L. Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius, Divinarum institutionum liber V, De justitia

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Constantine Imperator Maxime› · lemma in col 546

Constantine imperator Maxime. Tria haec verba absunt a mss. 1 Bonon. antiq., 1 Reg., Pal., 1 Lips. et edit. Is.; extant autem in caeteris tum scriptis, tum editis. Hoc primum caput est veluti praefatio totius (continues)

"Constantine, most great emperor." These three words are missing from the manuscripts: the older Bologna 1, Regius 1, the Palatine, Leipzig 1, and the Isaeus edition; but they are present in the rest, both manuscript and printed. This first chapter is as it were the preface of the whole (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Constantine Imperator Maxime› · col 547

libri, in quo queritur de christiani nominis persecutoribus, quod indicta causa supplicium de innoxiis christianis sumere pergant. Idem prorsus est argumentum cum Apologetico Tertulliani.

(continued) book, in which he complains of the persecutors of the Christian name, that they go on inflicting punishment on innocent Christians with their case unheard. The argument is exactly the same as that of Tertullian's Apology.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Immensi rector› · col 547

Immensi rector. 1 Colb. a secunda manu, et 6 edit. ferunt, immensi operis rector, 1 Colbert. rec. et 1 Brun., universi rector. Lactant. lib. II, cap. 5, universi artifex; et cap. 17, rector universi.

"Ruler of the immeasurable." Colbert 1 in a second hand and six editions have "ruler of the immeasurable work"; the more recent Colbert 1 and Brunswick 1, "ruler of the universe." Lactantius, book II, chapter 5, "maker of the universe"; and chapter 17, "ruler of the universe."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Impatientes› · col 547

Impatientes. Rost., Ven. 1471, 72, utraque 78, prave impartientes; hinc Heuman. impotentes rescribit. At mss. Guelf., Lips., Goth., Reimm., Ven. 1493, 97, Parrh., Paris.; reliqui, impatientes, quod servo ob sequentia, legat patienter aut audiat. Bun.

"Impatient." The Rostock edition, Venice 1471 and 72, and both of 1478 wrongly read "impartientes"; hence Heumann rewrites "impotentes." But the Wolfenbüttel, Leipzig, Gotha and Reimmann manuscripts, Venice 1493 and 97, Parrhasius, Paris, and the rest have "impatientes," which I keep because of what follows, "let him read patiently or hear." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Humanitatis jure› · col 547

Humanitatis jure. Id est, jure gentium, aut etiam naturae.

"By the law of humanity." That is, by the law of nations, or even of nature.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ut non prius damnet› · col 547

Ut non prius damnet. Aperte in his sequentibus Tertullianum sequitur in Apolog. cap. 1: Unum gestit (veritas) interdum, ne ignorata damnetur. Item Minuc. Fel., cap. 27, fin.: Ut ante nos incipiant homines odisse, quam nosse; ne cognitos aut imitari possint aut damnare non possint. His similia dat Lindenbr. ad Ammiani, l. XV, c. 7, pag. 99: Nec visum hominem nec auditum damnare nefas ultimum, etc. Bun.

"That he not condemn before." In what follows he plainly follows Tertullian, Apology chapter 1: "One thing (truth) sometimes longs for, not to be condemned unknown." Likewise Minucius Felix, end of chapter 27: "So that men begin to hate us before they know us, lest, knowing us, they should either be able to imitate us or be unable to condemn us." Lindenbrog gives similar passages on Ammianus, book XV, chapter 7, page 99: "To condemn a man neither seen nor heard is the ultimate wrong," etc. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Cognoverit› · col 547

Cognoverit. Nam si christianum esse tunc causa capitalis erat, jure gentium requirebatur plenissima causae cognitio, ut jureconsulti tradunt.

"Has examined." For if being a Christian was then a capital charge, the law of nations required the fullest examination of the case, as the jurists teach.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nam si sacrilegis› · col 547

Nam si sacrilegis, etc. Aristides altera in Platonem orat. laudat illud, Πάταξον μὲν, ἄκουσον δέ. Lex fuit Lycurgi περὶ ἀκρίτων, ut eam vocat Sext. Empiric. III, quae de indemnatis supplicium sumi vetabat, ait Val. Max. VII, cap. 3, 12. Vide etiam Ambros. epistol. 28; Salvian., lib. VIII; Augustin. epist. 50 et 372. Grotius. — Tacitus II Annal.: Nec enim prohibendus reus, quominus cuncta proferat, quibus innocentia ejus sublevari possit. In Senecae Apolog.: Dic mihi, etc., quare quemquam ex his quos quasque occidisti, antequam de causa cognosceres, antequam audires damnasti.

"For if to the sacrilegious," etc. Aristides, in his second oration against Plato, praises the saying "Strike, but hear." There was a law of Lycurgus "concerning the unjudged," as Sextus Empiricus III calls it, which forbade punishment to be inflicted on the uncondemned, says Valerius Maximus VII, chapter 3, 12. See also Ambrose, letter 28; Salvian, book VIII; Augustine, letters 50 and 372. Grotius. — Tacitus, Annals II: "For the accused must not be prevented from bringing forward everything by which his innocence may be relieved." In Seneca's Apocolocyntosis: "Tell me," etc., "why did you condemn any of those men and women you killed before you examined the case, before you heard them?"

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ut si quis erit ille, qui› · col 547

Ut si quis erit ille, qui. Apparet in reliquis imitatio Ciceronis ex Actione 1 in Verr., c. 18: Si quis erit, qui... desideret, audiet. Non male ed. Paris. 1513, in Lactantio verba (si quis erit) parenthesi includit, qua ratione reliqua bene fluunt. Bun.

"So that if there is anyone who." In the rest an imitation of Cicero appears, from the first Action against Verres, chapter 18: "If there is anyone who … wishes, he shall hear." The Paris edition of 1513 does not do badly in enclosing the words "if there is anyone" in Lactantius in parentheses, by which the rest flows well. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Manus dare aliquando› · col 547

Manus dare aliquando. Id est victos se agnoscere. Quibusdam manus dare idem est ac consentire; sic Virgilius lib. XI Aeneid. Servius, manus dedisset, consensisset. In Clementis recognit. lib. II, Rufino interprete. Seneca Nat. quaest. lib. II, cap. 38: Puta me tibi manus dare et fateri, hoc quoque fato esse comprehensum: et Lucretius libro II: Si tibi vera videntur, Dede manus. Elmenhorst.

"At some time to give their hands." That is, to acknowledge themselves beaten. For some, "to give the hands" is the same as to consent; so Virgil, Aeneid book XI; Servius: "had given his hands," that is, had consented. So in the Recognitions of Clement, book II, in Rufinus's translation. Seneca, Natural Questions book II, chapter 38: "Suppose I give you my hands and admit that this too is included in fate"; and Lucretius, book II: "If they seem true to you, give up your hands." Elmenhorst.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Obstrepunt› · col 547, runs into col 548

Obstrepunt. Cap. 4: Obstrepere proprie est strepitu facto turbare et impedire. Vid. Dukerum ad Flor. lib. II, c. 19, p. 469. Apte Curtius, lib. VI, c. 9: Fremitus undique indignantium... obstrepebat. Add., Pitisc. ad Curt. lib. VII, cap. 7.

"They make an uproar." Chapter 4: "obstrepere" properly means to disturb and hinder by making a din. See Duker on Florus, book II, chapter 19, page 469. Aptly Curtius, book VI, chapter 9: "The roar of men indignant on every side … drowned him out." Add Pitiscus on Curtius, book VII, chapter 7.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Intercedunt› · col 548

Intercedunt. Mss. 3, Reg. rec., 4 Colbert., Brun. et edit. Paris. 1525, atque Graph., intercidunt.

"They interpose." Regius 3 (the more recent), Colbert 4, the Brunswick manuscript, the Paris edition of 1525 and Gryphius read "intercidunt."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et oculos suos opprimunt› · col 548

Et oculos suos opprimunt. Minutius, ignorare ingerentem se oculis claritatem coelestem vocat. Vide Paulum II Cor. IV, v. 4. — Oculos suos opprimunt. Heumannus scribit, oculos suos comprimunt. Non opus a consensu omnium librorum abire, et elegantem vocem cum notiori commutare. Ita praeiverunt alii; Valer. Max. l. II, c. 6: Filiarum manus ad supremum opprimendorum oculorum officium advocavit, ubi consule Vorstium. Pari modo dicunt Latini, os, ora, fauces opprimere. Notum illud Terentii, os opprime. Ovid., liv. III, Metam. 5, seqq.: ....... Voluit Deus ora loquentis Opprimere...... Bun.

"And they press shut their eyes." Minucius calls it "being ignorant of the heavenly brightness thrusting itself upon the eyes." See Paul, 2 Corinthians 4:4. — "They press shut their eyes." Heumann writes "comprimunt." There is no need to depart from the agreement of all the books and exchange an elegant word for a more familiar one. Others led the way in this: Valerius Maximus, book II, chapter 6: "He summoned his daughters' hands to the last office of pressing shut his eyes," on which consult Vorst. In the same way Latin speakers say to press shut the mouth, the lips, the throat. Well known is Terence's "shut your mouth." Ovid, Metamorphoses book III, 5 and following: "… the god wished to stop the mouth of the speaker …" Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quo plane ipsi diffidentiam› · col 548

Quo plane ipsi diffidentiam, etc. Mss. 2 Reg. rec. et 1 Lips. Quod. In 1, Reg. et 3, Lips. est diffidentia.— Quo plane ipsi diffidentiam... ostendunt. Revocavi lectionem omnium editionum ante Cellarium ex Goth. et Reimm. conformem nostri stylo l. VI, c. 19. Quo plane ostendunt. Cellarii lectio, quod diffidentia ostendunt, minus planum et commodum sensum habet. Bun.

"By which they plainly show their own distrust," etc. Regius 2 (the more recent) and Leipzig 1 read "Quod." In Regius 1 and Leipzig 3 it is "diffidentia." — "By which they plainly … show their distrust." I have restored the reading of all the editions before Cellarius, from the Gotha and Reimmann manuscripts, which agrees with our author's style in book VI, chapter 19: "By which they plainly show." Cellarius's reading, "quod diffidentia ostendunt," gives a less plain and fitting sense. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Audent› · col 548

Audent. Heuman. legit audeant.

"They dare." Heumann reads "audeant."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Medio› · col 548

Medio. Hic versus ex Ennio lib. VIII, Annal. De quo vide A. Gellium lib. XX, cap. 9. Vide etiam Ciceronem in Orat. pro Murena num. 30.

"From the midst." This verse is from Ennius, Annals book VIII. On it see Aulus Gellius, book XX, chapter 9. See also Cicero, Oration for Murena, number 30.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Constare de ipsa innocentia› · col 548

Constare de ipsa innocentia. Heuman. de ipsorum innocentia legit. Nihil mutandum. Iterum, Epit. c. 52: Incognita causa tamquam nocentissimos damnant, qui constare de ipsa innocentia noluerunt. Phrasis est Quintiliani l. 7: Instit. 2 ed. Burm., p. 601: Si prius de innocentia nostra constiterit. Bun.

"That their very innocence be established." Heumann reads "their own innocence." Nothing should be changed. Again, Epitome chapter 52: "With the case unexamined they condemn as most guilty those whose very innocence they refused to have established." The phrase is Quintilian's, Institutes book 7, chapter 2, Burman's edition, page 601: "If our innocence has first been established." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Corrigere se non possint› · col 548

Corrigere se non possint. Ita solus Goth.; at reliqui scripti omnes et editi, corrigere se possint, sine particula negandi. Infra dicit: Quoniam ipsi saluti suae repugnant. Bun.

"They cannot correct themselves." So the Gotha manuscript alone; but all the other manuscripts and editions have "they could correct themselves," without the negative particle. Below he says: "Since they themselves fight against their own salvation." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Coacervant› · col 548

Coacervant. Sic legunt mss. et impressi. In Bonon. legitur coacerbant, pro coacervant, b, pro v posito. Hoc codice antiquo fretus Thomasius putat legendum esse coacerbant, quasi dicas aggravant: quam loquendi formulam valde latinam, ac sensum optimum putat idem Thomasius. — Coacervant. Coacerbant, inquit Thomasius, legendum est ex antiquo codice; nam verba ipsa acerbare et exacerbare sunt valde latina: sensus vero ipse est optimus, ut dicat eos non contentos esse, quod suos errores sequantur, nisi eos crudelitate sua acerbiores faciant. Quod si legas, errores coacervant, nulla est apta sententia, et apparet (continues)

"They heap up." So the manuscripts and printed editions read. In the Bologna manuscript "coacerbant" is read for "coacervant," with b put for v. Relying on this ancient codex, Thomasius thinks "coacerbant" should be read, as if to say "they aggravate"; Thomasius considers this a very Latin turn of speech and the best sense. — "They heap up." "Coacerbant," says Thomasius, should be read from the ancient codex; for the verbs "acerbare" and "exacerbare" are very Latin, and the sense itself is the best, namely that he says they are not content to follow their own errors unless they make them more bitter by their cruelty. But if you read "they heap up their errors," there is no fitting sense, and it appears (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Coacervant› · col 549

manifeste hoc ex illo, b in v mutato, factum esse. Exemplis multis ad Epitom. cap. 2 ex ms. Taurin. ostendo, antiquissimos codd. saepe b pro v ponere: unde causa hic cadit Thomasius; et coacervant, id est, concumulant, legendum. Et quis ex antiquis dixit, coacerbare? Pari vero jure errores crudelibus factis coacervant dici potest, quo Cicero pro Rosc. Amer. c. 11: Haec (maleficia) aliis nefariis cumulant atque adaugent. Bun.

(continued) plainly that the one was made from the other by changing b into v. With many examples on the Epitome, chapter 2, from the Turin manuscript, I show that the oldest codices often put b for v; so Thomasius loses his case here, and "coacervant," that is, "they pile up," should be read. And who among the ancients said "coacerbare"? With equal right one may say "they heap up their errors with cruel deeds," as Cicero, For Roscius of Ameria, chapter 11: "These (crimes) they heap up and increase with other wicked ones." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Evisceratis corporibus› · col 549

Evisceratis corporibus. Quintil. declam. 12 extr.: (Sol) ad eviscerata corpora illuxit. Cicero, II Tusc. disput. c. 9: Miserandum adspice Evisceratum corpus lacerati patris. Bun.

"With bodies disembowelled." Quintilian, Declamation 12, at the end: "(The sun) shone upon the disembowelled bodies." Cicero, Tusculan Disputations II, chapter 9: "Behold the pitiable disembowelled body of a mangled father." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ab illo itinere devio› · col 549

Ab illo itinere devio. Ed. Sublac. habet de morte.

"From that wayward road." The Subiaco edition has "from death."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Attigerunt› · col 549

Attigerunt. Sic lego cum editis et mss. praeter 3 rec. et 5 excusos, quibus est attigerint.

"They have touched." So I read with the editions and manuscripts, except three recent manuscripts and five printed editions, which have "attigerint."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Poetae perniciosi sunt› · col 549

Poetae perniciosi sunt. Quam perniciosi fuere religioni fictionibus suis! Haec causa fuit, cur Plato eos ex sua republica expulerit, in πολιτ. I, et in libris de Legibus. Imo Pythagoras Homerum apud inferos torqueri dicebat, ideo quod istas fabulas de diis invenerit, et poemati suo intexuerit. Monet etiam Arist. lib. VIII πολιτ., in puerorum institutione magnam esse adhibendam curam quoad fabularum narrationem. Ritterhusius.

"Poets are pernicious." How pernicious they were to religion with their fictions! This was the reason why Plato expelled them from his commonwealth, in the Republic I and in the books of the Laws. Indeed Pythagoras used to say that Homer was tormented in the underworld because he invented those fables about the gods and wove them into his poem. Aristotle too, Politics book VIII, warns that great care must be taken in the education of boys as regards the telling of fables. Rittershusius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Mella sunt haec venenum tegentia› · col 549

Mella sunt haec venenum tegentia. Haec habentur in decem editis, et in antiquissimo 900 annorum ms. Reg., in 1 al. item Regio, Goth., Marm., nisi quod in 1 antiq. Reg. est venena; in 3 aliis, agentia. Absunt autem ab uno Bonon. antiq., Cauc., 8 Reg., 6 Colbert., 2 Sorbon. ac 16 aliis, et a 9 editis. Mella sunt, id ab Horatio poemata melliflua dulcedine fluentia. Sic mellitus gladius, et lethale mulsum, proverbium est.

"These are honey covering poison." These words are found in ten editions and in the very ancient Regius manuscript, nine hundred years old, likewise in another Regius 1, the Gotha and the Marmoutier, except that the ancient Regius 1 has "poisons" and three others "acting." But they are absent from the one ancient Bologna manuscript, the Cauci, Regius 8, Colbert 6, Sorbonne 2 and sixteen others, and from nine editions. "They are honey": that is, from Horace, poems flowing with honeyed sweetness. So "the honeyed sword" and "the deadly mead" are proverbs.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non modo nihil noceat… sed… prosit› · col 549, runs into col 550

Non modo nihil noceat... sed... prosit. Lips. tertius, non modo noceat religioni atque justitiae, sed etiam; ut non modo, pro non modo non, ut hinc inde et ad l. de Opif., cap. 19, in not. monui. Sed praefero hic reliquorum, non modo nihil, quod et ipsum elegans, ut l. VI, c. 20: Quia non modo... nihil conferunt, sed etiam nocent plurimum: in quibus expressit Ciceronem l. II, de Nat. deor., c. 36: Non modo nihil nocent terris, sed prosunt. Bun.

"Not only does no harm … but … is of benefit." Leipzig 3 has "not only harms religion and justice, but also," so that "non modo" stands for "non modo non," as I have noted here and there and in the notes on De opificio, chapter 19. But here I prefer the others' "not only nothing," which is itself elegant, as in book VI, chapter 20: "Because not only … they contribute nothing, but they even do very great harm," in which he reproduced Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods II, chapter 36: "Not only do they do no harm to the lands, but they benefit them." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sit in virtutibus instructior› · col 550

Sit in virtutibus instructior. Praepositionem in addidi ex 2 Bonon., 5 Reg. quorum duo sunt veterrimi, 6 Colb., Tax., 2 Clarom. et 3 editis.

"Be better furnished in virtues." I have added the preposition "in" from Bologna 2, Regius 5 (two of which are very old), Colbert 6, the Taxaquet manuscript, Clermont 2 and three editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Animae pabulum› · col 550

Animae pabulum. Lib. I, cap. 1: Nullus suavior animo cibus est, quam cognitio veritatis. Lib. III, cap. 5: Sic animae sapientia alimentum est. Cicero lib. V, de Fin. cap. 19: Animi cultus ille erat ei quasi quidam humanitatis cibus. Bun.

"The food of the soul." Book I, chapter 1: "No food is sweeter to the mind than the knowledge of truth." Book III, chapter 5: "So wisdom is the nourishment of the soul." Cicero, On Ends book V, chapter 19: "That cultivation of the mind was to him a kind of food of humanity." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non canimus› · col 550

Non canimus, etc. Proverbium ex Virg. Eclog. X.

"We do not sing," etc. A proverb from Virgil, Eclogue X.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nec enim in tam malo statu res est› · col 550

Nec enim in tam malo statu res est. In mss. 2 Bonon. est: Non enim. Nonnulli editi cum mss. 2 Reg. veterrimis, Marm., Goth. habent: Nec enim plus impuris spiritibus, quam sancto licet. Inutile additamentum. In quibusdam est iniquis, pro impuris. Ita opinatur Thomasius.

"For things are not in so bad a state." Bologna manuscript 2 has "Non enim." Some editions, with the two very old Regius 2 manuscripts, the Marmoutier and the Gotha, have: "For more is not permitted to impure spirits than to the holy one." A useless addition. In some it is "unjust" for "impure." So Thomasius thinks.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Circumlinatur› · col 550

Circumlinatur. Alludit ad Lucret. sententiam I, 30, qui de nutricibus ait, quod oras pocula circum contingunt mellis dulci flavoque liquore, ut puerorum aetas improvida ludificetur, deceptaque non capiatur. Rivetus.

"Be smeared round." He alludes to the thought of Lucretius I, 30, who says of nurses that they touch the cups round the rims with the sweet golden liquid of honey, so that the improvident age of children may be beguiled and, deceived, not be taken in. Rivet.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Coelesti melle sapientiae› · col 550

Coelesti melle sapientiae. Mss. 12 rec. et 9 excusi, coelestis.

"With the heavenly honey of wisdom." Twelve recent manuscripts and nine printed editions have "of heavenly (wisdom)."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Haerere animis› · col 550

Haerere animis. Mss. 6 et 8 impressi, inhaerere. — Haerere animis. Angl., Lips., Goth., Reimm., Ven., 1472, utraque 78, Parrh., Paris., Junt., Ald., Crat., Gymn. reliqui, inhaerere animis, ut l. VI, cap. 20. At Rast., Ven. 1493, 97, haerere. Bun.

"To cling to their minds." Six manuscripts and eight printed editions have "inhaerere." — "To cling to their minds." The English, Leipzig, Gotha and Reimmann manuscripts, Venice 1472, both of 1478, Parrhasius, Paris, Junta, Aldus, Cratander, Gymnicus and the rest have "inhaerere animis," as in book VI, chapter 20. But the Rostock edition and Venice 1493 and 97 have "haerere." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sono mulcet› · col 550

Sono mulcet. Haec lectio manuscriptorum est, permulcet editorum. Reg. Put. et ed. Rom. 1474, mulcent, mendose.

"Soothes with sound." This is the reading of the manuscripts; "permulcet" is that of the editions. The Regius-Puteanus manuscript and the Rome edition of 1474 have "mulcent," wrongly.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Adeo› · col 550

Adeo. Mss. Tornes., Em. et 4 excusi, Ideo.

"So much." The Tornaesius and Emmanuel manuscripts and four printed editions have "Ideo."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Incutere voluptatem› · col 550

Incutere voluptatem. Singularis hic est Ven. prima 1478 legendo, inducere voluptatem. Reliqui mei, incutere. Nam in re etiam blanda et suavi usurpatur hoc verbum, Lucret. I, 20. Omnibus incutiens blandum per pectora amorem. Sic Tertull. adv. Marcion. l. III, c. 20. Risum mihi incuties. Bun.

"To strike pleasure into." The first Venice edition of 1478 stands alone here in reading "to bring in pleasure." My others have "incutere." For this verb is used even of a pleasing and sweet thing, Lucretius I, 20: "Striking alluring love into the breasts of all." So Tertullian, Against Marcion book III, chapter 20: "You will strike laughter into me." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Plane sint eloquentes› · col 550

Plane sint eloquentes. Mss. 14 rec. et 6 edit., plene, (continues)

"Are fully eloquent." Fourteen recent manuscripts and six editions have "plene," (continues)

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Veritas idoneis praeconibus indigeat› · col 551

Veritas idoneis praeconibus indigeat. Mss. Tornes. et 1 Colbert. rec. praeconiis.

"Truth needs fit heralds." The Tornaesius manuscript and the recent Colbert 1 have "praeconiis" (proclamations).

(lemma) ‹anchor: Minucius Felix› · col 551

Minucius Felix. Elegantem ejus christianae religionis apologiam sub titulo Octavius habemus. Vixit anno aerae christianae 235, quo tempore vivebat et Tertullianus. Jam hujus facta est mentio supra lib. I, cap. 11, post medium.

"Minucius Felix." We have his elegant apology for the Christian religion under the title Octavius. He lived in the year 235 of the Christian era, at which time Tertullian also was living. He has already been mentioned above, book I, chapter 11, after the middle.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tertullianus› · col 551

Tertullianus. Satis notus scriptis editis. Omni genere doctrinae fuit refertus. Ejus opera graece ab ipso scripta extant in Regia Hispaniarum Scorialensi Bibliotheca, ut a Rege Catholico Philippo V didicerat Marchio de Santa Cruz de Marzenado, vir usquequaque, et probitate, et scientia ornatus. Mirum est haec in utraque lingua hucusque non fuisse edita. Tertullianum vero tanti faciebat S. Cyprianus, ut nullum praetermitteret diem sine ejus lectione; atque teste S. Hieronymo, solitus erat dicere sanctus episcopus: « Da mihi magistrum, » Tertullianum significans. De hoc infra capite 4 aliquid adhuc dicetur.

"Tertullian." Well enough known by his published writings. He was stocked with every kind of learning. Works of his written by himself in Greek survive in the Royal Escorial Library of the Spains, as the Marquis de Santa Cruz de Marzenado, a man adorned in every respect with both integrity and learning, had learned from the Catholic King Philip V. It is remarkable that these have not been published in either language up to now. Saint Cyprian thought so highly of Tertullian that he let no day pass without reading him; and, on Saint Jerome's testimony, the holy bishop used to say, "Give me the master," meaning Tertullian. Something more will be said of him below in chapter 4.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quoniam et magnam› · col 551

Quoniam et magnam. mss. 1 Reg. rec. et Brun., maximam: pro quoniam, legitur qui in tribus rec. et 6 editis.

"Since both great." The recent Regius 1 and the Brunswick manuscript have "greatest"; for "since," "who" is read in three recent manuscripts and six editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quaesierat› · col 551

Quaesierat. Pro acquisierat; simplex pro composito passim apud Lactantium. Vide lib. de Mortibus persecutorum.

