull. Apolog. cap. 21: In humilitate conditionis humanæ. Lact. lib. IV, cap. 14; Conf. c. 22: Cur se tam humilem imbecillumque fecit; cap. 26: Humilis advenerat, ut humilibus et infimis opem ferret, etc. Conf., l. II, cap. 1, c. 2, c. 3 et c. 4; l. V, c. 14: Ab humilibus ad potentes. BUN.

In the lowliness of the flesh. After Tertullian, Apology ch. 21: In the lowliness of the human condition. Lactantius book IV, ch. 14; compare ch. 22: Why he made himself so lowly and weak; ch. 26: He had come lowly, to bring help to the lowly and the least, etc. Compare book II, ch. 1, ch. 2, ch. 3 and ch. 4; book V, ch. 14: From the lowly to the mighty. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Annuntiavimus› · col 498

Annuntiavimus, etc. Hebræi legunt: et ascendit sicut virgultum coram eo. LXX et August.: Annuntiabimus coram illo, ut infans. Quid multis? Apud humanum judicium παράδοξον est, summam potentiam in humilitate quærere. Carnalis Judæorum sapientia tam sagax non erat, ut intelligeret quidnam illud esset, quod Zachar. prædixerat: Rex tuus venit tibi mansuetus. BETULEIUS.

We have announced, etc. The Hebrews read: and he went up like a shoot before him. The Septuagint and Augustine: We shall announce before him, as an infant. Why say more? To human judgement it is a paradox to seek the highest power in lowliness. The carnal wisdom of the Jews was not so shrewd as to understand what that was which Zechariah had foretold: Your king comes to you, meek. BETULEIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Pro nobis dolet› · col 498

Pro nobis dolet. Restituo veram lectionem ex Lips. tert., Goth., Reimm., Rost., Ven. 1471, utraque 78, 93, 97, Paris. Torn. 1587, 1613, conformem Hebr. et LXX, item Cypriano l. II, adv. Jud. c. 13. Recentiores Parrh., Ald., Gryph., Thomas. et seqq. sine necessitate pro nobis hic dolet ediderant. BUN.

Grieves for us. I restore the true reading from the third Leipzig, the Gotha, Reimmann's, the Rostock, the Venice editions of 1471 and both of [14]78, [14]93, [14]97, the Paris Tornaesius of 1587 and 1613, agreeing with the Hebrew and the Septuagint, and likewise with Cyprian, Against the Jews book II, ch. 13. The more recent, the Parrhasius, Aldine, Gryphius, Thomasius and following, had needlessly printed grieves here for us. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Οἰκτρός› · col 498

Οἰκτρὸς, etc. Sibyll. Serm. 8. Lat.: Miserabilis, inhonoratus, sine specie, in miserabilibus spem præbebit.

Pitiable, etc. Sibylline Oracles, discourse 8. In Latin: "Pitiable, unhonoured, without comeliness, he shall give hope to the pitiable."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ἐλπίδα δώσει› · col 498

Ἐλπίδα δώσει. Ita mss. Reg. Put. et 5 al. Reg., 1 (continues)

Shall give hope. So the manuscripts Regio-Puteanus and 5 other Regius, 1 (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Ἐλπίδα δώσει (from previous page)› · col 499

Clarom., 2 Colbert. Græca in aliis desunt. Male citatur Cl. Puteani membrana, in qua δώσῃ, non δώσει, quam dictionem tamen habuit aliquis ms., siquidem 1 Brun. fert, ut miseris spem præbeat.

…1 Claromontanus, 2 Colbert. The Greek is lacking in the others. The parchment of Claude Dupuy is wrongly cited as having dōsēi [subjunctive], not dōsei; yet some manuscript did have that wording, since 1 Brunensis gives that he may offer hope to the wretched.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Invidiæ suæ..... præferebant› · col 499

Invidiæ suæ..... præferebant. Mss. 1 Reg. et Cauc. ac 3 edd. rec. habent, intus inclusa malitia, causas præferebant.

Of their envy... they put forward. Manuscripts 1 Regius and Cauchi and 3 recent editions have with malice shut up within, they put forward pretexts.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Solveret› · col 499

Solveret. Vide Matth., c. XII, Marc., c. III, Luc., c. VI, et Joann., c. IX.

Was dissolving. See Matthew ch. 12, Mark ch. 3, Luke ch. 6 and John ch. 9.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Operans in salutem› · col 499

Operans in salutem. Sic Taurin., Epit. 47: Ut in salutem hominum... operarentur. Et Cyprian. de Eleemos. in princ.: Multa et magna sunt... beneficia divina, quibus in salutem nostram Dei... clementia et operata sit, et semper operetur. Tertull. Apol., c. 33: Plus ego illi operor in salutem. BUN.

Working for salvation. So the Turin [codex], Epitome 47: That they might work... for the salvation of men. And Cyprian, On Almsgiving, at the beginning: Many and great are... the divine benefits by which the clemency of God... both has worked and always works for our salvation. Tertullian, Apology ch. 33: I work the more for his salvation. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Suillæ carnis› · col 499

Suillæ carnis. Id non legitur in evangelica historia.

Of swine's flesh. This is not read in the gospel history.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ad Christum secesserat› · col 499

Ad Christum secesserat. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. accesserat. Scriptis 8 et editis 4 est, a Christo secesserat. Sed ad Christum secesserat, hic est verbum (ut dicunt) prægnans, quod aliud adhuc includit, ea ratione, quæ nondum secesserat, et ad Christum se contulerat; exempli gratia Velleii Paterculi, lib. I, 18, 1: Adeo ut corpora gentis illius separata sint in alias civitates; id est, separata sint, et in alias civitates divisa. Sacro codice hebræo hic dicendi modus maxime frequens est.

Had withdrawn to Christ. The old manuscript 1 Bologna: had approached. In 8 manuscripts and 4 editions it is had withdrawn from Christ. But in had withdrawn to Christ the verb is here (as they say) pregnant, enclosing a further one, in this way: which had not yet withdrawn and betaken itself to Christ; for example Velleius Paterculus, book I, 18, 1: So that the bodies of that nation were separated into other cities; that is, were separated, and divided into other cities. In the sacred Hebrew codex this manner of speaking is very frequent.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et deliget validas nationes› · col 499

Et deliget validas nationes. Verbum deliget desideratur in ms. Regio-Put. In aliis mss. est diliget, religet, rediget, diriget. Omnes fere editi cum pluribus mss. habent deliget, quod Lactantius legisse videtur ex mendoso bibliorum codice græco, in quo scriptum fuerit ἐκλέξει, pro ἐξελέγξει, quod est arguet, vel corripiet. Forte non male, revincet et rediget validas nationes, ut ferunt mss. 1 Reg. rec., Tornes. et 1 Clarom. Multa hic desunt in veterrimo Regio, et Græca absunt a multis mss.

And he will choose strong nations. The word will choose is wanting in the Regio-Puteanus manuscript. In other manuscripts it is will love, will bind, will bring back, will direct. Almost all the editions, with most manuscripts, have will choose, which Lactantius seems to have read from a faulty Greek codex of the Bible in which eklexei (will choose) was written for exelenxei, that is will convict or will rebuke. Perhaps not badly, will refute and bring back strong nations, as the manuscripts 1 recent Regius, Tornaesius and 1 Claromontanus give. Much is lacking here in the very old Regius, and the Greek is absent from many manuscripts.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Deliget› · col 500

Deliget. Vulgata habet corripiet.

Will choose. The Vulgate has will rebuke.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In monte Choreb› · col 500

In monte Choreb. In deserto Arabiæ. Sic juxta Græcum textum reposui ex mss. Regio-Put., 6 aliis Reg., 5 Colb., Cauc. et quamplurimis aliis. In rec. 2 Reg. et 1 Colb. et 11 editis legitur Oreb. Choreb autem est Sinai. Erat ergo petra in deserto Sinai, vicinior tamen Raphidim, quam monti Sinai. MESOCH. — Totus ille montosus tractus dicebatur Horeb, ubi et Sinai. JUNIUS. — Occidentalior pars erat Horeb, orientalis Sinai.

On Mount Choreb. In the desert of Arabia. I have restored it so, following the Greek text, from the manuscripts Regio-Puteanus, 6 other Regius, 5 Colbert, Cauchi and very many others. In 2 recent Regius, 1 Colbert and 11 editions Oreb is read. Choreb is Sinai. So the rock was in the desert of Sinai, but nearer Rephidim than Mount Sinai. MESOCH. — That whole mountainous tract was called Horeb, where Sinai also is. JUNIUS. — The more westerly part was Horeb, the easterly Sinai.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ἀλλ' ὅτε› · col 500

Ἀλλ' ὅτε, etc. Latine: Sed cum omnia perfecta fuerint quæ dixi, In ipsum tunc tota solvetur lex. Sibyllarum, serm. 8.

But when, etc. In Latin: "But when all the things I have spoken are fulfilled, / Then the whole law shall be dissolved in him." Sibylline Oracles, discourse 8.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Εἰς αὐτόν› · col 500

Εἰς αὐτὸν, etc. Sic emendavi ex mss. Regio-Put., 1 al. Reg. optimæ notæ, et Betul. Εἰς αὐτὸν τότε πᾶς λύεται νόμος. Et recte, ob legem metri. In cæteris legitur λύσεται, et deest τότε.

In him, etc. So I have corrected from the manuscripts Regio-Puteanus, 1 other Regius of the best quality, and Betuleius: "Then the whole law is dissolved in him." And rightly, because of the law of the metre. In the others lysetai is read, and then is lacking.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Propheta maximus a Deo mitteretur› · col 500

Propheta maximus a Deo mitteretur. Ita reposui ex impressis 2 vet. Rom. et 5 aliis, necnon ex omnibus mss., præter 2 Reg. quibus est, ut et 8 editis, mittatur a Deo.

The greatest prophet would be sent by God. So I have restored from 2 old Roman printed editions and 5 others, and also from all the manuscripts except 2 Regius, which have, as do 8 editions, is to be sent by God.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Deuteronomio› · col 500

Deuteronomio. Hoc citatur a S. Stephano in Actis apostolor., c. 7.

In Deuteronomy. This is quoted by St Stephen in the Acts of the Apostles, ch. 7.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Per mortalem datam› · col 500

Per mortalem datam. Hæc lectio, quæ est antiquissimi ms. Regii multorumque aliorum et 12 editorum, optima est ac genuina; respondet enim τῷ æternus quod sequitur a conjugatis. Scripti 13 et vulgati tres habent per Moysen. Ecquis vocem Moysen adeo notam mutasset in mortalem?

Given through a mortal. This reading, which is that of the very old Regius manuscript and many others and 12 editions, is the best and genuine; for it answers to the word eternal that follows, as its counterpart. 13 manuscripts and three printed have through Moses. Who would have changed so familiar a word as Moses into mortal?

(lemma) ‹anchor: Esaias ita prophetavit› · col 500

Esaias ita prophetavit. Fallitur Lactantius; nam Jeremiæ verba sunt, c. IV, v. 3, 4.

Isaiah prophesied thus. Lactantius is mistaken; for the words are Jeremiah's, ch. 4, vv. 3–4.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Circumcide secundo› · col 500

Circumcide secundo. Id est, instaura circumcisionem jamdudum in deserto omissam, quam Deus postliminio revocandam jussit.

Circumcise a second time. That is, restore circumcision, long neglected in the desert, which God ordered to be brought back as by right of return.

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Et dixit Dominus ad me› · col 501

Et dixit Dominus ad me. Sic a me emendatum ex mss. 7 Reg. vetustioribus, ac Tornes., Betul., Goth., Em., 6 Colbert., 1 Sorbon., 2 Clarom., Brun. et ex ipsomet Lactantio paulo supra. In pluribus mss. et editis legitur Jesus, mendose.

And the Lord said to me. So corrected by me from 7 older Regius manuscripts, and the Tornaesius, Betuleius, Gotha, Emmanuel, 6 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, 2 Claromontanus, Brunensis, and from Lactantius himself a little above. In most manuscripts and editions Jesus is read, wrongly.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quod non de se loqueretur› · col 501

Quod non de se loqueretur. Ex mss. et decem editis restituta lectio: in 8 impressis est de eo.

That he was not speaking of himself. The reading restored from the manuscripts and ten editions: in 8 printed it is of him.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Qui cum primum Auses vocaretur› · col 501

Qui cum primum Auses vocaretur. Numer. XIII. Prius Hosea nominabatur: dicitur et Hosé, unde in editione græca Ause, quod aspirandum, ut sit Hause. Patrem habuit Nun, qui corrupte Nave vocatur. DRUSIUS. — Vide S. Augustin. de Civit. Dei, lib. XVI, c. 43. Vide etiam Tertullianum adversus Judæos.

Who, when he was first called Auses. Numbers 13. He was first named Hosea: he is also called Hosé, whence in the Greek edition Ause, which should be aspirated, to give Hause. His father was Nun, who is corruptly called Nave. DRUSIUS. — See St Augustine, City of God book XVI, ch. 43. See also Tertullian Against the Jews.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Novam legem› · col 501

Novam legem. Christus non legem novam tulit, sed veterem perfecit.

A new law. Christ did not bring a new law, but perfected the old.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Involutum pectus› · col 501

Involutum pectus. Ut Seneca, lib. I Qu. Nat., præf.: Non est tibi frons ficta, nec in alienam voluptatem sermo compositus, nec cor involutum. BUN.

A wrapped-up heart. As Seneca, Natural Questions book I, preface: You have no feigned face, no speech composed for another's pleasure, no wrapped-up heart. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Velemus› · col 501

Velemus. Dicere debuisset auctor, Velaremus. Sic usque ad finem capitis mutatio temporum vitiosa non semel.

We may veil. The author ought to have said we might veil. So, down to the end of the chapter, there is more than once a faulty change of tenses.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Eodem spectat etiam carnis suillæ› · col 501–502

Eodem spectat etiam carnis suillæ, etc. Quæ facta est Levit. IX, Deuteron. XIV. Supra indicavi porcinæ carnis interdictionem nusquam nuncupatim in Evangelica taxari historia. In genere sane superstitionem omnem notat, significans ea inquinare hominem quæ exeunt, non quæ intrant. Certe creditum observatumque est, homines eorum animalium induere mores, quorum vescerentur carnibus. Qualis autem natura suibus sit, indicat optime Petrus in sua posteriore Canonica, c. 2, 22, ubi eos, qui postquam veritatis viam cognoverunt, rursus ad priorem immunditiem revolvuntur, notat his verbis: Sus lota, in volutabro luti. BETUL.

To the same end looks also [the prohibition] of swine's flesh, etc. Which was made in Leviticus 9 [so printed] and Deuteronomy 14. I pointed out above that the prohibition of pork is nowhere expressly censured in the Gospel history. In general he certainly marks all superstition, signifying that what goes out defiles a man, not what goes in. It has certainly been believed and observed that men take on the habits of the animals whose flesh they eat. And what the nature of swine is, Peter shows best in his second canonical epistle, ch. 2, 22, where he marks those who, after knowing the way of truth, roll back into their former uncleanness, in these words: The sow that was washed, to her wallowing in the mire. BETULEIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In terram.. projectum› · col 502

In terram.. projectum. Legendum suspicatus in terram, offendi in ed. Tornes. 1587, 1613, Walch. rectissime. Opif., c. 8: Ut... toto corpore in humum projecta ventri pabuloque servirent. BUN.

Cast down to the earth. Having suspected that one should read in terram, I found it in the Tornaesius editions of 1587 and 1613, and Walch, most rightly. On the Workmanship of God, ch. 8: That... cast down with their whole body to the ground they might serve the belly and fodder. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ventri semper› · col 502

Ventri semper. Ms. Torn. veneri.

Ever to the belly. The Tornaesius manuscript: to lust.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ne porcina carne uterentur› · col 502

Ne porcina carne uterentur. Mss. Pal., Lips. et 4 editi, vescerentur. De suilla carne vide Varronem de Re rustica, lib. II, c. 4. Cicer., lib. V, de Finibus, et Plin., lib. VIII, c. 51.

That they should not use pork. The Palatine and Leipzig manuscripts and 4 editions: eat. On swine's flesh see Varro, On Agriculture book II, ch. 4; Cicero, On Ends book V; and Pliny book VIII, ch. 51.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Se oblinunt› · col 502

Se oblinunt. Conf. notas meas ad lib. V, c. 1. Iterum Lact., VI, c. 23: Qui se cœno immerserit, cœno sit oblitus, necesse est. BUN.

Smear themselves. Compare my notes on book V, ch. 1. Again Lactantius VI, ch. 23: He who has plunged himself into the mire must needs be smeared with mire. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Oportere› · col 502

Oportere. Vide Matth. XX, Marc. X, Luc. XVIII, Joan. VII et VIII et XI.

That it was necessary. See Matthew 20, Mark 10, Luke 18, John 7, 8 and 11.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quod ita fieri oporteret› · col 502

Quod ita fieri oporteret. Ex cunctis ferme manuscriptis et 7 vet. editis ita reposui. In 2 Reg., Em., Cantabrig., Brun., et 9 excusis est oporteat.

That it must so happen. I have restored it so from nearly all the manuscripts and 7 old editions. In 2 Regius, Emmanuel, Cambridge, Brunensis and 9 printed it is must [present].

(lemma) ‹anchor: Proderetur› · col 502

Proderetur. Matth. XXVII, Marc. XIV, Luc. XXII, Joan. XVIII.

He would be betrayed. Matthew 27, Mark 14, Luke 22, John 18.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tradidit Filium Dei Judæis› · col 502

Tradidit Filium Dei Judæis. Sic restitui ex mss. (continues)

He handed over the Son of God to the Jews. So I have restored from the manuscripts (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Tradidit Filium Dei Judæis (from previous page)› · col 503

veterrimis 2 Bonon., Regio-Put, aliisque octo, ex 3 vet. edd. Rom. et 8 aliis. Scripti rec., tradidit eum Judæis.

…the very old 2 Bologna, Regio-Puteanus and eight others, and from 3 old Roman editions and 8 others. Recent manuscripts: he handed him over to the Jews.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Legatus Syriam regebat› · col 503

Legatus Syriam regebat. Sic legunt Tertullianus, Apol., c. 21. Cyprianus, lib. de Idolor. vanitate, sub finem. Legati nomen hic generaliter sumit Lactantius pro eo qui missus est ad functionem muneris alicujus: quemadmodum et Varro explicat hanc vocem, lib. V de L. L. ISÆUS. — Nequaquam suspicione caret, neque extra omnem controversiæ aleam positum videtur, quod Pontium Pilatum Syriæ legatum fuisse scribit Lactantius: Pilatus enim erat tantum procurator Judææ. Tacitus: Auctor nominis ejus Christus, qui, Tiberio imperitante, per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio affectus erat. Licet præsidem incuriositate quapiam appellant christiani chronologi, ego, re considerata, existimem mendosos esse Lact. codices, et scribendum, qui sub Silano Judæam regebat. Silanus enim Syriæ tum præses erat, et sub eo Judæa a Pilato gubernabatur. Non enim peculiaris tunc erat provincia, sed ad Syriam pertinebat Judæa. Quamvis belli tempore divisæ fuerint, ut Vespasiano Judæa, Muciano Syria parebat in Vitelliano tumultu. De Silano adeo verum est, ut et accusarint coram eo aliquando Pilatum Judæi. BARTHIUS. — Istorum procuratorum duo erant genera: alii rationales dicti, qui solis vectigalibus colligendis vacabant; alii præterea provinciis minutioribus vice præsidis præerant cum aliqua potestate, et jurisdictionem aliquam, nullo præside præsente, inter provinciales sumebant, cum alioqui apud solos magistratus provinciarum præsides, puta proconsules et proprætores, lege agere liceret. SCULTET. — Attamen certum est Pilatum a plerisque historicis, quamvis minus proprie, præsidem vocari.

Governed Syria as legate. So read Tertullian, Apology ch. 21, and Cyprian, On the Vanity of Idols, near the end. Lactantius here takes the name legate generally, for one sent to discharge some office, as Varro too explains the word, On the Latin Language book V. ISAEUS. — It is by no means free of suspicion, nor does it seem placed beyond all hazard of dispute, that Lactantius writes that Pontius Pilate was legate of Syria: for Pilate was only procurator of Judaea. Tacitus: The founder of that name, Christus, was put to death in the reign of Tiberius by the procurator Pontius Pilate. Although Christian chronologers, through some carelessness, call him governor, on consideration I would judge the codices of Lactantius faulty, and that one should write who governed Judaea under Silanus. For Silanus was then governor of Syria, and under him Judaea was governed by Pilate; Judaea was not then a separate province but belonged to Syria. Though in time of war they were divided, as in the Vitellian upheaval Judaea obeyed Vespasian and Syria Mucianus. About Silanus it is so true that the Jews once even accused Pilate before him. BARTHIUS. — There were two kinds of these procurators: some, called rationales, who attended only to collecting the revenues; others who besides presided over lesser provinces in place of a governor with some power, and took some jurisdiction among the provincials when no governor was present, whereas otherwise legal proceedings could be taken only before the governors of the provinces, that is, the proconsuls and propraetors. SCULTETUS. — Yet it is certain that Pilate is called governor by most historians, though less properly.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Solveritis› · col 503

Solveritis. Vide Joan., II, Matth., XXVI et XXVII, Marc., XIV.

You destroy. See John 2, Matthew 26 and 27, Mark 14.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quod ædificatum est annis XLVI› · col 503

Quod ædificatum est annis XLVI. Hunc numerum retinui probatum Joanni Evang., c. 2, v. 20, mss. codicibus 12 Vaticanis, 8 Regiis, 6 Colbert., Sorbon., 2 Clar., Brun. cunctisque editis. At 1 Reg. antiquissimus, 2 Bonon., Tax. Cantabr. ferunt annis XL, male. — Quod ædificatum est annis 46. Ex Joann. II, v. 20, annorum numerus est, qui non de Zorobabelis opere, quod quadriennio confectum fuit, Esdr., VI, 15: sed de reparatione Herodis, et sequentium, quibus cura templi ab Romanis concessa erat, intelligatur necesse est. Adi Josephum, lib. XXV, c. 14, et lib. XX, c. 3 et 8. CELL.

Which was forty-six years in building. I have kept this number, approved by John the Evangelist, ch. 2, v. 20, by the manuscript codices 12 Vatican, 8 Regius, 6 Colbert, Sorbonne, 2 Claromontanus, Brunensis, and all the editions. But 1 very old Regius, 2 Bologna, Tax., Cambridge give forty years, wrongly. — Which was 46 years in building. From John 2, v. 20; it is a number of years which must be understood not of Zerubbabel's work, which was completed in four years (Ezra 6:15), but of the restoration by Herod and his successors, to whom the care of the temple had been granted by the Romans. Consult Josephus book XXV [so printed], ch. 14, and book XX, ch. 3 and 8. CELLARIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Resuscitabo› · col 503

Resuscitabo. Restitutum ex quamplurimis et optimis mss. ac 12 impressis. In mss. 2 Bonon. antiq., Cauc. sexque aliis et 5 editis legitur, suscitabo.

I will raise it again. Restored from very many of the best manuscripts and 12 printed. In the manuscripts, 2 old Bologna, Cauchi and six others, and in 5 editions, I will raise is read.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Videri› · col 503

Videri. Verbum ex antiqua judicandi formula.

To seem. A word from the ancient formula of judging.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Injustissimi accusatores› · col 503

Injustissimi accusatores. Mss. Regio-Put. et alius antiquissimus Reg. a prima manu, 1 alter Reg. rec. et Brun. justissimi, sed ironice.

The most unjust accusers. The manuscripts Regio-Puteanus and another very old Regius in the first hand, 1 other recent Regius and the Brunensis: most just, but ironically.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Violentis vocibus flagitare› · col 503–504

Violentis vocibus flagitare. Ita scripti et editi, ubi in Cellariana volentis, prave. Sic Cyprianus de Idol. Van., c. 7: Crucem ejus et mortem suffragiis violentis ac pertinacibus flagitantes. Et nostri Epit. c. 45: Mortemque ejus impiis vocibus flagitarent. Ipsum verbum flagitare Latinis indicat vehementem pertinaciam in orando. Conf. Lact., VI, c. 20. BUN.

To demand with violent voices. So the manuscripts and editions, whereas in Cellarius's it is volentis, wrongly. So Cyprian, On the Vanity of Idols, ch. 7: Demanding his cross and death with violent and stubborn votes. And our author's Epitome ch. 45: And they demanded his death with impious voices. The very verb flagitare signifies to the Latins a vehement persistence in asking. Compare Lactantius VI, ch. 20. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nec tamen ipse sententiam protulit› · col 504

Nec tamen ipse sententiam protulit. Lucas, Tradidit eum voluntati eorum, scilicet Judæorum, ut crucifigeretur, sua quidem auctoritate, non tamen sententia, quasi cruce dignus. Non enim probari potest Pilatum in eum tulisse sententiam velut reum mortis: unde illa videtur ficta quæ legitur apud Adrichomium. Ergo pro tribunali sedit quidem: sed adjudicavit tantum fieri petitionem eorum, ut loquitur Lucas, ut scilicet ab ipsis damnatus traderetur eis cruciligendus, sicut petebant. JANSEN. — Attamen vide Lucæ caput XXIII, v. 24, et Joannis cap. XIX, v. 16.

Yet he himself did not pronounce sentence. Luke: He delivered him to their will, that is, of the Jews, to be crucified, by his authority indeed, but not by a sentence, as though he deserved the cross. For it cannot be proved that Pilate pronounced sentence on him as guilty of death: hence the sentence read in Adrichomius seems invented. So he did indeed sit on the judgement seat: but he only gave sentence that their petition be done, as Luke says, so that, condemned by them, he was handed over to them to be crucified, as they asked. JANSEN. — But see Luke ch. 23, v. 24, and John ch. 19, v. 16.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Duxerunt› · col 504

Duxerunt. Hoc est, ad mortem rapuerunt; hoc enim et verbum ducere significat.

They led him away. That is, they hurried him off to death; for this too the verb ducere means.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Spinis coronatum› · col 504

Spinis coronatum. Veteres putarunt fuisse spinas albas: quæ et inde salutares dicuntur, et medicinis utiles. Marcellus Empiricus, cap. 23: Herba salutaris, id est spina alba, qua Christus coronatus est, quæ velut uvam habet, lienem leniter in eodem loco perfricata sanabit. BARTHIUS.