"He had sought." For "he had acquired"; the simple verb for the compound is frequent in Lactantius. See the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors.

(lemma) ‹anchor: An felicior› · col 551

An felicior. Sic mss. antiquissimi 1 Bon., 2 Reg., 1 al. item Reg. rec. sed bonae notae, 1 Colb., Rohan., Ultr., Brun. At recentiores, etiam Sangerman., cum impressis habent facilior: utraque lectio bona; mox enim praecessit ingenio facili, etc.

"Or more happy." So the very ancient manuscripts Bologna 1 and Regius 2, another, likewise a recent Regius but of good quality, Colbert 1, the Rohan, the Utrecht and the Brunswick. But the more recent ones, including the Saint-Germain, have with the printed editions "facilior" (more easy): both readings are good, for "of easy talent," etc., came just before.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Coprianum› · col 551, runs into col 552

Coprianum. Quasi dicas Stercorarium, aut, si mavis, Scurram, aut foeda et vilia loquentem. mss. Vict. et 1 Colb. Ciprianum, male ad Lactantii mentem; nec melius manuscripti rec. 1 Reg., Tornes. et 1 Colb. Caprianum. Cavillum est ex allusione κοπρία, stercus. Scurrae copriae dicebantur. Gall. — Rhetores, sycophantae, rabulae, scurrae, et hujuscemodi multitudo eorum, qui magna ac multa promittunt ac minantur, miraque de se praedicant, κοπρολόγοι et κοπρίαι vulgo appellati. Copriae, οἱ κοπρίαι, apud Sueton. in Tiberio cap. 61, scurrae sunt, qui ridiculi gratia vana ac multa de se jactabant, et pollicebantur: unde et verbum incopriare, pro, circulatorem agere, et fumos vendere, quod et fumare dicebant, ut Graeci καπνίζειν. Glossae Isidori: Scurra, qui incopriat; in aliis glossis: Scurra qui fumat. Idem Isid.: Circulator, qui fumat: sic nugatores, mendaces et vaniloquos, coprias vocabant. Ita Cyprianum olim Gentiles quidam Coprianum, una littera mutata, appellarunt, quod aniles (ut ipsi volebant) fabulas, et multa mendacia scriptis suis inseruisset. Salmasius. — Vide etiam Casaubonum ad Suetonium in Tiberio, et Lipsium Electorum lib. II, cap. 17. De S. Cypriano ait Hieronymus, superfluum esse hujus librorum catalogum contexere, cum sole clariora sint ejus opera. Ejus laudes non Latini modo, verum etiam Graeci cecinerunt, ut Nazianzenus. De Cypriani eloquentia lege Prudentium, S. Augustin. lib. IV, de Doctrina christiana, et Hieronymum in epistola ad Paulinum.

"Coprianus." As if you said "the dung-man," or, if you prefer, "the buffoon," or one who speaks foul and vile things. The Victorine manuscript and Colbert 1 have "Ciprianum," wrongly as to Lactantius's meaning; nor are the recent manuscripts Regius 1, Tornaesius and Colbert 1 better with "Caprianum." It is a jibe by allusion to κοπρία, dung. Buffoons were called "copriae." Gallaeus. — Rhetoricians, sycophants, pettifoggers, buffoons and the whole crowd of that kind who promise and threaten great and many things and proclaim wonders of themselves were commonly called κοπρολόγοι and κοπρίαι. "Copriae," οἱ κοπρίαι, in Suetonius, Tiberius chapter 61, are buffoons who for the sake of a laugh boasted and promised many empty things about themselves; hence also the verb "incopriare," meaning to play the mountebank and to sell smoke, which they also called "fumare," as the Greeks say καπνίζειν. The Glosses of Isidore: "Buffoon: one who incopriates"; in other glosses: "Buffoon: one who sells smoke." Isidore again: "Mountebank: one who sells smoke." So they called triflers, liars and idle talkers "copriae." Thus some Gentiles once called Cyprian "Coprianus," by changing one letter, because (as they would have it) he had put old wives' tales and many lies into his writings. Salmasius. — See also Casaubon on Suetonius's Tiberius, and Lipsius, Electa book II, chapter 17. Of Saint Cyprian Jerome says it is superfluous to compile a catalogue of his books, since his works are clearer than the sun. Not only Latins but Greeks too sang his praises, such as Nazianzen. On Cyprian's eloquence read Prudentius, Saint Augustine, On Christian Doctrine book IV, and Jerome in the letter to Paulinus.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Qui› · col 552

Qui. Sic ms. Cantab. et quatuor editi: multi alii, quod.

"Who." So the Cambridge manuscript and four editions; many others, "which."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Contulisset› · col 552

Contulisset. Post hoc verbum, sequentem hanc orationem in ms. Bon. antiq. invenisse se testatur Isaeus: Unde apparet, disertissimo et doctissimo viro, quantum ad sacrilegos attinet refellendos, non facultatem ᵃ dicendi, sed consilium defuisse, in eo praecipue quod Demetrianum veritatis expertem, non ratione prudentiae mundanae, qua uti in principio debuit, sed auctoritate coelestium praeceptorum, quorum ille se hostem fatebatur, astrinxit.

"He had brought together." After this word Isaeus attests that he found the following sentence in the ancient Bologna manuscript: "From this it is clear that what that most eloquent and learned man lacked, so far as refuting the sacrilegious is concerned, was not the ability ᵃ to speak but judgement, especially in that he bound Demetrianus, who had no share in the truth, not by the reasoning of worldly prudence, which he ought to have used at the start, but by the authority of the heavenly precepts, of which that man professed himself the enemy."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Apud nos› · col 552

Apud nos. Sic reposui ex edit. Tornes. et Soubron. ac mss. omnibus, praeter I Reg. rec. in quo, sicut in vulgatis, est nostros.

"Among us." So I have restored from the Tornaesius and Soubron editions and all the manuscripts, except the recent Regius 1, in which, as in the common editions, it is "our men."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Lacessierunt› · col 552

Lacessierunt. Suavius nobis exhibent 2 vet. edit. Rom. et omnes ferme mss. quam caeteri vulgati et 5 rec. mss., lacesserunt. Hoc ultimum erratum est juxta linguam latinam.

"They provoked." The two old Rome editions and almost all the manuscripts give it to us more pleasingly than the other common editions and five recent manuscripts, which have "lacesserunt." This last is an error by the Latin language.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Oratorias litteras› · col 552

Oratorias, litteras, etc. Nicomediae videlicet. Docuit ibi Oratoriam, ut [etiam Hieronymus in ejus vita retulit, Latinam in Graecia, fortassis quia tum quoque temporis romani suam linguam per orbem romanum propagatam voluerunt: sed fortassis frustra; destituebatur enim auditoribus. Bithynia, Asiae minoris provincia, e regione Constantinopoleos, ad Pontum Euxinum. Hanc populo romano rex Nicomedes testamento reliquerat. Natolia hodie haec provincia vocatur.

"Oratorical letters," etc. At Nicomedia, that is. He taught oratory there, as Jerome also relates in his life, Latin oratory in Greece, perhaps because at that time too the Romans wanted their language spread through the Roman world; but perhaps in vain, for he lacked hearers. Bithynia is a province of Asia Minor, opposite Constantinople, on the Euxine Sea. King Nicomedes had left it to the Roman people by will. Today this province is called Anatolia.

ᵃ ‹anchor: non facultatem› · sub-note to "Contulisset", col 552 In MS. est discendi. Hanc orationem non habent nec Rohan. nec Sangerm. nec etiam alii.

In the manuscript it is "discendi" (of learning). Neither the Rohan nor the Saint-Germain manuscript, nor others, have this sentence.

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Dei templum› · col 553

Dei templum. Hic innuere videtur Lactantius Diocletianam persecutionem anno 302, quo circiter tempore Nicomediam a Diocletiano Lactantius accitus fuit, ut oratoriam artem doceret, teste Hieronymo. De hujus templi instauratione agit Lactantius initio libri de Mort. persecutorum, his verbis: Profligata nuper Ecclesia rursum exurgit, et majore gloria templum Dei, quod ab impiis fuerat eversum, misericordia Domini fabricatur.

"The temple of God." Here Lactantius seems to point to the Diocletianic persecution in the year 302, about which time Lactantius had been summoned to Nicomedia by Diocletian to teach the art of oratory, on Jerome's testimony. Lactantius treats of the rebuilding of this temple at the beginning of the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, in these words: "The Church, lately struck down, rises again, and the temple of God, which had been overthrown by the impious, is built with greater glory by the mercy of the Lord."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quorum alter antistitem se philosophiae profitebatur› · col 553

Quorum alter antistitem se philosophiae profitebatur, etc. Mirum cur nomina suppresserit. Hinc perpende quam parum odiosus esset in hostes, quorum nominibus parcit. Nec opus est curiosa inquisitione in re, quam auctor noster celatam voluit. Ex Betul. — Hunc tamen existimant fuisse Maximum philosophum, quem Nicomediae audierat Julianus dictus Apostata. Iste philosophus Ephesius erat, qui veluti artes magicas exercens interfectus est. Hic ab aliis, non Maximus, sed Porphyrius a Lactantio indigitari creditur. Porphyrius enim, juxta Suidam, ab Aureliani tempore ad Diocletianum usque vixit: at nemo nescit quanta fureret in Christianos crudelitate. Verum probat Holstenius in Vitae Porphyrii cap. 3, ac ultimo, hunc philosophum non fuisse Porphyrium. Idem Baelius in suo Dictionario historico, verbo Hierocles.

"One of whom professed himself a high priest of philosophy," etc. It is remarkable that he suppressed the names. Weigh from this how little rancour he bore towards his enemies, whose names he spares. Nor is a curious inquiry needed into a matter our author wished kept hidden. From Betuleius. — Some nevertheless think this was Maximus the philosopher, whom Julian, called the Apostate, had heard at Nicomedia. This philosopher was an Ephesian, who was put to death as one practising magic arts. Others believe that not Maximus but Porphyry is pointed at by Lactantius. For Porphyry, according to the Suda, lived from the time of Aurelian up to Diocletian; and no one is unaware with what cruelty he raged against the Christians. But Holstenius proves, in his Life of Porphyry, chapter 3 and the last, that this philosopher was not Porphyry. So too Bayle in his Historical Dictionary, under the word "Hierocles."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Vitia sua capillis› · col 553, runs into col 554

Vitia sua capillis, etc. Mos erat philosophis barbam alere, quam ideo sapientem poeta vocavit: Horat. II, Serm. 3. Tempore quo me Solatus jussit sapientem pascere barbam. Hinc philosophi saepe barbati magistri dicebantur. Hinc Persius Satyr. 4: Barbatum haec crede magistrum Dicere, sorbitio tollit quem dira cicutae. Barbam alebant eo quod aliquam sibi majestatem ea conciliari arbitrarentur. Diogenes rogatus cur tam magnam nutriret barbam: Ut eam videns, inquit, et tangens, virum me esse meminerim. Unde et homines sanctitatem barba affectabant, quemadmodum hic philosophus de quo Lact. hoc loco. Vide eumdem Lact., de Ira Dei, cap. 22.

"His vices with his hair," etc. It was the custom of philosophers to grow a beard, which the poet therefore called wise: Horace, Satires II, 3: "At the time when he consoled me and bade me grow a wise man's beard." Hence philosophers were often called bearded masters. Hence Persius, Satire 4: "Believe that the bearded master says this, he whom the dread draught of hemlock carries off." They grew the beard because they thought it won them some majesty. Diogenes, asked why he grew so great a beard, said: "So that, seeing it and touching it, I may remember that I am a man." Hence men also affected sanctity with a beard, like this philosopher of whom Lactantius speaks in this place. See Lactantius again, On the Anger of God, chapter 22.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quos sedibus agrisque pellebat› · col 554

Quos sedibus agrisque pellebat. In mss. 5 rec. et editis 7 est aedibus, omissa prima littera, quae eadem est ultima prioris vocabuli, fortasse per incuriam librarii.

"Whom he was driving from their homes and fields." In five recent manuscripts and seven editions it is "aedibus" (houses), the first letter being dropped, which is the same as the last of the preceding word, perhaps through the copyist's carelessness.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Resanescant› · col 554

Resanescant. Sic Lactantius lib. IV, cap. 20, initio, resanaret; et infra hujusce lib. V, cap. 22, in fine, resanati. Quae verba vix apud ullos auctores latinos reperies.

"Be healed again." So Lactantius, book IV, chapter 20, at the beginning, "resanaret"; and below in this book V, chapter 22, at the end, "resanati." You will hardly find these words in any Latin authors.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Neu saevas› · col 554

Neu saevas. Mss. 9 rec., et 6 typis excusi, nec.

"Nor cruel." Nine recent manuscripts and six printed editions have "nec."

(lemma) ‹anchor: In caeteris rebus› · col 554

In caeteris rebus. Mss. octo et editi addunt humanis, quod respuunt multi potiores et antiquiores scripti et ed. Rom. 1474.

"In other matters." Eight manuscripts and the editions add "human," which many better and older manuscripts and the Rome edition of 1474 reject.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Humanis› · col 554

Humanis. Haec vox abest a pluribus mss.

"Human." This word is absent from several manuscripts.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et anili superstitione› · col 554

Et anili superstitione. Proprium epithetum, pro extrema superstitione, quia muliebris sexus est ad superstitionem propensior; unde mulieres τὰς δεισιδαιμονίας ἀρχηγοὺς dicebat Strabo, lib. VII. Sane ad sexus infirmitatem et levitatem, aetatis quoque imbecillitas accedit. Heraldus.

"And old-womanish superstition." A fitting epithet, for extreme superstition, because the female sex is more inclined to superstition; hence Strabo, book VII, called women "the leaders of superstitions." Indeed, to the weakness and fickleness of the sex the feebleness of age is added. Hérauld.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Vanus› · col 554

Vanus. Mss. 1 Colb. a prima manu, Cotton. et 1 Clarom. varius.

"Empty." Colbert 1 in the first hand, the Cotton and Clermont 1 have "varius" (fickle).

(lemma) ‹anchor: Conticerent› · col 554

Conticerent. Ita mss. Anglican. et 11 alii, atque meliores editiones, annor. 1476 et 1497, atque Tornes. et Soubr., Conniverent, in quibusdam aliis. ms. 1 Reg. rec. coniberent; 1 Lips., 1 Colb. cohiberent; Ultr., 1 Brun., cohiberentur; 1 Colb., convenirent; 4 mss. et totidem editi conticescerent; 1 Bon. rec. conticesceret; 1 Reg. antiq., congrueret; 1 Bon. antiq., Nam si quis nostrorum affuisset.... conniveret.... derideret.

"They kept silent." So the English manuscript and eleven others, and the better editions, of the years 1476 and 1497, and the Tornaesius and Soubron; "conniverent" (they shut their eyes) in some others. The recent Regius 1 has "coniberent"; Leipzig 1 and Colbert 1, "cohiberent"; the Utrecht and Brunswick 1, "cohiberentur"; Colbert 1, "convenirent"; four manuscripts and as many editions, "conticescerent"; the recent Bologna 1, "conticesceret"; the ancient Regius 1, "congrueret"; the ancient Bologna 1, "For if any of ours had been present … he shut his eyes … he laughed."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Eruditurum alios ad veritatem› · col 554

Eruditurum alios ad veritatem. Eadem locutione utitur Lactant. lib. III, c. 11, et c. 27; lib. V, cap. 2 et 11; lib. VI, cap. 2; lib. VII, c. 14; lib. de Ira Dei, cap. 23.

"That he would instruct others unto the truth." Lactantius uses the same expression in book III, chapters 11 and 27; book V, chapters 2 and 11; book VI, chapter 2; book VII, chapter 14; On the Anger of God, chapter 23.

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Quo furebat odiosa crudelitas› · col 555

Quo furebat odiosa crudelitas. Intelligit tempus persecutionum sub imperatoribus. Hinc colligi potest Lactantium post haec tempora scripsisse.

"In which hateful cruelty was raging." He means the time of the persecutions under the emperors. From this it can be gathered that Lactantius wrote after these times.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Pro sua vanitate› · col 555

Pro sua vanitate. Sic ms. Goth. et edit. 1476 et Gymnic. aliae inanitate.

"In keeping with his vanity." So the Gotha manuscript and the editions of 1476 and Gymnicus; others "inanitate" (emptiness).

(lemma) ‹anchor: Alius eamdem materiam scripsit› · col 555

Alius eamdem materiam scripsit. Pro de eadem materia Lactantius noster non semel quarto casu gaudet pro sexto.

"Another wrote the same matter." For "on the same matter": our Lactantius more than once likes the accusative in place of the ablative.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Mordacius› · col 555

Mordacius. Singularis hic est Veneta 1471 legens, moderatius. Conf. infra: Ut humane ac benigne consuluisse putaretur. Bun.

"More bitingly." The Venice edition of 1471 stands alone here in reading "more moderately." Compare below: "so that he might be thought to have counselled humanely and kindly." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Alius eamdem materiam mordacius scripsit› · col 555

Alius eamdem materiam mordacius scripsit. Fuit iste Hierocles, quem libros suos, quos contra Christianos scripsit; φιλαληθής, id est amatoris veritatis titulo praenotasse scribit Eusebius, qui et illos egregio refutavit commentario. Isaeus. — Hierocles eodem tempore vixit quo Lactanctius, scilicet initio quarti post Christum natum saeculi. Hierocles propter animum in Christianis persequendis ita Diocletiano placuit, ut putent eruditi quidam, ex judice Nicomediensi, praefectum factum fuisse Alexandrinum; de quo vide librum de Mortib. persecut., c. 16. Epiphanius de ejus saevitia agit haeresi 68, atque ob id male audiebat Hierocles.

"Another wrote the same matter more bitingly." This was Hierocles, who, Eusebius writes, headed the books he wrote against the Christians with the title Philalethes, that is, "lover of truth"; Eusebius also refuted them in an excellent commentary. Isaeus. — Hierocles lived at the same time as Lactantius, namely at the beginning of the fourth century after the birth of Christ. Hierocles so pleased Diocletian by his zeal in persecuting Christians that some learned men think he was made prefect of Alexandria after being a judge at Nicomedia; on him see the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, chapter 16. Epiphanius treats of his cruelty in heresy 68, and Hierocles was ill spoken of for it.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Qui erat tum e numero judicum› · col 555

Qui erat tum e numero judicum. Exercebat enim eo tempore praefecturam Augustalem Alexandriae, ut tradit Epiphanius, Haeres. 68. Isaeus.

"Who was then one of the judges." For at that time he held the Augustal prefecture of Alexandria, as Epiphanius relates, Heresy 68. Isaeus.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Demosthenes› · col 555

Demosthenes. Antonomasia, pro summo oratore: sicut paulo post Aristophanes pro vano poeta, et Aristarchus pro homine valde litterato, qui eruditionis alienae censor et ὀβελίζων proverbio celebratur. Quid quod etiam Aristophanis lucerna, propter summam diligentiam, in proverbium abiit. Intelligit ergo Lactantius litteratos quidem homines, sed profanos, et ad capienda Dei mysteria parum idoneos. Betuleius.

"Demosthenes." Antonomasia, for a supreme orator; just as a little later Aristophanes stands for an empty poet, and Aristarchus for a very lettered man, who is celebrated in the proverb as the censor of others' learning and as "the one who marks with the obelus." What is more, even the lamp of Aristophanes passed into a proverb because of his extreme diligence. So Lactantius means men who were lettered indeed but profane, and little fit to grasp the mysteries of God. Betuleius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Assensus› · col 555, runs into col 556

Assensus. Sic est emendandum, juxta mss. Rohanneum, et Sangermanense, non vero, ut correxerat Joan. Bapt. le Brun, qui legebat accensus. Hic Lactantius indicat Hieroclem suscepisse fidem, quam postea ejuraverat, quod recte exprimitur per verbum assensus, religioni scilicet. At minus propric diceretur accensus fidei. Atque optime dicitur assentiri religioni aut fidei. En tamen qualis est nota J. Bapt. le Brun, quam merito improbamus.— « Sic accensus emendavi ex quamplurimis mss. inter quos sunt vetustissimi duo Regii, et Cauc. In 7 rec. et 15. vulgatis legitur assensus, corrupte; in rec. 1 Colb. et 2 Lips. ascensus. Sed optime accensus, adscriptus, ab accenseo. Quae vox notat ministrum magistratus, aut eum qui subrogatur in locum defuncti militis, vel qui legioni jam integrae superadditus est. Vide Vegetium de Re militari, lib. II, cap. 19. » — In eadem voce accensus, sic habet. Buneman. — Accensus. Editi ab 1465, 1685, omnes, etiam Rost. (licet aliter Heumannus scribat) assensus. At accensus ex membranis primus restituit Jan. Gulielm. ad Plaut. in Menaechm.. Quaest. c. 4, atque ita Goth., Lips. 1 Emman., Cauc. et Ultr. Conf. Lact. lib. II, cap. 9, Accensetur. Mox ibid. Adscribitur. Bun.

"Assented." So it must be corrected, following the Rohan and Saint-Germain manuscripts, and not as Jean-Baptiste Le Brun had corrected it, who read "accensus." Here Lactantius indicates that Hierocles had embraced the faith, which he afterwards forswore, and this is rightly expressed by the word "assensus," namely to the religion. But "accensus to the faith" would be said less properly; whereas "to assent to religion or to faith" is said very well. Here nevertheless is Jean-Baptiste Le Brun's note, which we rightly disapprove: "So I have corrected to 'accensus' from very many manuscripts, among which are the two very old Regii and the Cauci. In seven recent manuscripts and fifteen common editions 'assensus' is read, corruptly; in the recent Colbert 1 and Leipzig 2, 'ascensus.' But 'accensus,' enrolled, from 'accenseo,' is best. This word denotes an attendant of a magistrate, or one who is substituted in the place of a dead soldier, or one added to a legion already complete. See Vegetius, On Military Matters book II, chapter 19." — On the same word "accensus," Bünemann has this. — "Accensus." The editions from 1465 to 1685, all of them, even the Rostock (though Heumann writes otherwise), have "assensus." But Jan Gulielmius first restored "accensus" from parchments, on Plautus's Menaechmi, Quaestiones chapter 4, and so the Gotha, Leipzig, Emmanuel 1, Cauci and Utrecht. Compare Lactantius book II, chapter 9, "accensetur"; soon after in the same place, "adscribitur." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Abfuit a fide et veritate› · col 556

Abfuit a fide et veritate. Ex omnibus mss. et pluribus editis addidi a fide, quod caeteris deest. mss. 1 et 1 Reg. et 1 Colb. pro veritate, habent caritate.

"He was far from faith and truth." From all the manuscripts and several editions I have added "from faith," which is missing in the rest. Manuscripts 1 and Regius 1 and Colbert 1 have "charity" for "truth."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Aristophanes… Aristarchus› · col 556

Aristophanes... Aristarchus. Probabile, monente Heumanno, ex conjunctione, Aristophanem Byzantinum grammaticum, praeceptorem hic commemorati Aristarchi Grammatici intelligi... De utroque plura Fabricius bib. Gr. vol. VII, pag. 51 et 53. Bun.

"Aristophanes … Aristarchus." It is probable, as Heumann points out, from the pairing, that Aristophanes of Byzantium the grammarian is meant, the teacher of the grammarian Aristarchus mentioned here … On both Fabricius has more, Bibliotheca Graeca volume VII, pages 51 and 53. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ab his› · col 556

Ab his. Ab apostolis scilicet, quorum mentionem facit praecedenti capite.

"From these." From the apostles, that is, whom he mentions in the preceding chapter.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Aut quis possit› · col 556

Aut quis possit. Mss. Jun. Colb. et 4 impressi, posset. In scriptis rec. 2 Reg., 3 Colb., Bodl., Cotton., 1 Clarom., quasi possit.

"Or who could." The Junius-Colbert manuscript and four printed editions have "posset." In the recent manuscripts Regius 2, Colbert 3, the Bodleian, the Cotton and Clermont 1, "as if he could."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Apta inter se et cohaerentia› · col 556

Apta inter se et cohaerentia. Vid. lib. I, c. 4. Cic. lib. II Philipp., c. 8: Tam eras excors, ut tota in oratione tua tecum ipse pugnares: ut non modo (pro non modo non), cohaerentia inter se diceres, sed maxime disjuncta atque contraria. Bun.

"Things fitting and coherent with one another." See book I, chapter 4. Cicero, Philippics II, chapter 8: "You were so witless that through your whole speech you fought with yourself, so that not only did you not say (for 'not only not') things coherent with one another, but things utterly at odds and contrary." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Consentit› · col 556

Consentit. De philosophorum dissensionibus et contrarietatibus, atque de sacrarum Scripturarum concordia lege S. Augustinum, lib. XVIII de Civitate Dei, cap. 41.

"It agrees." On the disagreements and contradictions of the philosophers, and on the concord of the sacred Scriptures, read Saint Augustine, City of God book XVIII, chapter 41.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non enim quaestus› · col 556

Non enim questus. Ita reposui ex 4 antiquissimis (continues)

"For not gain." So I have restored from four very ancient (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Non enim quaestus› · col 557

mss. 1 Bon., Jun., Cauc., Regio-Put. et edit. Is. In aliis pro enim est igitur.

(continued) manuscripts, Bologna 1, the Junius, the Cauci, the Regius-Puteanus, and the Isaeus edition. In others "therefore" stands for "for."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nongentorum› · col 557

Nongentorum. Mss. 2 rec. et edd. fere omnes noningentorum. — Noningentorum. Quinque syll. omnes libri, praeter Goth. in quo, ingentorum, vitiose. In solo Heumanni textu, nongentorum, num consilio, an casu, nescio. Utramque formam Columell. lib. V, caput 2, ed. Gesner. habet. Prior rarior. Bun.

"Of nine hundred." Two recent manuscripts and almost all editions have "noningentorum." — "Noningentorum." All the books have the five-syllable form except the Gotha, which has "ingentorum," faultily. Only in Heumann's text is "nongentorum" found, whether by design or by chance I do not know. Columella, book V, chapter 2, Gesner's edition, has both forms. The former is the rarer. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In somnis› · col 557

In somnis. Mss. 6 rec. et 4 edit. in somniis.

"In sleep." Six recent manuscripts and four editions have "in dreams."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Apollo› · col 557

Apollo. Alludit ad proverbium: Quid tibi Apollo cecinit?

"Apollo." He alludes to the proverb: "What did Apollo sing to you?"

(lemma) ‹anchor: Homicidam Martem› · col 557

Homicidam Martem. Vide supra. lib. I, cap. 10. Hoc epitheto Mars insignitur etiam apud Homerum.

"Mars the manslayer." See above, book I, chapter 10. Mars is marked by this epithet in Homer too.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Idem› · col 557

Idem. Sic restitui ex quamplurimis et veterrimis mss. In 7 rec. et pluribus editis est Item; in Brun. Deinde.

"The same man." So I have restored from very many and very old manuscripts. In seven recent manuscripts and several editions it is "Likewise"; in the Brunswick, "Then."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Apollonium› · col 557

Apollonium. Augustinus epist. V. ad Marcellinum: Quis autem vel risu dignum non putet, qui Apollonium vel Apuleium... conferre Christo vel etiam praeferre conatur? Huic parti, qua Christum cum Apollonio comparavit Hierocles, suum adversus Hieroclem librum Eusebius opposuit. Bun.

"Apollonius." Augustine, letter V to Marcellinus: "Who would not think even laughable a man who tries to compare Apollonius or Apuleius … with Christ, or even to prefer them?" Against this part, in which Hierocles compared Christ with Apollonius, Eusebius set his book against Hierocles. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Apollonium vel paria› · col 557, runs into col 558

Apollonium vel paria, etc. Apollonius Tyaneus scribitur, quod cum ante Domitianum steterit, in consistorio repente non comparuit: quod ut noscas, summatim delibabimus historiam. Apollonius Tyaneus, ut tradit Philostratus lib. IV, maximus philosophiae professor, magus, sive (ut potius Pythagorici volunt) philosophus, cum ad brachmanas profectus esset, audivisset que hierarcham in throno sedentem, Ephesiosque liberasset, plurimaque divinitus effecisset, accusatus est quod male de Domitiano sentiret, quodque magiam exerceret, aliaque id genus ridicula. Romam, jubente Domitiano, evolat Apollonius; se ad judicem sistit, in carcerem conjicitur, compedibusque reservatur ad judicium. Damis, qui solus illum fuerat secutus, cum ipso custoditur, cui ut fidem faceret, esse in sua potestate egrediendi ex carcere cum voluerit, ostendit compedes, ex quibus pedes retrahebat, et in easdem insinuabat ex animi sui sententia. Quod conspicatus Damis, tunc manifeste virum divinum credidit Apollonium, a quo praemissus est Puteolas, horamque, qua illum in littore praestolari deberet, praedixit. Educitur Apollonius e carcere, sistitur ante tribunal Domitiani, absolvitur ab imperatore. Sed discedere prohibitus, admonitusque a Domitiano esse sibi quae secum communicare vellet, illi in coetu maximo sic respondit Apollonius: Scias velim, domine, me non subdi tibi ullo fato, et ut plenius noveris tibi in caput meum non permitti potestatem, vale. Haec locutus subito evanuit, omnibus stupentibus, et novitate miraculoque rei vix suis credentibus: contendit ad Damim Apollonius, quem in littore spatiantem deprehendit anxium, et de ipso Tyaneo sollicitum. Ex Hieronymo. Joh. Bapt. Pius. Eunapius in proemio semideum quemdam facit, et Philostratum inscribere opus suum debuisse dicit, non, Ἀπολλωνίου βίον, sed θεοῦ εἰς ἀνθρώπους ἐπιδημίαν. Caracalla imperator tanti eum fecit, ut heroico monumento ornandum sibi existimarit. Hierocles blasphemus comparare cum Christo ausus fuit, quem libro proprio confutavit Eusebius. Meursius. — Hanc autem de Apollonio historiam fabulam esse contendunt omnes. Numeratur Apollonius inter celebres magos ab Arnobio libro 1. In ejus historia multa sane fabulosa, quaedam tamen vera esse existimat S. Hieronymus. Epist. ad Paulinum.

"Apollonius or equal things," etc. It is written of Apollonius of Tyana that, when he had stood before Domitian, he suddenly vanished from the council chamber; so that you may know this, we shall touch briefly on the story. Apollonius of Tyana, as Philostratus relates in book IV, a very great professor of philosophy, a magician, or (as the Pythagoreans prefer) a philosopher, having travelled to the Brahmans, heard the hierarch sitting on his throne, delivered the Ephesians and done a great many things by divine power, was accused of thinking ill of Domitian, of practising magic, and of other absurdities of that kind. At Domitian's command Apollonius hastens to Rome; he presents himself to the judge, is thrown into prison and kept in fetters for trial. Damis, who alone had followed him, is held in custody with him; to convince him that it was in his power to leave the prison when he wished, he showed him the fetters, from which he drew out his feet and slipped them back in at will. Seeing this, Damis then clearly believed Apollonius to be a divine man; Apollonius sent him ahead to Puteoli and foretold the hour at which he should wait for him on the shore. Apollonius is brought out of prison, set before Domitian's tribunal, and acquitted by the emperor. But when he was forbidden to leave and told by Domitian that there were things he wished to discuss with him, Apollonius answered him thus before a very large assembly: "I would have you know, lord, that I am subject to you by no fate, and that you may know more fully that no power over my life is granted to you, farewell." Having said this he suddenly vanished, while all were amazed and, at the novelty and wonder of the thing, scarcely believed their eyes. Apollonius hurried to Damis, whom he found walking on the shore, anxious and troubled about the Tyanean himself. From Jerome. Giovanni Battista Pio. Eunapius in his preface makes him a kind of demigod, and says Philostratus should have entitled his work not "Life of Apollonius" but "The sojourn of a god among men." The emperor Caracalla thought so much of him that he judged him worthy to be honoured with a hero's shrine. The blasphemer Hierocles dared to compare him with Christ, and Eusebius refuted him in a book of his own. Meursius. — But all maintain that this story of Apollonius is a fable. Arnobius, book 1, counts Apollonius among the famous magicians. Saint Jerome, in the letter to Paulinus, thinks there is much that is truly fabulous in his story, yet some things true.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Apuleium› · col 558

Apuleium. Qui magiae accusatus, pro se apologiam conscripsit.

"Apuleius." Who, accused of magic, wrote an apology in his own defence.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Domitianus› · col 558

Domitianus. Hujus rei meminit S. Hieronymus adversus errores Joannis Hierosolymitani.

"Domitian." Saint Jerome mentions this matter in his work against the errors of John of Jerusalem.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non comparuit› · col 558

Non comparuit. Vide vitam Apollonii a Philostrato, lib. IV.

"He was not seen." See the Life of Apollonius by Philostratus, book IV.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ipsa opera comparare› · col 558

Ipsa opera comparare. Ita cum 8 vet. editis omnes mss. praeter 1 Reg. rec. et Cauc., quibus est computare. Idem sentit Betuleius, qui comparare, ac post ipsum Thomasius, legi debere opinantur.

"To compare the works themselves." So, with eight old editions, all the manuscripts except the recent Regius 1 and the Cauci, which have "computare" (to reckon). Betuleius is of the same view, he and Thomasius after him holding that "comparare" should be read.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Cur statuas, cur imagines comparant› · col 558

Cur statuas, cur imagines comparant. Imagines funeribus nobilium fuisse adhibitas, testis Porphyrion ad illud Horatii, funus atque imagines ducunt triumphales: ubi sic ait interpres: In funere nobilissimis quibusque solebant praeferri imagines majorum, quod observari videmus in funeribus principum. Crebro hujus ritus meminere auctores. Cic. XI. Orat. Brute, quid sedes? quid illam anum patri nuntiare vis tuo? quid illis omnibus, quorum imagines duci vides? quid majoribus tuis? Val. Max. lib. VIII, cap. 15: Africanus imaginem in cella Jovis Opt. Max. positam habet: quae quoticscumque funus aliquod Corneliae genti celebrandum est, inde petitur. Epitome Livii XLVIII, de Lepido: Praecepit filios lecto se strato sine linteis, sine purpura efferrent, imaginum specie, non sumptibus nobilitari maximorum virorum funera solere. Tacit. lib. III. Annal. tradit de Junia 20, clarissimarum familiarum imagines (continues)

"Why do they procure statues, why images?" That images were used at the funerals of nobles is attested by Porphyrion on Horace's line "the funeral procession and the triumphal images lead the way," where the commentator says: "At the funeral of all the most noble it was customary to carry before them the images of their ancestors, which we see observed at the funerals of princes." Authors often mention this rite. Cicero, Oration XI (On the Orator): "Brutus, why do you sit? What do you want that old woman to report to your father? What to all those whose images you see led along? What to your ancestors?" Valerius Maximus, book VIII, chapter 15: "Africanus has his image placed in the shrine of Jupiter Best and Greatest; whenever any funeral is to be held for the Cornelian clan, it is fetched from there." The Epitome of Livy XLVIII, on Lepidus: "He instructed his sons to carry him out on a bier spread without linen and without purple, saying that the funerals of the greatest men were usually ennobled by the display of images, not by expense." Tacitus, Annals book III, relates of Junia, 20, that the images of the most illustrious families (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Cur statuas, cur imagines comparant› · col 559, runs into col 560

ante latas fuisse. Idem. l. IV, de funere Drusi. Circumfusas lecto Claudiorum Liviorumque imagines, defletum in foro, laudatum pro rostris. Neque in Germanici funere eas praelatas, auctor est Tacit. lib. II: Funus sine imaginibus et pompa, per laudes et memoriam virtutum ejus celebre fuit. Erant autem hae imagines nihil aliud, quam expressa corporis effigies humerorum tenus e cera, consolationis ergo asservatae. Hujusmodi imaginibus atria sua nobiles Romani exornabant, collocando eas ordine in ligneis quibusdam thecis, vel armariis, unde exsequiarum tempore depromebantur, ut colligere est ex Plinio lib. XXXV, cap. 2: Expressi cera vultus singulis disponebantur armariis, ut essent imaginesque comitarentur gentilitia funera, semperque defuncto aliquo, totus aderat familiae ejus, qui unquam fuerat, populus. In principum tamen funeribus non solum gentilitiae, sed quorumlibet magnorum virorum ac virtute praestantium imagines praelatae, ut in funere Augusti, Dio lib. LVI. Idem factum in aliis exsequiis. Si quis turpis et immani crimine damnatus esset, ejus imago damnari et frangi solebat, nec in exsequiis ferebatur. Vide Juvenalem Sat. 8, Tacit. lib. I Annal. Sic Bruti et Cassii imagines abolitas docet Tacitus in fine lib. III Annal., 20. Quot igitur majorum imagines, totidem videntur lectuli funeribus praelati, ita ut suus cuilibet imagini lectulus esset, in quo portabatur: quanquam interdum, non in hujusmodi lectis, sed in oblongis perticis, vel hastis imagines has fuisse latas, ut ferculis triumphorum solebant, non inepte quis aestimaverit, praeeunte nobis ad hanc conjecturam Silio lib. X, de funere Pauli. Non conjux native aderant, non juncta propinquo Sanguine turba virum, aut celsis de more feretris Praecedens prisca exsequias decorabat imago. Porro non imagines solum, sed et simulcra gentium urbiumque subactarum, et nomina sub titulis hostium victorum, ipsaque spolia ab hostibus capta praeferri et exhiberi solebant in funeribus imperatorum, ut videtur apud Dionysium Halicarn. lib. VIII, de funere Coriolani. Tacitus de funebri pompa Augusti: Tunc consultatum est de honoribus, ex quibus maxime insignes visi, ut porta triumphali funus duceretur: Gallus Asinius, ut legum latarum tituli, victarum ab eo gentium vocabula anteferrentur. Quod etiam factum esse dicit Dio lib. LVI. Id ipsum de Pertinacis funere narrat idem auctor lib. LXXIV. Transierunt deinde nationes omnes subjectae imperio Rom. in statuis aeneis, sic ornatis, ut est cujusque gentis patria consuetudo. Intellexit hoc Lucanus lib. VIII, de funere Pompeii, quem non petere dicit, Praeferat ut veteres feralis pompa triumphos. Quin imo lictores cum fascibus, aliaque insignia magistratuum, quos olim gesserant, praecessisse, Polybius tradidit lib. VI. Et notandum, fasces hosce verti solitos, ut discimus ex Tacito lib. III Annal., de funere Germanici: Igitur tribunorum centurionumque humeris cineres portabantur: praecedebant incompta signa, versi fasces. Quem morem tetigisse videtur Virgil. Aeneid., lib. XI. Albinovanus in funere Drusi: Quos primum vidi fasces, in funere vidi; Et vidi versos, indiciumque mali. Joan. Kirchmannus. — Porro notandum est has cereas imagines olim etiam in funere regnum nostrorum fuisse cum summo honore delatas.

(continued) were carried before her. The same, book IV, on the funeral of Drusus: "The images of the Claudii and Livii poured round his bier; he was mourned in the forum and praised from the rostra." Tacitus, book II, tells us they were not carried before Germanicus's funeral: "A funeral without images or procession, made famous by praise and the memory of his virtues." These images were nothing other than a moulded likeness of the body down to the shoulders, in wax, kept for consolation's sake. The Roman nobles adorned their halls with such images, setting them in order in wooden cases or cupboards, from which they were taken out at the time of funerals, as may be gathered from Pliny, book XXXV, chapter 2: "Faces moulded in wax were arranged in separate cupboards, so that there might be images to accompany the clan's funerals, and whenever someone died, the whole people of his family that had ever existed was present." At the funerals of emperors, however, not only the family's images but those of any great men eminent in virtue were carried before, as at the funeral of Augustus, Dio book LVI. The same was done at other funerals. If anyone had been condemned for a foul and monstrous crime, his image was usually condemned and broken, and was not carried at funerals. See Juvenal, Satire 8; Tacitus, Annals book I. Thus Tacitus, at the end of Annals book III, 20, tells that the images of Brutus and Cassius were abolished. So it seems that as many little biers were carried before the funeral as there were ancestral images, so that each image had its own bier on which it was borne; though one might not unreasonably judge that these images were sometimes carried not on such biers but on long poles or spears, as was done with the litters of triumphs, Silius, book X, on the funeral of Paulus, leading us to this conjecture: "No wife was present, no crowd of men joined by near blood, nor did the ancient image, going before on lofty biers as was the custom, adorn the obsequies." Moreover, not only images but also effigies of the subdued nations and cities, and the names of conquered enemies under inscriptions, and the very spoils taken from the enemy, used to be carried before and displayed at the funerals of commanders, as appears in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book VIII, on the funeral of Coriolanus. Tacitus on the funeral procession of Augustus: "Then there was debate about honours, of which these seemed the most notable: that the funeral should be led through the triumphal gate; Gallus Asinius, that the titles of the laws he had passed and the names of the nations he had conquered should be carried before." Dio, book LVI, says this was done as well. The same author tells the same of Pertinax's funeral, book LXXIV. Then all the nations subject to the Roman empire passed by in bronze statues, each adorned according to the native custom of its people. Lucan meant this in book VIII, on the funeral of Pompey, who, he says, does not ask "that the funeral procession should carry his old triumphs before him." Indeed, Polybius relates in book VI that lictors with the fasces and the other insignia of the magistracies they had once held went before. And it should be noted that these fasces were usually reversed, as we learn from Tacitus, Annals book III, on the funeral of Germanicus: "So the ashes were carried on the shoulders of tribunes and centurions; before them went unadorned standards and reversed fasces." Virgil seems to have touched on this custom, Aeneid book XI. Albinovanus, on the funeral of Drusus: "The fasces I first saw, I saw at a funeral; and I saw them reversed, a sign of evil." Johann Kirchmann. — It should further be noted that these wax images were once also carried with the highest honour at the funerals of our own kings.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Cum eum dicas› · col 559

Cum eum dicas. Addidi eum ex omnibus mss. et impressis, praeter 1 Colb.

"When you call him." I have added "him" from all the manuscripts and printed editions except Colbert 1.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Adoratum esse a quibusdam, sicut deum› · col 559

Adoratum esse a quibusdam, sicut deum. Vopiscus d. l. Apollonium dicit ipsum pro numine frequentandum. Et paucis interjectis de eodem: Norat vultum philosophi venerabilis Aurelianus, atque in multis ejus imaginem viderat templis. Cell.

"That he was worshipped by some as a god." Vopiscus, in the place cited, says that Apollonius himself is to be visited as a divinity. And a few lines later, of the same man: "Aurelian knew the face of the venerable philosopher and had seen his image in many temples." Cellarius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Alexicaci› · col 559

Alexicaci. Id est, malorum depulsoris. Cum Ephesus peste laboraret, liberavit eam Apollonius hoc modo, si tamen Philostrato credatur. Convocato in concionem ad sacra facienda populo, comparuit mendicus habitu, qui facile homines ad misericordiam commoveret, jussitque Ephesios eum lapidibus obruere. Cunctante vero prae misericordia populo, instabat Apollonius tamdiu, dum aliquos saltem ad lapides tollendos perduceret. Mendicus cum semel atque iterum igneos ostenderet oculos, tota turba ipsum daemonem rata, lapidibus obruit. Remotis post lapidibus, jacuit in medio cadaver canis exanime. Liberati ex hoc Ephesii a peste, illi ceu Herculi ἀποτροπαίῳ (sic enim apud Philostratum legitur, non ἀλεξικάκῳ) statuam posuerunt. Est alioquin hoc epitheton Herculis. Betul.

"Of the Averter of evil." That is, of the one who drives away evils. When Ephesus was suffering from plague, Apollonius freed it in this way, if Philostratus is to be believed. When the people had been called to an assembly to offer sacrifice, a beggar appeared, of a dress that would easily move men to pity, and he ordered the Ephesians to stone him. When the people hesitated out of pity, Apollonius pressed them until he brought at least some to take up stones. When the beggar showed fiery eyes once and again, the whole crowd, judging him a demon, stoned him. When the stones were afterwards removed, there lay in the midst the lifeless carcass of a dog. The Ephesians, freed from the plague by this, set up a statue to him as to Hercules "the Averter" (for so it reads in Philostratus, ἀποτροπαίῳ, not ἀλεξικάκῳ). This is in any case an epithet of Hercules. Betuleius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et creditus est, quia vere fuit› · col 560

Et creditus est, quia vere fuit. Sic restitui ex omnibus ferme mss. et edit. Cellar. In 2 Reg. rec. et 16 excusis legitur verus; in Brun. et creditus est Deus, quia vere Deus fuit.

"And he was believed, because he truly was." So I have restored from almost all the manuscripts and Cellarius's edition. In the recent Regius 2 and sixteen printed editions "true" is read; in the Brunswick, "and he was believed God, because he truly was God."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sacramentum› · col 560

Sacramentum. Id est, mysterium, modo loquendi Lactantio proprio.

"Sacrament." That is, mystery, in a manner of speaking peculiar to Lactantius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Assignatum› · col 560

Assignatum. 1 Colb. a secunda manu et 6 vet. edit. obsignatum; Jun. signatum.

"Assigned." Colbert 1 in a second hand and six old editions have "sealed up"; the Junius, "sealed."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Legerent› · col 560

Legerent. Ita restitui ex mss. 5 Reg. et 2 Brun. ac pluribus vet. editis, approbante Francio; multis est legerint; scriptis 4 rec. totidemque editis ignoraverunt.

"They read." So I have restored from Regius 5, Brunswick 2 and several old editions, with Francius approving; many have "legerint"; four recent manuscripts and as many editions have "they did not know."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non solum idcirco a nobis› · col 560

Non solum idcirco a nobis, etc. Ita mss. 10 Reg., 1 Bonon. antiq. et 5 editi. Abest solum a 14 mss. totidemque impressis. Attamen addendum esse judicat Thomasius.

"Not only for this reason by us," etc. So ten Regius manuscripts, the ancient Bologna 1 and five editions. "Only" is absent from fourteen manuscripts and as many printed editions. Thomasius nevertheless judges that it should be added.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non solum idcirco….. verum etiam quia vidimus› · col 560

Non solum idcirco..... verum etiam quia vidimus. Lib. IV, cap. 13. Nam quod ait (Apollo) portentifica illum (Christum) opera fecisse, quo maxime divinitatis fidem meruit, adsentiri nobis jam videtur, quum dicit eadem quibus nos gloriamur. Epit. c. 45. ob haec (continues)

"Not only for this reason … but also because we have seen." Book IV, chapter 13: "For when he (Apollo) says that he (Christ) did wonder-working deeds, by which above all he earned belief in his divinity, he now seems to agree with us, since he says the same things in which we glory." Epitome chapter 45: "for these things (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Non solum idcirco….. verum etiam quia vidimus› · col 561

miracula quum... multitudo... ut erat, Dei filium... crederet.

(continued) miracles, since … the multitude … believed him, as he was, the Son of God."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nunc putatis› · col 561

Nunc putatis. Sic rescribo cum mss. 1 Reg. antiquissimo et 1 al. Reg. recentiori, sed bonae notae, ac edit. Gymnic. et ita Sparkius legendum esse censet, quam lectionem confirmant proxime sequentia. Quaedam scripta et impressa legunt nuncupatis.

"Now you think." So I write, with the very ancient Regius 1 and another, more recent Regius 1 of good quality, and Gymnicus's edition; and Sparke judges it should be read so, a reading confirmed by what immediately follows. Some manuscripts and printed editions read "nuncupatis" (you name).

(lemma) ‹anchor: Prophetae omnes› · col 561

Prophetae omnes, etc. Ita mss. vet. 4 Reg. et Marm. a prima manu, cum pluribus editis.

"All the prophets," etc. So the old manuscripts Regius 4 and the Marmoutier in the first hand, with several editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non magis ex factis› · col 561

Non magis ex factis. 1 Bonon. tam ex factis.

"No more from deeds." Bologna 1 has "as much from deeds."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sicut canes lambitis› · col 561

Sicut canes lambitis. Cicero lib. III, in Verr., cap. 11. Quos (canes) tribunal meum vides lambere. Fortius Ammian. Marcell. l. XV, c. 3: Tribunal unius legati non lambentes, sed membra totius reipublicae... vexantes. Bun.

"You lick like dogs." Cicero, Against Verres book III, chapter 11: "Whom (the dogs) you see licking my tribunal." More strongly Ammianus Marcellinus, book XV, chapter 3: "Not licking the tribunal of a single legate, but harrying … the limbs of the whole commonwealth." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Potuit, aut› · col 561

Potuit, aut. Addidi ex omnibus mss. et plerisque editis.

"Could, or." I have added it from all the manuscripts and most editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Excidere› · col 561

Excidere. 1 Bonon. antiq. Goth. et edit. Is. ex dere; 1 Reg. rec. excidere.

"To cut out." The ancient Bologna 1, the Gotha and the Isaeus edition have "ex dere"; the recent Regius 1, "excidere."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Connisus› · col 561

Connisus. Mss. 10 rec. connixus.

"Having striven." Ten recent manuscripts have "connixus."

(lemma) ‹anchor: φιλαληθεῖς› · col 561

Φιλαληθεῖς. Id est, veritatis studiosos et amatores, quo etiam titulo Hierocles decoravit librum, quem contra christianos scripserat.

"Philalêtheis." That is, men eager for and lovers of truth, the title with which Hierocles adorned the book he had written against the Christians.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Annotare› · col 561

Annotare. Walchius exponit, allegare, citare, ut simul significet titulum. Barthius Adversar. l. L, c. 10, pr. f. 2363, recte explicat, inscribere: ita vero omnino elegantius alibi scribit l. I, c. 11; l. VI, c. 18; l. VII, c. 18. Bun.