Crowned with thorns. The ancients thought they were white thorns: which are therefore also called healing, and useful in medicines. Marcellus Empiricus, ch. 23: The healing herb, that is the white thorn, with which Christ was crowned, which has a kind of berry-cluster, rubbed gently on the same place will heal the spleen. BARTHIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et dederunt ei cibum fellis› · col 504

Et dederunt ei cibum fellis, et miscuerunt ei aceti potionem. Matth. cap. XXVII, v. 48. Syrus et Arabs legerunt etiam ὄξος, acetum, at vulgatus οἶνον, vinum, quomodo in suo vetustissimo exemplari legi testatur Beza. Sic et Evang. Hebr. et dederunt ei bibere vinum mixtum felle. Merceri exemplar omittit bibere. Et hanc quidem lectionem verissimam arbitratur Beza, adeo ut etiam ὄξος non significaverit acetum quod vocamus, sed vinum conditum; quia Marcus, cap. XV, v. 23, meminit οἴνου ἐσμυρνισμένου: malim tamen ὄξος capere pro aceto proprie dicto, et apud Marc. per οἶνον quoque intelligere acetum, quod nihil aliud est quam vinum acidum. Nam ὄξος sumere pro vino condito, exemplo et auctoritate carere puto. Quod autem vir doctiss. per χολὴν non intelligit fel, sed in genere amarorem, qualis est myrrhæ genuinæ, non gravate ei assentior, tum quia Marcus pro χολῇ habet σμύρναν, tum quia LXX etiam absynthium verterunt per χολὴν, Prov. V, v. 4, Thren. 3, v. 15, quare nec multum culpandus Arabs, qui hoc loco pro μετὰ χολῆς, habet myrrha. Potest enim χολὴ quemvis amarorem significare, sive fellis, sive absynthii, sive myrrhæ; petitus hic locus ex ps. LXVIII, ỳ 22. LXX, καὶ ἔδωκαν εἰς τὸ βρῶμά μου χολήν. Potest ibi simpliciter esse amaror, sicut colligitur ex Deut. XXIX, v. 18, Hebr., XII, v. 15, et Jer. XXIII, ỳ 51, ubi LXX verterunt ὕδωρ πικρόν. Matth. ergo et Marc. se mutuo explicant. οἶνον Marci Matthæus explicat per ὄξος; et vicissim χολὴν Matth. Marcus per σμύρναν: unde liquet, secus quam doctissimi viri existimarunt, nihil hic ex recepto Judæorum more factum, qui hoc morituris officium præstare solebant, ut vinum propinarent cum grano thuris, quo abripiatur mens eorum. Hic contra pro vino acetum, pro benigni saporis thure amarorem myrrhæ propinarunt, ne quid deesset, quo virulentum suum in Servatorem animum proderent. LUDOV. DE DIEU.

And they gave him food of gall, and mixed him a drink of vinegar. Matthew ch. 27, v. 48 [so printed]. The Syriac and Arabic also read oxos, vinegar, but the common text oinon, wine, as Beza testifies it is read in his very old copy. So too the Hebrew Gospel: and they gave him wine mixed with gall to drink. Mercier's copy omits to drink. And Beza judges this reading the truest, so that even oxos would not have meant what we call vinegar, but spiced wine, because Mark, ch. 15, v. 23, mentions wine mingled with myrrh: I would rather, however, take oxos for vinegar properly so called, and in Mark understand vinegar by oinon too, which is nothing but sour wine. For to take oxos for spiced wine lacks, I think, example and authority. But that the most learned man understands by cholē not gall but bitterness in general, such as that of genuine myrrh, I readily agree, both because Mark has smyrna (myrrh) for cholē, and because the Septuagint also rendered wormwood by cholē, Proverbs 5, v. 4, Lamentations 3, v. 15; so the Arabic is not much to blame, which in this place has myrrh for with gall. For cholē can signify any bitterness, whether of gall, of wormwood, or of myrrh; this passage is taken from Psalm 68, v. 22, Septuagint: and they gave gall for my food. There it may simply be bitterness, as is gathered from Deuteronomy 29, v. 18, Hebrews 12, v. 15, and Jeremiah 23, v. 51 [so printed], where the Septuagint rendered bitter water. So Matthew and Mark explain each other. Matthew explains Mark's wine by vinegar; and in turn Mark explains Matthew's gall by myrrh: whence it is clear, contrary to what most learned men have thought, that nothing here was done according to the received custom of the Jews, who used to render this service to the dying, of giving them wine with a grain of frankincense, so that their mind might be carried away. Here on the contrary they gave vinegar for wine, and for the kindly-flavoured frankincense the bitterness of myrrh, so that nothing should be lacking by which they might betray their venomous spirit against the Saviour. LOUIS DE DIEU.

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Conspuerunt faciem ejus› · col 505

Conspuerunt faciem ejus. Hanc retinui lectionem, quæ 3 antiquissimorum mss. Regiorum est et 10 editorum. Et potest abesse præpositio in faciem, quæ in scriptis recentioribus ac 7 vulgatis reperitur. Sic apud Senecam, cap. 13, ad Helv.: Ducebatur Athenis ad supplicium Aristides, cui quisquis occurrebat, dejiciebat oculos..... inventus est tamen qui faciem ejus inspueret.

They spat upon his face. I have kept this reading, which is that of 3 very old Regius manuscripts and 10 editions. And the preposition [in] in faciem, which is found in more recent manuscripts and 7 printed editions, can be absent. So in Seneca, To Helvia ch. 13: Aristides was being led to execution at Athens; whoever met him cast down his eyes... yet one was found to spit in his face.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non enim Gavianam crucem describimus› · col 505

Non enim Gavianam crucem describimus. Optima lectio, quæ est 3 Reg., 1 Sorbon. et 19 edit. ac Cicer. in Verrem. Orat. 10 faventibus mss. Regio-Put., 3 al. Reg., 4 Colbert., Brun., quibus est Gabianam, mendose, pro Gavianam, b, pro v. Ms. 1 Colbert., et edit. Rom. 1468, Gabiniam; 1 Reg., ed. Rom., 1470 et Florent., Gabinianam; 1 Reg. veterr., Gavinianam; 1 Clar., Ganianam, mendose pro Gavianam; 1 Reg., 2 Colbert., Gravianam; ms. Tornes., Gravinianam; Jun., Grabianam; 3 edit., Cannianam, corrupte. Vide Ciceronem in Verrem, act. V, VI et VII. Alludit ad P. Gavium Consanum, civem Romanum, quem Verres contra jus et leges virgis cæsum cruci affixerat, hoc est affecerat servili supplicio.

For we are not describing the cross of Gavius. The best reading, which is that of 3 Regius, 1 Sorbonne and 19 editions, and of Cicero Against Verres, oration 10, with the support of the manuscripts Regio-Puteanus, 3 other Regius, 4 Colbert and Brunensis, which have Gabianam, wrongly, for Gavianam, b for v. The manuscript 1 Colbert and the Roman edition of 1468: Gabiniam; 1 Regius, the Roman edition of 1470 and the Florentine: Gabinianam; 1 very old Regius: Gavinianam; 1 Claromontanus: Ganianam, wrongly for Gavianam; 1 Regius, 2 Colbert: Gravianam; the Tornaesius manuscript: Gravinianam; Junius: Grabianam; 3 editions: Cannianam, corruptly. See Cicero Against Verres, actions 5, 6 and 7. He alludes to P. Gavius of Consa, a Roman citizen, whom Verres, against right and law, had beaten with rods and fastened to a cross, that is, had subjected to a slave's punishment.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Universis› · col 505

Universis. Sic reposui ex mss. 8 Reg. quorum duo sunt vetustissimi, 6 Colb., 2 Clarom. aliisque. Sed scripti 2 rec. et 11 editi, universæ.

To all. So I have restored from 8 Regius manuscripts, of which two are very old, 6 Colbert, 2 Claromontanus and others. But 2 recent manuscripts and 11 editions: universæ [feminine].

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nervis› · col 505

Nervis. Mss. 10 et 5 edit., verbis, sed minus bene.

With sinews [of speech]. Ten manuscripts and 5 editions: with words, but less well.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tantæ affluentiæ ubertate› · col 505

Tantæ affluentiæ ubertate. Mss. 10 recentissimi, tanta.

With the richness of such abundance. Ten very recent manuscripts: with such [richness].

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et tota mundi elementa luxerunt› · col 505

Et tota mundi elementa luxerunt. Τὸ mundi deest in ms. 1 Colb. et 7 editis. Grammaticæ studiosi notent in numero plurali toti apud auctorem nostrum, lib. I Div. Institut. cap. 11, et apud Augustinum in psalm. CXLVIII; totæ apud Plautum, necnon in Symbolo Quicumque nomine Athanasii, et tota in recto casu etiam plurali apud Lactantium, lib. II, cap. 9, ad fin. et lib. IV, cap. 18. Vide sequens caput.

And all the elements of the world mourned. The word of the world is lacking in the manuscript 1 Colbert and 7 editions. Students of grammar should note toti in the plural in our author, Divine Institutes book I ch. 11, and in Augustine on Psalm 148; totæ in Plautus, and also in the Creed Quicumque under Athanasius's name; and tota in the nominative, also plural, in Lactantius, book II, ch. 9, at the end, and book IV, ch. 18. See the following chapter.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et ignoraverunt› · col 505

Et ignoraverunt. Sic lego cum antiquioribus et potioribus mss. 7 Reg., 4 Colb., 1 Clarom. et omnibus fere vulgatis: nec aliter legit Augustinus Enarrat. II in psal. XXXIV. Scripti 9 rec. et 2 vet. edd., et ignoravit.

And they knew not. So I read with the older and better manuscripts, 7 Regius, 4 Colbert, 1 Claromontanus, and almost all the printed: nor does Augustine read otherwise, second Exposition on Psalm 34. Nine recent manuscripts and 2 old editions: and he knew not.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tentaverunt› · col 505

Tentaverunt. Ex mss. reposui: in vulgatis est tentarunt.

They tempted. I have restored it from the manuscripts: in the printed it is tentarunt [contracted form].

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et deriserunt derisu› · col 506

Et deriserunt derisu. Lips. tert. et Reimm.: Deriserunt me et striderunt. Augustinus et Hieronymus: Subsannaverunt me subsannatione. Quæ prior egregie applicat ad christianos. In Epitome, c. 46, verba: Et deriserunt derisu, desiderantur; at habent Hebr. et LXX. BUN.

And they mocked with mockery. The third Leipzig and Reimmann's: They mocked me and gnashed. Augustine and Jerome: They scorned me with scorning. The former of whom applies it admirably to Christians. In the Epitome, ch. 46, the words And they mocked with mockery are wanting; but the Hebrew and the Septuagint have them. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Εἰς ἀνόμων χεῖρας› · col 506

Εἰς ἀνόμων χεῖρας. Sermone 8 Sibyll. Hæc latine: In manus iniquorum et infidelium postea veniet; Dabunt autem Deo alapas manibus incestis, Et faucibus immundis sputa virulentia; Dabit autem in verbera simpliciter purum tunc dorsum. Hæc et sequentia leguntur eodem modo in ms. Regio-Put., n. 3736, ut et apud Augustinum de Civit. Dei, lib. XVIII, cap. 23, n. 2, qui ea ex auctore nostro decerpsit; nisi quod habeat, manus iniquas, ... venenatos sputus... sanctum dorsum. In Brun. aliisque mss. et editis codicibus interpret. lat. innocens tunc dorsum; in nonnullis, purum tunc dorsum.

Into the hands of the lawless. Sibylline Oracles, discourse 8. In Latin: "Afterwards he shall come into the hands of the wicked and faithless; / They shall give God blows with impure hands, / And with unclean mouths poisonous spittings; / And he shall then simply give his pure back to the scourges." These and the following lines are read in the same way in the Regio-Puteanus manuscript, no. 3736, as also in Augustine, City of God book XVIII, ch. 23, no. 2, who culled them from our author; except that he has wicked hands, ... poisoned spittings... holy back. In the Brunensis and other manuscripts and printed codices the Latin rendering has innocent then his back; in some, pure then his back.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ἀνόμων› · col 506

Ἀνόμων. Sic restitui ex opt. mss. Regio-Put. et Betul. ac edit. Paris. 1525, 1561, 1563, Crat., Gymnic., Graph., Tornes., Soubron. et Versione gallica. Sic etiam legendum esse censebant Musurus, Betuleius, et Sparkius; et syntaxis constabit hac ratione melius. Ita etiam emendavit Clariss. Heumannus. At scripti 11, alii et 7 editi habent ἀνόμους

Of the lawless. So I have restored from the best manuscripts, Regio-Puteanus and Betuleius's, and the Paris editions of 1525, 1561, 1563, the Cratander, Gymnicus, Gryphius [printed "Graph."], Tornaesius, Soubron, and the French version. So too Musurus, Betuleius and Sparke judged it should be read; and the syntax will hold better this way. So too the most distinguished Heumann corrected it. But 11 manuscripts, others, and 7 editions have anomous [accusative].

(lemma) ‹anchor: Τὰ πτύσματα› · col 506

Τὰ πτύσματα. Hæc lectio est mss. Regio-Put., 3 al. Reg., 3 Colb., 1 Sorbon. et omnium editorum. In mss. Cauc. et 2 Reg. est ἐμπτύσματα; in ms. Betul. ἐκπτύσματα, pag. 261 in Commentario suo.

The spittings. This is the reading of the manuscripts Regio-Puteanus, 3 other Regius, 3 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne and all the editions. In the Cauchi manuscript and 2 Regius it is emptysmata; in Betuleius's manuscript ekptysmata, p. 261 in his Commentary.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Καὶ κολαφιζόμενος› · col 506

Καὶ κολαφιζόμενος. Sibylla, serm. 8. Hæc latine: Et colaphos accipiens tacebit, ne quis agnoscat, Quod verbum, vel unde venit ut mortalibus loquatur; Et coronam portabit spineam. Augustinus loco supra citato legit, ut inferis loquatur. Musurus et Thomasius cum mss. 2 Colb. et ed. Rom. 1470, Tornes., 2 Paris., Soubron. legunt, ut mortuis loquatur.

And being buffeted. The Sibyl, discourse 8. In Latin: "And receiving blows he shall be silent, so that none may know / What word he is, or whence he came to speak to mortals; / And he shall wear a crown of thorns." Augustine, in the place cited above, reads to speak to those below. Musurus and Thomasius, with the manuscripts 2 Colbert and the Roman edition of 1470, Tornaesius, 2 Paris and Soubron, read to speak to the dead.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Τίς λόγος ἢ πόθεν ἦλθεν› · col 506

Τίς λόγος ἢ πόθεν ἦλθεν. Ita 3 Reg. quorum duo sunt antiquissimi, 3 Colb. et omnes edd. At ms. codex Sibyllinus habet Τίς τινος ὢν πόθεν ἦλθεν, ms. Betul. Τίς τινος ὤ. Sed Lactantii lectionem sequitur Augustinus, et magis probatur etiam Betuleio.

What word, or whence he came. So 3 Regius, of which two are very old, 3 Colbert and all the editions. But the Sibylline manuscript codex has Who, being of whom, whence he came; Betuleius's manuscript Who, of whom… [so printed]. But Augustine follows Lactantius's reading, and it is preferred by Betuleius too.

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Potum mihi dederunt acetum› · col 507

Potum mihi dederunt acetum. Hæc lectio est mss. 6 Regiorum, ex quibus duo sunt veterrimi, 1 Sorbon., 2 Colb., 2 Clarom. et 6 edit. In 13 scriptis recentissimis et 7 impressis est: Potaverunt me aceto.

They gave me vinegar to drink. This is the reading of 6 Regius manuscripts, of which two are very old, 1 Sorbonne, 2 Colbert, 2 Claromontanus and 6 editions. In 13 very recent manuscripts and 7 printed it is: They made me drink vinegar.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Idem hoc futurum› · col 507

Idem hoc futurum. 1 Reg. rec., 1 Clarom. et ed. Gall., Spark., Item.

That this same thing would be. 1 recent Regius, 1 Claromontanus and the editions of Gallaeus and Sparke: Likewise.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Εἰς δὲ τὸ βρῶμα› · col 507

Εἰς δὲ τὸ βρῶμα. Sibyll. Serm. 8. Hæc latine: In cibum autem fel, et in sitim acetum dederunt, Inhospitalitatis hanc monstrabunt mensam.

And for food. Sibylline Oracles, discourse 8. In Latin: "For food they gave gall, and for thirst vinegar; / This table of inhospitality they will show."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Αὐτὴ γὰρ δύσφρων› · col 507

Αὐτὴ γὰρ δύσφρων. Ita restitui ex 2 antiquissimis mss. Reg. At rec. 1 Reg., 3 Colb., 1 Clarom. et 11 editi ferunt ἄφρων. Græca desunt in cæteris quos vidi. Latina interpretatio: Ipsa enim noxia cogitans, Deum tuum non cognovisti Ludentem mortalibus cogitationibus: sed et spinis Coronasti corona, et horribile fel miscuisti. Apud Augustinum, pro noxia cogitans, est insipiens; et versu sequenti apud eumdem et in ms. 1 Brun. est Ludentem mortalium mentibus; in altero Brun. Illudentem humanis mentibus. Hæc ex Sibyllar. Carminibus, serm. 6.

For you yourself, ill-minded. So I have restored from 2 very old Regius manuscripts. But a recent Regius, 3 Colbert, 1 Claromontanus and 11 editions give aphrōn [senseless]. The Greek is lacking in the others I have seen. The Latin rendering: "For you yourself, thinking harmful things, did not know your God / Playing upon the thoughts of mortals: but with thorns too / You crowned him, and mixed dreadful gall." In Augustine, instead of thinking harmful things, there is foolish; and in the next verse, in him and in the manuscript 1 Brunensis, Playing upon the minds of mortals; in the other Brunensis, Mocking human minds. These are from the Sibylline Oracles, discourse 6.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Παίζοντα θνητοῖσι› · col 507

Παίζοντα θνητοῖσι. Sic restitui ex mss. 5 Reg., quorum duo sunt antiquissimi, 1 Clarom. et 3 Colbert. nisi quod in uno est θνητισι, et edit. Rom. 1468. Ms. codex a Betuleio visus habet πταίοντα, quod ei magis quadrare videtur, utpote quod Christus mortalium judicio peccaverit. In 7 impressis est παίζοντ' ἐν θνητοῖσι.

Playing among mortals. So I have restored from 5 Regius manuscripts, of which two are very old, 1 Claromontanus and 3 Colbert, except that one has thnētisi, and from the Roman edition of 1468. The manuscript codex seen by Betuleius has ptaionta [stumbling], which seems to him to fit better, inasmuch as Christ in the judgement of mortals had sinned. In 7 printed it is paizont' en thnētoisi.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ἔστεψας› · col 507

Ἔστεψας. Ita emendavi ex ms. 7 Reg. inter quos duo sunt veterrimi, ex 3 Colbert., 1 Sorb., 1 Clarom., edit. 2 vet. Rom. et 8 aliis. In sex vulgatis est Ἔστρεψας.

You crowned. So I have corrected from 7 Regius manuscripts, among which two are very old, from 3 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, 1 Claromontanus, 2 old Roman editions and 8 others. In six printed it is Estrepsas [you twisted].

(lemma) ‹anchor: Apud Esdram ita scriptum est› · col 507–508

Apud Esdram ita scriptum est, etc. Quædam loca e Scriptura describit Justinus Martyr, quæ a Judæis in odium Christi fuisse deleta contendit in dialogo cum Tryphone Judæo, 83. Τοῦτο τὸ πάσχα ὁ σωτὴρ ἡμῶν, etc. quæ ita refert et vertit Lactantius. Hæc tamen verba non occurrunt, neque in textu Hebræo, neque in codicibus Græcis, neque Latinis. Queritur quidem Justinus ea a Judæis deleta atque inducta fuisse: Ex verbis, inquit, quæ Esdras de lege et constitutione paschalis commemoravit, hunc locum abstulerunt. Et dixit Esdras populo: Hoc Pascha Salvator noster, etc. Necesse autem est in iis libris fuisse, quos Judæi in Canone receperunt.

In Ezra it is written thus, etc. Justin Martyr copies out certain places of Scripture which he contends were deleted by the Jews out of hatred of Christ, in the dialogue with Trypho the Jew, 83: This Passover is our Saviour, etc., which Lactantius reports and translates thus. Yet these words do not occur either in the Hebrew text or in the Greek or Latin codices. Justin indeed complains that they were deleted and struck out by the Jews: From the words, he says, which Ezra recorded about the law and ordinance of the Passover, they took away this passage. And Ezra said to the people: This Passover is our Saviour, etc. And it must have been in those books which the Jews received into the Canon.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Humiliare eum in signo› · col 508

Humiliare eum in signo. Ita cum mss. editi novem; et S. Justinus martyr ἐν σημείῳ, in signo. In mss. 1 Reg. rec., 1 Colbert., Brun. et 7 impressis est, in ligno.

To humble him in a sign. So, with the manuscripts, nine editions; and St Justin Martyr en sēmeiōi, in a sign. In the manuscripts 1 recent Regius, 1 Colbert, Brunensis and 7 printed it is on the wood.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quem negaverunt› · col 508

Quem negaverunt. Sic mss. 2 Reg. antiquissimi, multique alii, et omnes editi. Eadem locutione usus est supra, cap. 12. In veterrimo Bononiensi et 12 aliis rec. est necaverunt.

Whom they denied. So the manuscripts 2 very old Regius and many others, and all the editions. He used the same expression above, ch. 12. In the very old Bologna and 12 other recent ones it is they killed.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In humilitate ejus› · col 508

In humilitate ejus, etc. Græcam LXX translationem secutus fere ubique est Lactantius, quibus illud Nativitatem ejus debetur, id est, γενεὰν, quod Latinus etiam Vulgatus est amplexus. CELLAR.

In his humiliation, etc. Lactantius has followed the Greek translation of the Seventy almost everywhere; to them is owed his generation, that is, genean, which the Latin Vulgate too has embraced. CELLARIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ego agnus sine malitia› · col 508

Ego agnus sine malitia. Ita restitui ex 2 antiquissimis mss. Reg., al. Reg. et 2 Brun. Nec aliter apud Cyprianum Testimonior. adv. Judæos, lib. II, cap. 15, et apud LXX Jerem. XI: Ἐγὼ δὲ ὡς ἀρνίον ἄκακον. In rec. mss. et in editis, sine macula; in Vulgata, mansuetus.

I, a lamb without malice. So I have restored from 2 very old Regius manuscripts, another Regius and 2 Brunensis. Nor otherwise in Cyprian, Testimonies against the Jews book II, ch. 15, and in the Septuagint, Jeremiah 11: But I as an innocent lamb. In recent manuscripts and in the editions: without spot; in the Vulgate: gentle.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Lignum autem crucem significat, et panis corpus ejus› · col 508

Lignum autem crucem significat, et panis corpus ejus. Sic emendavi ex mss. 1 Reg. optimæ notæ, 1 Colb. et 2 Brun. necnon ex antiqua Versione gallica 1563, quæ sic habet: Or le bois signifie la croix, et le pain son corps. Mss. 17 et 18 edit., et panem corpus ejus, mendose. — Lignum autem, etc. Origenes, Tertullianus, Hieronymus eodem modo exponunt, per panem nimirum corpus, per lignum crucem intelligentes, referentesque ad sacramentum corporis Christi. BETULEIUS.

Now the wood signifies the cross, and the bread his body. So I have corrected from the manuscripts 1 Regius of the best quality, 1 Colbert and 2 Brunensis, and also from the old French version of 1563, which has: Now the wood signifies the cross, and the bread his body. 17 manuscripts and 18 editions: and the bread [accusative] his body, wrongly. — Now the wood, etc. Origen, Tertullian and Jerome expound it in the same way, understanding by the bread the body and by the wood the cross, and referring it to the sacrament of Christ's body. BETULEIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quia ipse est cibus› · col 508

Quia ipse est cibus. Id est, quia ipse est panis ille, qui de cœlo descendit (Joan. VI).

Because he himself is the food. That is, because he himself is that bread which came down from heaven (John 6).

(lemma) ‹anchor: Vita omnium› · col 508

Vita omnium. Reposui omnium ex editis 3 vet. Rom. Venet. 1490, Cellar., Walch. cunctisque mss. præter 2 Reg. rec., 1 Sorbon., 1 Colbert. quibus est, vita hominum.

The life of all. I have restored of all from the editions, 3 old Roman, the Venice of 1490, Cellarius and Walch, and from all the manuscripts except 2 recent Regius, 1 Sorbonne, 1 Colbert, which have the life of men.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Qua pependit› · col 508

Qua pependit. Ita mss. antiquissimi 1 Bonon., Regio-Put., 6 Colb., Brun., 2 Clarom., edit. 2 vet. Rom. Scripti vero 1 Reg., 1 Colbert. a prima manu, et 17 impressi habent, in qua pependit.

On which he hung. So the very old manuscripts 1 Bologna, Regio-Puteanus, 6 Colbert, Brunensis, 2 Claromontanus, and 2 old Roman editions. But the manuscripts 1 Regius, 1 Colbert in the first hand, and 17 printed have on which he hung [with the preposition].

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et erit pendens vita tua› · col 508

Et erit pendens vita tua. Quod etiam Tertullianus adv. Judæos, cap. 11, et Cyprianus adversus eosdem, lib. II, cap. 20, et Augustinus lib. XVI, contra Fau- (continues)

And your life shall be hanging. Which Tertullian too, Against the Jews ch. 11, and Cyprian against the same, book II, ch. 20, and Augustine, Against Faustus book XVI, (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Et erit pendens vita tua (from previous page)› · col 509

stum, cap. 21, de Christi cruce interpretantur. Ex CELLARIO. — Id in Deuteron., cap. XXVIII, sed nimis allegorica videtur hæc Lactantii interpretatio.

…Faustus, ch. 21, interpret of Christ's cross. From CELLARIUS. — This is in Deuteronomy ch. 28, but this interpretation of Lactantius seems too allegorical.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Numeris› · col 509

Numeris. Non minus metaphorica est hæc interpretatio.

In Numbers. This interpretation is no less metaphorical.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Dominus suspenditur› · col 509

Dominus suspenditur. Legitur Deus.... apud Buneman. qui hujus vocis sic rationem reddit. — Deus suspenditur. Restituo Deus ex Lips. II, 3 Reimm.. Sublac., Rost., utraque Ven. 78, ita requirit oppositio, homo; et LXX, ὁ θεός; et Cyprian. l. II adv. Jud. c. 20. BUN.