"To entitle." Walch explains it as "to adduce, to cite," so that it signifies the title at the same time. Barth, Adversaria book L, chapter 10, beginning, folio 2363, rightly explains it as "to inscribe"; and indeed elsewhere he writes it altogether more elegantly, book I, chapter 11; book VI, chapter 18; book VII, chapter 18. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: O mentem cimmeriis (ut aiunt) tenebris atriorem› · col 561, runs into col 562

O mentem cimmeriis (ut aiunt) tenebris atriorem! Cimmerii populi fuerunt Scytici, a quibus Bosphorus Cimmerius nominatus est. In cujus ostio fuit oppidum Cimmerion, quod alio nomine Cerberion vocabatur, ut auctor est Plinius in quinto: existimat Strabo in septimo dictum esse, Bosphorum Cymmerium, quasi Cymbricum a Cymbris, qui incertis errabundi sedibus, usque ad Maeotim paludem militiam agitarunt. Cimmeriorum clima obscurum esse ac tenebrosum, putarunt antiqui, ut idem memorat in primo, cujus rei etiam meminit Homerus sic loquens de Cimmeriis: Illis sol nunquam Phaetontia lumina spargit, Perniciosa super nox semper tenditur istis. Tibullus quoque, Homerici carminis aemulator, ita cecinit in heroico poemate: Cimmerion etiam obscuras accessit ad arces, Quas nunquam candente dies apparuit ortu, Sive super terras Phoebus, seu curreret infra. Cum itaque Cimmeriorum regio esset tenebricosa, et aer caliginosus, deductum est inde Proverbium: Tenebrae Cimmeriae.

"O mind darker than Cimmerian (as they say) darkness!" The Cimmerians were a Scythian people, from whom the Cimmerian Bosporus was named. At its mouth was the town of Cimmerion, which was called by another name Cerberion, as Pliny states in his fifth book. Strabo, in his seventh, thinks it was called the Cymmerian Bosporus as if "Cymbric," from the Cimbri, who, wandering with no fixed seats, carried their warfare as far as the Maeotic marsh. The ancients thought the Cimmerians' region dark and shadowy, as the same author records in his first book, a thing Homer also mentions, speaking thus of the Cimmerians: "On them the sun never sheds Phaethon's light; deadly night is always stretched over them." Tibullus too, an imitator of Homer's poem, sang thus in a heroic poem: "He came even to the dark citadels of the Cimmerians, on which day never appeared at its bright rising, whether Phoebus ran above the earth or below." Since, then, the Cimmerians' land was gloomy and its air murky, the proverb "Cimmerian darkness" was derived from it.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Anaxagorae› · col 562

Anaxagorae. De quo jam dictum est supra libro III, cap. 23.

"Of Anaxagoras." Of whom something has already been said above, book III, chapter 23.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sub ovis pelle› · col 562

Sub ovis pelle. Alludit ad illud Christi Domini verbum, Matth. VII: Cavete vobis a pseudoprophetis, qui veniunt ad vos in vestitu ovium, sed intus sunt lupi rapaces.

"Under a sheep's skin." He alludes to that word of Christ the Lord, Matthew 7: "Beware of false prophets, who come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Enim› · col 562

Enim. Additum ex 6 excusis et omnibus mss. praeter 2 Reg. rec. in quibus deest, sicut et in editis ann. 1476, 1497, 1513 et 1515, atque delendum putat Heumannus.

"For." Added from six printed editions and all the manuscripts except the recent Regius 2, in which it is missing, as also in the editions of the years 1476, 1497, 1513 and 1515; and Heumann thinks it should be deleted.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ii ergo› · col 562

Ii ergo. 2 Reg. et edit. Crat. Hi ergo.

"Those, then." Regius 2 and Cratander's edition have "These, then."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Deo› · col 562

Deo. Abest Deo a 3 Colbert. et 5 vulgatis.

"To God." "To God" is absent from Colbert 3 and five common editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Uno semel impetu profligarem› · col 562

Uno semel impetu profligarem. Mss. 7 rec. et 5 edit. habent simul.

"That I might rout them at a single onset." Seven recent manuscripts and five editions have "simul" (together).

(lemma) ‹anchor: Monimentum injustitiae suae struxerint› · col 562

Monimentum injustitiae suae struxerint. Mss. 14 et edit. 5 struxerunt; 1 Bon. antiq. et Tax. instruxerint.

"Have built a monument of their injustice." Fourteen manuscripts and five editions have "struxerunt"; the ancient Bologna 1 and the Taxaquet, "instruxerint."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Cui Apologetico nomen est› · col 562

Cui Apologetico nomen est. Sic passim loqui amat Lactantius. Mss. rec. 2 Reg. et 4 Colb. ferunt Apologeticon; 1 Reg. rec. et Brun. Apologeticus.

"Whose name is Apologeticum." Lactantius likes to speak so throughout. The recent manuscripts Regius 2 and Colbert 4 have "Apologeticon"; the recent Regius 1 and the Brunswick, "Apologeticus."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Defensione› · col 562

Defensione. Defensio, hic est affirmatio.

"In defence." "Defence" here is affirmation.

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Qua Demetrianum› · col 563

Qua Demetrianum, etc. Demetrianus ille non proconsul Africae, sed minoris ordinis judex Carthaginensis. Is aiebat Christianis mala omnia esse imputanda quibus tum mundus urgebatur.

"With which Demetrianus," etc. That Demetrianus was not proconsul of Africa but a Carthaginian judge of lower rank. He used to say that all the evils by which the world was then pressed were to be laid to the Christians' charge.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Oblatrantem atque obstrepentem veritati› · col 563

Oblatrantem atque obstrepentem veritati. Haec verba sunt ipsiusmet Cypriani initio libri sui.

"Barking and shouting against the truth." These words are Cyprian's own, at the beginning of his book.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non enim Scripturae testimoniis….. sed argumentis et ratione fuerat refellendus› · col 563

Non enim Scripturae testimoniis..... sed argumentis et ratione fuerat refellendus. Longe aliter sentit Augustinus. Immerito hic Lactantius et Hieronymus sanctum Cyprianum arguunt, quod contra proconsulem Demetrianum gentilem sacrae Scripturae, seu prophetarum Hebraeorum testimonia protulerit; siquidem, ut ait Augustinus lib. XIII contra Faustum, cap. VII: Ostendimus fidem prophetarum ex iis quae ventura cecinerant, et venisse cernuntur. Et eodem libro, cap. 10: Per eorum quippe codices probamus, non a nobis tanquam de rerum eventu commonitis ista esse conscripta, sed olim in illo regno praedicta atque servata, nunc autem manifestata et impleta. Sed et cap. 2 ejusdem libri: Dicere autem non esse aptam Gentibus hebraeam prophetiam, ut credant in Christum, cum videat omnes gentes per Hebraeam prophetiam credere in Christum, ridicula insania est. Haud secus sentit antiquus auctor Tractatus contra 5 haereses, olim sub nomine Augustini, cap. 7, in Append. tom. VIII, pag. 9. Hic esto, et tu, Pagane, audi quid dicat propheta. Non mihi ego quod volui scripsi: codex in quo haec scripta leguntur, in armario Judaei habetur. Inimicus meus testis est meus; ab ipso quaere: aperi, lege, et crede.

"For he should have been refuted not by testimonies of Scripture … but by arguments and reason." Augustine thinks very differently. Lactantius and Jerome here wrongly blame Saint Cyprian for bringing the testimonies of sacred Scripture, that is, of the Hebrew prophets, against the pagan proconsul Demetrianus; for, as Augustine says, Against Faustus book XIII, chapter 7: "We have shown the trustworthiness of the prophets from the things they sang were to come, and are seen to have come." And in the same book, chapter 10: "For by their books we prove that these things were not written by us as if prompted by the outcome of events, but were long ago foretold and preserved in that kingdom, and are now made manifest and fulfilled." And also in chapter 2 of the same book: "But to say that Hebrew prophecy is not suited to the Gentiles for believing in Christ, when he sees all nations believing in Christ through Hebrew prophecy, is ridiculous madness." The ancient author of the Treatise against Five Heresies, once under Augustine's name, chapter 7, in the Appendix of volume VIII, page 9, thinks no otherwise: "Stand here, you too, pagan, and hear what the prophet says. I did not write what I wished for myself: the book in which these things are read is kept in the Jew's cupboard. My enemy is my witness; ask him: open, read, and believe."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Veritatis ignarum› · col 563

Veritatis ignarum. Negat quidem Episcopus Oxon. in sua editione ad Cypr. Demetrianum ipsum fuisse veritatis ignarum, quia saepe ad Cyprianum venerit disceptaturus de fidei capitibus; sed ipse tamen Cyprianus tribuit ipsi imperitiam, et studio magis contradicendi, quam voto discendi venisse dicit. Bun.

"Ignorant of the truth." The Bishop of Oxford, in his edition of Cyprian's To Demetrianus, does deny that Demetrianus himself was ignorant of the truth, since he often came to Cyprian to dispute on the heads of the faith; but Cyprian himself nevertheless ascribes inexperience to him and says he came more from eagerness to contradict than from desire to learn. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Monstrare› · col 563

Monstrare. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. demonstrare.

"To show." The ancient Bologna manuscript 1 has "demonstrare."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nam sicut infans› · col 563

Nam sicut infans. Hac similitudine utitur ipse Paulus I Corinth. c. III et in epistola ad Hebr. c. V, I Petr., II, 2.

"For just as an infant." Paul himself uses this simile, 1 Corinthians chapter 3 and in the Letter to the Hebrews chapter 5; 1 Peter 2:2.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ut› · col 563

Ut. Addidi ex mss. et multis impressis. Abest a mss. 1 Reg. antiq. et nonnullis editis.

"That." I have added it from the manuscripts and many printed editions. It is absent from the ancient Regius 1 and some editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ac si hortatu nostro› · col 563

Ac si hortatu nostro. Reposui Ac ex quamplurimis mss. inter quos sunt veterrimi 2 Bonon., 2 Reg. et 18 al. et edd. Is., Cellar. In 10 scriptis et 10 vulgatis est At.

"And if by our exhortation." I have restored "Ac" from very many manuscripts, among which are the very old Bologna 2 and Regius 2 and eighteen others, and the editions of Isaeus and Cellarius. In ten manuscripts and ten common editions it is "At."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ingenia… jactare› · col 564

Ingenia... jactare. Quintil. l. III. Instit. c. 1: Admiscere tentavimus aliquid nitoris, non jactandi ingenii gratia. Tacit. l. XIII Annal. c. 11 fin. Bun.

"To show off … talents." Quintilian, Institutes book III, chapter 1: "We have tried to mix in some polish, not for the sake of showing off talent." Tacitus, Annals book XIII, end of chapter 11. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tum etiam solam veram› · col 564

Tum etiam solam veram. Haec lectio est antiquissimorum et optimorum codicum 1 Bonon., 1 Reg., Cauc., item 2 al. Reg. et 1 Colbert. In scriptis 17 rec. et 4 editis legitur: tum etiam et solam veram; in 10 mss. rec. et 5 vulgatis et solam et veram.

"Then also the only true one." This is the reading of the most ancient and best codices, Bologna 1, Regius 1, the Cauci, likewise another Regius 2 and Colbert 1. In seventeen recent manuscripts and four editions one reads "then also and the only true one"; in ten recent manuscripts and five common editions, "both the only and the true one."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Reddenda› · col 564

Reddenda. Reddere hic habet vim simplicis dare, quae vis mansit in phrasi, rationem reddere: sic l. V, c. 1: Nec causas odiorum reddere ipsi possunt. Ita Manilius l. I v. 561: Restat ut aethereos fines tibi reddere coner. Et lib. I, v. 803: Ac prius incipiam stellis quam reddere vires. His et aliis locis idem quod enarrare, referre. Bun.

"To be rendered." "Reddere" here has the force of the simple "dare" (to give), a force kept in the phrase "to render an account": so book V, chapter 1: "Nor can they themselves render the causes of their hatreds." So Manilius, book I, line 561: "It remains that I try to render to you the bounds of the ether." And book I, line 803: "And sooner than I begin to render their powers to the stars." In these and other places it means the same as "to recount, to report." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Summa virtus› · col 564

Summa virtus. Mss. rec. 2 Reg. Cant. ac edd. tres vet. Rom. et Paris. 1525, sola virtus. Haec ultima lectio magis Betuleio placet. — Quae aut ipsa est summa virtus. Quid impedit hanc generalem, sc. universalem justitiam dici summam virtutem? Recte hoc vidit Walchius illustrans ex Cic. lib. III de Off. cap. 6: Haec una virtus (justitia) omnium est domina et regina virtutum. Quid multis, ipsi Lactantio iterum hoc libro cap. 14: Justitia vocatur summa virtus, quae infra, omnes simul virtutes amplectatur. Bun.

"The highest virtue." The recent Regius 2, the Cambridge and the three old editions of Rome and Paris 1525 have "the only virtue." This last reading pleases Betuleius more. — "Which either is itself the highest virtue." What prevents this general, that is, universal justice from being called the highest virtue? Walch saw this rightly, illustrating it from Cicero, On Duties book III, chapter 6: "This one virtue (justice) is the mistress and queen of all the virtues." In short, Lactantius himself again, in this book, chapter 14: "Justice is called the highest virtue, which," as below, "embraces all the virtues together." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Aut fons est ipsa virtutis› · col 564

Aut fons est ipsa virtutis. Ita mss. 2 Reg. vetustissimi, 8 alter. Reg., 6 Colb. aliique, et 9 vet. edit. In pluribus excusis est virtus. — Aut fons est ipsa virtutis. Solus Emman. ipsa non habet; reliqui scripti editique agnoscunt ipsa, scil. justitia: iidem, virtutis. Lib. VI, cap. 9: Fons est ipse bonitatis Deus. Ibid., cap. 24: Ipsum veritatis attigit fontem. Bun.

"Or it is itself the fount of virtue." So the very old Regius 2, another Regius 8, Colbert 6 and others, and nine old editions. In several printed editions it is "virtue" (nominative). — "Or it is itself the fount of virtue." Only the Emmanuel lacks "itself"; the other manuscripts and editions recognize "itself," namely justice; the same have "of virtue." Book VI, chapter 9: "God himself is the fount of goodness." Ibid., chapter 24: "He has reached the very fount of truth." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Cessisse e terra› · col 564

Cessisse e terra. Ex 5 vet. editis. et omnibus prope mss. reposui praepositionem e, quae in nonnullis scriptis et multis impressis litterarum similitudine perierat. Vide Hesiodum in operibus, Virgilium II Georgicorum, Aratum in Phoenomenis.

"Had departed from the earth." From five old editions and almost all the manuscripts I have restored the preposition "e," which had been lost in some manuscripts and many printed editions through the likeness of the letters. See Hesiod in the Works, Virgil, Georgics II, Aratus in the Phaenomena.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ut doceant› · col 564

Ut doceant. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. ut edoceant; tres editi, ut docerent.

"That they may teach." The ancient Bologna manuscript 1 has "ut edoceant"; three editions, "ut docerent."

(lemma) ‹anchor: A Saturni temporibus› · col 564

A Saturni temporibus. Unde Saturnia regna etiam Virgilius appellavit. Hic et Graeci et Latini inter se non conveniunt, quia varios in unum confundunt Saturnos, (continues)

"From the times of Saturn." Whence Virgil too called them the Saturnian realms. Here Greeks and Latins do not agree among themselves, because they merge various Saturns into one, (continues)

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Nec adhuc ulla gente› · col 565

Nec adhuc ulla gente, etc. In 27 mss. et 3 editis est illa. Melius ulla in caeteris; ad quid enim illa referri potest, cum nullius gentis supra fuerit facta mentio? Heumannus tamen fretus vetustis editionibus existimat legendum esse illa, quasi agatur de Saturni familia: sed male, ut puto.

"Nor yet with any race," etc. In twenty-seven manuscripts and three editions it is "that." "Any," in the rest, is better; for to what can "that" be referred, when no race has been mentioned above? Heumann nevertheless, relying on old editions, thinks "that" should be read, as though Saturn's family were in question; but wrongly, I think.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nondum vesanos› · col 565

Nondum vesanos: Ovidius: Non galeae, non ensis erat, sine militis usu Mollia securae peragebant otia gentes.

"Not yet the mad": Ovid: "There were no helmets, no sword; without the need of soldiers the nations, free from care, passed their days in gentle ease."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Loquitur› · col 565

Loquitur. Hoc verbum addidi ex mss. et edd. quod in nonnullis vulgatis rec. deest.

"Speaks." I have added this word from the manuscripts and editions; it is missing in some recent common editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nota› · col 565

Nota. Id observandum, quod apud Germanicum legitur nata. Sed idem fere sensus est.

"Known." It should be observed that in Germanicus "nata" (born) is read. But the sense is nearly the same.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ut Cicero in suo narrat› · col 565

Ut Cicero in suo narrat. Ita ferme omnes mss. et 7 editi. Et recte. Jam enim praecessit, ut Germanicus Caesar in Aratoeo loquitur carmine. Jun., Ultr., et 7 excusi, Ut Cicero in suo ait Arato; 1 Bonon. antiq., ut Maro in suo, etc., 1 Reg. rec., 1 Colb., Lips., Brun., ut Virgilius in suo narrat, quod. Quae Betuleius in commentario suo ad hunc locum habet, parum ad rem nostram faciunt. At Lactantius modo Germanici, modo Ciceronis Arataeorum translatione utitur.

"As Cicero tells in his." So nearly all the manuscripts and seven editions. And rightly; for there came before: "as Germanicus Caesar speaks in his Aratean poem." The Junius, the Utrecht and seven printed editions have "As Cicero says in his Aratus"; the ancient Bologna 1, "as Maro in his," etc.; the recent Regius 1, Colbert 1, the Leipzig and the Brunswick, "as Virgil tells in his, that." What Betuleius has in his commentary on this place does little for our matter. But Lactantius uses now Germanicus's, now Cicero's translation of Aratus's Phaenomena.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ne signare› · col 565

Ne signare, etc. Hic versus Maronis est, ex primo Georgic. vers. 126, quae expresse neque in Arato, neque in Hesiodo leguntur. Apud Aratum forte haec excolere voluit: Ἀλλὰ βόες ἄροτρα, καὶ αὐτὴ πότνια λαῶν Μυρία πάντα παρεῖχε δίκη δώτειρα δικαίων. Quae etiam Germanicus copiose circumlocutus est, Virgilium fortasse secutus: Divitias fructusque dabat placata colono Sponte sua tellus, nec parvi terminus agri Praestabat dominis signo tutissima rura.

"Not even to mark out," etc. This verse is Maro's, from the first Georgic, line 126; these things are not expressly read in Aratus or in Hesiod. In Aratus he perhaps meant to embellish these lines: "But oxen and ploughs, and Justice herself, mistress of peoples, giver of just things, supplied all things in countless store." Germanicus too paraphrased these at length, perhaps following Virgil: "The earth, appeased, of her own accord gave riches and fruits to the farmer, nor did the boundary of a small field by its mark secure the fields most safely for their owners."

(lemma) ‹anchor: In medium› · col 566

In medium. Id est, in commune. Ex Marone iterum libro de Ira, c. 7: In medium quaesita reponunt. Seneca Agamemn. v. 666: In medium deflere suos. Bun.

"Into the common stock." That is, in common. From Maro again, in the book On Anger, chapter 7: "They store what they have gathered into the common stock." Seneca, Agamemnon line 666: "To bewail their own in common." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nec ulli deesset› · col 566

Nec ulli deesset. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq., nec ulli datum est; Latinius, nec ulli datum esset.

"Nor would anyone lack." The ancient Bologna manuscript 1 has "nor has it been given to anyone"; Latinius, "nor would it have been given to anyone."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Omnino› · col 566

Omnino. Thysius omni, sed male.

"At all." Thysius has "omni," but wrongly.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Flumina› · col 566

Flumina. Versus est Ovid. Metamorph. I initio. Cujus vestigia nec apud Hesiodum, nec apud Aratum leguntur.

"Rivers." The verse is Ovid's, Metamorphoses I, near the beginning. No trace of it is read in Hesiod or in Aratus.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Arma› · col 566

Arma. Versus est Virg. VIII Aeneid., 320. Vide et S. Augustinum de Civit. Dei lib. VII, cap. 26.

"Arms." The verse is Virgil's, Aeneid VIII, 320. See also Saint Augustine, City of God book VII, chapter 26.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Deseruit propere terras› · col 566

Deseruit propere terras. Mss. 2 Bonon., 5 Reg. et 1 Brun. proprie; ex Germanico Caesare in Arati carminibus, ubi poeta expressit quod de ferreo saeculo expressit graece Aratus.

"She quickly abandoned the earth." Bologna 2, Regius 5 and Brunswick 1 have "proprie"; from Germanicus Caesar in his poems from Aratus, where the poet rendered what Aratus expressed in Greek about the iron age.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Cicero› · col 566

Cicero. Qui hic Hesiodum potius quam Aratum secutus est. Caeterum de aureo saeculo lege Platonem in Politico, ubi aliis cum scriptoribus convenit.

"Cicero." Who here followed Hesiod rather than Aratus. For the rest, on the golden age read Plato in the Statesman, where he agrees with other writers.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Resedit› · col 566

Resedit. Ita mss. et editi. 1 Colb. rec. residet, mendose, pro resedit, litteris transpositis. Grotius legit, recepta est.

"Settled." So the manuscripts and editions. The recent Colbert 1 has "residet," faultily, for "resedit," with the letters transposed. Grotius reads "she was received."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ille› · col 566

Ille. Versus Virg. I Georg., 139, ubi Jovem, quamvis optimum, facit auctorem mali; quo fit ut Deus non sit.

"He." The verse is Virgil's, Georgics I, 139, where he makes Jupiter, though "best," the author of evil; which means he is not God.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Insevit› · col 566

Insevit. Mss. 2 Reg. rec. et 1 Colbert. sevit; in 18 rec. et 5 excusis, inseruit. Apud Buneman inseruit. — Ut Boethius l. I Consol., p. 44: Sapientiam mentibus inseruit Deus; et l. III, Pros. II: Mentibus hominum veri boni naturaliter inserta cupiditas. Conf. not. l. VI, cap. 13. Bun.

"Sowed in." The recent Regius 2 and Colbert 1 have "sevit"; eighteen recent manuscripts and five printed editions, "inseruit." In Bünemann, "inseruit." — As Boethius, Consolation book I, page 44: "God implanted wisdom in minds"; and book III, prose 2: "The desire for the true good is naturally implanted in the minds of men." Compare the note on book VI, chapter 13. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Venenati› · col 566

Venenati. Hoc est perniciosi, pestiferi, et in hominum perniciem nati, ut Neronis, Caligulae, Domitiani, et id genus animantium. Salmasius.

"Venomous." That is, destructive, pestilent, and born for the ruin of men, like Nero, Caligula, Domitian and creatures of that kind. Salmasius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Fecerit› · col 566

Fecerit. Ms. 1 Bonon. fecerat; nonnulli editi fecit.

"May have done." Bologna manuscript 1 has "fecerat"; some editions, "fecit."

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Et idcirco efferasse› · col 567

Et idcirco efferasse. Mss. 11 rec. ideo. In 1 Reg. rec. est et ideo et feras, et serpentes, ac lupos.

"And for that reason made wild." Eleven recent manuscripts have "ideo." In the recent Regius 1 it is "and therefore both wild beasts and serpents and wolves."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tradatur› · col 567

Tradatur. Rectius mss. 5 rec. et editi multi traditur, in quorum uno est saevisse, pro acuisse.

"Be handed down." More correctly five recent manuscripts and many editions have "traditur," in one of which "to have raged" stands for "to have sharpened."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Diremptum est foedus› · col 567

Diremptum est foedus. Diremptum, licet Taurin. et quidam alii in Epitom. cap. 59: Diruptum est... foedus.. direpta societas, praeferant; saepe enim, ut ad epitomen dico, hae voces confunduntur. Latini vero non diripere, sed dirimere foedus, societatem dicunt. Ita noster ex Cicerone l. VI, c. 6: Dirimunt hi... societatem. Bun.

"The covenant was broken off." "Diremptum," although the Turin and certain others, in the Epitome chapter 59, prefer "the covenant … was burst … the fellowship torn apart"; for these words are often confused, as I say on the Epitome. But Latin speakers do not say "diripere" but "dirimere" a covenant or a fellowship. So our author, from Cicero, book VI, chapter 6: "These break off … the fellowship." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Manus conserere› · col 567

Manus conserere. Ms. Brun. inferre; editi quinque inserere.

"To join hands in battle." The Brunswick manuscript has "inferre"; five editions, "inserere."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Omnium malorum fons cupiditas› · col 567

Omnium malorum fons cupiditas. Cupiditas est avaritia, de qua capite quinto integro egit. His gemina illa Sallustii Catil. X, c. 3: Primo pecuniae, deinde imperii cupido crevit. Ea materies omnium malorum fuere. Bun.

"Greed, the fount of all evils." Greed is avarice, of which he treated in the whole of chapter 5. Twin to these is that of Sallust, Catiline X, 3: "First the desire for money grew, then for power. These were the stuff of all evils." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non participabant alios› · col 567

Non participabant alios. Sic restitui ex mss 3 Reg. quorum duo sunt veterrimi, et ex edit. Cellarii. Scripti recentiores et editi habent aliis, quod cum participandi verbo non convenit. Omnino enim participare jungitur cum accusativo. Plautus dixit, servum participare consilii sui, Cistell. Act. I, III, vers. 17; et Cicero, participare otium alio, lib. I de Legibus n. 33. — Non participabant aliis ii. Participare alicui saepissime in antiquissima et saeculo secundo exeunte, ut Grabius et Fabricius censuere, confecta versione Irenaei l. I. Haeres., cap. 1, fol. 10. Nus excogitabat reliquis aeonibus participare magnitudinem patris. L. I. c. 9, fol. 59: Qui participavit ei suam gratiam. L. 2, c. 61, fol. 191: Anima participans suo corpori... vitam participans corpori. L. IV, c. 28, fol. 316: Gloriam suam participare volens discipulis suis. Bun.