The Lord is hanged. God is read... in Bünemann, who gives his reason for this word thus. — God is hanged. I restore God from the second Leipzig, 3 Reimmann, the Subiaco, the Rostock, and both Venice editions of [14]78; so the opposition, man, requires; and the Septuagint, ho theos; and Cyprian, Against the Jews book II, ch. 20. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Zacharias› · col 509

Zacharias. Hæc prophetia ab Evangelista Joanne, cap. XIX, de Christo interpretatur.

Zechariah. This prophecy is interpreted of Christ by John the Evangelist, ch. 19.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tot colliguntur anni› · col 509

Tot colliguntur anni. Recte equidem: nam a Dav de mortuo ad æram vulgarem anni intercedunt 1019, sed ad passionem 1052 sunt anni. At si juxta veteres Christus mortuus est duobus Geminis consulibus, id est anno æræ vulgaris 29, tunc erunt 1048 anni, quod idem est.

So many years are reckoned. Rightly indeed: for from the death of David [printed "Dav de"] to the common era 1019 years intervene, but to the Passion there are 1052 years. But if, according to the ancients, Christ died in the consulship of the two Gemini, that is in the year 29 of the common era, then there will be 1048 years, which is the same.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Solomon› · col 509

Solomon. Hæc leguntur lib. III Reg., cap. IX, et II Paralip., cap. VII: verum non est a Salomone conditam esse Hierosolymam.

Solomon. These words are read in III Kings ch. 9 and II Paralipomenon ch. 7: but it is not true that Jerusalem was founded by Solomon.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Avertimini a me› · col 509

Avertimini a me. Regum lib. III, c. IX. Sed alia sunt a Lactantio addita, alia vero detracta, ut locum consulenti patebit.

You turn away from me. III Kings ch. 9. But some things have been added by Lactantius and others taken away, as will be clear to one who consults the place.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Improperium› · col 509

Improperium. Sic restitui ex duobus antiquissimis et optimis mss. Reg. 900 annor. et 1 alio Reg. 400 annorum, sed optimæ notæ. In multis recentioribus mss. et impressis legitur opprobrium.

A reproach. So I have restored from two very old and very good Regius manuscripts 900 years old and 1 other Regius 400 years old but of the best quality. In many more recent manuscripts and printed copies opprobrium [disgrace] is read.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quia dereliquerunt› · col 509

Quia dereliquerunt. Sic. Lips. alter; ubi prope Reimm., Qua de re linquerunt. At taurin., Epit. c. 46, ut edidi. BUN.

Because they forsook. So the second Leipzig; where Reimmann's comes close: For which matter they left. But the Turin, Epitome ch. 46, as I have printed. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et persecuti sunt regem› · col 509

Et persecuti sunt regem. Hæc nescio ex qua traditione adjecit, quorum nulla I Reg. 9, aut II Paralip. 7 vestigia apparent. CELL.

And they persecuted their king. I do not know from what tradition he added this; no traces of it appear in I Kings 9 or II Paralipomenon 7. CELLARIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: De facinore Judæorum› · col 509

De facinore Judæorum. Ita restitui ex veterrimis II Reg., 4 cæteris Reg. bonæ notæ, aliisque. Editi multique recentiores mss., de facinoribus, male, cum hic de uno, scilicet in morte Christi perpetrato agatur.

Of the crime of the Jews. So I have restored from the two very old Regius, 4 other Regius of good quality, and others. The editions and many more recent manuscripts: of the crimes, wrongly, since one crime is in question here, namely that committed in the death of Christ.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Terræ motus factus› · col 509–510

Terræ motus factus, etc. Matth. XXVII, Marc. XV, Luc. XXIII, Joan. XIX. Aliquot in locis, non in Judæa tantum. Voluit enim Deus ostenti hujus memoriam extare. Vide quæ in Phlegonte et Thallo leguntur. Verissimum est apud prophetas terræ motu alibi rerum mutationem, alibi Dei majestatem significari: sed hic apertior est ea significatio, quæ pariter a Judæis et gentibus aliis poterat intelligi, iræ scilicet divinæ ob hominum scelera (Psalm. XVIII, 8; Joel XVI). Ita Virgilius solis caligini addidit terræ motum: nec aliter Lucanus et Seneca. Sane Centurio, et qui cum eo erant, ita interpretati sunt hoc prodigium. Inde enim colligebant Jesum inique damnatum (Luc. XXIII, 45). GROTIUS.

There was an earthquake, etc. Matthew 27, Mark 15, Luke 23, John 19. In several places, not in Judaea only; for God willed that the memory of this portent should survive. See what is read in Phlegon and Thallus. It is very true that in the prophets an earthquake signifies in some places a change of affairs, in others the majesty of God: but here the meaning is plainer, one that could be understood alike by Jews and by other nations, namely the divine anger at men's crimes (Ps. 18:8; Joel 16 [so printed]). So Virgil added an earthquake to the darkening of the sun: nor otherwise Lucan and Seneca. Certainly the Centurion and those with him so interpreted this prodigy; for they gathered from it that Jesus had been unjustly condemned (Luke 23:45). GROTIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et ab hora sexta› · col 510

Et ab hora sexta, etc. Tertia hora diei judicia apud Romanos exerceri incipiebant: Exercet raucos tertia causidicos. In id tempus incidit et Pilati cognitio. Bene Ignatius ad Smyrnenses: Τῇ οὖν παρασκευῇ τρίτῃ ὥρᾳ ἀπόφασιν παρὰ ἐδέξατο τοῦ Πιλάτου. Ita ut ante sextam Christus sit crucifixus, post sextam cœperint tenebræ, mortuus autem Christus paulo post nonam. Idem Ignatius: ἕκτῃ ὥρᾳ ἐσταυρώθη, ἐννάτῃ ἀνέπνευσε: qui sensus legitur et in libro satis antiquo, cui nomen est Constitutiones Clementis, lib. V. cap. XIV: et lib. VIII, cap. XXXIV, quæ movere nos debent, ne quid in Scriptura Marci aut Joannis immutemus, contra vetustissimorum codicum et μεταφραστῶν auctoritatem. Neque vero illi inter se pugnant; nam mos loquendi natus ex templi consuetudine, ubi sacrificia et preces fieri solebant hora tertia, sexta, nona: ut præter Hebræos Hieronymus notat ad Danielem VII, quæ ipsa tempora festis maxime diebus tubæ sono significabantur, ut docemur Num. X, 10, quo factum, ut hæ horæ tamquam notiores vulgo celebrarentur; neque alia nomina horarum reperies, ubi statarum precationum fit mentio. Vide Act. c. III, v. 1, cap. X, v. 3, 9, et Tertullianum de Jejuniis, ubi has horas insigniores ait in rebus humanis, quæ diem distribuunt, quæ negotia distinguunt, quæ publice resonant. Qui cum congruunt, quæ scribunt Cyprianus de Oratione Dominica, et Hieronymus tum ad Lætam, tum ad Demetriadem. Atque eo pertinet quod est supra XX, 3, 5, ubi inter tertiam, sextam, et nonam, nulla hora nominatur, cum post nonam undecimæ fit mentio. Factum autem tertia aut sexta hora dicitur, quidquid inter illa stata precandi tempora evenerat, ut solent quæ in medio sunt posita nunc ad hunc, nunc ab illum terminum referri. GROTIUS.

And from the sixth hour, etc. Among the Romans the courts began to sit at the third hour of the day: "The third hour keeps the hoarse pleaders at work." Pilate's hearing too fell at that time. Ignatius well says to the Smyrnaeans: So on the Preparation, at the third hour, he received sentence from Pilate. So that Christ was crucified before the sixth hour, the darkness began after the sixth, and Christ died a little after the ninth. The same Ignatius: at the sixth hour he was crucified, at the ninth he breathed his last: which sense is also read in a fairly old book called the Constitutions of Clement, book V, ch. 14, and book VIII, ch. 34; these ought to move us not to change anything in the Scripture of Mark or John against the authority of the most ancient codices and of the paraphrasts. Nor in fact do they conflict with one another; for the manner of speaking arose from the custom of the temple, where sacrifices and prayers were wont to be made at the third, sixth and ninth hours: as, besides the Hebrews, Jerome notes on Daniel 7; these very times were signalled, especially on feast days, by the sound of the trumpet, as we are taught in Numbers 10:10, whence it came about that these hours, as better known, were commonly spoken of; nor will you find other names of hours where fixed prayers are mentioned. See Acts ch. 3, v. 1; ch. 10, vv. 3, 9; and Tertullian On Fasting, where he says these hours are the more notable in human affairs, which divide the day, which mark off business, which resound publicly. With which agree what Cyprian writes On the Lord's Prayer, and Jerome both to Laeta and to Demetrias. And to this belongs what is above at 20:3, 5, where between the third, sixth and ninth no hour is named, while after the ninth the eleventh is mentioned. Whatever happened between those fixed times of prayer is said to have been done at the third or sixth hour, as things placed in the middle are usually referred now to this term, now to that. GROTIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tenebræ fuerunt› · col 510

Tenebræ fuerunt. Sole scilicet obscurato, ut Lucas nos docet, non interposita luna, ut quæ tum plena esset, neque nube obducta, sed modo quodam hominibus ignoto. Ἐπὶ πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν, hic quod Marcus dixit ἐφ' ὅλην τὴν γῆν sicut pro toto telluris globo sumi non potest (multis enim in partibus dies non erat) ita de (continues)

There was darkness. The sun, that is, being darkened, as Luke teaches us, not by the moon coming between, since it was then full, nor by a covering cloud, but in some way unknown to men. Over all the land: here, what Mark called over the whole land, just as it cannot be taken for the whole globe of the earth (for in many parts it was not day), so of (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Tenebræ fuerunt (from previous page)› · col 511

sola Judæa nolim accipi, cum veteres Astrologi et Chronographi hanc caliginem annotaverint, nullo addito loci nomine, unde late eam patuisse datur intelligi. Phlegon XIII Olympiadum: Τῷ Δ ἔτει τῆς ΣΒ ὀλυμπιάδος ἐγένετο ἔκλειψις ἡλίου μεγίστη τῶν ἐγνωρισμένων πρότερον, καὶ νὺξ ὥρᾳ ϛ' τῆς ἡμέρας ἐγένετο, ὥστε καὶ ἀστέρας ἐν οὐρανῷ φανῆναι. Σεισμός τε μέγας κατὰ Βιθυνίαν γενόμενος τὰ πολλὰ Νικαίας κατεστρέψατο. Terræ motus locum nominat, tenebrarum non nominat; et cum majores ante visis memorat, ita ut mera meridie velut nox esset, satis demonstrat non fuisse proprium Judææ hoc spectaculum. Eusebius Græcum alium citat, quem non nominat, ita scribentem de hac re: Ὁ ἥλιος ἐξέλιπεν. Βιθυνία ἐσείσθη. Νικαίας τὰ πολλὰ ἔπεσεν. Tertullianus in Apologetico: Tamen suffixus multa mortis illius propria ostendit insignia. Nam spiritum cum verbo sponte dimisit, prævento carnificis officio: eodem momento dies, medium orbem signante sole, subducta est. Deliquium utique putaverunt, qui id quoque super Christo prædicatum non scierunt. Et tamen eum mundi casum relatum in archivis vestris habetis. Ubi non video cur archiva alia quam acta publica Romana, accipiamus, ad quæ, ni fallor, et Lucianus martyr provocat apud Eusebium. Et cum mundi casum vocat, satis cavit ne Judeæ peculiaris crederetur. GROTIUS.

…I would not take it of Judaea alone, since ancient astrologers and chroniclers noted this darkness without adding any place-name, whence it may be understood that it spread widely. Phlegon, Olympiads book XIII: In the fourth year of the 202nd Olympiad there was an eclipse of the sun, the greatest of those known before, and night fell at the sixth hour of the day, so that even stars appeared in the sky. And a great earthquake in Bithynia overthrew most of Nicaea. He names the place of the earthquake, not of the darkness; and since he records it as greater than those seen before, so that it was as night at full noon, he shows well enough that this spectacle was not peculiar to Judaea. Eusebius quotes another Greek, whom he does not name, writing thus of this matter: The sun failed. Bithynia was shaken. Most of Nicaea fell. Tertullian in the Apology: Yet, fastened [to the cross], he showed many signs proper to that death. For he dismissed his spirit with a word, of his own accord, forestalling the executioner's office: at the same moment the daylight was withdrawn, when the sun was marking the middle of its circuit. Those who did not know that this too had been foretold about Christ thought it an eclipse. And yet you have that disaster of the world recorded in your archives. Where I do not see why we should take the archives as anything other than the Roman public records, to which, unless I am mistaken, Lucian the martyr also appeals in Eusebius. And by calling it a disaster of the world he took care enough that it should not be thought peculiar to Judaea. GROTIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Amos› · col 511

Amos. Id. cap. VIII, de quo vide S. Hieronymum in Prophetas.

Amos. The same, ch. 8, on which see St Jerome on the Prophets.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tenebrabitur› · col 511

Tenebrabitur. Sic restitui ex mss. Regio-Put. antiq., 4, al. Reg., Jun., 6, Colb., 2, Sorbon., 2, Lips., Em., Cant., 2, Clarom. et edit. 3, vet. Rom., Venet. 1490, Ald., Paris., 1525, Cellar., Walch. in recentioribus III, Reg., I Lips. Brun. et 11 excusis est obtenebrabitur; in I Reg. perantiquo, obtenebricabitur. Sed et verbo tenebrare, id est tenebras inducere, utuntur Apuleius lib. VIII, Chrysologus, et Ammianus. — Tenebrabitur. Buneman. autem, obtenebrabitur; et hujus variantis lectionis sic rationem reddit. — Obtenebrabitur. Major debet esse auctoritas antiquissimi codicis Taurin. in quo Epit. c. 46, et in Cypriano, quem hic etiam ipso dictorum ordine ex l. II adv. Jud., c. 23, sequitur, habetur, obtenebrabitur, æque ut in Lips. primo, Fasit., Gryph., Tornes., Betul., Thomas., Isæo, Thys., Gall., Sparkio. BUN.

Shall be darkened. So I have restored from the manuscripts, the old Regio-Puteanus, 4 other Regius, Junius, 6 Colbert, 2 Sorbonne, 2 Leipzig, Emmanuel, Cambridge, 2 Claromontanus, and the editions, 3 old Roman, the Venice of 1490, the Aldine, the Paris of 1525, Cellarius, Walch; in the more recent, 3 Regius, 1 Leipzig, the Brunensis and 11 printed, it is obtenebrabitur; in 1 very old Regius, obtenebricabitur. But the verb tenebrare, that is to bring on darkness, is used by Apuleius book VIII, Chrysologus and Ammianus. — Shall be darkened. But Bünemann has obtenebrabitur, and gives his reason for this variant reading thus. — Obtenebrabitur. Greater must be the authority of the very old Turin codex, in which, Epitome ch. 46, as in Cyprian, whom he follows here even in the very order of the sayings from Against the Jews book II, ch. 23, obtenebrabitur is found, as also in the first Leipzig, Fasitelius, Gryphius, Tornaesius, Betuleius, Thomasius, Isaeus, Thysius, Gallaeus, Sparke. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Hieremias› · col 511

Hieremias. Vide c. XV, v. 9, et S. Hieronym.

Jeremiah. See ch. 15, v. 9, and St Jerome.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et subivit sol ei› · col 511

Et subivit sol ei. Hanc lectionem vetustiorum et meliorum codicum 7 Regiorum, 3 Colbert., 1 Sorbon., Em., Cant., Brun., edit. 2 vet. Rom., Florent., Is., restitui, quæ verosimili est Lactantii, utpote quam habent Septuaginta et S. Cyprianus lib. II Testimonior. cap. 23.

And the sun went down for her. I have restored this reading of the older and better codices, 7 Regius, 3 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, Emmanuel, Cambridge, Brunensis, and the editions, 2 old Roman, the Florentine and Isaeus's, which is likely Lactantius's, since the Septuagint and St Cyprian, Testimonies book II, ch. 23, have it.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ναοῦ δέ› · col 511

Ναοῦ δέ. Ex Sibyllar. carminibus Serm. 8, quæ interpretantur latine: Templi vero scindetur velum, et medio die Nox erit tenebrosa ingens tribus horis. Pro ingens, legitur nimis in 3 Colb., 1 Brun, et apud Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. XVIII, c. 23.

And of the temple. From the Sibylline Oracles, discourse 8, which are rendered in Latin: "But the veil of the temple shall be rent, and at midday / There shall be a huge dark night for three hours." For huge, exceedingly is read in 3 Colbert, 1 Brunensis, and in Augustine, City of God book XVIII, ch. 23.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Σχισθῇ τὸ πέτασμα› · col 512

Σχισθῇ τὸ πέτασμα. Sic emendavi ex antiquissimis et optimis 2 Reg. et ms. codice Sibyllino quem vidit Betuleius, et ex eo quem vidit Isæus; nec aliter legi potest, ut constare possit ratio metri, quod redundat in aliis rec. 4 Reg., 3 Colbert., 1 Sorbon., 1 Clarom. et in 9 editis, σχισθήσεται; in 1 Reg. σχισθητοίσατα; in 3 vulgatis σχισθῆται; in edit. Is. σχίσθητι. Ms. Cauc. habet ἐσχίσθη.

The veil shall be rent. So I have corrected from the very old and very good 2 Regius and the Sibylline manuscript codex that Betuleius saw, and from the one Isaeus saw; nor can it be read otherwise if the reckoning of the metre is to hold, which overruns in the other, recent ones, 4 Regius, 3 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, 1 Claromontanus, and in 9 editions: schisthēsetai; in 1 Regius schisthētoisata [so printed]; in 3 printed schisthētai; in Isaeus's edition schisthēti. The Cauchi manuscript has eschisthē.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Detraxerunt eum cruci› · col 512

Detraxerunt eum cruci. Ita mss. et editi codices præter Em. cui est, detraxerunt eum cruce; ed. Torn., de cruce. Et infra, cap. 26, post med., Corpus patibulo detractum est. Vide Act. XIII.

They took him down from the cross. So the manuscripts and printed codices, except the Emmanuel, which has cruce [ablative]; the Tornaesius edition, from the cross [with de]. And below, ch. 26, after the middle: The body was taken down from the gibbet. See Acts 13.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Integer e sepulcro› · col 512

Integer e sepulcro. Sic reposui ex mss. et quam pluribus editis. 1 Clarom. habet de sepulcro; 1 Colbert. rec. et edit. Fasitel., a sepulcro; vulgati 4, integre e sepulcro. Vide Matth. cap. XVI et XXVIII, Marc. XVI, Joan. XX.

Whole from the tomb. So I have restored from the manuscripts and very many editions. 1 Claromontanus has de sepulcro; 1 recent Colbert and Fasitelius's edition, a sepulcro; 4 printed, wholly from the tomb. See Matthew ch. 16 and 28, Mark 16, John 20.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In sepulcro vero› · col 512

In sepulcro vero, etc. Quale fuit Lazari sepulcrum, tale et Domini nostri fuisse, in crypta nempe ac specu defosso certum est. Cryptam vocat Sidonius: in sinistra autem parte est monticulus Golgotha, ubi Dominus crucifixus est. Inde quasi ad lapidis missum est crypta, ubi corpus ejus positum fuit, et tertia die resurrexit. Non alio genere structa hæc crypta videtur, nec alia forma, quam illa Lazari, subterranea quippe, et saxo constructa, et fornice tecta, et foramine, quod lapide cludebatur, aperta, quales omnes cryptæ ædificabantur mortuis recondendis. Volunt tamen ex rupe excisam esse illam Dominicam cryptam, inducti his verbis Marci: Ἦν λελατομημένον ἐκ πέτρας, quod erat excisum e petra. Alii rupe interpretantur; quasi et rupes in eo horto fuerit, ubi monumentum erat, in quo positum est corpus Domini. Sed fallit eos ratio. Veteri quidem Græciæ πέτρα idem quod rupem significat. Hic est monumentum ex lapide cæso ac polito constructum. Cæterum quidem vulgus et plebs infima, quæ propter facultates monumenta sibi ædificare non poterat, in depressis fossis mortuos suos condebant, et terra obruebant. Nec hoc in Judæa tantum, sed apud Græcos Romanosque pariter obtinuit. Quibus vero facultates suppetebant, hi monumenta habuere structa sibi suisque. Monumentum igitur illud Josephi, in quo Christi corpus jacuit, spelunca quidem fuit sive crypta, et ex terra cavata, sed lapide structa, et concamerata, ut solent hodie fieri omnes apothecæ vinariæ, quas appellamus cavas. Hortus fuit, in quo sub terra constructum illud monumentum, non saxosus, nec scruposus, sed qualem decuit horti agrum esse, in quo nullæ rupes, nec rupinæ. Sed nec terram ipsam horti ὑπόπετρον fuisse credibile est. Spelunca illa, sive crypta, manu facta quæ monumenti usum præbebat, structura et fornice constans, horti solo suberat. In ipso solo foramen, cui lapis impositus operculi vicem gerebat; in horti area illud erat monumentum, sub terra lapide quadrato septum, et fornice tectum, foramine desuper patente, quod saxo devoluto operiebatur. Certum porro est Judæos corpora defunc- (continues)

But in the tomb, etc. It is certain that our Lord's tomb was of the same kind as Lazarus's, namely in a crypt and a dug-out cave. Sidonius [so printed] calls it a crypt: on the left side is the little hill of Golgotha, where the Lord was crucified. From there, about a stone's throw, is the crypt where his body was laid and on the third day rose again. This crypt seems to have been built in no other manner, nor in other form, than that of Lazarus: underground, built of stone, covered with a vault, and open by an aperture closed with a stone, as all crypts were built for laying away the dead. Yet some hold that the Lord's crypt was cut out of the rock, led by these words of Mark: which was hewn out of rock. Others interpret petra as crag, as though there were a crag in the garden where the tomb was, in which the Lord's body was laid. But their reasoning deceives them. In ancient Greek indeed petra means the same as crag. Here it is a tomb built of cut and dressed stone. Otherwise the common people and the lowest classes, who for lack of means could not build tombs for themselves, buried their dead in sunken pits and covered them with earth. Nor did this hold in Judaea only, but equally among Greeks and Romans. Those who had the means had tombs built for themselves and their families. So that tomb of Joseph in which Christ's body lay was indeed a cave or crypt, hollowed out of the earth, but built of stone and vaulted, as all wine-cellars are made today, which we call cavae. The garden in which that tomb was built underground was not rocky or stony, but such as a garden plot should be, in which there are no crags or rock-pits. Nor is it credible that the very soil of the garden was rocky underneath. That cave or crypt, made by hand, which served as a tomb, consisting of masonry and a vault, lay under the soil of the garden. In the soil itself there was an opening, on which a stone was laid serving as a lid; in the garden plot was that tomb, enclosed underground with squared stone and covered with a vault, with an aperture open above, which was covered by a stone rolled over it. It is moreover certain that the Jews [buried] the bodies of the dead (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: In sepulcro vero (from previous page)› · col 513

torum non condidisse in arcis, aut lectulis, sive sarcophagis, sed solis lineis tæniatim scissis operta et amicta intulisse monumento. In monumenti lateribus exsculpti erant cavi singulis corporibus recipiendis idonei, quibus ea immittebantur, sicut erant tæniis vel fasciis velata. Hi cavi in pariete monumenti excavati, in quos tradebatur cadaver, vicem lectorum vel arcularum præbebant, quibus in Græcia corpora defunctorum condi solebant.

…did not lay the bodies of the dead in chests or biers or sarcophagi, but brought them into the tomb covered and wrapped only in linens torn into strips. In the sides of the tomb were carved niches fit to receive single bodies, into which they were put, veiled as they were with bands or swathings. These niches, hollowed in the wall of the tomb, into which the corpse was committed, served in place of the biers or coffers in which the bodies of the dead were customarily laid in Greece.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Psalmo› · col 513

Psalmo. Citatur idem psalmus a B. Paulo in concione quæ est Act. XIII.

In the Psalm. The same psalm is quoted by St Paul in the address in Acts 13.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Oseas› · col 513

Oseas. Hic primus minorum prophetarum. Sed hæc quæ ex versione LXX interpretum, minime tamen ad verbum translata sunt, non leguntur in Hebræo codice. Hæc refert etiam B. Paulus I ad Corinth., cap. XV, sed quibusdam immutatis; atque aculeum mortis Apostolus peccatum interpretatur.

Hosea. He is the first of the minor prophets. But these words, which are from the version of the Seventy translators, though not at all translated word for word, are not read in the Hebrew codex. St Paul also reports them, I Corinthians ch. 15, but with some changes; and the Apostle interprets the sting of death as sin.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nunc non resistet in tribulatione› · col 513

Nunc non resistet in tribulatione. Hæc lectio est quamplurimorum mss. 9 editorum. Scripti novem et vulgati septem habent contribulatione, sed horum quinque sine negatione.

Now he will not resist in tribulation. This is the reading of very many manuscripts and of 9 editions. Nine manuscripts and seven printed have contribulatione, but five of these without the negative.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Alio loco› · col 513

Alio loco. Hæc in Oseæ cap. VI, integre tamen non citatur. Vide etiam S. Hieronymum.

In another place. This is in Hosea ch. 6, yet it is not quoted in full. See also St Jerome.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Somnum› · col 513

Somnum.. Id est mortem, figurate, ut apud sacros scriptores.

Sleep. That is, death, figuratively, as in the sacred writers.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Καὶ θανάτου› · col 513

Καὶ θανάτου. Hæc ex Sibyllar. carminib. Serm. 8, quæ sic latine leguntur: Et mortis fatum finiet, triduo (a) dormiens, Et tunc mortem solvens (b) in lucem veniet Primus resurrectionis, vocatis initium ostendens.

And of death. These are from the Sibylline Oracles, discourse 8, which read thus in Latin: "And he shall end the doom of death, sleeping (a) three days, / And then, loosing death, (b) he shall come into the light, / First of the resurrection, showing the beginning to the called."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ἀναλύσας› · col 513

Ἀναλύσας. Sic restitui ex mss. 2 Reg. quorum unus est antiquissimus, 1 Colb., et ex codice Sibyllino. Regio-Puteanus et 1 al. Reg. ac edit. Rom. 1470 habent, ἀναδίσας; 2 Reg. rec., Colb., 1 Sorbon., Tornes., 1 Clarom., edit. Rom. 1468, Ald. et 4 alii impressi, ἀναδείξας; Cauc. et 4 excusi, ἀνακύψας.