"They did not share with others." So I have restored from Regius 3, two of which are very old, and from Cellarius's edition. The more recent manuscripts and the editions have "aliis" (dative), which does not suit the verb of sharing; for "participare" is always joined with the accusative. Plautus said "to make a slave a sharer in his plan," Cistellaria Act I, scene 3, line 17; and Cicero, "to share leisure with another," On the Laws book I, number 33. — "Those did not share with others" (dative). "Participare alicui" occurs very often in the very ancient version of Irenaeus, made at the end of the second century as Grabe and Fabricius judged, Against Heresies book I, chapter 1, folio 10: "Nous was devising to share the Father's greatness with the other aeons." Book I, chapter 9, folio 59: "Who shared his grace with him." Book 2, chapter 61, folio 191: "The soul sharing with its body … sharing life with the body." Book IV, chapter 28, folio 316: "Wishing to share his glory with his disciples." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In usus hominum› · col 567, runs into col 568

In usus hominum. Ita omnes (quod sciam) mss. et editi. Rectius fortasse legeris omnium, quae est Isaei, Joannis Cauci et Francii conjectura. Nam omnium recte opponitur τῷ paucorum. — In usus omnium. In libris antiquis per notas hoium, id est hominum, et oium, id est omnium, scribitur: hinc facilis confusio. Agnovit jam olim interpres Gall., vertens: pour l'usage de tous hommes. Bun.

"For the uses of men." So all the manuscripts and editions (as far as I know). Perhaps you would more correctly read "of all," which is the conjecture of Isaeus, Jean Cauci and Francius. For "of all" is rightly opposed to "of the few." — "For the uses of all." In ancient books "hoium," that is "hominum," and "oium," that is "omnium," are written in abbreviations: hence the easy confusion. The French translator recognized it long ago, rendering "for the use of all men." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Corraderent› · col 568

Corraderent. Mss. 2 Reg. rec., 1 Colbert. contraderent, pro conraderent, quod est in 2 Reg. antiq. et 4 aliis; in 2 Reg. rec. et 5 editis, contraherent.

"They might scrape together." The recent Regius 2 and Colbert 1 have "contraderent," for "conraderent," which is in the ancient Regius 2 and four others; in the recent Regius 2 and five editions, "contraherent."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sibi nomine justitiae› · col 568

Sibi nomine justitiae. Sic mss. 2 Reg. antiquissimi, 1 al. Reg. et 4 edit. Et recte. Vide infra, Hinc honores sibi, et purpuras, et fasces invenerunt. Scripti 26 rec. et 12 vulgati addunt munitas; 1 Bonon. antiq. sub justitiae nomine. Attamen Thomasio assentimur qui putat sensum forte meliorem si legatur, leges etiam sub justitiae nomine iniquissimas. De his legibus vide Tertullianum in Apologetico, cap. 4.

"For themselves under the name of justice." So the very ancient Regius 2, another Regius 1 and four editions. And rightly. See below: "Hence they devised honours for themselves, and purple robes, and fasces." Twenty-six recent manuscripts and twelve common editions add "fortified"; the ancient Bologna 1, "under the name of justice." Yet we agree with Thomasius, who thinks the sense perhaps better if one reads "laws, too, most unjust under the name of justice." On these laws see Tertullian in the Apology, chapter 4.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Malitia› · col 568

Malitia. Mss. 14 rec. et vet. edd. 5, avaritia.

"Malice." Fourteen recent manuscripts and five old editions have "avarice."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Altioresque se caeteris hominibus… faciebant› · col 568

Altioresque se caeteris hominibus... faciebant. Mss. 6 Reg. et edd. 4. altioresque caeteris hominibus... fulgebant.

"And they made themselves higher than other men …" Regius 6 and four editions have "and higher than other men … they shone."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sed impiam tyrannidem vi et hominibus armatis occupavit› · col 568

Sed impiam tyrannidem vi et hominibus armatis occupavit. Mss. 1 Bon. antiq.: Sed imperium tyrannidemque hominibus, etc.

"But he seized an impious tyranny by force and armed men." The ancient Bologna 1: "But power and tyranny with men," etc.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Titanum robustam… gentem› · col 568

Titanum robustam... gentem. Mss. 13 et 5 excusi, Titanam, male, ex commutatione unius litterae. Vide supra lib. I, cap. 10 ante finem, et cap. 14.

"The sturdy … race of the Titans." Thirteen manuscripts and five printed editions have "Titanam," wrongly, from the change of one letter. See above, book I, chapter 10 before the end, and chapter 14.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Occidione deleverat› · col 568

Occidione deleverat. Ita mss. antiquissimi 2 Bonon., 1 Reg., Cant. cum 14 impressis. Scripti rec. 25 et editi 5 legunt occisione; quae magis usitata est vox, nec ideo magis genuina. Utraque vox Ciceroniana; illa Philipp. XIV, cap. ultim.; haec lib. XV, epist. 4. Sed et Tacito est occidione occumbere, XII, 38.

"Had wiped out by slaughter." So the very ancient Bologna 2, Regius 1 and the Cambridge, with fourteen printed editions. Twenty-five recent manuscripts and five editions read "occisione," which is the commoner word and not on that account the more genuine. Both words are Ciceronian: the former in Philippics XIV, last chapter; the latter in Letters book XV, letter 4. And Tacitus too has "to fall in slaughter," XII, 38.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Hunc verebantur› · col 568

Hunc verebantur. Sic lego cum 2 mss. Reg. et edit. vet. Rom, Ald., Paris. 1525, Crat., Graph., idque praecedentia et sequentia requirunt: nec video in quo differant venerabantur caeterorum, ab eo quod sequitur, huic maximum honorem deferebant; quod unum et idem est.

"Him they feared." So I read with two Regius manuscripts and the old editions of Rome, Aldus, Paris 1525, Cratander and Gryphius, and what precedes and follows requires it; nor do I see how the others' "they venerated" differs from what follows, "to him they paid the greatest honour"; which is one and the same thing.

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Consuetudo, mos factus est› · col 569

Consuetudo, mos factus est. Contra Arnobius, II. p. 58: Fiet enim familiaris e more consuetudo. Perottus in Cornu Cop., ed. Ald. f. 653: Mos proprie diffinitur ratio vivendi consuetudine firmata. Varroni mos est institutum animi, quod sequi debet consuetudo. Bun.

"Habit has become custom." Conversely Arnobius, II, page 58: "For from custom habit will become familiar." Perotti in the Cornucopia, Aldine edition, folio 653: "Custom is properly defined as a way of living strengthened by habit." For Varro, custom is a settled disposition of the mind, which habit ought to follow. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Expulsa justitia› · col 569

Expulsa justitia. Scribo ex Lips. 2, 3, expulsa, quia sequitur inf. justitia a Jove pulsa; et expulsio justitiae; ubi tamen Bonon. explotio, quasi explosio Cap. 7, Fugatam justitiam dicit. Bun.

"Justice having been expelled." From Leipzig 2 and 3 I write "expulsa," because there follows below "justice driven out by Jove," and "the expulsion of justice"; where, however, the Bologna has "explotio," as if "explosio." In chapter 7 he says "justice put to flight." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Imprudentes igitur poetae, qui eam confugisse cecinerunt ad Jovis regnum› · col 569

Imprudentes igitur poetae, qui eam confugisse cecinerunt ad Jovis regnum. Ita mss. 10 Reg., 6 Colbert. aliique sex, et edit. 5. Scripti sex rec. et, 12 excusi, . . . cecinerunt, id est ad Jovis regnum. Rohanneus codex et ed. Sublac. sic habent: Imprudentes igitur poetae, qui eam ad coelum confugisse cecinerunt ad Jovis regnum: Sangermanensis vero legit: Imprudenter igitur poetae qui eam confugisse cecinerunt ad Jovis regnum; eligas quidquid velis.

"Unwise, then, are the poets who sang that she fled to the kingdom of Jove." So Regius 10, Colbert 6 and six others, and five editions. Six recent manuscripts and twelve printed editions have "… sang, that is, to the kingdom of Jove." The Rohan codex and the Subiaco edition have: "Unwise, then, are the poets who sang that she fled to heaven, to the kingdom of Jove"; but the Saint-Germain reads: "Unwisely, then, the poets who sang that she fled to the kingdom of Jove." Choose whichever you like.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Expulsio justitiae› · col 569

Expulsio justitiae. 1 Bonon. ant. explosio Jovis justitiae.

"The expulsion of justice." The ancient Bologna 1 has "the hissing-off of Jove's justice."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non aurem precanti› · col 569

Non aurem precanti. 1 Colbert. aurum, pro aurem; 1 Bonon. antiq. avarus, forte, pro aures.

"Not his ear to one who begs." Colbert 1 has "gold" for "ear"; the ancient Bologna 1 has "avarus," perhaps for "aures" (ears).

(lemma) ‹anchor: Largus… laudes Tullius› · col 569

Largus. . . laudes Tullius. Betuleius et Gall. dicunt, hunc locum hodie in Ciceronis monumentis non inveniri. Cellarius, forte in deperdito quodam libro. Walchius, quo loco incertum. At tres posteriores ex Isaei margine potuissent discere, locum esse ex Orat. pro Dejotaro, cap. 9: Frugi hominem dici non multum habet laudis in rege: fortem, justum,... largum, beneficum, liberalem, hae sunt regiae virtutes. Bun.

"Generous … praises, Tullius." Betuleius and Gallaeus say that this place is not found today in Cicero's surviving works. Cellarius: "perhaps in some lost book." Walch: "in what place is uncertain." But the last three could have learned from Isaeus's margin that the place is from the oration For Deiotarus, chapter 9: "To be called thrifty carries little praise in a king: brave, just, … generous, beneficent, liberal, these are kingly virtues." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quas regias esse laudes› · col 569

Quas regias esse laudes. Non negat illas regias esse: sed et hanc talem putat, quae reges non minus ornet, quam privatos, et utrisque communis sit. Francius.

"Which are kingly praises." He does not deny that they are kingly; but he holds this one to be such as adorns kings no less than private persons, and is common to both. Francius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tullius› · col 569

Tullius. Non ex deperdito Ciceronis libro, ut putat Betuleius, ac post eum Cellarius; sed ex Orat. pro Dejotaro paulo post med., cap. 9.

"Tullius." Not from a lost book of Cicero, as Betuleius thinks, and Cellarius after him; but from the oration For Deiotarus, a little after the middle, chapter 9.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Regnante primum› · col 569

Regnante primum. Ad evitandam ambiguitatem hoc ordine edo ex Lips. 2, 3, Reimm., Rost., Ven. 1471, 1515, Paris., Crat., Gymn., Torn. 1587, 1613. Walchio, ubi Fasit., Gryph., Thomas., Gall., Spark., Cell., primum regnante. Bun.

"Reigning first." To avoid ambiguity I print it in this order from Leipzig 2 and 3, the Reimmann, the Rostock, Venice 1471, 1515, Paris, Cratander, Gymnicus, Tornaesius 1587 and 1613. Walch, where Fasitelius, Gryphius, Thomasius, Gallaeus, Sparke and Cellarius have "first reigning." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nuntium misit› · col 569, runs into col 570

Nuntium misit. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. et cum eo 5 editi rec. post nuntium, addunt suum, quod a caeteris tum scriptis, tum excusis abest. — Nuntium suum misit. Quum ex Bonon. antiquissimo Thomasius, teste Isaeo, in variis, et hic et seqq. addiderint, non debebant pronomen Cellarius et recentiores fastidire. Ita solet, e. g., lib. IV, c. 25: Quum legatum ac nuntium suum mitteret. Bun.

"He sent a messenger." The ancient Bologna manuscript 1 and with it five recent editions add "his" after "messenger," which is absent from the others, both manuscript and printed. — "He sent his messenger." Since, from the very ancient Bologna, Thomasius, on Isaeus's testimony, among the variants, added it both here and in what follows, Cellarius and the more recent editors ought not to have disdained the pronoun. So he usually writes, for example book IV, chapter 25: "When he was sending his envoy and messenger." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nec in eam multitudo universa consenserit› · col 570

Nec in eam multitudo universa consenserit. Reposui in eam ex mss. 2 Reg. et Cauc. antiquissimis, aliisque decem, et vet. editis Rom., Torn. et Soubron. Caeteri in ea. — In eam multitudo... consenserit. Lego quidem, in eam, ex Ultr., Cauc., Rost., Ven. 1471, 72, utraque 78, 93, 97, Parrh., Paris., Junt., Torn. 1587, 1613, uti lib. I, cap. 18: Si omnes in concordiam consenserint. Lib. V, cap. 13: In quam tanta hominum millia consentiant. Quintil. Decl. 12, cap. 10: Concio in unam vocem consentiat. Alteram tamen, in ea, quoque probam scias, et habent Lips., Goth., Reimm. Vide lib. IV, cap. 23: In quo... consenserit. De Ira, cap. 9: In quo priores universi... consenserant. Ibid. cap. 11: Adeo in unitate natura universa consentit. Ipse Cicero pro Sextio, cap. 51: In qua causa omnes consentiunt. Bun.

"Nor would the whole multitude have agreed to it." I have restored "in eam" (accusative) from the very ancient Regius 2 and the Cauci, and ten others, and the old editions of Rome, Tornaesius and Soubron. The rest have "in ea" (ablative). — "The multitude … agreed to it." I do read "in eam," from the Utrecht, the Cauci, the Rostock, Venice 1471, 72, both of 1478, 93, 97, Parrhasius, Paris, Junta, Tornaesius 1587 and 1613, as in book I, chapter 18: "If all agree in concord." Book V, chapter 13: "To which so many thousands of men agree." Quintilian, Declamation 12, chapter 10: "Let the assembly agree in one voice." But know that the other, "in ea," is also sound, and the Leipzig, Gotha and Reimmann have it. See book IV, chapter 23: "In which … he agreed." On Anger, chapter 9: "In which all the earlier ones … had agreed." Ibid., chapter 11: "So entirely does all nature agree in unity." Cicero himself, For Sestius, chapter 51: "In which cause all agree." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Retenta› · col 570

Retenta. Ms. Brun. reperta.

"Retained." The Brunswick manuscript has "found."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Alio loco› · col 570

Alio loco. Supra lib. II, cap. 18.

"In another place." Above, book II, chapter 18.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Explicabitur› · col 570

Explicabitur. Vide infra lib. VI, cap. 15 et 22, atque lib. de Ira Dei, cap. 15.

"Will be explained." See below, book VI, chapters 15 and 22, and the book On the Anger of God, chapter 15.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non esse perfectam, nisi exerceatur adversis› · col 570

Non esse perfectam, nisi exerceatur adversis. Intellige in hac vita mortali. Quid enim; num in beatis non est perfecta virtus? At haec non exercetur adversis.

"That it is not perfect unless exercised by adversities." Understand: in this mortal life. For what? Is virtue not perfect in the blessed? Yet it is not exercised by adversities.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Deus ergo› · col 570

Deus ergo. Post haec mss. 1 Reg. antiquiss. Cauc., Goth., Marm. et 5 editi addunt, justitiam reducturus. Pro malum, ms. Pen. habet malitiam. Quod autem dicit, non exclusit malum, id est, permisit malum. Ecce Thomasii Scholia ad hunc locum. Hujus haec verba sunt. Hae etiam voces justitiam reducturus, expungendae, quae sane ex margine videntur fuisse translatae in textum. In hoc sane capite multa videtur dicere Lactantius, quibus quodam modo auctorem mali faceret Deum. Verum si recte singula considerentur, hoc ipse non asserit. Namque aut dicit Deum non excludere malum, vel permittere ut virtus cum quo pugnet habeat, hoc etiam in loco, (continues)

"God, therefore." After these words the very ancient Regius 1, the Cauci, the Gotha, the Marmoutier and five editions add "being about to bring back justice." For "evil," the Pen. manuscript has "malice." When he says "he did not shut out evil," that is, he permitted evil. Here are Thomasius's scholia on this place; these are his words: "These words too, 'being about to bring back justice,' should be struck out; they certainly seem to have been carried into the text from the margin. In this chapter Lactantius does seem to say many things by which he would in a way make God the author of evil. But if each is rightly considered, he himself does not assert this. For he either says that God does not shut out evil, or permits it so that virtue may have something to fight with, in this place too, (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Deus ergo› · col 571

atque alibi cum de malis agit, nomine malorum, saepe non tam res ipsas turpes, vel turpitudinem earum intelligit, quam res adversas et naturae contrarias; ut infelices eventus, venena et similia, quae proprie et per se mala non sunt, sed quia nobis sunt noxia, vulgo mala vocantur. Idem vero quod hic ait Lactantius, dixit Ambrosius in Expositione Psalm. CXXVIII, Serm. 16; tantum quae Lactantius more vulgi vocavit mala, illa nominavit austera. Et mala, inquit Ambrosius, non creavit Deus, sed haec quae videntur nobis austera, verbera, mors et hujusmodi alia, quae propter emendationem praescripta sunt noxiorum. In malo etiam, et quovis peccato, sicut theologi, et imprimis Augustinus, lib. V, cap. 3, contra Julianum late disputat, duo considerari possunt, turpitudo ipsa et poena. Turpitudo nihil pertinet ad Deum: poenae tamen recte dicitur Deus auctor esse. Et hac quidem divisione poterit vere defendi hoc loco Lactantius, quamvis quod ante diximus, commodius videatur verbis Lactantii posse aptari. Si cui tamen videtur hic Lactantius dicere Deum simpliciter esse mali auctorem, sciat nos eam opinionem, quam maxime execrari, ac propterea hunc laborem suscipere, ut videatur ea opinio nullos auctores praeter Manichaeos habuisse. Haec Thomasius in suis ad Lactantium notis.

(continued) and elsewhere, when he treats of evils, by the name of evils he often means not so much things foul in themselves, or their foulness, as things adverse and contrary to nature, such as unhappy events, poisons and the like, which are not properly and of themselves evil, but are commonly called evils because they are harmful to us. And what Lactantius says here, Ambrose said in the Exposition of Psalm 118 (CXXVIII as printed), Sermon 16; only, what Lactantius in the common manner called evils, he named harsh things. "And God did not create evils," says Ambrose, "but these things which seem harsh to us, blows, death and other things of this kind, which are prescribed for the correction of the guilty." In evil too, and in any sin, as the theologians, and above all Augustine, Against Julian book V, chapter 3, argue at length, two things can be considered: the foulness itself and the punishment. The foulness has nothing to do with God; but God is rightly said to be the author of the punishment. And by this distinction Lactantius can truly be defended in this place, although what we said before seems to fit Lactantius's words more conveniently. If, however, anyone thinks that Lactantius here says simply that God is the author of evil, let him know that we abhor that opinion utterly, and have undertaken this labour precisely so that it may be seen that the opinion had no authors other than the Manichees." So Thomasius in his notes on Lactantius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nam et ideo› · col 571

Nam et ideo. Conjunctio et desideratur in 1 Bonon. Regio-Put. et in 3 editis.

"For also therefore." The conjunction "et" is missing in Bologna 1, the Regius-Puteanus and three editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Potentiores esse injustos› · col 571

Potentiores esse injustos. Mss. 12 rec. et edd. vet. Rom., et Ald., potiores.

"That the unjust are more powerful." Twelve recent manuscripts and the old editions of Rome and Aldus have "potiores" (better off).

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quae rara est› · col 571

Quae rara est. Sic reposui ex mss. 1 Bonon. antiq., 5 Reg., 1 Clarom. a secunda manu, et edit. Gymnic. Multi habent quod; Regio-Put. quo; rec. quod raro est.

"Which is rare." So I have restored from the ancient Bologna 1, Regius 5, Clermont 1 in a second hand, and Gymnicus's edition. Many have "quod"; the Regius-Puteanus, "quo"; the recent ones, "which is rarely."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Capite obvoluto› · col 571

Capite obvoluto. Fuit hoc declamationis nomen, sed deperditae. — In capite obvoluto. Periit hoc scriptum. Obvolutum est opertum, ut lib. I, cap. 22: Obvolutam vini amphoram poni. Plaut. Mostell. II, 1: Capite obvoluto ut fugiat... fuge atque operi caput. Bun.

"With head veiled." This was the name of a declamation, but a lost one. — "On the veiled head." This writing has perished. "Obvolutum" means covered, as in book I, chapter 22: "that a covered jar of wine be set down." Plautus, Mostellaria II, 1: "That he may flee with his head veiled … flee and cover your head." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Virtus esset innocentia› · col 571

Virtus esset innocentia. Mss. 2 Bonon., 1 Reg. rec., Tax., innocentiae.

"Virtue would be innocence." Bologna 2, the recent Regius 1 and the Taxaquet have "of innocence."

(lemma) ‹anchor: In id quod incubuerunt› · col 571, runs into col 572

In id quod incubuerunt. Haec lectio est mss. antiq. 2 Bonon., 6 Reg., 5 Colb., 1 Clarom., Brun. In 4 Reg. rec., 23 Colb. est, incubuerint, quod habet etiam Buneman. — In id quod incubuerint. Bonon. Reimm., Lips. 2: In id, quod incubuerunt. Omnes vero, in id quod, pro in id, in quod; per ellipsin praepositio antecedens non repetitur. Sic Epit. 27: Ne quis in eosdem laqueos incidat, quos illi veteres inciderunt. Bun.

"Into that on which they were bent." This is the reading of the ancient manuscripts Bologna 2, Regius 6, Colbert 5, Clermont 1 and the Brunswick. In the recent Regius 4 and Colbert 23 it is "incubuerint," which Bünemann also has. — "Into that on which they may have been bent." The Bologna, the Reimmann and Leipzig 2: "into that on which they were bent." But all have "in id quod" for "in id, in quod"; by ellipsis the preceding preposition is not repeated. So Epitome 27: "Lest anyone fall into the same snares into which those men of old fell." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Culpa vacare› · col 572

Culpa vacare. Quia, juxta Hieronymum, in carne vivere praeter carnem, angelica magis vita est, quam humana. Ciceroni quidem, ut in septimo Epistolarum libro ad Marium scribit, Culpa vacare magnum solatium est. Et est sane conscientia mille testes: sed Paulus universum mortalium genus culpae subjicit. Betuleius. — Et, si dixerimus quoniam peccatum non habemus, veritas in nobis non est. (I Joan., I, 8).

"To be free of fault." Because, according to Jerome, to live in the flesh apart from the flesh is an angelic rather than a human life. For Cicero indeed, as he writes to Marius in the seventh book of the Letters, "to be free of fault is a great comfort." And conscience is truly a thousand witnesses; but Paul subjects the whole race of mortals to fault. Betuleius. — And, "if we say that we have no sin, the truth is not in us" (1 John 1:8).

(lemma) ‹anchor: Si natura pares omnibus affectus dedisset› · col 572

Si natura pares omnibus affectus dedisset. Sic emendavi ex mss. Regio-Put., 5 al. Reg., 6 Colbert., 2 Clarom., Em., Cant., Brun. et editis 11. Scripti tres totidemque vulgati, affectibus; nonnulli effectus, male.

"If nature had given equal dispositions to all." So I have corrected from the Regius-Puteanus, another Regius 5, Colbert 6, Clermont 2, the Emmanuel, the Cambridge, the Brunswick and eleven editions. Three manuscripts and as many common editions have "affectibus"; some, "effectus," wrongly.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nullam esse virtutem› · col 572

Nullam esse virtutem. 1 Bonon. antiq. nihil esse virtutem.

"That there is no virtue." The ancient Bologna 1 has "that virtue is nothing."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et quanto frequenter impellitur, tanto firmiter roboratur› · col 572

Et quanto frequenter impellitur, tanto firmiter roboratur. Sic restitui ex omnibus mss. Et sic Lactantius scripsit phrasi nonnullis scriptoribus ecclesiasticis peculiari; in editis magis usitata est quanto frequentius, tanto firmius. Sed mss. ferunt frequenter, firmiter. Ita et S. Augustinus, amoto comparativo, quod reticere amat, ait lib. II, Retractat. cap. 15, n° 6: Quae mihi quasi declamatio levis (pro levior), quam gravis confessio videtur. — Quanto frequenter... tanto firmiter. Altum de hac lectione in Spark., Cell., Walchio, Heumanno silentium; eam tamen praestant Bonon., Tax., Pen. et mss. fere omnes Isaei. Omnia satis latina sunt, modo subaudias magis. Vide Gronov. ad Livii lib. I, cap. 25, et ad Livii lib. XXXIV, cap. 4; Tacitus lib. III Annal., cap. 46: Quanto pecunia dites et voluptatibus opulentos, tanto magis imbellos Aeduos evincite; lib. XII Annal., cap. 11: Clementiamque ac justitiam, quanto ignara barbaris, tanto tolerantiora capesseret. Quod hic et alii in uno membro solum faciunt, id saepe in utroque Tertullianus, e. g. lib. I, Nation. 7: Quanto proni ad malitiam, tanto ad mali fidem opportuni estis. Bun.