Having loosed. So I have restored from 2 Regius manuscripts, of which one is very old, 1 Colbert, and from the Sibylline codex. Regio-Puteanus, 1 other Regius and the Roman edition of 1470 have anadisas; 2 recent Regius, Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, Tornaesius, 1 Claromontanus, the Roman edition of 1468, the Aldine and 4 other printed, anadeixas [having shown]; Cauchi and 4 printed, anakypsas [having emerged].

(lemma) ‹anchor: Galilæam› · col 513

Galilæam. Sicut prædixerat Matth. XXVI et Marc. XIV.

Galilee. As he had foretold, Matthew 26 and Mark 14.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ne adduceret eos in pœnitentiam› · col 513–514

Ne adduceret eos in pœnitentiam. Et sic Tertullianus Apologetic., cap. 21. Similes fere locutiones reperies in Joan. IX, 37, et cap. VII, 37, Rom. I, 24, 26, 28, et cap. IX, 15. Vide prolixissimam Isæi notam in hunc locum, ad calcem hujusce voluminis; ubi videbis hæc Lactantii verba esse mollienda, ut ad normam catholicam accommodentur.

Lest he should bring them to repentance. So too Tertullian, Apology ch. 21. You will find almost similar expressions in John 9:37 and 7:37, Romans 1:24, 26, 28, and 9:15. See Isaeus's very long note on this place at the end of this volume, where you will see that these words of Lactantius must be softened to fit them to the catholic norm.

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(a) ‹anchor: dormiens› · call in col 513 (in the Latin version of the note Καὶ θανάτου)

Dormiens, ex ms. 1 Brun. recte, al. sopitus.

Sleeping, rightly from the manuscript 1 Brunensis; others, lulled to sleep.

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(b) ‹anchor: mortem solvens› · call in col 513 (in the Latin version of the note Καὶ θανάτου)

Pro mortem solvens, alii habent a mortuis egressus; 1 Brun. cum Augustino, ab inferis regressus.

For loosing death, others have gone forth from the dead; 1 Brunensis, with Augustine, returned from the underworld.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Perspici nullo modo poterant› · col 514

Perspici nullo modo poterant. Gallæus dicit Lactantium in hoc allucinari contra II Petr. I, 19. Sed satis explicari potest ex aliis locis. L. IV, c. 15: Illum prophetæ annuntiaverunt, nec ullo modo poterant, quæ illi loquebantur intelligi, NB. nisi fuissent, universa impleta. De Mort. persec., c. 2: Scripturas interpretatus est, quæ usque ad id tempus obscuræ, atque involutæ fuerunt. Vides, his omnibus locis agi de vaticiniis et mysteriis de Christo ante impletionem non perspectis, quia ut nostro loco infra sequitur: clausa et obsignata..... ad certum tempus, non omne. BUN.

Could in no way be seen through. Gallaeus says Lactantius is deluded in this, against II Peter 1:19. But it can be explained well enough from other places. Book IV, ch. 15: The prophets announced him, nor could what they spoke be understood in any way, note well, unless all things had been fulfilled. On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 2: He interpreted the Scriptures, which until that time had been obscure and wrapped up. You see that in all these places it is a question of prophecies and mysteries about Christ not seen through before their fulfilment, because, as follows below in our passage: closed and sealed..... until a fixed time, not for ever. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Testamentum vocant› · col 514

Testamentum vocant. Διαθήκην, quæ vox apud Septuaginta testamentum, pactum et fœdus significat. Ex Mose testimonium esto, Deuter. XXIX: Καὶ φυλάξεσθε ποιεῖν πάντας τοὺς λόγους τῆς διαθήκης ταύτης. Fœdus hoc loco significat, et sic transfertur, ratione nimirum ita postulante. Nam fœdus vivi cum vivis ineunt, testamentum mortuus cum vivis. Illud juris gentium est, hoc juris civilis. Propheticum si desideras testimonium, accipe Malachiæ ex capite secundo: Διότι ἐγὼ ἐξαπέσταλκα πρὸς ὑμᾶς τὴν ἐντολὴν ταύτην τοῦ εἶναι διαθήκην μοῦ πρὸς τοὺς Λευΐτας, λέγει Κύριος παντοκράτωρ. ἡ διαθήκη μοῦ ἦν μετ' αὐτοῦ τῆς ζωῆς καὶ τῆς εἰρήνης. Hæc igitur juxta Hebraicam veritatem sic redduntur vers.. 4: Nostis me misisse ad vos præceptum istud, ut sit fœdus meum cum tribu Levi, ait Jehova exercituum; fœdus meum fuisse cum illa vitæ et pacis. Ibique fœdus συνθήκη Græcis est, sicut et Symmacho. Sed Paulus ad Hebræos, cap. IX, LXX secutus, utrinque διαθήκην vocat, vetus nimirum cum Abraham et Mose initum, et novum per Christum cum Ecclesia. BETULEIUS.

They call it a Testament. Diathēkē, a word which in the Septuagint means testament, pact and covenant. Let Moses be witness, Deuteronomy 29: And you shall keep to do all the words of this covenant. In this place it means covenant, and is so translated, the sense requiring it. For the living make a covenant with the living, a testament is made by the dead with the living. The former belongs to the law of nations, the latter to civil law. If you want a prophetic witness, take Malachi, from chapter two: For I have sent this commandment to you, that my covenant might be with the Levites, says the Lord Almighty. My covenant was with him, of life and of peace. These, then, according to the Hebrew verity, are rendered thus, v. 4: You know that I have sent this command to you, that my covenant may be with the tribe of Levi, says the Lord of hosts; that my covenant was with it, of life and peace. And there covenant is synthēkē in the Greek, as also in Symmachus. But Paul to the Hebrews, ch. 9, following the Seventy, calls both a diathēkē: the old, namely, made with Abraham and Moses, and the new through Christ with the Church. BETULEIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quia nisi testator› · col 514

Quia nisi testator, etc. Verba Pauli hæc asseverant Hebr. IX. Ulpianus testamentum definit hoc modo: Testamentum est voluntatis nostræ justa sententia, de eo quod quis post mortem suam fieri velit. lib. I, ff. Qui testamentum facere possint. BETULEIUS.

Because unless the testator, etc. Paul's words in Hebrews 9 affirm this. Ulpian defines a testament thus: A testament is the lawful expression of our will about what one wishes to be done after one's death. Digest, book I, Who may make a will. BETULEIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ea... quæ... scripta sunt, novum testamentum nominantur› · col 514

Ea... quæ... scripta sunt, novum testamentum nominantur; at obstant omnes libri. Hæc dicta, ut Terent. Andr. Act. III, sc. 3. Amantium iræ amoris integratio est. Sallust. Jugurtha, 18: Numidæ possedere (continues)

Those things... which... were written are named the New Testament; but all the books stand against it. These are said as in Terence, Andria act III, sc. 3: Lovers' quarrels are the renewal of love. Sallust, Jugurtha 18: The Numidians possessed (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Ea... quæ... scripta sunt (from previous page)› · col 515

ea loca, quæ proxime Carthaginem Numidia appellatur. BUN.

…those places which, next to Carthage, is called Numidia. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sed tamen diversa non sunt› · col 515

Sed tamen diversa non sunt. Irenæus, lib. IV, cap. 21: Utraque testamenta unus et idem paterfamilias produxit, verbum Dei Dominus noster Jesus Christus, qui et Abrahæ et Mosi locutus est, ac nobis in novitate restituit libertatem, et multiplicavit eam, quæ ab ipso est, gratiam. BETULEIUS.

But yet they are not different. Irenaeus, book IV, ch. 21: One and the same householder brought forth both testaments, the Word of God, our Lord Jesus Christ, who spoke both to Abraham and to Moses, and has restored liberty to us in newness, and has multiplied the grace that comes from him. BETULEIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Abdicato et exhæredato populo Judæorum› · col 515

Abdicato et exhæredato populo Judæorum. Eleganter Lactantius has voces conjungit, ut rem majore vi exprimat. Abdicati sunt, qui, vivente patre, jure paternorum bonorum prohibentur; exhæredati, qui mortuo patre bonis ejus depelluntur.

The people of the Jews being disowned and disinherited. Lactantius elegantly joins these words, to express the matter with greater force. The disowned are those who, while the father lives, are barred from right to the father's goods; the disinherited, those who, when the father is dead, are driven from his goods.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Hieremias› · col 515

Hieremias. Citatur etiam a Paulo, cap. IX Epist. ad Hebræos, ac etiam a B. Irenæo, lib. IV, cap. 21. Sed hic Lactantius nec LXX Interpretes, nec Beatum Paulum secutus est.

Jeremiah. He is quoted also by Paul, ch. 9 of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and also by St Irenaeus, book IV, ch. 21. But here Lactantius has followed neither the Seventy translators nor St Paul.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Immolaverunt› · col 515

Immolaverunt. Hic obiter insinuat Christum Dominum pro nostris peccatis factum esse piamen et sacrificium; de quo vide Epistolam ad Hebræos.

They sacrificed. Here he hints in passing that Christ the Lord was made an expiation and sacrifice for our sins; on which see the Epistle to the Hebrews.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sententiam adversus me› · col 515

Sententiam adversus me. Ita restitui ex vet. Regio-Put., Cauc., Jun., 4 Colb. novemque aliis et 10 editis, nisi quod est adversum in 8 scriptis. In 2 Reg., 2 Colb., 2 Clarom, et 6 excusis est sententias.

Sentence against me. So I have restored from the old Regio-Puteanus, Cauchi, Junius, 4 Colbert and nine others, and 10 editions, except that adversum is in 8 manuscripts. In 2 Regius, 2 Colbert, 2 Claromontanus and 6 printed it is sentences.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Haberet› · col 515

Haberet. Heuman. legit, deberet. — Dari haberet. Lego, inquit Heumann., deberet. Nihil muto. Cyprianus in eadem re l. I adv. Jud., c. 10: Quod lex nova dari haberet, quod testamentum novum dari haberet. Plura dedi ad l. IV, c. 12. BUN.

Was to. Heumann reads ought. — Was to be given. I read, says Heumann, ought. I change nothing. Cyprian on the same matter, Against the Jews book I, ch. 10: That a new law was to be given, that a new testament was to be given. I have given more on book IV, ch. 12. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Adoptionemque successimus› · col 515–516

Adoptionemque successimus. Mss. 1 Reg. veterrimus adoptiones successimus, mendose; Regio Put., Jun., 4 Colbert. et 6 edit. vet., adoptione successimus. — In illorum locum adoptione successimus. Sic restituo ex Goth., Lips. I, 3: In locum succedere dixit iterum l. VI, cap. 12. Cyprianus in præf. l. I adv. Judæos: Successisse in eorum (Judæorum) locum Christianos. Justinus l. VII, c. 1: In locum omnium solus successit. BUN.

And we have succeeded to [their place and] adoption. The manuscripts: 1 very old Regius, we have succeeded to adoptions, wrongly; Regio-Puteanus, Junius, 4 Colbert and 6 old editions, we have succeeded by adoption. — We have succeeded by adoption into their place. So I restore from the Gotha and Leipzig 1 and 3: he said to succeed into the place again in book VI, ch. 12. Cyprian in the preface to book I Against the Jews: That the Christians have succeeded into their (the Jews') place. Justin[us, the historian], book VII, ch. 1: He alone succeeded into the place of all. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et appellamur› · col 516

Et appellamur, etc. Hoc alludit ad verbum: Dedit enim potestatem filios dei fieri, his qui credunt in nomine ipsius

And we are called, etc. This alludes to the saying: For he gave power to become sons of God to those who believe in his name

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ἰουδαίων› · col 516

Ἰουδαίων Sibylla Serm. 5, latine: Judæorum beatorum divinum genus cœlestium.

Of the Jews. The Sibyl, discourse 5, in Latin: "The divine race of the blessed heavenly Jews."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Vocavi te ad justitiam› · col 516

Vocavi te ad justitiam. Mss. 2 Reg. et 1 Lips. ac 7 edit., in justitiam; 1 Reg. rec., 1 Lips., ed. Rom. 1474, in justitia; LXX, ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ.

I have called Thee to righteousness. Manuscripts 2 Regius and 1 Leipzig and 7 editions: into righteousness; 1 recent Regius, 1 Leipzig, the Roman edition of 1474: in righteousness; the Septuagint, in righteousness.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Confirmabo te› · col 516

Confirmabo te. Abest te a 5 editis rec.

I will strengthen Thee. Thee is absent from 5 recent editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ordinata vero discipulis suis Evangelii ac nominis sui prædicatione› · col 516

Ordinata vero discipulis suis Evangelii ac nominis sui prædicatione. Sic lego cum ms. antiquissimo Reg. accedente Regio. Put. cui est, Post ordinata vero discipulis suis Evangelia ac nominis sui prædicatione, mendose. Mss. codices 10 rec. et 7 typis excusi, Ordinata... Evangelica, etc. Jun. et Goth., Ordinata discipulis suis Evangelica doctrina, etc. Mss. Cauc., 4 Reg., 4 Colb., 5 al. rec. et 7 vet. edd., Ordinato vero... Evangelio, etc. Vide Matth. XIV, Marc. cap. ultimo. Hoc capite breviter et dilucide narrat Lactantius, quæ ab ascensione Domini ad excidium Jerusalem gesta sunt.

Having ordered for his disciples the preaching of the Gospel and of his name. So I read with a very old Regius manuscript, with the Regio-Puteanus agreeing, which has But after having ordered for his disciples the Gospels and the preaching of his name, wrongly. Ten recent manuscript codices and 7 printed in type: Having ordered... the evangelical, etc. Junius and the Gotha: Having ordered for his disciples the evangelical teaching, etc. The manuscripts Cauchi, 4 Regius, 4 Colbert, 5 other recent, and 7 old editions: The Gospel being ordered, etc. See Matthew 14 [so printed], Mark last chapter. In this chapter Lactantius narrates briefly and clearly what was done from the Lord's ascension to the destruction of Jerusalem.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Daniel› · col 516

Daniel. Hunc locum de secundo Christi adventu multi interpretantur.

Daniel. Many interpret this place of Christ's second coming.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Facientes et ipsi in nomine› · col 516

Facientes et ipsi in nomine. Ex mss. et quam plurimis editis vet. addita præpositio in quæ in 1 ms. Reg. et nonnullis editis deerat.

Themselves too working in the name. From the manuscripts and very many old editions the preposition in has been added, which was lacking in 1 Regius manuscript and some editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Magistri Dei› · col 516

Magistri Dei. Ita passim Lactantius.

Of their master [and] God. So Lactantius throughout.

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Petrus et Paulus› · col 517–518

Petrus et Paulus, etc. Quæstio controvertitur a protestantibus quibusdam, utrum Petrus Romæ fuerit umquam; et si ibi fuerit, ut ex D. Hieronymo et scriptoribus antiquis disci potest, quod ibi præfuerit Ecclesiæ tamquam pastor. Ad saniorem porro sententiam jamdiu inclinarunt protestantium doctissimi. Si enim Patrum suffragiis agere volumus, inveniemus Petrum Romæ prædicasse, passum ibi, sepultumque fuisse. Sic Hieronymus in Catalogo scriptorum ecclesiasticorum memoriæ mandavit. Item Theodoretus Commentar. in cap. I Rom.; Irenæus antiquissimus, et Apostolorum temporibus proximus, lib. III, c. 3, Romanam Ecclesiam a Paulo ac Petro constitutam fuisse testatur; quem secutus est Epiphanius libri primi tomo secundo, Romanorum episcoporum catalogum recensens. Tertullianus item, de Præscription. Hæreticorum, hujus mentionem facit. Eusebius in Hist. Ecclesiast. lib. II, cap. 25, et Caii cujusdam antiqui scriptoris, et sepulcri ipsius (quod et Hieronymus contra Vigilantium facit) testimonium adducit. Meminit item lib. III, cap. 2. Atque idem rursus Eusebius in Chronicis, Petrum sub initium Claudii principatus Romæ pontificatu perfunctum fuisse testatur, et decimo quarto Neronis anno gloriose pro nomine Christi occubuisse. De Petri rebus Romæ gestis, deque ipsius sub Nerone passione multa scribit Egesippus, antiquissimus historicus, qui historiam Ecclesiasticam a Domini passione ad sua tempora usque contexuit, lib. III primis tribus capitibus. Neque Clemens obticet. Sunt etiam apud Augustinum et Chrysost. mentiones hujus rei, cujus magnus est apud summæ auctoritatis scriptores consensus. BETULEIUS. — Vide doctissimas Exercitationes Historico-criticas Samuelis Basnagii Flottemanvillei ad an. XLIV, n. 25, a pag. 547 ad 564. Verum has Romanas prædicationem et passionem Petri nunc extra controversiam fatentur omnes critici. Adi Davidem Blondellum in Dissertatione, et Pearsonium in Operibus posthumis. Vide etiam librum de Mortibus persecutorum, c. II, circa medium.

Peter and Paul, etc. Certain Protestants dispute the question whether Peter was ever at Rome; and, if he was there, as can be learned from St Jerome and the ancient writers, whether he presided there over the Church as pastor. The most learned of the Protestants, however, have long inclined to the sounder opinion. For if we will proceed by the votes of the Fathers, we shall find that Peter preached at Rome, suffered there and was buried there. So Jerome recorded in the Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers. So too Theodoret, Commentary on Romans ch. 1; Irenaeus, very ancient and nearest the times of the Apostles, book III, ch. 3, testifies that the Roman Church was founded by Paul and Peter; whom Epiphanius followed, in the second tome of his first book, reviewing the catalogue of the Roman bishops. Tertullian likewise, in the Prescription of Heretics, mentions it. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History book II, ch. 25, adduces the testimony of one Caius, an ancient writer, and of the tomb itself (as Jerome also does against Vigilantius). He mentions it also in book III, ch. 2. And the same Eusebius again in the Chronicle testifies that Peter held the pontificate at Rome from the beginning of Claudius's reign, and in the fourteenth year of Nero died gloriously for the name of Christ. Of Peter's deeds at Rome and his passion under Nero, Hegesippus writes much, a very ancient historian who wove the history of the Church from the Lord's passion down to his own times, in the first three chapters of book III. Nor is Clement silent. There are also mentions of this matter in Augustine and Chrysostom; there is great agreement on it among writers of the highest authority. BETULEIUS. — See the very learned Historico-Critical Exercises of Samuel Basnage de Flottemanville on the year 44, no. 25, from p. 547 to 564. But all critics now admit these, Peter's Roman preaching and passion, beyond dispute. Consult David Blondel in his Dissertation, and Pearson in his Posthumous Works. See also the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 2, about the middle.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In memoriam scripta› · col 518

In memoriam scripta. Hic erat titulus libri cujusdam supposititii, jam deperditi; de quo vide Fabricium in Codice apocrypho N. Testam., pag. 800.

Written down for remembrance. This was the title of some spurious book, now lost; on which see Fabricius in the Apocryphal Codex of the New Testament, p. 800.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Civitates› · col 518

Civitates. Plures scripti et editi in plurali: at Subl., Rost., Ven. 1471, in singulari, civitatem, puta Hierosolymam, in quam hæc maxime quadrant Luc. XIX, cap. 43.

Cities. Most manuscripts and editions in the plural: but the Subiaco, the Rostock and the Venice of 1471 in the singular, the city, that is Jerusalem, to which these words of Luke 19:43 most fit.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Cum eos Nero interemisset› · col 518

Cum eos Nero interemisset. Certum est Paulum Romæ martyrium passum esse: de supplicio veteres fere in gladium consentiunt; sic Eutychius, in Origin. Alexandrin., Gladio trucidavit Paulum. Vide Samuel. Basnagium loco supra citato. Martyrio autem coronati sunt Petrus et Paulus, 29 Junii, æræ christianæ anno 66, Suetonio Paulino et L. Pontio Felesino consulibus: non sub Basso et Tusco, qui erant consules anno 258, quo anno facta est translatio SS. Apostolorum, eo ipso die quo eorum festivitas agebatur.

When Nero had put them to death. It is certain that Paul suffered martyrdom at Rome: as to the manner of execution the ancients almost agree on the sword; so Eutychius, Origins of Alexandria: He slew Paul with the sword. See Samuel Basnage in the place cited above. Peter and Paul were crowned with martyrdom on 29 June, in the year 66 of the Christian era, in the consulship of Suetonius Paulinus and L. Pontius Felesinus [so printed]: not under Bassus and Tuscus, who were consuls in the year 258, the year in which the translation of the holy Apostles took place, on the very day on which their feast was kept.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Pervideant› · col 518

Pervideant. Sic quam plurimi mss. et editi, necnon Lactantius infra in hujusce capitis fine, facile pervidebit; et cap. 30, circa medium, vim rationemque penitus pervidebat. 2 Reg. et 1 Clarom. ferunt provideant; 1 Colb., Tornes., 1 Clarom., credant; edd. Ald., Paris. 1525, Crat. et Graph., videant.

May see through. So very many manuscripts and editions, as also Lactantius below at the end of this chapter, will easily see through; and ch. 30, about the middle, he saw through its force and reason thoroughly. 2 Regius and 1 Claromontanus give may foresee; 1 Colbert, Tornaesius, 1 Claromontanus, may believe; the Aldine, Paris 1525, Cratander and Gryphius [printed "Graph."] editions, may see.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Volebat› · col 518

Volebat. Mss. Tornes., 3 Colb. et 5 excusi, valebat; Em. valebit; Reg. rec. volebant.

He willed. The Tornaesius manuscript, 3 Colbert and 5 printed: he was able; Emmanuel: he will be able; a recent Regius: they willed.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Professi Dei› · col 518

Professi Dei. Hæc lectio est mss. Vaticanorum, 9 Reg., Cauc., 6 Colb., 1 Sorbon., 5 Oxon., Ultr., Em., Cant., Tax., Pen., 2 Clarom., 1 Bonon. rec. Brun. et 14 vet. editorum. In 1 Reg. est professi Deum; in 1 Lips. et Goth. professio Deum; in 1 Bonon. antiq., præceptis Dei. Mss. 2 Reg rec. et Cantabrig., 1 Colb. in marg. et edit. 3 vet. Rom., Ald. et 9 alii præmittunt, aiunt. Professi Dei, hoc est, qui se Deum esse profiteretur, neque dissimularet. Sic Mars professus dicitur, non clandestinus aut tectus velo pacis, sed apertus et præ se ferens bellum. Sic legit maxima pars mss. 1 Bonon. legit ut præceptis Dei, eamque lectionem sequitur Thomas.: sed quidquid (continues)

Of an avowed God. This is the reading of the Vatican manuscripts, 9 Regius, Cauchi, 6 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, 5 Oxford, Utrecht, Emmanuel, Cambridge, Tax., Pen., 2 Claromontanus, 1 recent Bologna, Brunensis, and of 14 old editions. In 1 Regius it is having professed God; in 1 Leipzig and the Gotha, profession [of] God; in 1 old Bologna, by the precepts of God. The manuscripts 2 recent Regius and Cambridge, 1 Colbert in the margin, and 3 old Roman editions, the Aldine and 9 others put before it they say. Of an avowed God, that is, one who would profess himself to be God and not dissemble it. So Mars is called avowed, not secret or covered by the veil of peace, but open and openly bearing war. So reads the greater part of the manuscripts. 1 Bologna reads as by the precepts of God, and Thomasius follows that reading: but whatever (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Professi Dei (from previous page)› · col 519

dicat, nihil nos immutandum censuimus. GALLÆUS.

…he may say, we have judged that nothing should be changed. GALLAEUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quam quicumque› · col 519

Quam quicumque. Sic restitui ex mss. 2 Bon., Regio-Put., 6 al. Reg., 6 Colb. Lipsiensibus, et 10 aliis rec. ac vet. edit. Rom., Cellar, et Walch. referendo scilicet ad mirabilem rationem, 2 Reg., Cauc., Jun. et 15 impressi habent quæ, referendo ad facta.

Which whoever. So I have restored from the manuscripts 2 Bologna, Regio-Puteanus, 6 other Regius, 6 Colbert, the Leipzig ones, and 10 other recent ones, and the old Roman edition, Cellarius and Walch, referring it, that is, to wonderful reason; 2 Regius, Cauchi, Junius and 15 printed have quæ [neuter plural], referring it to things done.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Præcepta dat hominibus ad vitam› · col 519

Præcepta dat hominibus ad vitam. Ita a me restitutum ex veteribus edit. Rom., Paris. 1525, Crat., antiqua Versione gallica, cunctisque mss. præter 2 Reg. rec. in quibus ut et in vulgatis 15 legitur, ac vitam.

Gives men precepts for life. So restored by me from the old Roman editions, the Paris of 1525, the Cratander, the old French version, and all the manuscripts except 2 recent Regius, in which, as in 15 printed, and life is read.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Inter quos agit› · col 519

Inter quos agit. Præstat ex ipso Lactantio, quam ex aliis confirmare, lib. IV, c. 27: Quum inter homines ageret. De Ira, c. 1: In carne mortali agentes. De Mort. Pers., c. 10 pr.: Quum ageret in partibus Orientis. BUN.

Among whom he lives. It is better to confirm it from Lactantius himself than from others, book IV, ch. 27: When he was living among men. On the Anger of God, ch. 1: Living in mortal flesh. On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 10 at the beginning: When he was living in the regions of the East. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Inter quos agit; et ipsi eodem modo vivendum est› · col 519

Inter quos agit; et ipsi eodem modo vivendum est. Mss. 11 rec. ferunt, habitat ipse; 6 rec., habitet. Habitat seu habitet videtur glossema esse τοῦ agit, quod antiquissimorum mss. est. Sic infra idem ait initio capitis 27: Cum inter homines ageret. Ait enim S. Joan. Chrysostom.: Qui aliter loquitur quam vixit, docet quomodo Deus eum debeat punire. Ac his ultimis sæculis dicit Comes Mirandulanus, tantum quemque scire quantum operatur.

Among whom he lives; and he himself must live in the same way. Eleven recent manuscripts give he himself dwells; 6 recent, may dwell. Habitat or habitet seems to be a gloss on agit, which is the reading of the oldest manuscripts. So below he says at the beginning of chapter 27: When he was living among men. For St John Chrysostom says: He who speaks otherwise than he has lived teaches how God ought to punish him. And in these latest centuries the Count of Mirandola says that each man knows only as much as he does.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Adstringere› · col 519

Adstringere. Sic reposui ex cunctis mss. et ex editis 3 vet. Rom. necnon Cellar. et Walch. apposite, ut resolutis opponatur. Adstringere vero et resolvere, rectius opponuntur, quam adstruere et resolvere, quæ sunt in 13 impressis. — Exemplo Cicer. pro Cluentio, c. 57: Ne lege ea ex quæstione qua se solutum liberumque esse arbitretur, per paucos judices adstringatur. Ipse Lactantius, l. IV, c. 24: Ut præcepta sua factis adimplendo cæteros parendi necessitate constringat. BUN.