"And the more often it is struck, the more firmly it is strengthened." So I have restored from all the manuscripts. And so Lactantius wrote, in a turn of phrase peculiar to some ecclesiastical writers; in the editions the commoner "the more frequently, the more firmly" is found. But the manuscripts have "frequenter, firmiter." So too Saint Augustine, dropping the comparative, which he likes to leave unsaid, says in the Retractations book II, chapter 15, number 6: "Which seems to me rather a light (for lighter) declamation than a weighty confession." — "The more often … the more firmly." There is deep silence on this reading in Sparke, Cellarius, Walch and Heumann; yet the Bologna, the Taxaquet, the Pen. and almost all Isaeus's manuscripts give it. All of it is Latin enough, provided you understand "magis" (more). See Gronovius on Livy book I, chapter 25, and on Livy book XXXIV, chapter 4; Tacitus, Annals book III, chapter 46: "The richer the Aedui are in money and the more abounding in pleasures, the more unwarlike: conquer them"; Annals book XII, chapter 11: "That he should take up clemency and justice, the more tolerable the less known they were to barbarians." What he and others do here in one member only, Tertullian often does in both, for example To the Nations book I, 7: "The more prone you are to malice, the readier you are to believe evil." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Collocate› · col 572

Collocate. Mss. 12 rec. et 6 editi, Constituite, (continues)

"Place." Twelve recent manuscripts and six editions have "Establish," (continues)

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Non lapides, aut lutum› · col 573

Non lapides, aut lutum. Mss. Brun. non lapis, aut lutum.

"Not stones, or mud." The Brunswick manuscript has "not stone, or mud."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non auri et gemmarum donis› · col 573

Non auri et gemmarum donis. Sequor mss. antiquiores 6 Reg., 4 Colbert. Scripti 8 rec. et editi ferunt auro.

"Not with gifts of gold and gems." I follow the older manuscripts, six Regii and four Colbertine. Eight recent manuscripts and the editions have "with gold."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ornatur› · col 573

Ornatur. Nonnulli editi, ornetur.

"Is adorned." Some editions have "ornetur."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Discite› · col 573

Discite. Ita reposui ex quamplurimis editis ex omnibus mss. praeter 1 Reg. rec. qui habet a prima manu Disce, ut in quibusdam impressis.

"Learn." So I have restored from very many editions and from all the manuscripts except one recent Regius, which has "Disce" (singular) in the first hand, as in some printed editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Si quid vobis reliquae mentis est› · col 573

Si quid vobis reliquae mentis est. Walchius, reliqua, inquit, mens, quae hominibus post lapsum relicta fuit. Mihi valent haec eadem, ac l. I, c. 21: Si habetis aliquid sanitatis; lib. V, c. 3: Si quid vobis cordis est; ibid. c. 9: Si quid sapitis. Heumannus, pro reliquae, scribit reliquum: sed non est opus ab lectione omnium librorum abire. Ita Prudentius Cathemer. XI, 94, 95: Si quidquam tibi mentis resedit integrae. Burmannus ex Suetonii Tiber. c. 62: Classiariorum manu elidente cadavera, nec cui residui spiritus quidquam inesset. Bun.

"If you have any mind left." Walch says: the remaining mind, that which was left to men after the Fall. To me these are worth the same as book I, chapter 21: "If you have any soundness"; book V, chapter 3: "If you have any heart"; ibid. chapter 9: "If you have any sense." Heumann writes "reliquum" for "reliquae"; but there is no need to depart from the reading of all the books. So Prudentius, Cathemerinon XI, 94–95: "If anything of a sound mind has stayed with you." Burman, from Suetonius, Tiberius chapter 62: "The marines' hands crushing the bodies, nor was there anyone with any breath left in him." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et injustos esse, quia dii coluntur› · col 573

Et injustos esse, quia dii coluntur. Crimen objectorum malorum impietatisque bene retorquet in nationes. Turtull. Apolog. cap. 41: Vos igitur importuni rebus humanis, vos rei publicorum incommodorum, vos malorum illices semper, apud quos Deus spernitur, statuae adorantur. Cyprian. ad Demetrian.: Quando ea fiunt quae iram Dei indignantis ostendunt, non propter nos fiunt, a quibus Deus colitur; sed delictis et meritis vestris irrogantur, a quibus Deus omnino nec quaeritur, nec timetur. Elmenhorst.

"And that they are unjust because gods are worshipped." He neatly turns back on the nations the charge of the evils and impiety laid against us. Tertullian (printed "Turtull."), Apology chapter 41: "It is you, then, who are a burden to human affairs, you who are guilty of the public misfortunes, you who are always luring evils on, among whom God is despised and statues are adored." Cyprian, To Demetrianus: "When those things happen which show the wrath of an indignant God, they happen not because of us, by whom God is worshipped, but are inflicted for your offences and deserts, by whom God is neither sought at all nor feared." Elmenhorst.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ideo mala…. ingravescere› · col 573

Ideo mala.... ingravescere. Legit vestigia Cypriani adv. Demetrianum. Objiciebant Gentiles Christianos esse omnium malorum causas. Talia ut refutarent, Arnobius suos libros contra Gentiles, et Augustinus opus de Civitate Dei, et Orosius Historiam suam scripsit. Bun.

"That evils therefore … grow heavier." He treads in the footsteps of Cyprian against Demetrianus. The Gentiles alleged that the Christians were the causes of all evils. To refute such charges Arnobius wrote his books Against the Gentiles, Augustine his work On the City of God, and Orosius his History. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Copulatis› · col 573

Copulatis. Sine ulla interpunctione. Sic restitui ex mss. 7 Reg. inter quos duo sunt vetustissimi, ex 4 Colbert. multisque aliis, et vet. edit. Rom. Scripti 7 rec. et plurimi editi habent copulatos.

"Joined." Without any punctuation. So I have restored from seven Regii, among which two are very old, from four Colbertine and many others, and the old Rome edition. Seven recent manuscripts and very many editions have "copulatos."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Praepararet› · col 573

Praepararet. Ita reposui ex mss. Regio-Put. et quamplurimis aliis, et vet. editis Rom. favente 1 alio Reg. antiquissimo, in quo legitur praepararit; in 4 Reg. rec., 2 Colbert. et 9 excusis, praeparet.

"Was preparing." So I have restored from the Regius-Puteanus and very many others, and the old Rome editions, with the support of one other very ancient Regius, in which "praepararit" is read; in four recent Regii, two Colbertine and nine printed editions, "praeparet."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Pervidet› · col 573, runs into col 574

Pervidet. Sic restitui ex mss. maximo numero, ac 2 vet. edit. Rom. Hoc verbo passim utitur Lactantius; et congruentius est, quam videt manuscriptorum sex et impressorum octo. Hoc probant voces clandestina; item cogitationes.

"Sees through." So I have restored from the greatest number of manuscripts and the two old Rome editions. Lactantius uses this verb throughout; and it is more fitting than the "sees" of six manuscripts and eight printed editions. The words "secret" and "thoughts" prove it.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ut fragilibus› · col 574

Ut fragilibus. Addidi ut ex 6 editis cunctisque mss. praeter 1 Colbert. et 1 Clarom., in quibus et in 9 vulgatis desideratur. Et ibidem pro praeferrent, Francius ad oram sui Lactantii legebat praeferre.

"As frail." I have added "as" from six editions and all the manuscripts except one Colbertine and one Clermont, in which, and in nine common editions, it is missing. And in the same place, for "praeferrent," Francius in the margin of his Lactantius read "praeferre."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Foeminam…. quaerat› · col 574

Foeminam.... quaerat. Ms. Brun. et edit. Betul. foeminas... quaerant.

"A woman … should seek." The Brunswick manuscript and Betuleius's edition have "women … should seek" (plural).

(lemma) ‹anchor: Mares libidinem continerent› · col 574

Mares libidinem continerent. Genuina lectio a me restituta ex edit. Betul. et Cellar. cunctisque mss. praeter 2 Reg. rec. quibus, ac caeteris excusis, est contemnerent.

"Men would restrain their lust." The genuine reading, restored by me from the editions of Betuleius and Cellarius and all the manuscripts except two recent Regii, in which, as in the other printed editions, it is "would despise."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Religiosa collatio› · col 574

Religiosa collatio. Id est collectae eleemosynae.

"A religious collection." That is, alms collected.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non essent igitur, ut dixi› · col 574

Non essent igitur, ut dixi. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. et 5 edit. rec. Nec essent mutua, ut dixi; inepte.

"There would not be, then, as I said." One ancient Bologna manuscript and five recent editions have "Nor would there be mutual, as I said"; absurdly.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Si ab omnibus› · col 574

Si ab omnibus. Ex cunctis pene mss. restitutum. In 2 Reg. rec. 3 Colbert. et editis 16, si ab hominibus.

"If by all." Restored from almost all the manuscripts. In two recent Regii, three Colbertine and sixteen editions, "if by men."

(lemma) ‹anchor: In legem Dei conjuraretur› · col 574

In legem Dei conjuraretur. Id est, conspiraretur, seu, ut Gallaeus et Francius volunt, juraretur. Vox enim conjurare plerumque in malam partem accipitur a scriptoribus. Lactantius igitur proprie voluit accipere pro simul jurare; atque alludit ad priscum illum morem, quo sancti viri Judaeos juramento obstringebant, se servaturos Dei legem, nec ab illa ullo modo deflexuros. Talis conjuratio bona et laudabilis. Gallaeus. — Attamen non discedendum a consensu omnium scriptorum et editorum. Nam licet plerumque in malam partem sumatur, Servius tamen ad Virg. VIII Aen. 5: Notandum, inquit, de re bona conjurationem dici posse. Notum illud Claudiani de III, Consul. Honorii, pag. 96, 98: O nimium dilecte Deo, cui militat aether, Et conjurati veniunt ad classica venti.

"If men swore together to the law of God." That is, conspired, or, as Gallaeus and Francius would have it, swore. For the word "conjurare" is mostly taken in a bad sense by writers. Lactantius therefore meant it properly, for "to swear together"; and he alludes to that ancient custom by which holy men bound the Jews by oath to keep God's law and in no way to turn aside from it. Such a sworn league is good and praiseworthy. Gallaeus. — Yet one should not depart from the agreement of all manuscripts and editions. For although it is mostly taken in a bad sense, Servius on Virgil, Aeneid VIII, 5, says: "Note that a sworn league can be spoken of in a good matter." Well known is that line of Claudian on the Third Consulship of Honorius, page 96, 98: "O you too beloved of God, for whom the sky does battle, and the winds come sworn together to the trumpet call."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Moraretur› · col 574

Moraretur. Ni Lactantius sic loqui amaret, ut jam annotavi, lubenter cum Francio scriberem morarentur: quod contra mss. et editorum fidem facere non audeo.

"Would dwell." Were it not that Lactantius likes to speak so, as I have already noted, I would gladly write "morarentur" (plural) with Francius; but I do not dare to do this against the authority of the manuscripts and editions.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tam multis› · col 574

Tam multis. Jamdiu dixerunt cordati ac sapientes, multas leges argumentum esse corruptorum in Repub. morum. Unde Cicero II de Officiis, et Sallustius dixerunt, ex malis moribus bonas nasci leges.

"So many." Sensible and wise men have long said that many laws are a proof of corrupt morals in a commonwealth. Hence Cicero, On Duties II, and Sallust said that good laws are born of bad morals.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Praesidum› · col 574

Praesidum. Qui provinciis praeerant.

"Of governors." Those who were set over the provinces.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ultro ad justitiae opera homines erudiret› · col 574

Ultro ad justitiae opera homines erudiret. Praepositionem ad ex mss. et excusis addidi, quae deest uni Bononiensi antiq. et editis quinque. Vide infra cap. 10, erudiantur ad injustitiam; et cap. 11 ad finem, Ad haec opera cultores suos erudiunt.

"Would of its own accord train men to the works of justice." I have added the preposition "ad" from the manuscripts and printed editions; it is missing in the one ancient Bologna manuscript and five editions. See below, chapter 10, "they are trained to injustice"; and chapter 11 near the end, "to these works they train their worshippers."

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Mali sunt› · col 575

Mali sunt. Ms. Cantabrig. et 6 vet. edit. perperam addunt homines.

"Are evil." The Cambridge manuscript and six old editions wrongly add "men."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Disputans enim› · col 575

Disputans enim. Mss. Goth., 1 Lips., Brun., disputans valide, omisso enim.

"For, arguing." The Gotha, Leipzig 1 and the Brunswick have "arguing forcefully," omitting "for."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sicut una› · col 575

Sicut una, etc. Non extat hic locus, neque in libris de Legibus, nec in aliis Ciceronis operibus. Hinc et aliunde conjicere est truncatos esse ac multum depravatos Ciceronis libros.

"As one," etc. This place does not survive, either in the books On the Laws or in Cicero's other works. From this and elsewhere one may conjecture that Cicero's books are mutilated and much corrupted.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sub unam eamdemque tutelam› · col 575

Sub unam eamdemque tutelam. Mss. 6 rec., sub una eademque tutela.

"Under one and the same protection" (accusative). Six recent manuscripts have it in the ablative.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Deorum profecto vitam homines viverent› · col 575

Deorum profecto vitam homines viverent. Mss. 16 rec. et 5 edit. habent, deorum profecto vita homines viverent. At ipsa phrasis est inter Ciceronis fragmenta lib. I de Legibus, deorum profecto vitam omnes viverent. Et Cic. Orat. 4 Verrin., n. 118: Tutiorem vitam sese meo praesidio victuros esse arbitrantur. Caeterum homines in omnes, contra omnium Lactantianorum codicum fidem, mutare nolui. Et Lactantius noster alibi quoque dixit lib. I, cap. 14: Agrestem vitam vivebant, lib. VII, cap. 24: Vivent homines tranquillissimam et copiosissimam vitam; et lib. de Ira Dei, cap. 7: Vitam pecudum sub humana specie vivet.

"Men would surely live the life of gods." Sixteen recent manuscripts and five editions have "men would surely live by the life of gods." But the phrase itself is among Cicero's fragments, On the Laws book I: "all would surely live the life of gods." And Cicero, fourth Verrine oration, number 118: "They think they will live a safer life under my protection." For the rest, I was unwilling to change "men" into "all," against the authority of all the codices of Lactantius. And our Lactantius said elsewhere too, book I, chapter 14: "They lived a rustic life"; book VII, chapter 24: "Men will live a most tranquil and most plentiful life"; and On the Anger of God, chapter 7: "He will live the life of cattle under a human form."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Interim› · col 575

Interim. Mss. 5 rec. et vet. edit. Rom. iterum.

"Meanwhile." Five recent manuscripts and the old Rome edition have "again."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quia bona operentur› · col 575

Quia bona operentur. Sic lego cum antiquioribus mss. 5 Reg. pluribusque aliis, et 9 editis vet. In 3 scriptis rec. est, qui bona operentur; in 5 rec. et 7 vulgatis, quia bona operantur; in 2 excusis qui.

"Because they do good works." So I read with the older manuscripts, Regius 5 and several others, and nine old editions. In three recent manuscripts it is "who do good works"; in five recent ones and seven common editions, "because they do good works" (indicative); in two printed editions, "who."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tamen parcitur victis› · col 575, runs into col 576

Tamen parcitur victis, etc. Augustinus in 1 cap. lib. I, de Civ. Dei conqueritur civitatem Christi, quae Ecclesia est, exulare in hoc mundo, et affligi ab iis ipsis, quorum ars, secundum poetam, et laus peculiaris, Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos. (Virgil. VI Aeneid., v. 853.) Et in altero cap. aliquot exemplis docet, nulla unquam bella fuisse gesta, ut victis victores parcerent.

"Yet the conquered are spared," etc. Augustine, in the first chapter of City of God book I, complains that the city of Christ, which is the Church, is an exile in this world and is afflicted by the very people whose art and special glory, according to the poet, is "to spare the subdued and to war down the proud" (Virgil, Aeneid VI, line 853). And in the next chapter he shows by several examples that no wars were ever waged in which the victors spared the conquered.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Inter arma› · col 576

Inter arma. Vide Cicer. Orat. pro Marcello.

"Amid arms." See Cicero's oration For Marcellus.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Lupi› · col 576

Lupi. Vide Virg. II Aeneid., 356.

"Wolves." See Virgil, Aeneid II, 356.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Dicamus› · col 576

Dicamus? Ita omnes mss. et editi, praeter 1 Colbert. et 3 edit. quibus est dicemus?

"Are we to say?" So all the manuscripts and editions, except Colbert 1 and three editions, which have "shall we say?"

(lemma) ‹anchor: Veritas› · col 576

Veritas. Terent. Andr. act. I, scen. 1. Hoc ait Sosias libertus.

"Truth." Terence, Andria act I, scene 1. The freedman Sosia says this.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Divino spiritu instinctus› · col 576

Divino spiritu instinctus. Mss. 8 rec. et edit. 4, instructus; caeteri instinctus.

"Inspired by a divine spirit." Eight recent manuscripts and four editions have "instructus" (equipped); the rest, "instinctus."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Graves… putant› · col 576

Graves... putant. Plane geminus est locus lib. V, cap. 21: Persequuntur (sanctos et justos viros), quos sibi graves sentiunt... ut... auferant omnino de terra ne sint qui possint eorum nequitiam coercere.

"They think … burdensome." The place in book V, chapter 21, is plainly its twin: "They persecute (holy and just men), whom they feel to be burdensome to them … so as to … remove them wholly from the earth, that there may be none who can restrain their wickedness."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Tanquam vita eorum coarguatur› · col 576

Tanquam vita eorum coarguatur. Conf. ad rem, c. 6. Sulp. c. Sever. lib. II, cap. 28: Semper inimica virtutis vitia sunt, et optimi quique ab improbis quasi exprobrantes adspiciuntur. Seneca de Vita Beata, c. 19: Expedit vobis neminem videri bonum, quasi aliena virtus exprobratio delictorum vestrorum sit. Bun.

"As if their life were convicted." Compare on the matter chapter 6. Sulpicius Severus, book II, chapter 28: "Vices are always hostile to virtue, and all the best men are looked on by the wicked as if they were reproaching them." Seneca, On the Happy Life, chapter 19: "It suits you that no one should seem good, as if another's virtue were a reproach of your offences." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quibus coram male vivere pudet› · col 576

Quibus coram male vivere pudet. Ita omnes prope (continues)

"Before whom one is ashamed to live badly." So almost all (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Quibus coram male vivere pudet› · col 577

mss. et plerique editi. Et recte, per anastrophen; hoc est, coram quibus christianis pudet ethnicos male vivere. At mss. Oxon. et 11 vulgati, ediderunt quos coram male vivere pudet: quasi pronomen quos cum pudet jungi poscat. — Non infrequens nostro anastrophe. lib. VI, cap. 5: Queis in versamur. Ibid. cap. 17: Quos contra disputant. Sensus est, pudet ethnicos coram Christianis male vivere: sensu eodem dixit supra: Erubescant coram justis et bonis esse nequam. Bun.

(continued) the manuscripts and most editions. And rightly, by anastrophe; that is, the Christians before whom the heathen are ashamed to live badly. But the Oxford manuscripts and eleven common editions printed "quos coram," as if the pronoun required to be joined with "pudet" in the accusative. — Anastrophe is not infrequent in our author: book VI, chapter 5: "which we are engaged in"; ibid. chapter 17: "whom they argue against." The sense is: the heathen are ashamed to live badly in the presence of Christians; in the same sense he said above: "Are they ashamed to be wicked before the just and good?" Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ipsum Deum› · col 577

Ipsum Deum. Christum scilicet.

"God Himself." Christ, that is.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Populus in spe constitutus› · col 577

Populus in spe constitutus. Judaicus scilicet, de quo Actor. c. XXVI, v. 6: In spe quae ad patres nostros repromissionis facta est a Deo.

"A people established in hope." The Jewish people, that is, of whom Acts 26:6: "For the hope of the promise made by God to our fathers."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Justos› · col 577

Justos. Id est, Christianos.

"The just." That is, the Christians.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sua perfidia› · col 577

Sua perfidia. Mss. 1 Regio-Put. et 8 rec. cum editis, suapte; Brun. suadente. Caeteri scripti, inter quos 1 Bonon. et 1 Reg. antiquissimi, ut in textu, coeleste sacramentum deseruerint; id est, Christi religionem.

"By their own faithlessness." One Regius-Puteanus and eight recent manuscripts, with the editions, have "suapte"; the Brunswick, "at the urging (of faithlessness)." The other manuscripts, among them one Bologna and one Regius, both very ancient, have as in the text "they abandoned the heavenly sacrament"; that is, the religion of Christ.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et honoribus mactant› · col 577

Et honoribus mactant. Id est, augent, cumulant, apud Plautum et Ciceronem. 1 Colb. et Brun., magnificant. Francius forte lactant. At mactant, genuina Lactantii lectio. Sic infra, cap. 10, infortunio mactant.

"And they load them with honours." That is, they increase, heap up, as in Plautus and Cicero. One Colbertine and the Brunswick have "magnify." Francius suggests perhaps "lactant" (they entice). But "mactant" is Lactantius's genuine reading. So below, chapter 10, "they load with misfortune."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Desperatos vocant› · col 577

Desperatos vocant, etc. Desperatus est παράβολος: ita vocati qui aliter confectores dicebantur, qui ad bestias pugnabant, et illis conficiendis operam suam locabant, quos inde παραβόλους desperatos vocabant. Et ita olim Christiani indigitati, quod sibi non parcerent, atque animam libenter pro Deo suo ponerent. Salmasius. — Mallentque lacerari, quam fidem Christo datam violare.

"They call them desperate," etc. "Desperate" is παράβολος: so were called those otherwise named "finishers," who fought with the beasts and hired out their services for dispatching them, whom they therefore called παραβόλους, desperate men. And so the Christians were once named, because they did not spare themselves and gladly laid down their lives for their God. Salmasius. — And they would rather be torn apart than break the faith pledged to Christ.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Impios enim vocant› · col 577

Impios enim vocant. Christiani vulgari convicio ab ethnicis impii, infausti, athei, irreligiosi, profani et sacrilegi nuncupati, quia diis nil omnino tribuebant, nec pro imperatoribus sacrificabant, Tertull.: Deos, inquitis, non colitis, et pro imperatoribus sacrificia non impenditis, etc. itaque sacrilegii et majestatis rei convenimur. Arnob. lib. IV: Quoniam nos impios, irreligiosos vocatis.

"For they call them impious." Christians were called by the heathen, in common abuse, impious, ill-omened, atheists, irreligious, profane and sacrilegious, because they gave nothing whatever to the gods and did not sacrifice for the emperors. Tertullian: "You do not worship the gods, you say, and you do not offer sacrifices for the emperors," etc.; "therefore we are arraigned as guilty of sacrilege and treason." Arnobius, book IV: "Since you call us impious, irreligious."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Adeo nec pudor ullus› · col 577

Adeo nec pudor ullus. Mss. 3 rec. et 6 vet. editi, Adeo vero nec pudor ullus.

"So far is there no shame at all." Three recent manuscripts and six old editions have "So far indeed is there no shame at all."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Retorquent› · col 577

Retorquent. Ms. Jun. et 5 excusi, detorquent; 2 Colb. et 1 Clarom. torquent.

"They turn back." The Junius manuscript and five printed editions have "detorquent" (twist aside); two Colbertine and one Clermont, "torquent" (twist).

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ipsi scilicet pii, et ab humano sanguine abhorrentes› · col 577

Ipsi scilicet pii, et ab humano sanguine abhorrentes. Haec per ironiam dicta. Mss. 14 et edit. Rom. 1470, ipsi scilicet impii, male; non enim cohaeret cum et ab humano sanguine abhorrentes.

"They, of course, being pious and shrinking from human blood." This is said in irony. Fourteen manuscripts and the Rome edition of 1470 have "they, of course, being impious," wrongly; for it does not fit with "and shrinking from human blood."

(lemma) ‹anchor: De nostro, sed ex illorum numero› · col 577

De nostro, sed ex illorum numero. Ita plurimi mss. inter quos sunt antiqui. In 12 rec. bis legitur de; bis ex in Brun.

"Not from our number, but from theirs." So very many manuscripts, among them ancient ones. In twelve recent manuscripts "de" is read twice; "ex" twice in the Brunswick.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Si nimium pii fuerint› · col 578

Si nimium pii fuerint. Goth.: Si minus pii fuerint. At volebant magis pii videri, qui exponebant pueros, quam qui strangulabant. Alias facile erat corrigere, si nimirum pii fuerint. Variare enim has voces in mss. ostendi ad lib. I, cap. 10. Bun.

"If they are too pious." The Gotha: "If they are less pious." But those who exposed their children wished to seem more pious than those who strangled them. Otherwise it would be easy to correct to "if, forsooth, they are pious." For I have shown on book I, chapter 10, that these words vary in the manuscripts. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Exponant› · col 578

Exponant. Sic Tertull. Apol., capite 9: Imprimis filios exponitis, suscipiendos ab aliqua matre extranea. Arist. lib. VII, Politic., cap. 17. Secundum legem Atheniensibus libitum fuit interficere, vel exponere, quidquid natum nollent: quae crudelitas etiam apud populum sapientissimum! Thebani contrarium lege caverant, ut si quis infantem exposuisset, morte plecteretur. Aelianus Variar. hist. lib. II, cap. 7. Exponebantur vero saepe infantes cum monumentis, quae generali nomine Graecis γνωρίσματα, Latinis crepundia dicuntur. Terent. Eunuch. Act. IV, Sc. 6: Ubi tu cistellam? adfer cum monumentis. Addebantur haec crepundia, tanquam fortunae viatica, ut, qui infantes inveniret, haberet unde aleret. Variae hujusmodi monumentorum species recensentur apud Longum, lib. I ποιμενία. Ibi de fasciis, ensiculo, mitra, crepidis aliisque id genus, loquitur. Betul.