To bind. So I have restored from all the manuscripts and from 3 old Roman editions, as well as Cellarius and Walch, fittingly, so that it is set against loosed. To bind and to loose are more rightly opposed than to build up and to loose, which are in 13 printed. — After the example of Cicero, For Cluentius ch. 57: Lest by that law, from a court from which he thinks himself loosed and free, he be bound by a few judges. Lactantius himself, book IV, ch. 24: That by fulfilling his precepts in deeds he may bind others with the necessity of obeying. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Respondet› · col 519

Respondet. Restitutum a me ex mss. vet. 2 Bonon., 7 Reg., 5 Vaticanis, Colb., 3 Lips. et 6 aliis. In Cauc. et edit. Betul. est respondeat; in tribus rec., respondit; in 3 al. rec. et in excusis, respondebit.

He answers. Restored by me from the old manuscripts, 2 Bologna, 7 Regius, 5 Vatican, Colbert, 3 Leipzig and 6 others. In the Cauchi and Betuleius's edition it is may answer; in three recent ones, answered; in 3 other recent ones and in the printed, will answer.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Vetas dolorem, vetas mortem timere› · col 520

Vetas dolorem, vetas mortem timere. Mss. 11 rec., dolorem vel mortem; 6 vet. edit. et 2 Reg., ait mortem; 1 Reg. rec., vetas dolere, vetas mortem timere.

You forbid [me] to fear pain, you forbid me to fear death. Eleven recent manuscripts: pain or death; 6 old editions and 2 Regius: he says, death; 1 recent Regius: you forbid me to grieve, you forbid me to fear death.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Faciet› · col 520

Faciet. Sic ms. Sangerm. et edit. Cellarii atque aliæ: in multis est faciat.

He will do. So the Saint-Germain manuscript and the edition of Cellarius and others: in many it is may do.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Unde› · col 520

Unde. Ex vet. edit. 8 cunctisque mss. repositum, præter 4 Reg., 1 Colb. et 10 vulgatos, in quibus est, inde.

Whence. Restored from 8 old editions and all the manuscripts, except 4 Regius, 1 Colbert and 10 printed, in which it is thence.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Malunt exempla, quam verba› · col 520

Malunt exempla, quam verba. Τὰ ἔργα ad aliorum conversionem majorem vim habent, quam ψιλοὶ λόγοι, inquit Chrysostomus, Homil. 19, in epist. ad Hebræos. Efficacior est vox operis, quam sermonis, inquit Bernardus. Plus valet vivendi quam loquendi modus, Augustin., ep. CXII; Optimum est exemplo potius docere quam dictis, Hilarius, c. 5, Matth. JOAN. GERHARDI. — Addam Lactantium nostrum Divin. Institut., l. III, c. 16: Qui docent tantum, nec faciunt, ipsi præceptis suis detrahunt pondus... Bonum est autem recta et honesta præcipere: sed nisi et facias, mendacium est; et incongruens atque ineptum, non in pectore, sed in labris habere bonitatem. Et S. Leo, papa, serm. de Jejunio, ait: Validiora sunt exempla quam verba; et plenius opere docetur quam voce.

They prefer examples to words. Deeds have greater force for the conversion of others than bare words, says Chrysostom, Homily 19 on the Epistle to the Hebrews. The voice of a deed is more effective than that of speech, says Bernard. The manner of living counts for more than the manner of speaking, Augustine, letter 112; It is best to teach by example rather than by words, Hilary on Matthew ch. 5. JOHANN GERHARD. — I will add our Lactantius, Divine Institutes book III, ch. 16: Those who only teach, and do not do, themselves take the weight from their own precepts... It is good to prescribe what is right and honourable: but unless you also do it, it is a lie; and it is incongruous and absurd to have goodness not in the heart but on the lips. And St Leo the Pope, in a sermon on fasting, says: Examples are stronger than words; and one is taught more fully by deed than by voice.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Utinam quidem› · col 520

Utinam quidem. Ita restitui ex quamplurimis mss. et editis, recte, propter sed quod sequitur. In 3 Reg. et vulgatis 7 est utinamque. In 1 Lips. prætermissum quidem.

Would indeed. So I have restored from very many manuscripts and editions, rightly, because of the but that follows. In 3 Regius and 7 printed it is and would that. In 1 Leipzig indeed is omitted.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Extitisse› · col 520

Extitisse. Ex mss. veterrimis 2 Bonon., Cauc., 8 Reg., Jun., 4 Colb. aliisque undecim, et 3 editis repositum; in 2 Reg., 2 Colb. et 8 vulgatis legitur esse.

To have existed. Restored from the very old manuscripts 2 Bologna, Cauchi, 8 Regius, Junius, 4 Colbert and eleven others, and 3 editions; in 2 Regius, 2 Colbert and 8 printed to be is read.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Summæ doctrinæ ac scientiæ summa› · col 520

Summæ doctrinæ ac scientiæ summa. Mirum in modum mihi placet Betuleii lectio: summa doctrina ac scientia, summæ virtutis et perfecta justitia, quam merito Sparkius expressit. Altera est in omnibus mss. et reliquis editis. Vestigia veri in Emman. In quo summa doctrinæ ac scientiæ. BUN.

The highest [virtue] of the highest learning and knowledge. Betuleius's reading pleases me wonderfully: the highest learning and knowledge, of the highest virtue, and perfect justice, which Sparke rightly printed. The other is in all the manuscripts and the remaining editions. Traces of the truth in the Emmanuel: In whom the highest of learning and knowledge. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Consenserit› · col 520

Consenserit. Sic passim loqui amat Lact. mss. 2 rec. et edit. rec. consenserint.

Have agreed. So Lactantius likes to speak throughout. Two recent manuscripts and recent editions: consenserint [plural].

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Nisi aliunde doceatur› · col 521

Nisi aliunde doceatur. Quia caro et sanguis, juxta Christum ipsum, non revelat nobis mysteria.

Unless he be taught from elsewhere. Because flesh and blood, according to Christ himself, does not reveal the mysteries to us.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sibi› · col 521

Sibi. Verbum istud deest in editionib. ann. 1476, 1497, 1513 et 1515.

For himself. This word is lacking in the editions of the years 1476, 1497, 1513 and 1515.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et tamen libertatem› · col 521

Et tamen libertatem, etc. Tribuit libero arbitrio quod competit: at sine divino auxilio non possunt homines mereri vitam æternam. Neque enim peccata vincimus, quia Christus exemplum est, sed quia vires præbet: nisi fortassis per manuum porrectionem, virtutem spiritus Christi intelligere velis.

And yet liberty, etc. He grants to free will what belongs to it: but without divine help men cannot merit eternal life. For we do not overcome sins because Christ is an example, but because he supplies strength: unless perhaps you choose to understand by stretching out the hand the power of Christ's Spirit.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et non parentibus pœna, quia poterant parere, si vellent› · col 521

Et non parentibus pœna, quia poterant parere, si vellent. Desunt hæc verba in 12 manu exaratis et 3 impressis: sed videntur necessaria.

And punishment for those who do not obey, because they could obey if they would. These words are lacking in 12 hand-written copies and 3 printed: but they seem necessary.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quæ irascitur, quæ dolet, quæ mori timet› · col 521

Quæ irascitur, quæ dolet, quæ mori timet. Hæc lectio est mss. Bonon., Regio-Put., 6 Colb. aliorumque plurimorum, et 14 vulgatorum. In 1 Reg. antiquissimo, et in alio item Regio est, quæ irascitur, quæ dolere, quæ mori timet. In editis Thom., Thys., Gall., quæ irasci, quæ dolet, mendose, repugnante verborum nexu.

Which is angry, which grieves, which fears to die. This is the reading of the manuscripts Bologna, Regio-Puteanus, 6 Colbert and very many others, and of 14 printed. In 1 very old Regius and likewise in another Regius it is which is angry, which [fears] to grieve, which fears to die. In the editions of Thomasius, Thysius and Gallaeus: which [fears] to be angry, which grieves, wrongly, against the connection of the words.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Itaque ducor invitus› · col 521–522

Itaque ducor invitus, etc. Atqui hoc etiam Paulus conqueritur. Sic enim ad Romanos capite VII, 15, scribit: Non enim quod volo bonum, hoc facio: sed quod odi malum, hoc facio. Velle quidem sibi adesse, ut faciat bonum, sed facultatem faciendi in suis viribus non reperiebat. Sed cap. sequenti, v. 3: Quod impossibile erat legi in quo infirmabatur per carnem, Deus Filium suum mittens in similitudinem carnis peccati, et de peccato damnavit peccatum in carne, etc.

So I am led against my will, etc. But Paul too complains of this. For he writes thus to the Romans, chapter 7, 15: For the good that I will, I do not: but the evil that I hate, that I do. To will indeed was present with him, to do good, but he did not find the power of doing it in his own strength. But in the next chapter, v. 3: For what the law could not do, in that it was weak through the flesh, God, sending his own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh, and for sin, condemned sin in the flesh, etc.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Confutabit› · col 522

Confutabit. Manuscriptorum est et edit. Tornes. Refutabit, unius Colb. et editorum.

Will confute. It is the reading of the manuscripts and the Tornaesius edition. Will refute, of one Colbert and the editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Homini simillimum fieri› · col 522

Homini simillimum fieri. Mss. 9 et editi, hominum simillimum. 1 Bonon. antiq., Ultr., hominis simillimum. Jun., homini similem.

To become most like man. Nine manuscripts and the editions: most like [of] men. 1 old Bologna, Utrecht: most like [of] man. Junius: like man.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Constans› · col 522

Constans. Id est, pertinax et perseverans in sua opinione, quam opposuerat.

Steadfast. That is, stubborn and persevering in his own opinion, which he had put forward against him.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quia vivi aliter non potest in hoc corpore› · col 522

Quia vivi aliter non potest in hoc corpore. Additum vivi, quod deerat pluribus editis. In ms. Em. est, quia vivere aliter non possum.

Because one cannot live otherwise in this body. To live has been added, which was lacking in most editions. In the Emmanuel manuscript it is because I cannot live otherwise.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Neque hominem perfecta doctrina esse posse› · col 522

Neque hominem perfecta doctrina esse posse. Mss. 2 Colb., 2 Lips., 2 Clarom. et edit. Tornes. habent, perfectæ doctrinæ; 1 Reg. antiq. et Em. perfectum doctrina; 1 Colbert. homini perfectam doctrinam. (Vide infra col. 523, lin. 12.)

Nor can a man be of perfect learning. The manuscripts 2 Colbert, 2 Leipzig, 2 Claromontanus and the Tornaesius edition have of perfect learning [genitive]; 1 old Regius and Emmanuel: perfect in learning; 1 Colbert: perfect learning for a man. (See below, col. 523, line 12.)

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Qui vitæ dux› · col 523

Qui vitæ dux. Non vitæ dux et magister est duntaxat justitiæ, sed etiam dator: immo et vita, et justitia ipsa.

Who is the guide of life. He is not only the guide of life and the teacher of justice, but also their giver: indeed he is life and justice itself.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nisi habeat radicem› · col 523

Nisi habeat radicem, etc. Sequor mss. 6 Reg., 6 Colb. novemque alios, necnon 11 vet. edit. In scriptis 3 Reg. et 6 vulgatis est habeatque, deleto nisi habeat. Sed Heumannus legit quæ habeat.

Unless it have a root, etc. I follow the manuscripts 6 Regius, 6 Colbert and nine others, and 11 old editions. In the manuscripts 3 Regius and in 6 printed it is and have, with unless it have deleted. But Heumann reads which has.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Stabilisque› · col 523

Stabilisque. Mss. 2 Lips., Goth., et ed. Rom. 1474, Venet. 1490, Ald. quæ stabilis.

And steadfast. The manuscripts 2 Leipzig, the Gotha, and the Roman edition of 1474, the Venice of 1490 and the Aldine: which [is] steadfast.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Virtutemque in se recipere, cujus doctor est› · col 523

Virtutemque in se recipere, cujus doctor est. Ita quamplurimi scripti et antiquissimi cum 9 impressis. Mss. rec. 8 et editi 5 ferunt, recipere doctoris, ut eam.

And to take on himself the virtue of which he is the teacher. So very many and very old manuscripts, with 9 printed. Eight recent manuscripts and 5 editions give to take on [the virtue] of the teacher, so that it.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Discant› · col 523

Discant. Nonnulli editi, dicant.

They may learn. Some editions: they may say.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Mortalitatem› · col 523

Mortalitatem. Id est, mortales, seu homines. Sic etiam Curtius, l. VIII.

Mortality. That is, mortals, or men. So too Curtius, book VIII.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Cruciatu affici› · col 523

Cruciatu affici. Ita cum sex impressis omnes mss., præter unum Colb. qui habet a prima manu cruciatu affigi, a secunda affligi. Editi 5 vet. cruce affigi; Crat. cruci affigi.

To be visited with torture. So all the manuscripts, with six printed, except one Colbert, which has in the first hand to be fastened with torture, in the second to be afflicted. Five old editions: to be fastened by the cross; the Cratander: to be fastened to the cross.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Vivam legem› · col 523

Vivam legem. Non sicut Cicero in III de Legibus dixit, legem mutum esse magistratum, magistratum vero vivam legem: sed sicut Paulus ad Romanos, legem spiritus vitæ, quæ (ut per prophetam fuerat prædictum) scripta in hominis pectore, alacrem eum facit. Sic autem de hac vivificante lege scriptum est in VIII cap. ad Rom. BETUL.

A living law. Not as Cicero said in On the Laws III, that the law is a mute magistrate and the magistrate a living law: but as Paul to the Romans, the law of the spirit of life, which (as had been foretold by the prophet), written in a man's heart, makes him eager. So it is written of this life-giving law in chapter 8 of Romans. BETULEIUS.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Templum novum› · col 523

Templum novum. Nam, ut ait Paulus ad Hebræos, c. VIII, v. 2, Jesus est sanctuarii minister ac veri tabernaculi.

A new temple. For, as Paul says to the Hebrews, ch. 8, v. 2, Jesus is minister of the sanctuary and of the true tabernacle.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Etiam in homine illum esse› · col 523

Etiam in homine illum esse, etc. Monet tamen Thomasius in antiquo Bononiensi codice legi, etiam hominem illum esse, etc. quorum verborum sensus clarus est et apertus; atque hic loci apprime convenit.

That he was also in man, etc. Thomasius notes, however, that in the old Bologna codex one reads that he was also man, etc., the sense of which words is clear and plain; and it fits this place exactly.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sine opera genitoris› · col 523–524

Sine opera genitoris. Lips. 2, sine opere genitoris, perperam. L. I, c. 7: Quum Deus... sine usu et opera fœminæ possit filios procreare. Lib. IV, c. 13, dixit: Sine patris officio virginali utero procreatus est. BUN.

Without the work of a begetter. The second Leipzig: sine opere genitoris, wrongly. Book I, ch. 7: Since God... can beget sons without the use and work of a woman. Book IV, ch. 13, he said: Without a father's office he was begotten in a virgin's womb. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Spiritalem› · col 524

Spiritalem. Edit. Ald., Fasit., Thys., specialem, corrupte; Thomas. cœlestem. Recte monet Betuleius loco vocis specialem legendum esse spiritalem: error procedit ex abreviationibus manuscriptorum.

Spiritual. The Aldine, Fasitelius and Thysius editions: special, corruptly; Thomasius: heavenly. Betuleius rightly advises that instead of the word special one should read spiritual: the error arises from the abbreviations of the manuscripts.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Mater corporis ejus Virgo› · col 524

Mater corporis ejus Virgo. Contra Valentinum, Apollinarem, Euitchetem, et alios, qui negabant Christum ex Maria virgine quidquam accepisse. Vide Irenæum, l. III, Adversus hæres.; S. Augustin., de Hæres.; Theodoret., Hæretic. fabul., l. IV, in fine.

The mother of his body a Virgin. Against Valentinus, Apollinaris, Eutyches [printed "Euitchetem"] and others who denied that Christ received anything from the Virgin Mary. See Irenaeus, Against Heresies book III; St Augustine, On Heresies; Theodoret, Heretical Fables book IV, at the end.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Medius› · col 524

Medius. Iterum Epit., c. 44: Inter Deum et hominem medius factus. Ponitur elegantius, quam mediator. Purius ævum, auctore Salmasio, in Plin. Exercit., fol. 462, non tamen antiquissimum, etiam medium appellavit τὸν μεσίτην. BUN.

Midway. Again in the Epitome, ch. 44: Made midway between God and man. It is put more elegantly than mediator. A purer age, on Salmasius's authority in the Plinian Exercises, fol. 462, though not the most ancient, also called the mesitēs (mediator) medius. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Μεσίτην› · col 524

Μεσίτην. Mediatorem, alii; quæ est vox in rebus sacris usurpata, ac multo melior, quam quod Erasmus conciliatorem interpretatur, 1 Timot., 2 Εἷς γὰρ Θεὸς, εἷς καὶ μεσίτης Θεοῦ καὶ ἀνθρώπων, ἄνθρωπος Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς, etc. et in Epist. ad Hebræos, non uno in loco, μεσίτης διαθήκης τῆς καινῆς appellatur. Et ad Galat., III, ait μεσίτην unius non esse. Quod autem mediatoris officium sit, docet Augustinus, l. IX, c. 15, de Civit. Dei, et Epiphanius in Ancyrato. BETUL. — Vide Suicerum in Thesauro, in verbo μεσίτην.

Mesitēn. Others render it mediator; which is the word used in sacred matters, and much better than Erasmus's rendering conciliator, 1 Timothy 2: For there is one God, and one mediator of God and men, the man Christ Jesus, etc.; and in the Epistle to the Hebrews, in more than one place, he is called mediator of the new covenant. And to the Galatians, 3, he says that a mediator is not of one. What the office of mediator is, Augustine teaches, City of God book IX, ch. 15, and Epiphanius in the Ancoratus. BETULEIUS. — See Suicer in the Thesaurus, under the word mesitēs.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ad immortalitatem› · col 524

Ad immortalitatem. Id est, ad beatitudinem et gloriam immortalem.

To immortality. That is, to beatitude and immortal glory.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Justitiæ operibus emereri› · col 524

Justitiæ operibus emereri. Recte, emereri (id est, consequi, obtinere) operibus justitiæ, ut fiat æternus, id est, beata immortalitate donetur; lib. III, c. 19. Ut hæc accuratius intelligantur, cum cura legendi sunt ex lib. VII, cap. 5: Ut illam veram et perpetuam (vitam) aut vitiis amittamus, aut virtute mercamur. BUN.

To earn by works of justice. Rightly, to earn (that is, to attain, to obtain) by works of justice, that he may become eternal, that is, may be gifted with blessed immortality; book III, ch. 19. For these to be understood more exactly, the passages from book VII, ch. 5 must be read with care: That we may either lose that true and everlasting (life) by vices, or purchase it by virtue. BÜNEMANN.

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Pabulum mortis est› · col 525

Pabulum mortis est. Id est, esca malorum, quæ mortem animæ generant.

It is the fodder of death. That is, the food of evils, which bring forth the death of the soul.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et eriperet› · col 525

Et eriperet. Expunxi ut quod interponunt mss. 1 Bonon., Lips., Pal., Cant. ac totidem excusi, et a cæteris tum scriptis, tum editis abest.

And might snatch. I have struck out ut (that), which the manuscripts 1 Bologna, Leipzig, Palatine, Cambridge and as many printed insert, and which is absent from the rest, both manuscript and printed.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Dominatio in carnem› · col 525

Dominatio in carnem. Sequor mss. et impressos fere omnes. In 3 Reg. et 5 excusis legitur, in carne; in Jun. et edit. 2 vet. Rom., Paris., Crat., Graph., damnatio in carnem.

Dominion over the flesh. I follow almost all the manuscripts and printed copies. In 3 Regius and 5 printed one reads in the flesh; in Junius and the editions, 2 old Roman, the Paris, the Cratander and Gryphius [printed "Graph."], condemnation upon the flesh.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nec dominium› · col 525

Nec dominium. Rectissime; et sic Betuleius olim et nuper Heumannus legendum censuerunt. Ita restitutum, lib. II, cap. 5: Neque domus habere dominium sui potest. Sic lib. II, cap. 12: Anima imperet... animi imperio: maxime autem, Anima, quæ dominium corporis habet. BUN.

Nor dominion. Most rightly; and so Betuleius formerly and Heumann recently judged it should be read. So restored in book II, ch. 5: Nor can a house have dominion over itself. So book II, ch. 12: Let the soul rule... by the rule of the mind: and above all, The soul, which has dominion over the body. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Mercedem immortalitatis impertit› · col 525

Mercedem immortalitatis impertit. 2 Bonon. et 4 editi rec. inserunt nobis. Mss. 3 rec. et 7 impressi habent, mercedem expetendæ nobis immortalitatis impertit. 3 scripti rec. et 6 vulgati, impartit. Hanc vocem expetendæ, recte monet Thomasius esse delendam, quia si immortalitatem tamquam mercedem impertit, tunc expetenda non est; quia nemo expetit id quod habet. Heumannus vult addi nobis post mercedem.

Bestows the reward of immortality. 2 Bologna and 4 recent editions insert on us. Three recent manuscripts and 7 printed have bestows on us the reward of an immortality to be sought. Three recent manuscripts and 6 printed: impartit [another spelling]. Thomasius rightly advises that the word to be sought should be deleted, because if he bestows immortality as a reward, then it is not to be sought; since no one seeks what he has. Heumann wants on us added after reward.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Maluerit› · col 525–526

Maluerit. Heuman. legit voluerit, cum ms. Em., quia hic nulla est comparatio. — Subire maluerit. Sæpe illud malle ponitur, neque tamen comparationis particula quam subsequitur. Heumannus certe hoc agnovit, infra: Cur Deus crucem maluerit. Sic l. VI, c. 17: Coacti... fidem prodere, mortem suscipere malimus. Ibid., c. 21: Qui temporalia maluerit, carebit æternis. L. VII, c. 1: Sine dubio malunt id esse fictum. BUNEMAN.

He preferred. Heumann reads willed, with the Emmanuel manuscript, because there is no comparison here. — He preferred to undergo. Malle is often put without the comparative particle than following. Heumann certainly recognized this below: Why God preferred the cross. So book VI, ch. 17: Compelled... to betray the faith, let us prefer to undergo death. Ibid., ch. 21: He who has preferred temporal things will lack the eternal. Book VII, ch. 1: Doubtless they prefer that it be invented. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quæ in Christum vera præcessit› · col 526

Quæ in Christum vera præcessit. Sana mihi videtur lectio omnium omnino librorum hoc sensu: Quæ in Christum divinatio præcessit vera, id est, certa et eventu comprobata, non dubia, fallax, falsa. BUN.

Which went before, true, concerning Christ. The reading of absolutely all the books seems sound to me, in this sense: the divination which went before concerning Christ was true, that is, certain and proved by the event, not doubtful, deceptive, false. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Significantiam› · col 526

Significantiam. Vox est Africana. Vide Fabrum in Lexico. Idem mox infra et c. 28: Glossæ. Significantia, Σημασία. Fab. Victorin. procem. in lib. I Cicer. de Invent.: Ars est quæ significantiam sui non habet. — hæc vox generis triplicem significantiam habet. Mss. Jun. Lips. et edd. significationem.

Significance. It is an African word. See Faber in the Lexicon. The same shortly below and in ch. 28. The Glossaries: Significantia, sēmasia. Fabius Victorinus, preface [printed "procem."] to Cicero On Invention book I: It is an art which has no significance of itself. — this word has a threefold significance of kind. The manuscripts Junius and Leipzig and the editions: significationem.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Significabat› · col 526

Significabat. Vide Marc. VIII et X; Luc. IV, VII, XIV.

It signified. See Mark 8 and 10; Luke 4, 7, 14.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Patefecit› · col 526

Patefecit. Vide Matth. II, Marc. VII, Luc, VII.

He opened. See Matthew 2, Mark 7, Luke 7.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Hactenus› · col 526

Hactenus. Id est, hoc tantum. Vid. not. ad Epit. c. 68, et de Mort. Pers. c. 10. Margo Paris. 1513. Hactenus interpretatur in præsens duntaxat tempus. BUN.

Thus far. That is, only this. See the note on the Epitome ch. 68 and on the Deaths of the Persecutors ch. 10. The margin of the Paris edition of 1513 interprets hactenus as for the present time only. BÜNEMANN.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Admirabilis› · col 526

Admirabilis. Matth. IX, XV; Marc. VII.

Wonderful. Matthew 9, 15; Mark 7.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Pedes› · col 526

Pedes. Vide Matth. XI, XV, XXI, Luc. VII.

Feet. See Matthew 11, 15, 21, Luke 7.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Labes› · col 526

Labes. Vide Matth. VIII, XI, Marc. I, Luc. VII.

Stains. See Matthew 8, 11, Mark 1, Luke 7.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Elephantiaci› · col 526

Elephantiaci. Sic restitui fretus auctoritate vetustissimorum et optimorum codicum mss. 2 Bonon., 6 Reg., Cauc., Jun., 2 Colbert., 2 Lips., 1 Sorbon., Ultr., Pal., 1 Clarom, Brun. In 2 Reg., 1 Colbert., 1 Clarom., legitur elephantiati; in 2 aliis Reg., (continues)

Elephantiacs. So I have restored, relying on the authority of the very old and best manuscript codices, 2 Bologna, 6 Regius, Cauchi, Junius, 2 Colbert, 2 Leipzig, 1 Sorbonne, Utrecht, Palatine, 1 Claromontanus, Brunensis. In 2 Regius, 1 Colbert, 1 Claromontanus, elephantiati is read; in 2 other Regius, (continues)

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(continued) 4 Lips. 3 Colb., editis tribus vet. Rom. et tredecim aliis impressis elephantici. Elephantiaci, seu elephantici sunt, qui vulgo leprosi dicuntur, quorum in Evangelio saepe fit mentio. Vide Plinium lib. XXVI, c. 1; Celsum lib. III, c. 25.

(—) ‹lemma: A morte revocavit› · col 527 A morte revocavit. V. Mat. IX, Marc. V, Luc. VII, J. XI.

Recalled from death. See Matthew 9, Mark 5, Luke 7, John 11.

(—) ‹lemma: Tempora adjecisse perpetua› · col 527 Tempora adjecisse perpetua. Ita omnes prope mss. et editi. Perpetua deest in 4 Reg. et 11 vulgatis. In Em. est perpetuae. — Tempora adjecisse. Heumannus, addito et, legit ut Emman.: Adjecisse et perpetuae arcana mortis revelasse. BUN.

Added everlasting times. So nearly all the manuscripts and editions. Perpetua is lacking in 4 Regius MSS and 11 printed editions. In Emmanuel is perpetuae. — Added times. Heumann, adding et, reads with Emmanuel: Adjecisse et perpetuae arcana mortis revelasse ("added, and revealed the secrets of everlasting death"). Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: In laesis› · col 527 In laesis. Potuissent nosse editores vim vocis ex hoc capite infra. ubi integrum corpus, et laesum ac diminutum corpus opponuntur. BUN.

In injured (bodies). The editors could have learned the force of the word from this chapter below, where a whole body and an injured and diminished body are set against each other. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: In laesis affectisque corporibus› · col 527 In laesis affectisque corporibus. Bene; id est mutilis, debilibus, aegrotis. Mss. 2 Reg. rec. et 9 excusi habent illaesis, corrupte; edit. Betul. afflictisque. — Affectisque. Affecta corpora sunt aegrota. Sic saepe Seneca; e. g. ad Polybium cap. 32. Aegro et affecto mederi. l. IV Benef. c. 11. Sic affecto, ut spes ei nulla sit convalescendi. BUN.

In injured and afflicted bodies. Rightly; that is, maimed, weak, sick. 2 later Regius MSS and 9 printed editions have illaesis ("uninjured"), corruptly; Betuleius's edition, afflictisque. — Affectisque. Affecta corpora are sick bodies. So Seneca often, e.g. To Polybius ch. 32: To heal one sick and afflicted; On Benefits book 4, ch. 11: So afflicted that he has no hope of recovering. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Exhibebat› · col 527 Exhibebat. Restitui ex 35 mss. In Cauc., 2 Reg. rec. et 19 editis est adhibebat.

He displayed. I have restored this from 35 manuscripts. In the Cauci MS, 2 later Regius MSS and 19 editions it is adhibebat ("He applied").

(—) ‹lemma: Virtutis nobis non terrenae opera› · col 527 Virtutis nobis non terrenae opera. Haec virtus non terrena aliis verbis dicitur hoc capite supra, Coelestis virtus; ibid.: Vis coelestis; ibid.: Admirabilis potentia; ibid: Laudabilis divini operis fortitudo: ibid.: Non exigua immortalis potentiae opera; ibid.: Inenarrabilis potestas. BUN.

Works of a power not earthly, for us. This unearthly power is called in other words earlier in this chapter heavenly power; in the same place, heavenly force; ibid., wonderful might; ibid., praiseworthy strength of divine work; ibid., no small works of immortal might; ibid., unspeakable power. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Virtutis non terrena opera monstraret› · col 527 Virtutis non terrena opera monstraret. Ita mss. 3 Reg. vetustissimi. Scripti 9 et vulgati 5 negationi praeponunt nobis. A mss. 7 et excusis 14 abest non, et legitur terrenae.

Might show works of power not earthly. So 3 very old Regius MSS. 9 manuscripts and 5 printed editions put nobis before the negative. From 7 manuscripts and 14 printed editions non is absent, and terrenae is read.

(—) ‹lemma: Ergo› · col 527 Ergo. Nunc expositurus est figuras passionis J. C.

Therefore. He is now about to set out the figures of the passion of Jesus Christ.

(—) ‹lemma: Pollicebatur› · col 527 Pollicebatur. Ita mss. et editi; ac simili locutione passim utitur Lactantius. Francius legendum esse censebat, pollicebantur, ut in 3 Reg. rec.

Promised. So the manuscripts and editions; and Lactantius uses a like expression throughout. Francius thought pollicebantur ("they promised") should be read, as in 3 later Regius MSS.

(—) ‹lemma: Specimen› · col 527 Specimen. Mss. 2 Reg., speciem.

Foretaste. 2 Regius MSS: speciem.

(—) ‹lemma: Corona enim dicitur, etc.› · col 528 Corona enim dicitur, etc. Quam Festus Pompeius a choro dictam putat, dempta scilicet aspiratione. Utitur coronae vocabulo hac significatione Cicero pro Milone, in ipso exordio; Livius, pro armato coetu. BET.

For it is called a crown, etc. Which Festus Pompeius thinks is named from chorus, the aspirate of course dropped. Cicero uses the word corona in this sense in the Pro Milone, at the very opening; Livy, for an armed gathering. Betuleius.

(—) ‹lemma: Electi ergo ex dumis› · col 528 Electi ergo ex dumis. Ms. Reg. Put., Electis ergo ex dumis; scripti 11 rec. et 4 vulgati, Plecti; quo sensu? Edit. Betul. Plexi. — Ex dumis et sentibus. Rectum junxit, ut Virgilius lib. IX Aeneid., v. 380, sq. quem imitatur: — Omnemque aditum custode coronant. Silva fuit, late dumis atque ilice nigra Horrida, quam densae complerant undique sentes. BUN.

Chosen, then, from brambles. The Regius-Puteanus MS: Electis ergo ex dumis; 11 later manuscripts and 4 printed editions: Plecti — in what sense? Betuleius's edition: Plexi. — From brambles and briars. He joined them rightly, as Virgil, Aeneid book 9, line 380 ff., whom he imitates: "— and they ring every approach with a guard. There was a wood, rough far and wide with brambles and dark holm-oak, which dense briars had filled on every side." Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Factisque praesentibus› · col 528 Factisque praesentibus. Addidi que ex omnibus ferme mss. et editis. In Regio-Put. haec verba desunt.

And by present deeds. I have added que from almost all the manuscripts and editions. In the Regius-Puteanus these words are lacking.

(—) ‹lemma: Perveniret› · col 528 Perveniret. In nonnullis editis pervenit.

Might come. In some editions pervenit ("comes").

(—) ‹lemma: Corporatus est› · col 528 Corporatus est. Hoc est corpus assumpsit; eodem verbo utitur bis lib. II, c. 10, necnon et Tertullianus l. de Carne Christi c. 3 et c. 6. Hinc illi eod. l. IV, corporatio est assumptio humanitatis. BARTHIUS.

He was embodied. That is, He took a body; he uses the same word twice in book 2, ch. 10, as does Tertullian, On the Flesh of Christ, ch. 3 and ch. 6. Hence for him in the same book 4, corporatio is the assumption of humanity. Barth.

(—) ‹lemma: Specimen› · col 528 Specimen. Id est, exemplum. Cic. lib. III Leg. c. 3, Is ordo vitio vacato: caeteris specimen esto. Quintil. lib. III Institut. c. 1: Dedit unicum apud nos specimen orandi... M. Tullius. BUN.

Example. That is, a pattern. Cicero, Laws book 3, ch. 3: Let that order be free of fault: let it be a pattern to the rest. Quintilian, Institutes book 3, ch. 1: Marcus Tullius… gave us the one model of oratory. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Sustinuit, etc.› · col 528 Sustinuit, etc. Omittit quod erat praecipuum, nem- (continues)

He endured, etc. He leaves out what was chief, namely- (continues)

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(continued) pe quod crux maledictionem Dei adjunctam habet. Oportebat autem Christum maledici, ut justificaremur. RIVET.

(—) ‹lemma: Mortem cum suis terroribus triumpharet› · col 529 Mortem cum suis terroribus triumpharet. Sic et libro VI, cap. 23, ad finem, Lactantius dicit, Hic terram triumphabit, sic et vitam vivere alibi passim. — Mortem cum suis terroribus triumpharet. Cum accus. ut l. VI, c. 23: Hic terram triumphabit. Epitom. c. 46: Captivos triumphavit. Et quae notavi ad l. de Morte, Persec. cap. 16: Saeculum cum suis terroribus triumphasti. BUN.

Might triumph over death with its terrors. So too in book 6, ch. 23, at the end, Lactantius says He will triumph over the earth, and so to live a life elsewhere throughout. — Might triumph over death with its terrors. With the accusative, as in book 6, ch. 23: He will triumph over the earth; Epitome ch. 46: He triumphed over captives. And what I noted on the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 16: You have triumphed over the world with its terrors. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Cur infami genere supplicii› · col 529 Cur infami genere supplicii. Ex omnibus mss. et quamplurimis editis restitui, quae in 5 vulgatis deerant. — Cur infami genere supplicii. Videntur excidisse ex Gallaei editione. Nam habent mss. et editi mei omnes. Eodem sensu, quo hic infami, dixit l. IV, c. 16: Insigni supplicio; c. 30: Exsecrabili patibulo. Arnobius l. I, p. 20 pr.: Idcirco dii vobis infesti sunt... quod hominem natum, et quod personis infame est vilibus, crucis supplicio interemptum Deum fuisse contenditis. BUN.

Why by an infamous kind of punishment. I have restored from all the manuscripts and very many editions these words, which were lacking in 5 printed editions. — Why by an infamous kind of punishment. They seem to have fallen out of Gallaeus's edition, for the manuscripts and all my editions have them. In the same sense as infamous here he said in book 4, ch. 16, by a notorious punishment; ch. 30, on an accursed gibbet. Arnobius book 1, p. 20 at the start: The gods are hostile to you for this reason… that you maintain that a man born, and — what is infamous for persons of low rank — put to death by the punishment of the cross, was God. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Homine libero indignum› · col 529 Homine libero indignum. Crux enim servilis est poena. Horat. Sat. 3, lib. I; Juvenalis, Sat. 2, Pone crucem servo. Seneca lib. I de Clem. cap. 26; Cic. V in Verrem, ubi ait Romanus orator: Quam servis damnatis crucem fixeras, hanc indemnatis civibus romanis reservares. Videatur etiam Jul. Capitolinus in Opil. Macrino. FABER.

Unworthy of a free man. For the cross is a slave's punishment. Horace, Satires book 1, 3; Juvenal, Satire 2 [sic]: Set up a cross for the slave. Seneca, On Clemency book 1, ch. 26; Cicero, Against Verres 5, where the Roman orator says: The cross which you had fixed for condemned slaves, you would reserve for uncondemned Roman citizens. See also Julius Capitolinus on Opilius Macrinus. Faber.

(—) ‹lemma: Ut humilibus et infimis› · col 529 Ut humilibus et infimis. Ita restitui ex mss. antiquissimis 1 Bonon., 1 Reg., 2 al. Reg., bonae notae, ac 4 editis, quod et sequentia requirunt. Et sic infra iidem et 7 alii scripti. In 22 est infirmis.

That to the humble and the lowest. So I have restored from the very old manuscripts — 1 Bologna, 1 Regius, 2 other Regius, of good quality — and 4 editions, as what follows also requires. And so below the same and 7 other manuscripts. In 22 it is infirmis ("the weak").

(—) ‹lemma: Quem die tertio› · col 529 Quem die tertio. Ita editi cum omnibus pene mss. In 2 Clarom. est, die tertia; in 1 Reg. optimae notae et in 1 Brun. est quod die tertio. Verum apud Joan. cap. 19, v. 36, melior ratio redditur, nempe ut impleretur quod dictum est Exodi cap. XII et Numer. cap. IX: Os non comminuetis ex eo; ubi verba fiunt de Agno Paschali, qui figura fuit Jesu morientis.

Which on the third day. So the editions with almost all the manuscripts. In 2 Clermont MSS it is die tertia; in 1 Regius of the best quality and in 1 Brunswick, quod die tertio. But in John ch. 19, v. 36, a better reason is given, namely that what is said in Exodus ch. 12 and Numbers ch. 9 might be fulfilled: You shall not break a bone of it; where the words concern the Paschal Lamb, which was a figure of Jesus dying.

(—) ‹lemma: Ab inferis› · col 529 Ab inferis. Mss. 1 Clarom. et Brun. a mortuis: quod idem est.

From the dead (ab inferis). 1 Clermont MS and the Brunswick: a mortuis, which is the same.

(—) ‹lemma: Ante de sua passione praedicans› · col 529 Ante de sua passione praedicans. Haec lectio est vetustiorum et potiorum mss. 2 Bonon., Regio-Put., 11 aliorum, ac 9 editorum. In 18 rec. scriptis est ante... praedicens: prae enim idem est quod ante.

Proclaiming beforehand about his passion. This reading is that of the older and better manuscripts — 2 Bologna, the Regius-Puteanus, 11 others — and of 9 editions. In 18 later manuscripts it is ante… praedicens ("foretelling"); for prae is the same as ante.

(—) ‹lemma: Suffixus itaque quia spiritum deposuerat› · col 529 Suffixus itaque quia spiritum deposuerat. Sic reposui ex antiquissimis mss. 1 Reg., 1 Bonon., 2 al. Reg. Manu exarati 16 rec. et 2 edit. vet. habent cum spiritum sponte deposuerat. Scripti 2 Reg. et Tornes. cum edd. 8, cum spiritum sponte deposuisset. Ms. Cant., deponeret.

Fastened up, then, because he had laid down his spirit. So I have restored from the very old manuscripts 1 Regius, 1 Bologna, 2 other Regius. 16 later handwritten copies and 2 old editions have cum spiritum sponte deposuerat ("when he had freely laid down his spirit"). 2 Regius manuscripts and the Tornesius, with 8 editions: cum spiritum sponte deposuisset. The Cambridge MS: deponeret.

(—) ‹lemma: Inhabile redderetur› · col 529 Inhabile redderetur. Non est haec ratio; Deus enim qui creavit corpus, mutilum supplere valebat. Quod etiam eveniet in resurrectione, cum mutila corpora sana et integra resurgent.

Might be made unfit. This is not the reason; for God, who created the body, was able to make good a maimed one. This will also happen at the resurrection, when maimed bodies will rise sound and whole.

(—) ‹lemma: Exaltari› · col 530 Exaltari. Hic alludere videtur ad illud Christi ipsius verbum Johan. XII: Et ego si exaltatus fuero a terra, omnes traham ad me ipsum.

To be lifted up. Here he seems to allude to that word of Christ himself, John 12: And I, if I be lifted up from the earth, will draw all to myself.

(—) ‹lemma: Cum limina sua de cruore Agni notant› · col 530 Cum limina sua de cruore Agni notant. Sic etiam sensere Cyprianus lib. II adversus Judaeos § 22, et Hieronymus in Isai. LXVI, ut et Lactantius.

When they mark their thresholds with the blood of the Lamb. So too thought Cyprian, Against the Jews book 2, § 22, and Jerome on Isaiah 66, as does Lactantius.

(—) ‹lemma: Ut agnum candidum› · col 530 Ut agnum candidum. Exodi XII, absque macula, non coloris, sed deformitatis, ut claudus, scabiosus, vel alterius vitii ac morbi. Hoc de qualibet victima dicitur Levit. XXII. MENOCHIUS.

That a white lamb. Exodus 12: without blemish — not of colour, but of deformity, such as being lame, scabby, or having some other defect or disease. This is said of every victim in Leviticus 22. Menochius.

(—) ‹lemma: Primogenita› · col 530 Primogenita. Sic emendavi ex omnibus mss. et impressis, praeter Em. et Cant. et 5 edit. rec. in quibus est, primogeniti. Sed et primogenita, quod nomen homines et pecudes complectitur; juxta Exod. XII, XXIX.

Firstborn. So I have corrected from all the manuscripts and printed copies, except Emmanuel and Cambridge and 5 later editions, in which it is primogeniti. But rather primogenita, a word that takes in men and cattle alike; according to Exodus 12:29.

(—) ‹lemma: Imago fuerat› · col 530 Imago fuerat. Licet abunde esset argumentorum, quibus confirmari possit veritas christianae religionis, fatendum tamen est olim apud quosdam scriptores ecclesiasticos in usu fuisse, ut quaecumque aliquam veri speciem ferrent, ea omnia ad rem suam traherent, tum signa, tum prophetias, etiam allegorice et mystice sumptas, quod hic factum videmus a Lactantio. Attamen nemo est qui neget agnum paschalem figuram Agni veri, id est Servatoris nostri fuisse.

It had been an image. Although there was an abundance of arguments by which the truth of the Christian religion could be confirmed, it must nonetheless be admitted that it was once the custom among certain church writers to draw to their own case whatever bore any appearance of truth, both signs and prophecies, even taken allegorically and mystically, as we see done here by Lactantius. Yet there is no one who would deny that the paschal lamb was a figure of the true Lamb, that is, of our Saviour.

(—) ‹lemma: Agnus enim› · col 530 Agnus enim. Omnium manuscriptorum est; nam agnus, editorum.

For the lamb (agnus enim). This is the reading of all the manuscripts; nam agnus, of the editions.

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Printed as VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks, set full width across both columns. Each note is labelled by its lemma; "col" gives the column of the author's text where the lemma stands (inferred from the order of the notes where the lemma is not in the visible text). (—) ‹lemma: Qua sanguinem fudit› · col 531 Qua sanguinem fudit. Nonnulli editi, quae, male.

By which he shed his blood. Some editions: quae, wrongly.

(—) ‹lemma: In... conscripserint› · col 531 In... conscripserint. Alibi noster ita variat infra, Signum... sanguinis in summo corporis sui notare; cap. 27: Signare frontem. De Mort. Pers. c. 10: Imponere fronti immortale signum. BUNEMAN.

Have written on… Elsewhere our author varies it thus below: to mark the sign… of the blood on the top of their body; ch. 27: to sign the forehead. On the Deaths of the Persecutors ch. 10: to set the immortal sign on the forehead. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Pascha nominatur› · col 531 Pascha nominatur, ἀπὸ τοῦ πάσχειν. Haec graeca absunt a mss. Bon., 1 Colb. et Jun. et edit. Thomasii ac Thysii. Verum quia in caeteris tum mss. tum editis reperiuntur, visum fuit, illa non omittere. Hallucinatur autem Lactant. putans esse verbum graecum; Pascha enim, cum sit Hebraeum, a verbo pasach ducitur; festum enim illud celebratur in memoriam transitus angeli, qui transivit per Aegyptiorum terram, illorum primogenitos necantis, Israelitis vero parcentis. GALLAEUS.

It is called Pascha, from πάσχειν ("to suffer"). These Greek words are absent from the Bologna MS, 1 Colbert and Junius, and from the editions of Thomasius and Thysius. But since they are found in the other manuscripts and editions, it seemed best not to omit them. Lactantius, however, is mistaken in thinking the word Greek; for Pascha, being Hebrew, is derived from the verb pasach; for that feast is kept in memory of the passing of the angel who passed through the land of the Egyptians, killing their firstborn but sparing the Israelites. Gallaeus.

(—) ‹lemma: Ut appareat› · col 531 Ut appareat. Ita reposui ex plerisque potioribus mss. et veteribus editis. In 3 Reg. Brun. et editis sex est, ut appareret.

So that it may appear. So I have restored from most of the better manuscripts and the old editions. In 3 Regius MSS, the Brunswick and six editions it is ut appareret ("so that it might appear").

(—) ‹lemma: Tuti omnes› · col 531 Tuti omnes. Mss. 7 et 6 impressi, homines.

All safe. 7 manuscripts and 6 printed editions: homines ("men").

(—) ‹lemma: Notaverint› · col 531 Notaverint. Mss. 9 et vulgati 6, notaverunt.

Have marked. 9 manuscripts and 6 printed editions: notaverunt.

(—) ‹lemma: Hujus signi potentiam quantum valeat› · col 531 Hujus signi potentiam quantum valeat. Ita mss. Regio-Put. et 6 alii, faventibus 3 aliis mss. et editis quinque, in quibus est de hujus signi potentia. Sic etiam legit clariss. Heumannus, quia Cicero dicit, exponere de quapiam re. In 10 scriptis et 9 excusis est potentiam.

How much the power of this sign avails. So the Regius-Puteanus MS and 6 others, with the support of 3 other manuscripts and five editions, in which it is de hujus signi potentia ("about the power of this sign"). So too the most distinguished Heumann reads, since Cicero says to set forth about some matter. In 10 manuscripts and 9 printed editions it is potentiam.

(—) ‹lemma: Quanto terrori sit daemonibus hoc signum› · col 531 Quanto terrori sit daemonibus hoc signum. Vide seqq. et infra lib. de Mortibus persecutorum, cap. 10 et 12.

How great a terror this sign is to demons. See what follows, and below, the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 10 and 12.

(—) ‹lemma: Hominumque mentes emotas› · col 532 Hominumque mentes emotas. Sic mss. et editi. Sic idem Lactantius lib. I, cap. 4: Quis mentis emotae; et de Opificio Dei. Vide Matth. IV, Marc. I, Luc. IV.

And the deranged minds of men. So the manuscripts and editions. So the same Lactantius, book 1, ch. 4: Who, of deranged mind; and in On the Workmanship of God. See Matthew 4, Mark 1, Luke 4.

(—) ‹lemma: Sacra nullo modo litant› · col 532 Sacra nullo modo litant. Lib. de Mortibus Persecut. c. 10: Quum immolant pecudes, et in jecoribus earum ventura (h. l. futura) quaerunt, solitas in extis notas non vident. Infra: Mactatae hostiae nihil ostendunt... non respondent sacra. BUN.

The sacrifices in no way give good omens. Book On the Deaths of the Persecutors ch. 10: When they sacrifice cattle and seek things to come (here futura) in their livers, they do not see the usual marks in the entrails. Below: The slaughtered victims show nothing… the sacrifices do not answer. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Nec responsa› · col 532 Nec responsa. Virg. III Georg., 491.

Nor responses. Virgil, Georgics 3, 491.

(—) ‹lemma: Quidam ministrorum nostri, etc.› · col 532 Quidam ministrorum nostri. etc. Ita restitui ex mss. Regio Put. et 7 al. Reg., Bon., 2 Clarom., Brun. necnon et ed. Fasit., nostri. id est ex nostris, scilicet e Christianis, pro quo nonnulli editi legunt, nostrorum, male; 1 Reg. veterrimus, Quidam ministrorum e cultoribus Dei; edd. Ald., Crat., Graph. simpliciter, quidam nostrorum sacrificantibus. Quidam ministrorum e cultoribus Dei. Sic legitur apud Buneman. qui hanc notam exhibet.—Quidam ministrorum e cultoribus Dei. Ita in duobus mss. Regiis Paris. antiquioribus scriptum, teste Nurrio in diss. ad l. de Mort. Pers. p. 181. Hinc praetulimus reliquis obscurioribus; nam proxime accedit verbis de Mort. Persec. cap. 10 pr., Quidam ministrorum scientes Dominum; et l. II, cap. 15: Justos, inquit, id est cultores Dei metuunt. BUN.

Certain of the attendants, ours, etc. So I have restored from the Regius-Puteanus MS and 7 other Regius, the Bologna, 2 Clermont, the Brunswick, and also the Fasitelius edition: nostri, that is ex nostris, namely of the Christians; for which some editions read nostrorum, wrongly. 1 very old Regius: Certain of the attendants, of the worshippers of God; the Aldine, Cratander and Gryphius editions simply: certain of ours, (standing by) those sacrificing. Quidam ministrorum e cultoribus Dei: so it is read in Bünemann, who gives this note. — Certain of the attendants, of the worshippers of God. So it is written in two older Regius MSS at Paris, on the witness of Nourry in his dissertation on the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, p. 181. Hence we have preferred it to the other, more obscure readings; for it comes very close to the words of On the Deaths of the Persecutors ch. 10 at the start, Certain of the attendants who knew the Lord; and book 2, ch. 15: They fear the just, he says, that is the worshippers of God. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Sacrificantibus dominis assisterent› · col 532 Sacrificantibus dominis assisterent. Solus Gothanus, sacrificantibus daemoniis assisterent. Nihil muto. Ministrorum est dominis assistere. BUN.

Stood by their masters as they sacrificed. The Gotha MS alone: stood by demons as they sacrificed. I change nothing. It is the part of attendants to stand by their masters. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: In visceribus hostiarum futura depingere› · col 532 In visceribus hostiarum futura depingere. Ms. Cant., bestiarum. Depingere autem metaphorice dictum est pro observare. — In visceribus hostiarum. Ita plures scripti et excusi; at Cant. ms., Sublac., Rost., Ven. 1493, 97, Paris., in visceribus bestiarum. Recte quidem, ut de Mort. Pers. c. 10: Imperator... scrutator rerum futurarum immolabat pecudes, et in jecoribus earum (pecudum), id est, in visceribus bestiarum, h. l. ventura quaerebat. Res eodem redit. BUN.

To portray the future in the entrails of the victims. The Cambridge MS: bestiarum ("of the beasts"). Depingere is said metaphorically for observare. — In the entrails of the victims. So most manuscripts and printed copies; but the Cambridge MS, the Subiaco, Rostock, Venice 1493 and 1497, and Paris editions: in the entrails of the beasts. Rightly enough, as in On the Deaths of the Persecutors ch. 10: The emperor… a searcher of things to come, was sacrificing cattle, and in their livers (of the cattle), that is, in the entrails of the beasts, was seeking things to come. It comes to the same thing. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Prosecant› · col 532 Prosecant. Sic lego ex duobus mss. Regiis, suffragantibus Pal. et 4 Oxoniensibus, in quibus est prosecabant. Et quidem hoc verbo utebantur Antiqui, cum de sacrificiis ageretur. Et sane legimus apud Tertullianum in Apologetico cap. 46: Aesculapio tamen gallinacium prosecari jam in fine jubebat. Mss. 6 Reg., 5 Colb., 4 alii, et 4 impressi ferunt prosecrant; 11 scripti ac totidem excusi, prosecrarant; Jun. et Ultr., consecrarant. In Epitome cap. 23 et 37, legimus verbum prosecrare ex ms. Taurinensi. — Quibus prosecant. Haec genuina lectio, quia prosecare est sacrificiorum verbum. Suetonius, Aug. c. 1: Cum Marti rem divinam faceret, semicruda exta, rapta foco, prosecuit. BUN.

They cut off (the offerings). So I read from two Regius MSS, with the support of the Palatine and 4 Oxford MSS, in which it is prosecabant. And indeed the ancients used this word when sacrifices were in question. And we certainly read in Tertullian, Apology ch. 46: Yet at the very end he ordered a cock to be offered to Aesculapius. 6 Regius, 5 Colbert, 4 other manuscripts and 4 printed editions give prosecrant; 11 manuscripts and as many printed editions, prosecrarant; Junius and Ultrajectinus, consecrarant. In the Epitome ch. 23 and 37 we read the verb prosecrare from the Turin MS. — To whom they cut off (offerings). This is the genuine reading, because prosecare is a word of sacrifices. Suetonius, Augustus ch. 1: When he was performing a sacrifice to Mars, he snatched the half-raw entrails from the hearth and cut them off as an offering. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Profanos homines› · col 532 Profanos homines. Aruspices Christianos h. l. vocant profanos homines, pari modo, ut in libro de Mort. Pers. c. 10: Quod rebus divinis profani homines, id est, Christiani a Gentilium sacris alieni, interessent. BUN.