"That they expose them." So Tertullian, Apology chapter 9: "First of all you expose your sons, to be taken up by some stranger-mother." Aristotle, Politics book VII, chapter 17. By law the Athenians were free to kill or expose whatever was born that they did not want: such cruelty even among the wisest people! The Thebans had provided the contrary by law, that if anyone exposed an infant he should be punished with death. Aelian, Varia historia book II, chapter 7. Infants were often exposed with tokens, which by a general name are called γνωρίσματα by the Greeks and "crepundia" by the Latins. Terence, Eunuch Act IV, scene 6: "Where is the casket? Bring it with the tokens." These trinkets were added as provision for fortune's road, so that whoever found the infants might have the means to rear them. Various kinds of such tokens are listed in Longus, book I of the Pastorals. There he speaks of swaddling bands, a little sword, a headband, sandals and other things of the kind. Betuleius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sacerdote› · col 578

Sacerdote. Pro Vestali virgine, sic Aeneid. I, 277, Regina Sacerdos, pro Vestali.

"A priestess." For a Vestal virgin; so Aeneid I, 277, "the royal priestess," for a Vestal.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nec culleum› · col 578

Nec culleum. Ita scribo cum antiquis, et cum mss. 1 Regio-Put., 4 al. Reg., 2 Colb., 1 Sorbon., Nav., Vict.. Gat., Marm., 1 Clarom. edit., 2 vet. Rom., et Fasit. 1543. At 1 Colbert. et Brun. nec ullum; 1 Reg. rec., 4 Colbert., 1 Clarom. et 6 excusi, nec culeum; 1 Reg. antiq. 2 Colbert. a secunda manu, Jun., nec eculeum. De hoc supplicii genere dixi ad c. 14, l. III.

"Nor the sack." So I write with the ancients and with the manuscripts: one Regius-Puteanus, four other Regii, two Colbertine, one Sorbonne, the Navarre, the Victorine, the Gatianus, the Marmoutier, one Clermont edition, the two old Rome editions and Fasitelius 1543. But one Colbertine and the Brunswick have "nec ullum" (nor any); one recent Regius, four Colbertine, one Clermont and six printed editions, "nec culeum"; one ancient Regius, two Colbertine in a second hand, and the Junius, "nec eculeum" (nor the rack). On this kind of punishment I spoke on chapter 14, book III.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Atque illis usitata› · col 578

Atque illis usitata. Sic ferunt quamplurimi mss., inter quos duo sunt Regii antiquissimi, 1 Bonon. quoque qui addit illis. Sed Cauc., Lips., Pal., Ultr., legunt neque usitata; alii rec. et totidem editi, atque inusitata. Secuti sumus lectionem a Thomasio allatam ex veteri codice Bononiensi desumptam; quam doctissimus editor hoc confirmat exemplo. Haec, inquit, testamentorum suppositio ad haereditates invadendas, apud Gentiles valde erat usitata: quo nomine M. Crassus, qui unus erat ex principibus Rom. Reipub. male audivit. Quod cum in principe accideret, quid de aliis credendum est?

"And customary among them." So very many manuscripts, among which are two very ancient Regii, and one Bologna also, which adds "among them." But the Cauci, Leipzig, Palatine and Utrecht read "nor customary"; other recent manuscripts and as many editions, "and uncustomary." We have followed the reading brought forward by Thomasius, taken from the old Bologna codex, which that most learned editor confirms by this example: "This forging of wills to seize inheritances," he says, "was very customary among the Gentiles; on which account Marcus Crassus, who was one of the leading men of the Roman commonwealth, had a bad name. Since this happened in a leading man, what are we to believe of others?"

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Cum foeminis patientia certent› · col 579

Cum foeminis patientia certent. Contra eos qui in viros libidine exardescunt.

"Vie with women in submissiveness." Against those who burn with lust for men.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Qui sanctissimam quoque corporis sui partem contra fas omne polluant› · col 579

Qui sanctissimam quoque corporis sui partem contra fas omne polluant. Dum videlicet execrabilem in se furorem admittunt: qui nec capiti quidem parcit, ut ait lib. VI, c. 23, ita Isaeus. Num de crimine intelligitur eum vir in seipso violat continentiam? — Sanctissimam... corporis... partem. Sc. caput. Vide Scriptores a me citatos ad l. VI, c. 23. Hic expressit Ciceronem post reditum, c. 5, Qui ne a sanctissima quidem parte corporis potuisset hominum impuram intemperantiam propulsare. Videsis Graevium h. l. p. 367. Bun.

"Who defile even the most sacred part of their body against all right." That is, when they admit an accursed frenzy upon themselves, "which does not spare even the head," as he says in book VI, chapter 23; so Isaeus. Is the crime meant by which a man violates continence in himself? — "The most sacred … part … of the body." Namely the head. See the writers I cited on book VI, chapter 23. Here he reproduced Cicero, After his Return, chapter 5: "Who could not drive off men's foul intemperance even from the most sacred part of his body." See Graevius on this place, page 367. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Qui virilia sua ferro metant› · col 579

Qui virilia sua ferro metant. Arnob. lib. V: Et non quotidie videamus eos, qui sibi demessuerint has partes.

"Who reap their members with the knife." Arnobius, book V: "And do we not see daily those who have cut off these parts from themselves?"

(lemma) ‹anchor: Senecae libros› · col 579

Senecae libros. Inter ea quae ejus extant, lege alteram epistolam libri decimi sexti, ubi cum in alia scelera, tum vero maxime in judices corruptos invehitur. Eadem videas in Tertulliani Apologetico, cap. 12.

"The books of Seneca." Among those of his that survive, read the second letter of the sixteenth book, where he inveighs against other crimes but above all against corrupt judges. You may see the same in Tertullian's Apology, chapter 12.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In manum sumant› · col 579

In manum sumant. Cicero lib. III, de Orat. cap. 4: Qui haec in manus sument. Lib. II, Tuscul. cap. 3: Epicurum... in manus sumit. Plinius lib. I. epist. 16: Quum ejus orationes in manus sumpseris. Quintil. lib. X Inst. cap. 1, pag. 882: Quarum orationes in manus sumpserimus. Bun.

"Let them take into hand." Cicero, On the Orator book III, chapter 4: "Who will take these things into their hands." Tusculans book II, chapter 3: "He takes Epicurus … into his hands." Pliny, Letters book I, letter 16: "When you have taken his speeches into your hands." Quintilian, Institutes book X, chapter 1, page 882: "Whose speeches we have taken into our hands." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Pariterque die› · col 579

Pariterque die. Ita Regio-Put. aliique. In 17 rec. et editis 5 est dies. 1 Reg. antiq. pariter quidem.

"And by day alike." So the Regius-Puteanus and others. In seventeen recent manuscripts and five editions it is "dies"; the ancient Regius 1 has "alike indeed."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Induforo› · col 579, runs into col 580

Induforo. Mirum quam hic varient manuscripti. Lego Induforo ex 1 Reg. antiquissimo, Pal. et Pen. et ipso Lucilio, edito a Francisco Dousa, accedentibus mss. Cauc., 4 Reg., 5 Oxon., 3 Colbert., Jun., Ultr., Nav., Gat., Marm., Em., 2 Clarom., Brun., et 6 edit. quibus est indeforo, pro induforo, per archaismum, ut legitur apud Lucretium, lib. IV. vers. 318; edit. Lambin. Indugredi, vel endogredi pro ingredi. Dixerunt enim Antiqui indu et endo, pro in, ut observat Lambinus ibidem, pag. 456 et 277. Apud eumdem Lucretium indu manu, indu statu, pro in manu, in statu; lib. V, indu manus, pro in manus; et lib. VI, indu mari, pro in mari. 1 Bonon. antiq. et 4 alii rec. habent induforum; 2 Reg. induforus; 1 Reg. et 5 vulgati indufori; 1 Colbert. et Vict. videre foro, corrupte. Legitur etiam induforo apud Ennium libro VII. Induforos eos existimat Betuleius, qui otia sua in foro terunt; sicut inforare apud Plautum idem est, ac aliquid in foro vulgare. Fere similia in Virgilio induperator, pro imperator; et indugredi ac indupeditus apud Lucretium, pro ingredi et impeditus. Existimat tamen Thom. Spark. legendum esse endo forum, quia sic Lucret. lib. II, habet: Si fas endo plagas coelestes scandere cuiquam; atque endogredi apud eumdem Lucretium, pro ingredi.

"In the forum" (archaic "induforo"). It is remarkable how the manuscripts vary here. I read "Induforo" from the very ancient Regius 1, the Palatine, the Pen., and Lucilius himself as edited by Franciscus Dousa, with the support of the Cauci, Regius 4, Oxford 5, Colbert 3, the Junius, the Utrecht, the Navarre, the Gatianus, the Marmoutier, the Emmanuel, Clermont 2, the Brunswick and six editions, which have "indeforo" for "induforo," by archaism, as one reads in Lucretius, book IV, line 318, Lambin's edition, "indugredi" or "endogredi" for "ingredi." For the ancients said "indu" and "endo" for "in," as Lambin observes in the same place, pages 456 and 277. In the same Lucretius, "indu manu," "indu statu," for "in manu," "in statu"; book V, "indu manus" for "in manus"; and book VI, "indu mari" for "in mari." The ancient Bologna 1 and four other recent manuscripts have "induforum"; Regius 2, "induforus"; Regius 1 and five common editions, "indufori"; Colbert 1 and the Victorine, "videre foro," corruptly. "Induforo" is also read in Ennius, book VII. Betuleius thinks "induforos" are those who wear away their leisure in the forum; just as "inforare" in Plautus means to publish something in the forum. Much the same are, in Virgil, "induperator" for "imperator," and in Lucretius "indugredi" and "indupeditus" for "ingredi" and "impeditus." Thomas Sparke, however, thinks "endo forum" should be read, because Lucretius has thus in book II: "If it be lawful for anyone to climb into the heavenly regions"; and "endogredi" in the same Lucretius for "ingredi."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Blanditia certare› · col 580

Blanditia certare. Ita cuncti fere mss. et edd. nec aliter legitur apud Lucilium. mss. rec. 1 Reg., Balliol. et vulgati sex, blandiri, certare.

"To vie in flattery." So almost all the manuscripts and editions, nor is it read otherwise in Lucilius. The recent manuscripts Regius 1 and the Balliol, and six common editions, have "to flatter, to vie."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nostro› · col 580

Nostro. Ita etiam Tertullianus.

"Ours." So Tertullian too.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Universa sequeretur› · col 580

Universa sequeretur. Sic omnes prope mss. et impressi. Regio-Put. et excusi ferunt sequitur; 1 Bonon. antiq. quaereretur: 2 Reg. rec., 1 Colb., Cant. et 3 vet. edit. frequentatur. Nostra lectio multum arridebat Antonio Augustino, viro in litteris sagacissimo.

"All things would follow." So almost all the manuscripts and printed editions. The Regius-Puteanus and the printed editions have "follows"; the ancient Bologna 1, "would be sought"; the recent Regius 2, Colbert 1, the Cambridge and three old editions, "is frequented." Our reading much pleased Antonio Agustín, a man most shrewd in letters.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Eoque fieri› · col 580

Eoque fieri. Ita restitui ex multis editis, cunctisque mss. praeter 2 Reg. et 7 edit. qui habent aeque; edit. Thomas. Atque; 1 Bonon. antiq. Atquin. Haec emendatio est Antonii Augustini jamjam laudati, qui legebat, quod est summum, per caetera universa sequitur, eoque fieri non potest, etc. quae lectio multum Thomasio arridebat. At Buneman habet. Aeque fieri non potest, et in hanc vocem notam sequentem exhibet. — Frequenter ita Lactantius voce aeque utitur, quod hinc inde libri, substituto eoque, corruperunt. Sic l. III, c. 17: Sapientis est male facere... Aeque stulti est bene facere. Ibid., c. 27: Qui religionem non suscipiunt, terreni sunt, quia... est; et qui animam putant... interire, aeque in terram spectant, quia, etc. Bun.

"And for that reason to be done." So I have restored from many editions and all the manuscripts except Regius 2 and seven editions, which have "aeque" (equally); Thomasius's edition, "Atque"; the ancient Bologna 1, "Atquin." This emendation is that of Antonio Agustín, just praised, who read: "what is highest is followed through all the rest, and for that reason it cannot be," etc., a reading which much pleased Thomasius. But Bünemann has "It cannot equally be," and on this word gives the following note: — Lactantius often uses the word "aeque" thus, which the books here and there have corrupted by substituting "eoque." So book III, chapter 17: "It is the wise man's part to do ill … it is equally the fool's part to do good." Ibid., chapter 27: "Those who do not take up religion are earthly, because … ; and those who think the soul … perishes equally look to the earth, because," etc. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Non et in religione fallantur› · col 580

Non et in religione fallantur. Ex cunctis mss. et editis quamplurimis restitui particulam negantem, quae abest a nonnullis editis. In 6 excusis est, non etiam.

"Are not deceived in religion too." From all the manuscripts and very many editions I have restored the negative particle, which is absent from some editions. In six printed editions it is "not also."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Servaret in caeteris› · col 580

Servaret in caeteris. Haec lectio est quamplurimorum (continues)

"Would keep in the rest." This is the reading of very many (continues)

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(continued) ‹anchor: Servaret in caeteris› · col 581

mss. et 7 editorum. Regio-Put. et 7 alii rec. et 5 edit. servat et; ms. Jun. servant.

(continued) manuscripts and of seven editions. The Regius-Puteanus, seven other recent manuscripts and five editions have "servat et"; the Junius manuscript, "servant."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Rex ille› · col 581

Rex ille. Aeneas scilicet, Virgil. I Aeneid. 544.

"That king." Aeneas, that is: Virgil, Aeneid I, 544.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Vinxerat› · col 581

Vinxerat. Virgil. XI, v. 81.

"He had bound." Virgil, Aeneid XI, line 81.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Umbris› · col 581

Umbris. Umbrae sunt animae defunctorum.

"To the shades." The shades are the souls of the dead.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Inferias› · col 581

Inferias. Inferiae sunt sacra mortuorum XXX et XL. et anniversario die, cum aspersione super tumulum. Vid. Virg. lib. V.

"Offerings to the dead." "Inferiae" are the rites for the dead on the thirtieth and fortieth day and on the anniversary, with a sprinkling over the tomb. See Virgil, book V.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Caeso sanguine› · col 581

Caeso sanguine. Pro caesorum sanguine; ut idem Aeneid. lib. X, v. 520, Captivo sanguine, pro sanguine captivorum.

"With slain blood." For "with the blood of the slain"; as the same poet, Aeneid book X, line 520, "with captive blood," for "with the blood of captives."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sparsurus› · col 581

Sparsurus. Ex omnibus ferme mss. et 15 excusis; melius quam sparsuros, ut est in 1 rec. Reg., Jun., 1 Colbert. et 6 vet. edit. In 3 scriptis rec. sparsuras, mendose.

"About to sprinkle." From almost all the manuscripts and fifteen printed editions; better than "sparsuros," as in the recent Regius 1, the Junius, Colbert 1 and six old editions. In three recent manuscripts, "sparsuras," faultily.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Clementius› · col 581

Clementius. Ironice. Ita mss. 1 Reg. antiquissimus, 2 Bonon., 4 al. Reg., 4 Colbert., 3 Lips., Bold. Cotton. Marm., 1 Clarom. edit. vet. Rom. 1474, et al. 7. Et recte. Vide supra clementer, et inclementer, et infra quae sequuntur. Ms. Jun. cum Francio inclementius; Regio-Put. et 13 rec. scripti ac 10 edit. dementius. Hanc lectionem ultimam minus apte defendit Gallaeus; nec enim advertebat hic esse ironiam Lactantii in Gentiles. Vide not. ad c. 36, de Mortibus Persecutorum. Quid potest esse hac pietate clementius. — Mss. Jun. inclementius, unde 10; Columbus ad c. 31, libri de Mort. Pers. veram lectionem esse colligit: Quid esse potest hac pietate inclementius? Quid dementius, quam mortis.., pascere, ut hoc velit: Nihil inclementius, adeoque nihil Aenea, qui pium se jactavit, indignius (nam et clementia pietas dicta, ut prius est ostensum) quam caedere et exurere crudeliter innoxios homines; nihil inconvenientius duci perito et prudenti, quam credere mortuos pasci cruore humano. Heumannus in addendis credit, Columbum ingeniose ac feliciter ita emendasse. Bun.

"More mercifully." Ironically. So the very ancient Regius 1, Bologna 2, another Regius 4, Colbert 4, Leipzig 3, the Bodleian, the Cotton, the Marmoutier, the Clermont 1, the old Rome edition of 1474, and seven others. And rightly. See above "mercifully" and "unmercifully," and what follows below. The Junius manuscript, with Francius, has "more unmercifully"; the Regius-Puteanus, thirteen recent manuscripts and ten editions, "more madly." Gallaeus defends this last reading less aptly; for he did not notice that here there is irony by Lactantius against the Gentiles. See the note on chapter 36 of On the Deaths of the Persecutors. "What can be more merciful than this piety." — The Junius manuscript has "more unmercifully," whence ten; Colomiès, on chapter 31 of the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, concludes that the true reading is: "What can be more unmerciful than this piety? What more mad than to feed … of death," so that he means this: "Nothing more unmerciful, and so nothing more unworthy of Aeneas, who boasted himself pious (for mercy too is called piety, as was shown before), than cruelly to slaughter and burn innocent men; nothing more unfitting for a skilled and prudent leader than to believe that the dead are fed on human blood." Heumann, in his addenda, believes Colomiès emended it so ingeniously and happily. Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Qui insignem pietate virum insigne scelere foedaverit› · col 582

Qui insignem pietate virum insigne scelare foedaverit. Virgil. I Aeneid. Haec lectio est ex mss. Regio-Put., 5 al. Reg., 6 Colb. Cant., 2. Clarom. et 6 edit. nisi quod 4 scripti totidemque impressi legunt foedavit; caeteri foedaverit; 2 Reg. et 7 vulgati, qui illum insignem.

"Who has defiled a man outstanding in piety with an outstanding crime." Virgil, Aeneid I. This reading is from the Regius-Puteanus, another Regius 5, Colbert 6, the Cambridge, Clermont 2 and six editions, except that four manuscripts and as many printed editions read "foedavit"; the rest, "foedaverit"; Regius 2 and seven common editions, "who that outstanding man."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Ecce pius Aeneas› · col 582

Ecce pius Aeneas. Sic restitui ex mss. et excusis, praeter 1 Bonon. antiq. et 3 edit., in quibus est, Tum pius Aeneas; minus apte ad Lactantii mentem.

"Behold pious Aeneas." So I have restored from the manuscripts and printed editions, except the ancient Bologna 1 and three editions, in which it is "Then pious Aeneas"; less fitting to Lactantius's meaning.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Sulmone› · col 582

Sulmone. Haec ex Aeneid. lib. X, v. 517. Sulmone, quod in antiquo Latio oppidum fuit, ait Plinius.

"Of Sulmo." This is from Aeneid book X, line 517. Sulmo, Pliny says, was a town in ancient Latium.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quattuor hic juvenes… quos immolet umbris› · col 582

Quattuor hic juvenes... quos immolet umbris. Tertullianus: Olim, quoniam animas defunctorum humano sanguine propitiari creditum erat, captivos vel servos in exequiis immolabant.

"Here four youths … to sacrifice to the shades." Tertullian: "Formerly, since it was believed that the souls of the dead were propitiated by human blood, they sacrificed captives or slaves at funerals."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Eodem ipso tempore› · col 582

Eodem ipso tempore. Idem ipse, passim apud Lactantium.

"At that very same time." "Idem ipse" occurs throughout Lactantius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Equidem› · col 582

Equidem. Virgil. Aeneid. lib. XI, vers. 111.

"Indeed." Virgil, Aeneid book XI, line 111.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Bonus› · col 582

Bonus. Per ironiam, ex Virg., l. II.

"Good." In irony, from Virgil, book II.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Adjuratus enim per eumdem patrem› · col 582

Adjuratus enim per eumdem patrem. Aeneidos, lib. X, v. 524: Per patrios manes et spes surgentis Iuli Te precor hanc animam serves. Cell.

"For adjured by that same father." Aeneid book X, line 524: "By your father's shade and the hopes of rising Iulus, I pray you, spare this life." Cellarius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et per spes surgentis Iuli› · col 582

Et per spes surgentis Iuli. Ex Virgil. Aeneid., X, v. 524. Vocem per restitui ex 3 mss. Reg. quorum duo sunt antiquissimi. In 10 rec. et 6 impressis est, et spem.

"And by the hopes of rising Iulus." From Virgil, Aeneid X, line 524. I have restored the word "by" from Regius 3, two of which are very ancient. In ten recent manuscripts and six printed editions it is "and the hope."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Furiis› · col 582

Furiis. Virg., Aeneid., l. XII, v. 946.

"With fury." Virgil, Aeneid book XII, line 946.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Et manium patris› · col 582

Et manium patris. Mss. 3 Colb. et 1 Clarom. manum; Em. inanimis.

"And of his father's shade." Colbert 3 and Clermont 1 have "manum"; the Emmanuel, "inanimis."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Repugnantes› · col 582

Repugnantes. 1 Bonon. antiq. pugnantes; Jun. deprecantes.

"Resisting." The ancient Bologna 1 has "fighting"; the Junius, "pleading."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Dicet› · col 582

Dicet, etc. Eximia descriptio, qua docetur qui sint, vel esse debeant christiani.

"Someone will say," etc. An excellent description, teaching who Christians are, or ought to be.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Fiunt› · col 582

Fiunt. Heum. legit. sunt; recte.

"They become." Heumann reads "they are"; rightly.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Nihil ad deos› · col 582

Nihil ad deos. De hoc in libro de Ira Dei, c. 4, et supra, l. III, c. 17.

"Nothing to the gods." On this, in the book On the Anger of God, chapter 4, and above, book III, chapter 17.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Censentis› · col 582

Censentis. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. contestantis.

"Holding." The ancient Bologna manuscript 1 has "contestantis" (protesting).

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(lemma) ‹anchor: Infortunio mactat› · col 583

Infortunio mactat. Ita et apud Plautum Amphytr., act. IV, scen. 2, et Curcul., act. IV, scen. 3; Terent. Phorm., V, 8, 39. Ita supra honore mactare, pro honore cumulare.

"Loads with misfortune." So too in Plautus, Amphitruo act IV, scene 2, and Curculio act IV, scene 3; Terence, Phormio V, 8, 39. So above, "to load with honour," for "to heap up with honour."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Summa fide› · col 583

Summa fide. Hic tantum agitur de fide civili quae, apud Ciceronem de Officiis, fundamentum est justitiae.

"With the highest good faith." Here only civil good faith is in question, which in Cicero's On Duties is the foundation of justice.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Martem› · col 583

Martem, etc. Contra vanitates istas satis dictum est libris I et II.

"Mars," etc. Enough has been said against these vanities in books I and II.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Saturnum› · col 583

Saturnum. Ed. Sublac. habet qui colunt Saturnum.

"Saturn." The Subiaco edition has "who worship Saturn."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Prostitutam› · col 583

Prostitutam. Lips. 2, 3, Reimm., destitutam. At plures mss. editi vero omnes, prostitutam. Ipse de eadem Venere, l. I, c. 17: Quid loquar obscoenitatem Veneris omnium libidinibus prostitutae? Conf., l. III, c. 22: Non adulterae... sed prostitutae. Bun.

"Prostituted." Leipzig 2 and 3 and the Reimmann have "destitutam" (abandoned). But more manuscripts and all the editions have "prostitutam." He himself, of the same Venus, book I, chapter 17: "Why should I speak of the obscenity of Venus, prostituted to the lusts of all?" Compare book III, chapter 22: "Not of an adulteress … but of a prostitute." Bünemann.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Exprimuntur› · col 583

Exprimuntur. Em. Exponuntur. — Exprimuntur. Ita, excepto Emman., omnes scripti et editi, et recte. Proprium in hac re verbum. Epit., c. 63: Histrionum etiam impudici gestus... libidines quas saltando exprimunt, docent. Non obscure exprimit Cyprianum, l. II, ep. 2, ed. Erasm. f. 33, exprimunt impudicam Venerem, adulterum Martem, etc.

"Are represented." The Emmanuel has "are exhibited." — "Are represented." So, except for the Emmanuel, all the manuscripts and editions, and rightly. It is the proper word in this matter. Epitome chapter 63: "The shameless gestures of the actors too … teach the lusts they represent by dancing." He plainly reproduces Cyprian, book II, letter 2, Erasmus's edition, folio 33: "They represent shameless Venus, adulterous Mars," etc.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Erudiantur ad injustitiam› · col 583

Erudiantur ad injustitiam. Sic res poscit, et omnes fere mss. et editi. Nonnulli scripti et vulgati, ad justitiam, sed male.