Profane men. The soothsayers here call the Christians profane men, in the same way as in the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors ch. 10: That profane men, that is, Christians who had no part in the rites of the Gentiles, were present at the divine rites. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Egerunt Principes suos in furorem› · col 532 Egerunt Principes suos in furorem. Sic lego cum antiquissimis mss. 2 Regiis, alioque rec. item Regio, et editis Fasitel., Thomas., Is., Thys., Gall., Sparck., Egerunt, pro impulerunt, adegerunt; simplex pro composito, quod Lactantio familiare est. Scriptis 21 rec. et 13 excusis est adegerunt; 1 Reg. rec., coegerunt; 1 Sorbon. et 2 Clarom. edit. Soubron, adegerunt Principes ipsos in furorem. — Adegerunt principes suos in furorem. Adelph. I, 2: Tu adiges me ad insaniam. Desidero adhuc exempla veterum, ubi dixerint, adigere in aliquid; solent enim eamdem praepositionem ad geminare. Aliis verbis Lactantius l. V (continues)

They drove their princes to fury. So I read with the very old manuscripts, 2 Regius and another later one, also Regius, and the editions of Fasitelius, Thomasius, Isaeus, Thysius, Gallaeus, Sparke: Egerunt, for impulerunt, adegerunt; the simple verb for the compound, which is habitual with Lactantius. In 21 later manuscripts and 13 printed editions it is adegerunt; 1 later Regius, coegerunt; 1 Sorbonne and 2 Clermont MSS and Soubron's edition: adegerunt Principes ipsos in furorem. — They drove their princes to fury. Adelphoe 1, 2: You will drive me to madness. I still look for examples from the ancients where they said adigere in aliquid; for they usually double the same preposition ad. In other words Lactantius, book 5 (continues)

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(continued) c. 21: Instigant nescios in furorem. Lib. VII, c. 20: Concitare animos in furorem. BUN.

(—) ‹lemma: Ut expugnarent Dei templum› · col 533 Ut expugnarent Dei templum. Ita emendavi ex omnibus prope mss. et impressis, recte, ut puto. Expugnarent Dei templum, Nicomediense scilicet, quod a Diocletiano et Maximiano fuit eversum, de quo c. 1 lib. de Mortibus Persecutorum, cujus auctor esse Lactantius noster adhuc ex isto cap. confirmatur. In 1 Reg. rec. et sex editis legitur expurgarent; in 1 Vatic., expiarent.

That they might storm the temple of God. So I have corrected from almost all the manuscripts and printed copies, rightly, I think. Might storm the temple of God, namely that of Nicomedia, which was overthrown by Diocletian and Maximian, on which see ch. 1 of the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, whose authorship by our Lactantius is further confirmed from this chapter. In 1 later Regius MS and six editions expurgarent ("might purge") is read; in 1 Vatican, expiarent ("might expiate").

(—) ‹lemma: Quod gravissimis persequentium poenis expiaretur› · col 533 Quod gravissimis persequentium poenis expiaretur. De quibus lege Lactantium nostrum lib. de Mortibus Persecutorum.

Which was expiated by the most grievous punishments of the persecutors. On which read our Lactantius, book On the Deaths of the Persecutors.

(—) ‹lemma: Non metu› · col 533 Non metu. Sic emendavi ex omnibus mss. et nonnullis editis. In pluribus vulgatis est nutu.

Not by fear. So I have corrected from all the manuscripts and some editions. In most printed editions it is nutu ("by a nod").

(—) ‹lemma: Verum odio› · col 533 Verum odio. Vide Tertullianum Apologetici cap. 27.

But by hatred. See Tertullian, Apology ch. 27.

(—) ‹lemma: Signum immortale munierit› · col 533 Signum immortale munierit. Scilicet signum crucis. Eo saepissime se signabant prisci christiani, teste Tertulliano, de Corona n. 4: Ad omnem progressum atque promotum; ad omnem aditum et exitum; ad vestitum, ad calciatum, ad lavacra, ad mensas, ad lumina, ad cubilia, ad sedilia, quacumque nos conversatio exercet, frontem crucis signaculo terimus. Et adversus Marcionem lib. III, n. 18; S. Augustin. lib. I, Confess. cap. 11, n. 17; in Joan. cap. 1, Tract. III, n. 2, et alibi passim. Idem enarrat. IV in Psal. XXX, n. 7, et in Psal. L, n. 1: Quod si forte christiani in ipso circo aliqua ex causa expavescant, continuo se signant, et stant illic portantes in fronte, unde abscederent, si hoc in corde portarent. Vide infra de Mortibus Persecutorum, cap. 10.

The immortal sign has fortified. Namely the sign of the cross. With it the early Christians signed themselves very often, on the witness of Tertullian, On the Crown n. 4: At every going out and coming forward; at every entering and leaving; at dressing, at putting on shoes, at the baths, at table, at lighting the lamps, at going to bed, at sitting down, whatever occupation engages us, we wear the forehead with the sign of the cross. And Against Marcion book 3, n. 18; St Augustine, Confessions book 1, ch. 11, n. 17; on John ch. 1, Tractate 3, n. 2, and elsewhere throughout. The same, Exposition 4 on Psalm 30, n. 7, and on Psalm 50, n. 1: But if Christians in the circus itself happen for some reason to take fright, at once they sign themselves, and stand there bearing on the forehead that from which they would depart, if they bore it in the heart. See below, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 10.

(—) ‹lemma: Quos profecto si esse confitentur› · col 533 Quos profecto si esse confitentur. Solus Goth., si esse justos.

Whom, if indeed they confess they exist. The Gotha MS alone: si esse justos ("if they confess them to be just").

(—) ‹lemma: Vicimus› · col 533 Vicimus. Ita omnes fere vulgati, et quamplurimi mss. antiquissimi et optimi; in 10 scriptis rec. et tribus editis, vincimus.

We have won. So nearly all the printed editions, and very many of the oldest and best manuscripts; in 10 later manuscripts and three editions, vincimus ("we win").

(—) ‹lemma: Alios daemones› · col 533 Alios daemones. Sunt enim dii gentium daemonia, ait Psalmus XCV. De his supra libro II, cap. 15 et 16. Vide et Eusebium lib. V et VI, de Praeparat. Evang.

Others demons. For the gods of the nations are demons, says Psalm 95. On these, above, book 2, ch. 15 and 16. See also Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, books 5 and 6.

(—) ‹lemma: Differentiam› · col 533 Differentiam. 1 Reg. rec. et 6 edd., differentias.

The difference. 1 later Regius MS and 6 editions: differentias ("the differences").

(—) ‹lemma: Dementit, effertur, insanit› · col 534 Dementit, effertur, insanit. Vaticinantium proprium. Virg., lib. VI Aeneid.; Prudentius, lib. III contra Symmach.; Apuleius, lib. VIII Miles. Inter haec unus ex illis bacchatus effusius, ac de imis praecordiis anhelitus crebros referens.

He raves, is carried away, goes mad. Characteristic of those who prophesy. Virgil, Aeneid book 6; Prudentius, Against Symmachus book 3; Apuleius, Milesian Tales book 8: Meanwhile one of them, raving more wildly, and drawing frequent gasps from the depths of his chest.

(—) ‹lemma: Iidem sunt daemones, etc.› · col 534 Iidem sunt daemones, etc. Verum est vetustissimos Graecorum scriptores daemonas et deos promiscue nominare sua idola. Videndi Euripides in prolog. Hippol. de Diana; de Jove Cleanthes editus a F. Ursino; Arianus, lib. VI Ἀνάβας. BARTHIUS.—Ipsi autem daemones et genii iidem erant apud veteres.

The same are demons, etc. It is true that the most ancient Greek writers name their idols daemones and gods indiscriminately. See Euripides in the prologue of the Hippolytus, on Diana; Cleanthes on Jupiter, edited by F. Orsini; Arrian, Anabasis book 6. Barth. — And demons and genii were the same thing among the ancients.

(—) ‹lemma: Horrebunt› · col 534 Horrebunt. Subaudi uterque, scilicet obsessus homo, et vates Apollinis.

They will shudder. Understand each, namely the possessed man and the prophet of Apollo.

(—) ‹lemma: Homero› · col 534 Homero. Vide Homer., Illiad. I, v. 222, et Eusebium, lib. V de Praep. Evang., c. 4.

Homer. See Homer, Iliad 1, line 222, and Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel book 5, ch. 4.

(—) ‹lemma: Daemonibus› · col 534 Daemonibus. Id est, geniis.

Among the demons. That is, the genii.

(—) ‹lemma: Per diversa regionum› · col 534 Per diversa regionum. Hic graecismus mss. est, inter quos sunt duo vet. Reg. et 6 edd. Ms. Ultr. habet per diversam regionem; 1 Reg., 1 Lips. et Brun., per diversas regiones; 1 Bonon. antiq., per diversa religionum; Pal. et 1 Lips., per diversam religionem; rec. 4 Reg., 4 Colbert. et 5 alii, cum vulgatis septem, perversa religione.

Through the different parts of the regions. This Grecism is that of the manuscripts, among which are two old Regius, and of 6 editions. The Ultrajectinus MS has per diversam regionem; 1 Regius, 1 Leipzig and the Brunswick, per diversas regiones; 1 old Bologna, per diversa religionum; the Palatine and 1 Leipzig, per diversam religionem; 4 later Regius, 4 Colbert and 5 others, with seven printed editions, perversa religione ("by a perverse religion").

(—) ‹lemma: Mentitis› · col 534 Mentitis. Passive, ut lib. II, c. 16. Daemones homi- (continues)

Feigned. Passively, as in book 2, ch. 16. Demons… (continues)

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(continued) num credulitatem mentita divinitate deludunt; et infra, mentitis nominibus. Ita Cicero, lib. III Tuscul., c. 24, ementitam opinionem dixit. BUN.

(—) ‹lemma: In lucem veritatis protrahi› · col 535 In lucem veritatis protrahi. Legitur, in lucem veritas protrahi, apud Buneman. qui notam sequentem contexit in hanc variantem. — Restituo veritas, ex Lips. tertio, Reimm. et optimis edd. Torn. 1587, 1613, et Walchio. Ita enim epit. in extr., praef.: In lucem veritas protrahenda est. Plures editi antea: In lucem veritatis protrahi. At secundum lib. III, c. 1: Discussis convictisque erroribus veritas.... clarissimum lumen infert. BUN.

To be drawn out into the light of truth. In Bünemann it reads in lucem veritas protrahi ("the truth to be drawn out into the light"); he composed the following note on this variant. — I restore veritas from the third Leipzig MS, the Reimmann, and the best editions, Tornaesius 1587 and 1613, and Walch. For so the Epitome at the end of its preface: The truth must be drawn out into the light. Most editions before: To be drawn out into the light of truth. But compare book 3, ch. 1: When errors are shaken off and refuted, truth… brings in a very bright light. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Evocent Jovem› · col 535 Evocent Jovem. Non loquitur de evocatione deorum, quos urbium tutelares imperatores obsidentes evocabant: cujus evocationis carmina sunt apud Macrob. lib. III Saturn., cap. 9, et apud Livium, lib. VIII, dec. 1; sed de magia illa, necromantia dicta.

Let them call forth Jupiter. He is not speaking of the calling-forth of gods, the guardians of cities, whom generals besieging them used to call out (the formulas of that calling-forth are in Macrobius, Saturnalia book 3, ch. 9, and in Livy, book 8, decade 1), but of that magic called necromancy.

(—) ‹lemma: Ac Deo› · col 535 Ac Deo. In vetustis edit., Et de Deo.

And God. In the old editions: Et de Deo ("and about God").

(—) ‹lemma: Quia non amplius quam biduo apud inferos fuit› · col 535 Quia non amplius quam biduo apud inferos fuit. Scilicet integro, si numerentur horae quibus absolvitur quilibet dies naturalis; tribus enim a morte diebus incoeptis, non completis, Christus in sepulcro fuit, et hinc tertia die resurrexit, ut habet Symbolum.

Because He was among the dead no more than two days. That is, two whole days, if one counts the hours that make up any natural day; for Christ was in the tomb for three days after His death, begun but not completed, and so rose on the third day, as the Creed has it.

(—) ‹lemma: Hac aliqua› · col 535 Hac aliqua. Ita mss. Regio-Put., 5 al. Reg., 6 Colb., Sorbon., Clarom., Brun., et editi septem. Abest hac a Reg. antiquissimo et 1 Lips. In 1 Bonon. antiq., 3 Reg. rec. et vulgatis novem est hanc aliqua.

By this something. So the Regius-Puteanus MS, 5 other Regius, 6 Colbert, the Sorbonne, Clermont and Brunswick, and seven editions. Hac is absent from the very old Regius and 1 Leipzig. In 1 old Bologna, 3 later Regius and nine printed editions it is hanc aliqua.

(—) ‹lemma: Qui de Deo Filio locutus est multa› · col 535 Qui de Deo Filio locutus est multa. Sic lego ex optimo codice ms. Regio-Put.; quae lectio optimum et clarissimum sensum exhibet. Ms. 1 Bonon. et edit. Gall., Sparck., qui de Deo Patre omnium, de Filio locutus est multa; ms. 1 Reg. antiquissimus, item alii duo Reg. rec. et 8 vulgati, omnia de Filio, etc. Ms. Cauc. 22 alii ac novem impressi, omnia et de Filio, etc. inepte; quis enim de Patre unquam dixit omnia? quae vox certe retineri non potest. Vide igitur Trismegistum in Pimandro, capit. 1 ed. Sublac. habet: Qui de Deo Patre omnia, et de Filio locutus est multa.

Who spoke many things about God the Son. So I read from the best manuscript codex, the Regius-Puteanus; this reading gives the best and clearest sense. 1 Bologna MS and the editions of Gallaeus and Sparke: who spoke about God the Father of all, and many things about the Son; 1 very old Regius MS, likewise two other later Regius and 8 printed editions: all things about the Son, etc. The Cauci MS, 22 others and nine printed editions: all things and about the Son, etc., absurdly; for who ever said all things about the Father? That word certainly cannot be kept. See then Trismegistus in the Pimander, chapter 1. The Subiaco edition has: Who spoke all things about God the Father, and many things about the Son.

(—) ‹lemma: Deum cognoscat› · col 535 Deum cognoscat. Sic Christus apud Joannem: Haec est vita aeterna, ut cognoscant te Deum verum, etc. Agnoscere autem Deum nihil aliud est, quam in Deum credere, et de eo, ut par est, sentire.

That he should know God. So Christ in John: This is eternal life, that they may know Thee, the true God, etc. To acknowledge God is nothing else than to believe in God and to think of Him as is fitting.

(—) ‹lemma: Generanti nos Deo› · col 535 Generanti nos Deo. Mss. sex rec. et totidem editi, generati.

To God who begets us. Six later manuscripts and as many editions: generati ("begotten").

(—) ‹lemma: Obstricti Deo et religati sumus› · col 536 Obstricti Deo et religati sumus. Conjunctionem et restitui ex omnibus mss. praeter quinque, et edit. quatuor; quae conjunctio admittenda est: vide infra quod hominem sibi Deus religaverit, et pietate constrinxerit. Sed et Lactantius, lib. I de Opificio Dei, c. 19, post initium, hominem virtutis sacramento religavit.

We are bound and tied fast to God. I have restored the conjunction et from all the manuscripts except five, and from four editions; this conjunction must be admitted: see below, that God has tied man to Himself and bound him with piety. And also Lactantius, On the Workmanship of God book 1 [sic], ch. 19, after the beginning: He tied man by the sacred oath of virtue.

(—) ‹lemma: Cicero› · col 536 Cicero. Lib. II de Natura deorum, c. 28. Hanc Ciceronis derivationem a relegendo rejicit Lactantius, qui religionis etymon sumit a religando. Cum Lactantio facit S. Ambrosius libro de Virginibus, ubi virgines Deo nuptas quasi religatas ostendit. Hinc enim religionem dictam esse, etymologia re quam voce verior. Manifestius Lactantio adstipulatur Hieronymus in Amos cap. IX, dictam nimirum esse religionem, quod quasi in fascem Domini vincti et religati simus. Verum Augustinus nonnihil variat, ad Ciceronis expositionem propius accedens. Nam in libro de Civit. Dei X, cap. 4, dictam eam quidem putat a religendo, allusione nominis (ut Vives putat) ad manum ex occasione capta. Verba ipsius sunt: Ipse enim fons nostrae beatitudinis, ipse omnis appetitionis est finis. Hunc eligentes, vel potius religentes (amiseramus enim negligentes) hunc ergo religentes, unde et religio dicta perhibetur, ad eum dilectione tendimus, ut perveniendo quiescamus: ideo beati, quia illo fine perfecti. BETULEIUS.

Cicero. On the Nature of the Gods book 2, ch. 28. This derivation of Cicero's from relegere is rejected by Lactantius, who takes the root of religio from religare. St Ambrose sides with Lactantius in his book On Virgins, where he shows virgins wedded to God as bound to Him. That religion is named from this is an etymology truer in substance than in sound. Jerome agrees with Lactantius more plainly, on Amos ch. 9: religion is so called because we are, as it were, bound and tied into the Lord's bundle. But Augustine differs somewhat, coming closer to Cicero's account. For in City of God book 10, ch. 4, he thinks it is named from religere, a play on the name (as Vives thinks) seized from the occasion at hand. His words are: For He is the source of our happiness, He the end of all desire. Choosing Him, or rather choosing Him again (for we had lost Him by neglecting Him) — choosing Him again, then, whence religion is said to be named, we tend towards Him by love, that by arriving we may rest: happy for this reason, because perfected by that end. Betuleius.

(—) ‹lemma: Ita dixit› · col 536 Ita dixit. Manuscriptorum est; dicit ita, editorum.

Thus he said. This is the manuscripts' reading; dicit ita, the editions'.

(—) ‹lemma: Ex eligendo elegantes› · col 536 Ex eligendo elegantes. Eligentes scripsit Buneman., qui hujus variantis sic rationem reddit.—Ex eligendo eligentes. Scripsi eligentes, praeeunte mss. Ciceronis, et in Lactantio mss. Jun., Reimm., Rost., Ven. 1471, utraque 78, 1515, Paris., Crat., Gymn., Torn., 1587, 1613. At Goth.. Lips., Fasit., Gryph., Tornaes. 1548, Thomas. sqq., elegantes, quod quia in multis Ciceronis libris praefertur, nec hic damno. BUN.

Elegantes, from eligere. Bünemann wrote eligentes, and gives his reason for this variant thus. — Eligentes, from eligere. I have written eligentes, following the manuscripts of Cicero, and in Lactantius the Junius, Reimmann and Rostock MSS, and the editions Venice 1471, both of 1478, 1515, Paris, Cratander, Gymnicus, Tornaesius 1587 and 1613. But the Gotha, Leipzig, Fasitelius, Gryphius, Tornaesius 1548, Thomasius and those following have elegantes, which, since it is preferred in many books of Cicero, I do not condemn here either. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Verbis› · col 536 Verbis. Hanc vocem addidi ex omnibus mss. et editis; estque apud Ciceronem. Abest vero a caeteris impressis.

Words. I have added this word from all the manuscripts and editions; and it is in Cicero. But it is absent from the other printed copies.

(—) ‹lemma: Nulla distantia est› · col 536 Nulla distantia est. Non tam in forma, quam in materia, religionis et superstitionis differentia est. Religio consistit in vero ac prudenti veri numinis cultu; superstitio vero est spurius ejusdem cultus. Religio complectitur veram christianae doctrinae pietatem, fidem, vitam, leges, ritus et sacramenta. Superstitio est imbecilli atque anilis animi, qui aut falso adhaeret, aut veritatem colit, sed non ut par est.

There is no difference. The difference between religion and superstition lies not so much in form as in matter. Religion consists in the true and wise worship of the true God; superstition is a counterfeit of that same worship. Religion takes in the true piety, faith, life, laws, rites and sacraments of Christian doctrine. Superstition belongs to a weak, old-womanish mind, which either clings to what is false, or worships the truth, but not as is fitting.

(—) ‹lemma: Si... semel facere› · col 536 Si... semel facere. Ita Hieron. adv. Vigilant. t. II Oper. f. m. 124: Quod enim semel fecisse bonum est, (continues)

If… to do it once. So Jerome, Against Vigilantius, vol. 2 of the Works, fol. m. 124: For what is good to have done once, (continues)

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Printed as VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks, set full width across both columns. Each note is labelled by its lemma; "col" gives the column of the author's text where the lemma stands (inferred from the order of the notes where the lemma is not in the visible text). (—) ‹anchor: (continued from p. 281, Si... semel facere)› · col 536

(continued) non potest malum esse, si frequenter fiat. Nostis reliqua. BUN.

(—) ‹lemma: Hostiae plurimae› · col 537 Hostiae plurimae. Sic reposui ex multis mss. et impressis. In 4 Reg. et Brun. editisque 7 legitur plures.

Very many victims. So I have restored from many manuscripts and printed copies. In 4 Regius MSS, the Brunswick and 7 editions plures ("more") is read.

(—) ‹lemma: Demerentur› · col 537 Demerentur. Optima quamplurimorum mss. et 9 editorum lectio, quam Amanuenses ignari corruperunt in 2 Colbert., in Tornesiano ac 2 Clarom. substituentes, Deum merentur; in 1 Colbert. et 4 excusis obsequia merentur. — Demerentur potius, quam offendunt. Lips. 2, 3, Reimm. et Torn., mss. ad marg. 1587: Deum merentur potius quam offendunt. Non possum temere repudiare, memor Tertulliani Apolog., c. 21 quibus edocebantur, De promerendo Deo, et non offendendo. BUN.

They win favour. The excellent reading of very many manuscripts and 9 editions, which ignorant copyists corrupted in 2 Colbert MSS, the Tornesius and 2 Clermont, substituting Deum merentur ("they earn God"); in 1 Colbert and 4 printed editions, obsequia merentur. — They win favour rather than offend. Leipzig 2 and 3, Reimmann, and Tornaesius 1587 with manuscripts in the margin: They earn God rather than offend him. I cannot rashly reject it, mindful of Tertullian, Apology ch. 21, (the things) in which they were taught about winning God's favour, and not offending him. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Nomen reprehensibile suscipiat› · col 537 Nomen reprehensibile suscipiat. Mss. 11 rec. et 16 edit., accipiat.

Should take on a blameworthy name. 11 later manuscripts and 16 editions: accipiat ("receive").

(—) ‹lemma: Deos magis honorat› · col 537 Deos magis honorat. Ex mss. veterrimis 1 Bonon., 1 Reg. aliisque sex et editis 4 reposui magis, quod melius sane quadrat, quam satis, quod est in caeteris.

Honours the gods more. From the very old manuscripts 1 Bologna, 1 Regius and six others, and 4 editions, I have restored magis, which certainly fits better than satis ("enough"), which is in the rest.

(—) ‹lemma: Non quemadmodum colas› · col 537 Non quemadmodum colas. Quod minus bene a Lactantio dictum est, qua de re vide S. Augustinum l. IV de Civ. Dei, c. 30. Religiosum a superstitioso optime discernitur: superstitiosus pertimescit Deum ut hostem, at religiosus Deum veneratur ut parentem.

Not how you worship. This is said less well by Lactantius; on this matter see St Augustine, City of God book 4, ch. 30. The religious man is best distinguished from the superstitious: the superstitious man dreads God as an enemy, but the religious man reveres God as a parent.

(—) ‹lemma: Quid precere› · col 537 Quid precere. Mss. 6 rec. totidemque editi, preceris.

What you pray for. 6 later manuscripts and as many editions: preceris.

(—) ‹lemma: Melius ergo› · col 537 Melius ergo. Mss. 9 rec. et edit. 7, Eo melius ergo.

Better, then. 9 later manuscripts and 7 editions: Eo melius ergo ("so much the better, then").

(—) ‹lemma: Lucretius› · col 537 Lucretius. Haec Lucretii verba ex libro I de Rerum Natur. jam recitata fuerunt supra libro I, cap. 16.

Lucretius. These words of Lucretius, from On the Nature of Things book 1, were already quoted above, book 1, ch. 16.

(—) ‹lemma: Qui ait› · col 537 Qui ait. Manuscriptorum est, et 4 edit. In 11 vulgatis est quia ait; male.

Who says. This is the reading of the manuscripts and of 4 editions. In 11 printed editions it is quia ait ("because he says"); wrongly.

(—) ‹lemma: Colebant imagines› · col 538 Colebant imagines. Nonnulli mss. et edd., celebrant, quod nihil hic loci significare potest.

They worshipped images. Some manuscripts and editions: celebrant, which can mean nothing in this place.

(—) ‹lemma: Ut deorum vice› · col 538 Ut deorum vice. Ita quamplurimi et antiquissimi mss. et 8 excusi. In 9 scriptis et 11 editis est, in deorum vicem; 3 rec., vices.

As in the place of gods. So very many and very old manuscripts and 8 printed editions. In 9 manuscripts and 11 editions it is in deorum vicem; 3 later ones, vices.

(—) ‹lemma: Vana superstitio, etc.› · col 538 Vana superstitio, etc. Sunt verba Evandri ad Aeneam, libro Aeneidos VIII, quo loco Servius aliam quam Lactantius, sive Cicero, hujus vocis rationem affert: Superstitio, inquit, est timor superfluus et delirus, aut ab aniculis dicta, quae multis superstites per aetatem delirant, et stultae sunt: aut secundum Lucretium superstitio est superstantium rerum, id est coelestium et divinarum, quae super nos stant, inanis et superfluus timor. Haec ille. Lex erat: Separatim nemo habessit deos, neve novos, sive advenas, nisi publice adscitos, privatim colunto.

Empty superstition, etc. These are the words of Evander to Aeneas, Aeneid book 8, at which place Servius gives another account of this word than Lactantius or Cicero: Superstition, he says, is a superfluous and crazed fear; or it is named from old women who, surviving (superstites) many through age, are crazed and foolish; or, according to Lucretius, superstition is an empty and superfluous fear of things standing above (superstantium), that is, of heavenly and divine things, which stand over us. So he. There was a law: Let no one have gods of his own apart, nor worship privately new or foreign gods, unless publicly admitted.

(—) ‹lemma: Fortasse› · col 538 Fortasse. Caput istud videtur scriptum, vel contra Paulum Samosatensem, vel contra Arrianam haeresim.

Perhaps. This chapter seems to have been written either against Paul of Samosata or against the Arian heresy.

(—) ‹lemma: Quaerat› · col 538 Quaerat. Heuman. legit quaeret.

May ask. Heumann reads quaeret ("will ask").

(—) ‹lemma: Impegit› · col 538 Impegit. Ita mss. et editi. Mss. Cauc., 3 Reg. et edit. octo, impingit.

Has driven. So the manuscripts and editions. The Cauci MS, 3 Regius and eight editions: impingit ("drives").

(—) ‹lemma: Labare nos› · col 538 Labare nos. Sic quamplurimi mss. et 16 excusi. Id est, vacillare, seu potius errare. Scripti 6 rec. et 2 vet. edit. Rom., laborare; mss. 7 rec., labore; Regio-Put. a prima manu, 2 Bonon. et Tax., labere nos.

That we totter. So very many manuscripts and 16 printed editions. That is, waver, or rather go astray. 6 later manuscripts and 2 old Roman editions: laborare; 7 later manuscripts: labore; the Regius-Puteanus in the first hand, 2 Bologna and the Taxian: labere nos.

(—) ‹lemma: Nec Pater sine Filio esse potest, nec Filius a Patre secerni› · col 538 Nec Pater sine Filio esse potest, nec Filius a Patre secerni. Ita mss. Regio-Put., Cauc., Jun., 5 Colb., Pal., 1 Lips., Em., Cant., 1 Sorbon., 2 Clarom., Brun. et 14 vet. edit. In quibusdam editis deest esse. At in 1 Bon. antiq., 3 Reg., 1 Lips., 1 Colb. et ed. Is., nec Pater a Filio potest, nec Filius a Patre secerni. Id contra Arianos dictum fuisse existimo.—Quam scripturam confirmat Epit. c. 49 fin.: Neutrum sibi relinquit, qui aut Patr. a Fil., aut Fil. a Patr. secernit. BUN.

Neither can the Father be without the Son, nor the Son be separated from the Father. So the Regius-Puteanus, Cauci, Junius, 5 Colbert, Palatine, 1 Leipzig, Emmanuel, Cambridge, 1 Sorbonne, 2 Clermont and Brunswick MSS, and 14 old editions. In some editions esse is lacking. But in 1 old Bologna, 3 Regius, 1 Leipzig, 1 Colbert and the edition of Isaeus: neither can the Father be separated from the Son, nor the Son from the Father. I think this was said against the Arians. — This reading is confirmed by the Epitome ch. 49 at the end: He leaves himself neither, who separates either the Father from the Son or the Son from the Father. Bünemann.

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Printed as VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks, set full width across both columns. Each note is labelled by its lemma; "col" gives the column of the author's text where the lemma stands (inferred from the order of the notes where the lemma is not in the visible text). (—) ‹lemma: Pater Filium faciat, et Filius Patrem› · col 539 Pater Filium faciat, et Filius Patrem. Relative scilicet. Ita mss. 10 Reg., 2 Bon., 6 Colb., 1 Sorbon., Em., Cant., 2 Clarom., 2 Brun. et alii, cum 13 vet. editis mss., Cauc. et nonnulli rec. vulgati, et Filius fiat.—Et Pater Filium faciat, et Filius Patrem. At quin (respondet Tertullianus adv. Prax., c. 10): Pater Filium facit, et Patrem Filius. BUN.

The Father makes the Son, and the Son the Father. Relatively, that is. So the manuscripts 10 Regius, 2 Bologna, 6 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, Emmanuel, Cambridge, 2 Clermont, 2 Brunswick and others, with 13 old editions; the manuscripts Cauci and some later printed editions: and the Son is made. — And the Father makes the Son, and the Son the Father. Indeed (Tertullian answers, Against Praxeas ch. 10): The Father makes the Son, and the Son the Father. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Una substantia est› · col 539 Una substantia est. Filius una substantia cum Patre; id contra Arium. Quamvis Lactantius videatur catholicus circa Verbi divinitatem, nimis tamen balbutit, quia summum istud mysterium comparationibus naturalibus explicare conatur.

There is one substance. The Son is one substance with the Father; this against Arius. Although Lactantius seems catholic on the divinity of the Word, he nonetheless stammers too much, because he tries to explain that supreme mystery by natural comparisons.

(—) ‹lemma: Aeque nec› · col 539 Aeque nec. Omnium mss. est; aeque neque editorum, quod ingrate sonat.

Equally not. This is the reading of all the manuscripts; aeque neque, of the editions, which sounds unpleasant.

(—) ‹lemma: Ministra› · col 539 Ministra. Perperam sex mss. rec. et 12 editi recentiores addebant est, quod tres vet. edd. Rom. et mss. quamplurimi respuunt; et mox sequitur sunt.

Minister. Wrongly six later manuscripts and 12 more recent editions added est, which three old Roman editions and very many manuscripts reject; and sunt follows soon after.

(—) ‹lemma: Superius› · col 539 Superius. Scilicet hujus libri IV, cap. 13, ex capite XLIV et XLV Isaiae.

Above. Namely in this book 4, ch. 13, from chapters 44 and 45 of Isaiah.

(—) ‹lemma: Praeter me non est Deus› · col 539 Praeter me non est Deus. Ita mss. et quamplures editi. Et recte quidem, nec aliter infra Lactantius. In 6 excusis, praeter me nemo est Deus.

Besides Me there is no God. So the manuscripts and very many editions. And rightly indeed; nor does Lactantius read otherwise below. In 6 printed editions: besides Me no one is God.

(—) ‹lemma: Quia quidquid est in Patre, etc.› · col 539 Quia quidquid est in Patre, etc. Sic etiam Christus Salvator noster, Johann. X, vers. 30: Ego et Pater unum sumus. Atque hinc est quod et alibi dicat, nempe apud eumdem Johannem cap. III, vers. 35: Pater diligit Filium, et omnia dedit in manu ejus.

Because whatever is in the Father, etc. So too Christ our Saviour, John 10:30: I and the Father are one. And hence it is that He says elsewhere too, namely in the same John, 3:35: The Father loves the Son, and has given all things into His hand.

(—) ‹lemma: Ne Patrem quidem› · col 540 Ne Patrem quidem. Subauditur verbum colit, quod immediate praecessit. 1 Reg. rec. et 6 impressi, nec. In 7 scriptis rec. et 4 vulgatis est, nec Patrem quidem colit. In 8 manu exaratis et 3 vet. edd. Rom., ne Patrem quidem colit.

Not even the Father. The verb colit ("worships"), which immediately preceded, is understood. 1 later Regius MS and 6 printed editions: nec. In 7 later manuscripts and 4 printed editions it is nec Patrem quidem colit. In 8 handwritten copies and 3 old Roman editions: ne Patrem quidem colit.

(—) ‹lemma: Is vero cum Filio simul› · col 540 Is vero cum Filio simul. Mss. 7 rec. et totidem editi, is vere. At caeteri mss. et tres vulgati habent, is vero.

But he, together with the Son. 7 later manuscripts and as many editions: is vere ("he truly"). But the other manuscripts and three printed editions have is vero.

(—) ‹lemma: Luce› · col 540 Luce. Ita omnes mss. et editi codices. Isaeus legendum esse censebat, latice.

Light. So all the manuscripts and printed copies. Isaeus thought latice ("water") should be read.

(—) ‹lemma: Et haereses haberent existere› · col 540 Et haereses haberent existere. Sic ferunt mss. et impressi, praeter Goth. cui deest, et haereses; Cauc., quod plurimae sectae existerent. Pro haberent edit. Ald., deberent; et ita legendum esse existimabat Gallaeus. Quin immo haereses haberent existere, vera lectio est. Sic enim loqui amat Lactantius ejusdem libri IV cap. 12, circa medium, carne indui haberet in terra; lib. VII cap. 6, ante finem, habent dicere. Et apud Ciceronem, habeo polliceri, lib. I epist. 5, ad Lentulum; et habeo scribere, lib. II, epist. 22, ad Attic. Quod oporteat haereses esse, haec ait Paulus I ad Corinth. cap. XI, XIX. Oportet haereses esse in vobis, ut qui probati sunt, manifesti fiant inter vos. Vide et II Petri, cap. II, I.

And heresies were to arise. So the manuscripts and printed copies, except the Gotha, which lacks et haereses; the Cauci: that very many sects would arise. For haberent the Aldine edition has deberent; and Gallaeus thought it should be so read. But in fact haereses haberent existere is the true reading. For Lactantius likes to speak so: in the same book 4, ch. 12, about the middle, He was to be clothed with flesh on earth; book 7, ch. 6, before the end, they have to say. And in Cicero, I have to promise, Letters book 1, letter 5, to Lentulus; and I have to write, book 2, letter 22, to Atticus. That there must be heresies, Paul says this, 1 Corinthians 11:19: There must be heresies among you, that those who are approved may be made manifest among you. See also 2 Peter 2:1.

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Printed as VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks, set full width across both columns. Each note is labelled by its lemma; "col" gives the column of the author's text where the lemma stands (inferred from the order of the notes where the lemma is not in the visible text). (—) ‹lemma: Stabilita fide› · col 541 Stabilita fide. Mss. 1 Lips. et Goth., stabiliti fide: Brun., stabiles fide..

With faith established. The manuscripts 1 Leipzig and Gotha: stabiliti fide ("established in faith"); the Brunswick: stabiles fide ("steadfast in faith").

(—) ‹lemma: Discidium› · col 541 Discidium. Ita veteres editiones. — Discidium facerent unitatis. Edo discidium (a discindere) Ex Lips. tert., Reimm., quibus proxime Ven. 1471 et utraque 1478: descidium. Ita sane postulant verba, Concordiam rumperent, et voces, unitatis... dissiparent, et frequens in hoc capite imitatio ex Cypriano de Unitate Eccles. Ed. Oxon. f. 105: Haereses invenit et schismata, quibus... scinderet unitatem; et fol. 119, Scindi unitas non potest, nec corpus unum discidio (Gryph. dissidio, prave) compaginis separari. Idem Epist. 59, Oxon. fol. 129, ed. Erasm. l. I, ep. 3: Nemo discidio unitatis Ecclesiam scinderet. BUN.

Rending. So the old editions. — Should make a rending of unity. I publish discidium (from discindere) from the third Leipzig MS and the Reimmann, nearest to which are Venice 1471 and both of 1478: descidium. So indeed the words should break concord require, and the expressions of unity… should scatter, and the frequent imitation in this chapter of Cyprian, On the Unity of the Church, Oxford ed. fol. 105: He invented heresies and schisms, by which… he might cut unity; and fol. 119: Unity cannot be cut, nor the one body be separated by a rending (Gryphius dissidio, wrongly) of its frame. The same, Letter 59, Oxford fol. 129, Erasmus's ed. book 1, letter 3: Let no one cut the Church by a rending of unity. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Quam eos ferre praepositos› · col 541 Quam eos ferre praepositos. Pro quam, est nec in ms. Bononiensi perantiquo; pro ferre est facere in 5 vet. excusis. Haec ad Novatianum spectare videntur.— Quam eos ferre praepositos. Bon., nec eos ferre praepositos. Praepositorum (Ecclesiae) multa fit mentio in Cypriano, e. g. l. I, ep. 3, 4, 5, 11 et alibi ed. Erasmi: sic ep. 59, ed. Oxon. f. 130, Ecclesiae praepositum persequi. BUN.

Than to bear them as their leaders. For quam there is nec in the very old Bologna MS; for ferre there is facere in 5 old printed editions. These words seem to refer to Novatian. — Than to bear them as leaders. Bologna: nec eos ferre praepositos ("nor to bear them as leaders"). The leaders (of the Church) are often mentioned in Cyprian, e.g. book 1, letters 3, 4, 5, 11 and elsewhere in Erasmus's edition; so letter 59, Oxford ed. fol. 130: to persecute the leader of the Church. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Deus in uterum mulieris includeretur› · col 541 Deus in uterum mulieris includeretur. Ita mss. Regio-Put., 3 Colbert., Em., Cant., 1 Lips. et 3 vet. editiones Romanae ac Cellar. Walch. rectius et aptius, quam Deus in uterum se mulieris includeret, quod est 7 scriptorum et 13 impressorum. In 1 Reg. antiquiss., incluserit, non male, ob id quod sequitur, potuisse deduci.

That God should be shut up in a woman's womb. So the manuscripts Regius-Puteanus, 3 Colbert, Emmanuel, Cambridge, 1 Leipzig, and 3 old Roman editions and Cellarius and Walch — more correctly and fittingly than that God should shut himself up in a woman's womb, which is the reading of 7 manuscripts and 13 printed copies. In 1 very old Regius: incluserit, not badly, because of what follows, could be brought down.

(—) ‹lemma: Prophetae, et ipse praedixerat› · col 541 Prophetae, et ipse praedixerat. Mss. 5 rec. et edit. Rom. 1470, praedixerant. At tali locutione verbi singulariter expressi utitur passim in scriptis suis Lactantius.

The prophets, and he himself had foretold. 5 later manuscripts and the Roman edition of 1470: praedixerant ("they had foretold"). But Lactantius uses this construction, with the verb in the singular, throughout his writings.

(—) ‹lemma: Phryges› · col 542 Phryges. Sunt Cataphryges, de quibus Eusebius, Hist. eccles. lib. V, cap. 3, 14 et seqq. His nomen provincia Phrygia dedit, quia ibi extiterunt, ibique vixerunt. Eorum auctores fuerunt Montanus tamquam Paracletus, et duae prophetissae ipsius insanae, Priscilla et Maximilla. Utrumque Testamentum tenebant, Epiphanio teste, sentiebantque nos debere χαρίσματα, id est dona prophetiae suscipere. Fuerunt juxta Epiphanium Antonini Pii anno 9, hoc est aerae christianae 148, juxta Eusebium autem anno 11 Antonini Veri, hoc est Christi 174. Vide et Nicephor., lib. IV, cap. 25, et Augustin. lib. de Haeres. n. 26.

Phrygians. They are the Cataphrygians, on whom Eusebius, Church History book 5, ch. 3, 14 and following. The province of Phrygia gave them their name, because they arose there and lived there. Their founders were Montanus, as the Paraclete, and his two mad prophetesses, Priscilla and Maximilla. They held both Testaments, on Epiphanius's witness, and thought that we ought to receive χαρίσματα, that is, gifts of prophecy. They arose, according to Epiphanius, in the 9th year of Antoninus Pius, that is, 148 of the Christian era; but according to Eusebius in the 11th year of Antoninus Verus, that is, 174 of Christ. See also Nicephorus, book 4, ch. 25, and Augustine, book On Heresies n. 26.

(—) ‹lemma: Novatiani› · col 542 Novatiani. Qui se Catharos, quasi puros et immunes a peccatis, superbissime atque odiosissime nominabant, cum, teste Hieronymo, omnium fuerint pollutissimi. Secundas nuptias non admittebant, poenitentiam peccantibus post baptismum denegabant, ad se venientes ex catholica Ecclesia rebaptizabant, Novatum sectantes haereticum, vel etiam Novatianum, Romanae Ecclesiae presbyterum schismaticum, Cornelii papae competitorem. S. Cyprian. epist. 8, l. II, Epiphan. haeres. 60; August. haeres. 38; Raban. Inst. cleric. lib. II, cap. 58.

Novatians. Who most arrogantly and odiously called themselves Cathari, as pure and free from sins, though, on Jerome's witness, they were the most defiled of all. They did not admit second marriages, refused penance to those who sinned after baptism, and rebaptized those who came to them from the Catholic Church, following the heretic Novatus, or else Novatian, the schismatic priest of the Roman Church and rival of Pope Cornelius. St Cyprian, letter 8, book 2; Epiphanius, heresy 60; Augustine, heresy 38; Rabanus, Institution of Clerics book 2, ch. 58.

(—) ‹lemma: Valentiniani› · col 542 Valentiniani. A Valentino, qui vivebat sub Antonino Pio, anno 146. Triginta aeonas, seu saecula, extitisse asserebant, quorum principium esset profundum; a quo profundo, id est a Patre, Christum missum dicebant spirituale, vel coeleste corpus attulisse, nihilque assumpsisse de virgine Maria; sed per illam, tamquam per rimam aut per fistulam, sine ulla de illa assumpta carne transisse. Negabant etiam resurrectionem carnis. Gnosticos, quasi summa scientia praeditos, vel illuminatos seipsos appellabant (Augustinus haeres. 11). Contra illos potissimum Irenaeus et Tertullianus scripserunt.

Valentinians. From Valentinus, who lived under Antoninus Pius, in the year 146. They asserted that thirty aeons, or ages, had existed, whose beginning was the Depth; they said that Christ, sent from that Depth, that is from the Father, had brought a spiritual or heavenly body, and had taken nothing from the Virgin Mary, but had passed through her as through a crack or a pipe, without taking any flesh from her. They also denied the resurrection of the flesh. They called themselves Gnostics, as endowed with the highest knowledge, or enlightened (Augustine, heresy 11). Irenaeus and Tertullian above all wrote against them.

(—) ‹lemma: Marcionitae› · col 542 Marcionitae. Marcion Ponticus Cerdonis secutus est dogma de duobus principiis. Vide Irenaeum, lib. I, cap. 26, Tertullian. et Epiphanium. Vixit Marcion Antonini Pii temporibus.

Marcionites. Marcion of Pontus followed Cerdo's teaching of two first principles. See Irenaeus, book 1, ch. 26, Tertullian and Epiphanius. Marcion lived in the times of Antoninus Pius.

(—) ‹lemma: Anthropiani› · col 542 Anthropiani. Isaeus eos intelligit, qui Jesum Christum ψιλὸν (id est purum) dumtaxat hominem fuisse pronuntiabant, ut Ebion et Cerinthus: ii tamen hoc nomine censeri possunt, qui Deum corporeum finxere, ut Badiani et Antropomorphitae, qui Deum sibi fingebant cogitatione carnalem in similitudinem imaginis corruptibilis hominis. De quibus vide Alphonsum a Castro, fol. 145, edit. Antwerp. SPARK.— Anthropiani. Horum mentio in Cypriani, ep. 73, ed. Oxon. f. 200. Diversi ab Anthropomorphitis, negantes Christum Deum, hominem nudum asserebant, uti Sparkio et Cellario accuratius Isaeus docuit, cui adstipulatur Ittigius in diss. de haeresiarch. saec. I et II, sect. I, c. 6, pag. 62, 63, eosdem homuncionitas aliis dictos credens. BUN.

Anthropians. Isaeus understands by them those who declared that Jesus Christ was ψιλόν (that is, mere) man only, like Ebion and Cerinthus; yet those may be counted under this name who imagined God as bodily, like the Audians and Anthropomorphites, who in carnal thought pictured God to themselves in the likeness of the image of corruptible man. On whom see Alfonso de Castro, fol. 145, Antwerp edition. Sparke. — Anthropians. They are mentioned in Cyprian, letter 73, Oxford ed. fol. 200. Distinct from the Anthropomorphites, they denied that Christ is God and asserted him a mere man, as Isaeus showed more accurately than Sparke and Cellarius; Ittig agrees with him in his dissertation on the heresiarchs of the 1st and 2nd centuries, sect. 1, ch. 6, pp. 62–63, believing them to be the same as those called Homuncionites by others. Bünemann.

(—) ‹lemma: Aut Ariani› · col 542 Aut Ariani. Haec verba repudiat Isaeus tamquam a quodam posteriore addita, quia, inquit, cum Lactantius scriberet, nondum notum fuerit Arianorum nomen. Sed si absunt a mss. antiquissimis 1 Bonon., 2 Reg. et Cauc., ab alio item Regio rec., Marm., et 1 Clarom. ac tribus editis, reperiuntur in 40 et amplius mss. ac 14 vulgatis: quare ea reliquimus in textu. Innotuisse illam Arianorum haeresim circa annum 315 dicit Isaeus, et Lactantium ad scribendum fuisse extimulatum anno 302. Verum cardinalis Baronius, Betuleius, Baluzius, aliique aliter sentiunt, et nostram lectionem tot mss. ac veteribus editis confirmatam probant ac defendunt. Isaei assertio hoc nititur fundamento, quod nempe Lactantius scripserit anno 302 (continues)

Or Arians. Isaeus rejects these words as added by some later hand, because, he says, when Lactantius was writing the name of the Arians was not yet known. But though they are absent from the very old manuscripts 1 Bologna, 2 Regius and the Cauci, from another, later Regius, the Marmoutier and 1 Clermont, and from three editions, they are found in 40 and more manuscripts and 14 printed editions; so we have left them in the text. Isaeus says that the Arian heresy became known about the year 315, and that Lactantius was spurred to write in the year 302. But Cardinal Baronius, Betuleius, Baluze and others think otherwise, and approve and defend our reading, confirmed by so many manuscripts and old editions. Isaeus's assertion rests on this foundation, namely that Lactantius wrote in the year 302 (continues)

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Printed as VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks, set full width across both columns, ending the notes on Book IV. Below them the page carries the editors' ANALYSIS LIBRI QUINTI. DE JUSTITIA (a synopsis of Book V). That is editors' matter, not a footnote, and is not set here. GAP WARNING: on this page the notes begin above the top edge of both foot images. The opening of the continued note Aut Ariani has been filled from the column image (c543_1), which shows the head of the left half. The lines at the head of the right-hand half are still only partly visible (cut off at the right edge): they open with a line beginning "neque r…", which probably ends Hoc domicilium fidei, followed by a lemma beginning "Quo …". This gap is marked [… not visible …] and must be filled from the full page. (—) ‹anchor: (continued from p. 284, Aut Ariani)› · col 542

(continued) suos Divinarum Institutionum libros. At Lactantium eos scripsisse, vel dedicasse anno 316, vel circiter, Betuleius aliique contendunt; Tillemontius vero non ante annum 321, ob rationes a se allatas Histor. eccles., tom. VI, pag. 208, quem adire non pigeat. In Oriente septem Divin. Institutionum libros primo prodiisse nonnulli volunt; secundo circa annum 321, aut serius in Occidente; et scriptos antea, a Lactantio recognitos et interpolatos, ac Constantino Magno dedicatos post tempus quo furebat odiosa crudelitas. Vide lib. V, cap. 2. Scribo autem Ariani cum simplici r, ut solent Graeci, siquidem Graecus erat Arius; et quomodo ejus scriberetur nomen, Graecis fuit magis notum, quam Latinis. Et sic scriptum reperio in mss. 4 Reg., 1 Sorbon., 1 Colb., Gat., 1 Clar., Em., Cant. et in edit. Cellar. — Aut Ariani. Leguntur, teste Isaeo, in vaticanis et aliis mss. in his Bonon. altero, Taxaq. Pen. auctore Baronio, in novem vaticanis, duobus vallicellanae bibliothecae; fide Baluzii, in Ultr., Jun., Palat., quatuor biblioth. Reg. Paris. et in sex Colbertinis; in septem Anglicanis, tribus Lips., Goth., Reim. et in Guelferbytanis, quos vidi, et omnibus omnino ante Thomasium editis. Rationibus in utramque partem perpensis, Baluzius ad principium Notarum auctiorum in lib. de Mort. Pers. pro genuinis habet, cui aliisque summis viris libenter subscribimus. BUN.

(—) ‹lemma: Hoc domicilium fidei› · col 544 Hoc domicilium fidei. Editi habent; Hoc est etc. Sed verbum est expunxi, quod eleganter a mss. abest, [… not visible in the foot image: the right half opens "neque r…", then a note whose lemma begins "Quo …" …] praeter 1 Bonon. antiq. et edit Gymnic., Soubron., 2 Paris., Torn., quibus est quod.

This is the dwelling of faith. The editions have Hoc est, etc. But I have struck out the verb est, which is elegantly absent from the manuscripts, [… not visible …] except the old Bologna MS and the editions of Gymnicus, Soubron, 2 Paris ones and Tornaesius, which have quod.

(—) ‹lemma: In qua est confessio et poenitentia, quae peccata...... salubriter curat› · col 544 In qua est confessio et poenitentia, quae peccata...... salubriter curat. Diriguntur haec spicula contra Novatianum, et ejus sectatores, qui in peccatum lapsos ad poenitentiam non recipiebant, remissionem peccatorum in Ecclesia non reperiri, eique claves aperiendi atque solvendi a Christo datas fuisse negantes: qua de re vide Pacian. epist. I ad Sympronianum, S. Augustinum de Agone Christ. cap. 31. ISAEUS.

In which there is confession and penance, which… heals sins wholesomely. These darts are aimed at Novatian and his followers, who did not receive to penance those who had fallen into sin, denying that remission of sins is found in the Church, and that the keys of opening and loosing were given to her by Christ: on which see Pacian, letter 1 to Sympronianus, and St Augustine, On the Christian Combat ch. 31. Isaeus.

(—) ‹lemma: Et uberius› · col 544 Et uberius. Sic emendavimus ex mss. 2 Reg. 900 annor., ex altero Reg. 400 annor. optimae notae, duobus Brun., 1 Lips. et Ultr. In aliis mss. et editis, praeter Lipsiensem, corrupte legitur verius. Quis enim putet tam absurdum fuisse Lactantium, ut in eis, quae ante proposuit, se non satis vere scripsisse affirmet, in alio scripto verius acturus? Caeterum istud separatum propriumque opus contra haereses, seu, ut ait Lactantius, contra omnes mendaciorum sectas, si extitit unquam, ad nostram usque aetatem non pervenit. — Plenius et uberius. Frequenter veteres has voces jungunt, ut Cicero de Clar. Orat., cap. 33, Nemo plenior et uberior ad dicendum fuit. Orat. 2, Philipp. 1: Quid plenius, quid uberius. Caesar 1, B. Civ., c. 53: Haec pleniora etiam et uberiora perscribebant. BUN.

And more fully. So we have corrected from the manuscripts 2 Regius of 900 years, another Regius of 400 years of the best quality, two Brunswick, 1 Leipzig and the Ultrajectinus. In the other manuscripts and editions, apart from the Leipzig, verius ("more truly") is corruptly read. For who would think Lactantius so absurd as to declare that in what he set out before he had not written truly enough, and would treat it more truly in another writing? For the rest, that separate and special work against heresies, or, as Lactantius says, against all the sects of lies, if it ever existed, has not come down to our age. — More amply and more fully. The ancients often join these words, as Cicero, Brutus ch. 33: No one was more ample and more full in speaking. Second Philippic 1: What more ample, what more full. Caesar, Civil War book 1, ch. 53: They wrote these things more amply and more fully. Bünemann.

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