"They are trained to injustice." So the matter demands, and almost all the manuscripts and editions. Some manuscripts and common editions have "to justice," but wrongly.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Religiosissimus est cultus, imitari› · col 583

Religiosissimus est cultus, imitari. Augustinus: Summa religionis est imitari eum quem colas. Seneca, ep. XCV: Satis deos coluit, quisquis illum imitatus est.

"The most religious worship is to imitate." Augustine: "The sum of religion is to imitate him whom you worship." Seneca, letter 95: "Whoever has imitated them has worshipped the gods enough."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Iis igitur hominibus› · col 583

Iis igitur hominibus, etc. 3 Reg., 2 Colb., Bodl., Cotton., 1 Clarom., ii igitur homines... quia gravem habent acerbamque justitiam.

"To those men, then," etc. Regius 3, Colbert 2, the Bodleian, the Cotton and Clermont 1 have "those men, then … because they find justice heavy and bitter."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Bestiae nominantur› · col 583

Bestiae nominantur. Vide Ezechielis, c. XXXIV, 5, 8, 25, 28; Sophoniae, c. II, 14 et 15; Exodi, c. XXVI, 6 et 22. Sic etiam Danielis, VII capite, per quatuor animalia, quatuor regna tyrannica describuntur.

"They are called beasts." See Ezekiel 34:5, 8, 25, 28; Zephaniah 2:14 and 15; Exodus 26 (XXVI as printed), 6 and 22. So too in Daniel, chapter 7, four tyrannical kingdoms are described by four beasts.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Praeclare itaque Marcus Tullius› · col 584

Praeclare itaque Marcus Tullius. Hic locus non extat, ait Betuleius, sed similem habes, lib. III, Offic., c. 5.

"Excellently, then, Marcus Tullius." This passage does not survive, says Betuleius, but you have a similar one in On Duties book III, chapter 5.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Emori› · col 584

Emori. Apud Ciceronem, mori.

"To die." In Cicero, "mori."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Figuram bestiae› · col 584

Figuram bestiae. De simili, sed fabulosa hominum in bestias transformatione, vide Plinium, lib. VIII, cap. 22.

"The shape of a beast." On a similar, but fabulous, transformation of men into beasts, see Pliny, book VIII, chapter 22.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Animo esse efferato› · col 584

Animo esse efferato. Ms. Mertoniensis, animum esse efferatum.

"To be of a savage mind." The Merton manuscript has "that the mind is savage."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Saeviores› · col 584

Saeviores. Edit. 1476, Brutiores.

"More savage." The edition of 1476 has "more brutish."

(lemma) ‹anchor: Quis Caucasus› · col 584

Quis Caucasus, etc. Respicit ad illud Didonis, Aen., IV, v. 365: Perfide, sed duris genuit te cautibus horrens Caucasus, Hyrcanaeque admorunt ubera tigres. Caucaso immanitatem tribuunt, propter Promethei fabulam: ego malo propter multitudinem pantherarum, quibus eum Philostr. in vita Apollonii scribit esse refertum. India et Hircania tigride formidabiles sunt. Plin., l. VIII, c. 18. De elephante, tigride et formica Indiae, lege Arrianum, l. VIII, qui est de rebus Indicis. Taceo Heliodorum in sua Theagenis et Charicleae fabula. Betul.

"What Caucasus," etc. He looks back to Dido's words, Aeneid IV, line 365: "Faithless one, rugged Caucasus bore you on its hard crags, and Hyrcanian tigresses gave you suck." They ascribe savagery to the Caucasus because of the fable of Prometheus; I prefer to say because of the number of panthers with which Philostratus, in the Life of Apollonius, writes that it is filled. India and Hyrcania are fearsome for the tiger. Pliny, book VIII, chapter 18. On the elephant, the tiger and the ant of India, read Arrian, book VIII, which is on Indian matters. I say nothing of Heliodorus in his tale of Theagenes and Chariclea. Betuleius.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Illa est vera bestia› · col 584

Illa est vera bestia. Quantum conjecturis locus est dandus, intelligit Diocletianum, cujus edicta et persecutio describuntur ab Eusebio in Ecclesiastica hist., l. VIII, et de Nicomedica praesertim truculentia, c. 5 et 6 ejusdem libri, et de Mortib. persecut.

"That is the true beast." So far as room is to be given to conjecture, he means Diocletian, whose edicts and persecution are described by Eusebius in the Ecclesiastical History, book VIII, and especially the savagery at Nicomedia, chapters 5 and 6 of the same book, and in On the Deaths of the Persecutors.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Jussione› · col 584

Jussione. Sic et infra satellites impiae jussionis. Quae vox non est admodum latina.

"By command." So also below, "the attendants of an impious command." The word is not very Latin.

(lemma) ‹anchor: Funditur› · col 584

Funditur, etc. Virgilius Aeneid., l. IV, v. 646, et l. II, v. 368.

"Is poured," etc. Virgil, Aeneid book IV, line 646, and book II, line 368.

(lemma) ‹anchor: In cineres furit› · col 584

In cineres furit. Ex hoc loco illustratur liber de Mort. pers., c. 21, extr. qui facit, ut de Galerio non minus explicem, quam de Diocletiano, ad quem Betuleius retulerat. Conf. Euseb. Hist. eccles., l. VIII, (continues)

"Rages even against ashes." This place illustrates the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, end of chapter 21, which makes me explain it of Galerius no less than of Diocletian, to whom Betuleius had referred it. Compare Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History book VIII, (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: (continued from previous page)› · col 585

(continued) c. 5 et 6. Ita sub Juliano narratur in Ammian. Marcellin., l. XXII, c. 11: Iisdem... subdito igne crematis, cineres projecit (multitudo) in mare, id metuens, ut clamabat, ne collectis supremis, aedes illis exstruerentur, ut reliquis, qui deviare a religione compulsi pertulere cruciabiles poenas, adusque gloriosam mortem intemerata fide progressi, et nunc martyres appellantur. BUN.

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(2) ‹anchor: Sepulturae locus› · col 585

Sepulturae locus. Intelligit haud dubie Dorotheum, Petrum et Gorgonium, qui cum aulici essent, eorum tamen corpora misere excarnificata, terrae mandata sunt, mox jussu tyranni effossa et in mare projecta: de quibus Eusebius.

A place of burial. He doubtless means Dorotheus, Peter and Gorgonius, who were courtiers; yet their bodies, wretchedly mangled, were committed to the earth, and soon by the tyrant's order dug up and thrown into the sea: of whom Eusebius writes.

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(3) ‹anchor: Terram mortuis› · col 585

Terram mortuis. Vide S. Augustinum, de Civit. Dei, l. I, c. 12.

Earth to the dead. See St Augustine, The City of God, book I, ch. 12.

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(4) ‹anchor: Provectio› · col 585

Provectio. Requiro adhuc majorem hujus vocis apud veteres auctoritatem: a Kresbio de Stylo Lact., et a Walchio in Diatribe non est notata. Provehere ad dignitatem est Plinii in Epistolis. BUN.

Advancement. I still look for stronger authority for this word among the ancients: it is not noted by Kresse in his "On the Style of Lactantius", nor by Walch in his Diatribe. To advance to a dignity is Pliny's, in the Letters. BÜNEMANN.

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(5) ‹anchor: Genera crudelitatis› · col 585

Genera crudelitatis. Haec vide in Actis martyrum, quae collegit vir aeque doctissimus ac piissimus, Theodoricus Ruynart e congregatione S. Mauri Benedictinus.

Kinds of cruelty. See these in the Acts of the Martyrs, collected by a man as learned as he was devout, Thierry Ruinart, Benedictine of the Congregation of St Maur.

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(6) ‹anchor: Quisque saeviit› · col 585

Quisque saeviit. Sic ex mss. antiquissimis 1 Bon., Cauc., Betul., 2 Colb. et ed. Cellar. Suavius fluit, quam saevivit 3 Regiorum, Marm. totidemque editorum. Scripti 12 rec. habent saevit; 5 rec., quique saeviunt.

Each raged. So from the very old manuscripts, 1 Bologna, Cauc., Betuleius, 2 Colbert, and Cellarius's edition. It runs more smoothly than saevivit of 3 Royal manuscripts, Marm. and as many editions. 12 recent manuscripts have saevit; 5 recent, quique saeviunt.

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(7) ‹anchor: Prae nimia timiditate› · col 585

Prae nimia timiditate. Ita mss. 8 Reg. inter quos sunt duo antiquissimi, Cauc., 5 Colb. aliique, cum editis 13, quod est ministris et servis convenientius, ne minus fecisse, quam jussi erant, viderentur. Scripti 5, tumiditate. Nemo enim crudelior quam timidus homo, cum viribus superiorem se putat. Idem fere est, l. de Mortib. Persecut., c. 11: Quidam proprio adversus christianos odio tollendos esse censuerunt, et qui aliter sentiebant, intellecta imperatoris voluntate, vel timentes, vel gratificari volentes, in eamdem sententiam congruerunt.

From excessive timidity. So 8 Royal manuscripts, among them two very old, Cauc., 5 Colbert and others, with 13 editions; this better suits ministers and servants, lest they seem to have done less than they were ordered. 5 manuscripts read tumiditate (swollen pride). For no one is crueller than a timid man when he thinks himself superior in strength. Almost the same is in the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 11: "Some, from their own hatred of the Christians, judged that they should be done away with; and those who thought otherwise, once the emperor's will was understood, whether from fear or wishing to please, fell in with the same opinion."

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(8) ‹anchor: Quam jubebatur› · col 585

Quam jubebatur. Duo rec. manu exarati codices, jubeatur; 7 rec. et totidem editi, jubebantur; 3 rec., videbantur, mendose.

Than was ordered. Two recent handwritten codices, jubeatur; 7 recent and as many editions, jubebantur; 3 recent, videbantur, faultily.

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(9) ‹anchor: Aliqui› · col 586

Aliqui. Hanc vocem delet Heum.

Some. Heumann deletes this word.

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(10) ‹anchor: In Phrygia› · col 586

In Phrygia. Historiam vide apud Eusebium, Hist. eccl., l. VIII, c. 11.

In Phrygia. See the story in Eusebius, Church History, book VIII, ch. 11.

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(11) ‹anchor: Cum ipso pariter conventiculo› · col 586

Cum ipso pariter conventiculo. Historia extat apud Euseb. Caeterum prisci christiani non habebant templa, sed conventicula, aedes, etc. abhorrebant enim a templi nomine, quo utebantur gentiles.

Together with the meeting-house itself. The story is in Eusebius. The early Christians, however, had no temples but meeting-houses, houses, etc.; for they shrank from the name of temple, which the pagans used.

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(12) ‹anchor: Tanto clementior› · col 586

Tanto clementior. Mss. 11 rec. cum edit. Rom. 1468, dementior, male. Caeteri, inter quos sunt antiquissimi, habent clementior. Brevitatem enim supplicii, combustionis scilicet, clementiam vocat respectu lentae et protractioris necis.

So much the more merciful. 11 recent manuscripts with the Rome edition of 1468 read dementior (more insane), wrongly. The rest, among them the oldest, have clementior. For he calls the brevity of the punishment, that is, of burning, mercy, in comparison with a slow and more drawn-out death.

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(13) ‹anchor: In excogitandis poenarum generibus› · col 586

In excogitandis poenarum generibus. Cyprianus contra Demetrianum: Admoves laniandis corporibus longa tormenta, multiplicas lacerandis visceribus numerosa supplicia, nec feritas ac immanitas tua usitatis potest contenta esse tormentis: excogitat novas poenas ingeniosa crudelitas. Conf. Lact., l. VI, c. 17; epit., c. 54; Senec., l. 1; Clem., c. 25 (Saevitia): Nova supplicia conquirit, ingenium advocat, instrumenta excogitat, per quae varietur atque extendatur dolor, etc. BUN.

In devising kinds of punishment. Cyprian, Against Demetrianus: "You apply long tortures to bodies to be torn, you multiply numerous punishments for flesh to be lacerated, nor can your savagery and brutality be content with the usual tortures": an ingenious cruelty devises new pains. Compare Lactantius, book VI, ch. 17; Epitome, ch. 54; Seneca, book 1, On Mercy, ch. 25 (Cruelty): "It seeks out new punishments, summons its wit, devises instruments by which pain may be varied and prolonged," etc. BÜNEMANN.

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(14) ‹anchor: Victoriam cogitant› · col 586

Victoriam cogitant. Ita cum edit. vet. Rom. omnes mss. praeter 1 Reg. rec., in quo, sicut et in caeteris editis, est excogitant.

They think of victory. So, with the old Rome edition, all the manuscripts except 1 recent Royal, in which, as in the other editions, is excogitant.

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(15) ‹anchor: Visus esset› · col 586

Visus esset. Codices 5 rec. manu exarati et 9 typis excusi, visus est.

Had seemed. 5 recent handwritten codices and 9 printed ones, visus est.

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(16) ‹anchor: Nihil aliud devitant› · col 586

Nihil aliud devitant. Sic mss. 2 antiquissimi, 1 Reg. et Cauc., 2 alii Reg. multique alii et 8 editi. Scripti 14 rec. et 5 excusi, aliud evitant; 1 Bonon. et 1 Reg. antiquiss. aliud vitant.

They avoid nothing else. So 2 very old manuscripts, 1 Royal and Cauc., 2 other Royal and many others, and 8 editions. 14 recent manuscripts and 5 printed, aliud evitant; 1 Bologna and 1 very old Royal, aliud vitant.

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(17) ‹anchor: Torti moriantur› · col 586

Torti moriantur. In ipso supplicio.

Die under torture. In the very punishment.

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(18) ‹anchor: Tormenta quanto fuerint› · col 586

Tormenta quanto fuerint. Ita restituo ex Lips. secundo, Reimm., Rost., Ven. 1471, 72, utraque 78, 93, 97, Parrh., Paris., Junt., Ald., Crat., Gymn., Tornes., Betul., Fasit., Gryph., pro recentiorum Thomasii, Isaei, Thys., Gall., Spark., Cell., Walch.: Tormenta, quae quanto... pariant. Si voluissent post tormenta subaudire beatos faciant, debuissent pariunt edere, non pariant. BUN.

Torments, the more they were. So I restore from the second Leipzig, Reimmann, Rostock, Venice 1471, 72, both of 78, 93, 97, Parrhasius, Paris, Junta, Aldus, Cratander, Gymnicus, Tornaesius, Betuleius, Fasitelius, Gryphius, against the more recent Thomasius, Isaeus, Thysius, Gallaeus, Sparke, Cellarius, Walch: Tormenta, quae quanto... pariant. If they had wished to understand beatos faciant after tormenta, they ought to have printed pariunt, not pariant. BÜNEMANN.

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(19) ‹anchor: Constitutiones› · col 586

Constitutiones. Quae scilicet ab Eusebio recitantur, (continues)

Decrees. Namely those quoted by Eusebius, (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Domitius› · col 587

Domitius. Ulpianus scilicet, Adriani imperatoris Scriniorum magister, secundo vixit saeculo, atque Tyrius erat. Hujus de principum rescriptis erant olim libri decem: sed quorum nihil hodie superest, nisi fragmenta, in titul. de Officio proconsulis.

Domitius. That is, Ulpian, master of the bureaux under the emperor Hadrian; he lived in the second century and was a Tyrian. He once had ten books on the rescripts of the emperors, of which nothing survives today but fragments, in the title On the Office of Proconsul.

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(2) ‹anchor: Libro septimo› · col 587

Libro septimo. Ita mss. 1 Bon. antiq., 1 Reg. antiq. et alii 23 cum excusis 12. Et hanc lectionem probant Cujacius libro X Observat., c. 34, et Thomasius in notis. In editis quinque est libris septem; in Regio-Put., Cauc., 1 Clarom., l. VII quod bifariam legi potest.

In the seventh book. So the old Bologna manuscript, 1 old Royal and 23 others, with 12 printed editions. And Cujas, Observations book X, ch. 34, and Thomasius in his notes approve this reading. In five editions it is libris septem (in seven books); in Regio-Puteanus, Cauc., 1 Clermont, "l. VII", which can be read either way.

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(3) ‹anchor: Rescripta principum nefaria› · col 587

Rescripta principum nefaria. Ex omnibus mss. et editis ferme reposui vocem principum, quae nonnullis vulgatis deest. In 1 Reg. antiquissimo legitur scripta principum nefaria. In quibusdam editis deest principum.

The emperors' wicked rescripts. From all the manuscripts and nearly all editions I have restored the word principum, which is missing in some common editions. In 1 very old Royal one reads scripta principum nefaria. In some editions principum is missing.

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(4) ‹anchor: Quid iis facias› · col 587

Quid iis facias. Ita passim Lactantius.

What you should do to them. So Lactantius throughout.

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(5) ‹anchor: Prudentes› · col 587

Prudentes. Pungit hic Lactant. jureconsultos, qui olim prudentes vocabantur. — Justos se esse tamen... videri volunt. Goth. esse non habet. Rost., Ven., utraque 1478, 1515, Paris., Crat., Gymn., justos esse se tamen. Reimm. et reliqui, justos se esse... volunt. De hoc archaismo Conf. not. ad l. V, c. 20, et ad l. de Mort. Persec., c. 14. BUN.

The learned. Here Lactantius stings the jurists, who were once called prudentes. — Yet they want to seem to be just... The Gotha manuscript lacks esse. Rostock, Venice, both of 1478, 1515, Paris, Cratander, Gymnicus: justos esse se tamen. Reimmann and the rest: justos se esse... volunt. On this archaism compare the notes on book V, ch. 20, and on the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 14. BÜNEMANN.

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(6) ‹anchor: Sceleris contagione› · col 587

Sceleris contagione. Mss. 2 Reg. et 5 Oxon., cogitatione.

From the contagion of crime. 2 Royal and 5 Oxford manuscripts, cogitatione (thought).

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(7) ‹anchor: Communiter cum... loquimur› · col 587

Communiter cum... loquimur. Mihi non incommode videtur hic valere in genere, in universum; non cum his illisve tantum: ita maneret antiqua elegantia. Ita auctor Epithalamii Maximiano et Constantino dicti, c. 3, Communiter dicere, et c. 13, separatim loqui opponit. BUN.

We speak in common with... It seems to me not unfitting that here it means in general, as a whole; not with these or those only: so the ancient elegance would remain. So the author of the Epithalamium spoken for Maximian and Constantine sets communiter dicere (ch. 3) against separatim loqui (ch. 13). BÜNEMANN.

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(8) ‹anchor: Liceat per vos benefacere vobiscum› · col 588

Liceat per vos benefacere vobiscum. Ita cum 2 antiquissimis Reg. multisque aliis manuscriptis editi duodecim. Scripti 5 rec. et vulgati 4, per vos benefacere nobiscum, mss. 5 et edd. Rom. 1470, per nos benefacere vobiscum; quinque manu exarati et edit. Basil. 1532, per nos benefacere nobiscum.

Let it be lawful, by your leave, to do good with you. So twelve editions, with 2 very old Royal and many other manuscripts. 5 recent manuscripts and 4 common editions, per vos benefacere nobiscum; 5 manuscripts and the Rome edition of 1470, per nos benefacere vobiscum; five handwritten and the Basel edition of 1532, per nos benefacere nobiscum.

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(9) ‹anchor: Nobis enim stultitia nostra prodest› · col 588

Nobis enim stultitia nostra prodest. Mss. 6 Reg., 2 Colbert., Brun., vobis, etc. Utraque lectio habet sensum suum. Prior lectio nobis melior videtur. Vid. seq.

For our folly profits us. 6 Royal, 2 Colbert and Brun. manuscripts, vobis (you), etc. Each reading has its own sense. The former seems better to us. See the following.

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(10) ‹anchor: Qui odistis› · col 588

Qui odistis. Cum Francio libenter legerem, qui nos odistis.

Who hate. With Franck I would gladly read qui nos odistis (who hate us).

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(11) ‹anchor: Quae habetur a Furio contra justitiam› · col 588

Quae habetur a Furio contra justitiam. Vide S. Augustinum, l. II de Civit. Dei, c. 21. Locus ille ex Cicerone, lib. III de Republica depromptus est. Hic Lactantius eximie refellit paradoxon L. Furii Philonis oratoris, qui optabat magis sapiens et probus videri, cum foret malus, quam malus existimari, cum foret bonus. Caeterum personas, quae in libris de Republica loquebantur, recenset Cic., l. IV Epist. ad Atticum, ep. XV.

Which is delivered by Furius against justice. See St Augustine, City of God, book II, ch. 21. That passage is drawn from Cicero, On the Republic, book III. Here Lactantius admirably refutes the paradox of the orator L. Furius Philus, who wished rather to seem wise and upright when he was wicked, than to be thought wicked when he was good. Cicero lists the speakers in the books On the Republic in Letters to Atticus, book IV, letter XV.

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(12) ‹anchor: Alter insignis scelere et audacia› · col 588

Alter insignis scelere et audacia. Ita cum 3 vet. edit. Rom. et Cellar. Mss. novem: quod melius respondet praecedentibus, quam insigni scelere, 13 manuscriptorum et 16 impressorum.

The other notable for crime and audacity. So nine manuscripts, with 3 old Rome editions and Cellarius: which answers better to what precedes than insigni scelere, of 13 manuscripts and 16 printed editions.

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(13) ‹anchor: Existimet› · col 588

Existimet. Sic omnes prope mss. inter quos sunt antiquissimi, et vet. edit. ac Cellar. et Walch. Ms. Lips. existimat; 1 Reg. rec. et Brun., aestimet; 1 Reg. rec. et sex edit., existimetur.

Should think. So nearly all the manuscripts, among them the oldest, and the old editions, and Cellarius and Walch. The Leipzig manuscript, existimat; 1 recent Royal and Brun., aestimet; 1 recent Royal and six editions, existimetur.

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(14) ‹anchor: Omnibus miserrimus esse videatur› · col 588

Omnibus miserrimus esse videatur. 2 Colb. et Em., omnium.

Should seem to all most wretched. 2 Colbert and Em., omnium (of all).

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(15) ‹anchor: Eventura essent› · col 588

Eventura essent. 1 Reg. rec. et 13 editi, ventura.

Would come about. 1 recent Royal and 13 editions, ventura.

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(16) ‹anchor: Sua sibi habeant regna reges› · col 588

Sua sibi habeant regna reges, suas divitias divites, etc. (continues)

Let kings keep their kingdoms to themselves, the rich their riches, etc. (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: (continued from previous page)› · col 589

(continued) Plautus in Curcullione, act. I, scen. III, v. 22. Sic et Paulinus episcopus Nolanus, epist. I, novae editionis J. B. le Brun (alias 6), n. 7: Fruantur interim voluptatibus, dignitatibus, opibus suis; nobis inopiam nostram, ut putant, et stultitiam nostram relinquant.

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(2) ‹anchor: Persequuntur› · col 589

Persequuntur. Ita mss. 10 Reg., 4 Colbert. aliique quamplurimi. At mss. Bonon., Tax., 1 Colb., 2 Clarom. et edit. Fasit., prosequuntur.

They persecute. So 10 Royal manuscripts, 4 Colbert and very many others. But the Bologna, Tax., 1 Colbert, 2 Clermont manuscripts and Fasitelius's edition, prosequuntur.

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(3) ‹anchor: Cum diis suis cariosis› · col 589

Cum diis suis cariosis. Id est, qui carie et putredine dilabuntur. Sic Arnobius, l. VI, ait signa deorum carie relaxari. Hanc lectionem ut meliorem elegi, quam habent cum edit. Ald. 1535 Ms. 1 Reg. 900 annor. aliique recentior. In duobus item aliis utriusque aetatis desideratur illa vox. Nostram lectionem approbant Isaeus et Francius; eique favent edit. Gymnic., Tornes., Soubron., Betul., Fasit., 2 Paris. in quibus est curiosis, 2 Colb., Marm., Cant., variosis. Accedunt 2 Reg. rec., 1 Colb., Em., 1 Clarom., qui legunt nariosis; 2 Bonon., 2 Reg., 2 Colb. et excusi 4 habent narinosis; Jun. narosis, 1 Sorbon. narinosos; sic dictos, ut volunt, quod naribus odores imbibant; 2 Reg., Tornes., 5 Oxon. ed. Rom. 1470, varicosis. Ultr. nanosis, 1 Colb. et 1 Brun. vanosis; 1 Reg., Vict., Gatian., Nav., alter Brun. ventosis; 1 Colb. viciosis. Editio Coloniensis anni 1544 legit ex mss.: Cum diis suis (quos narinosos appellant, quod odoribus thuris colantur) narinosis relinquantur. Haec interpretatio, in textum irrepsit. Ad marginem legitur varicosis et curiosis: rectius leges diis cariosis, id est, qui a vermibus et tineis, vel corroduntur, vel corrosi sunt: ita apud Columellam terra cariosa. Caries enim est infestatio vermium. — Mirum in modum hic locus in libris variatur. Jo. Clerici ex Art. Crit., part. III, sect. I, c. 8, n. 9; conjecturam araneosis receperat Cellarius. Certe Tertullianus in Apologetico, c. 12, dixit, christianos laudem mereri, si statuas et imagines frigidas mortuorum suorum simillimas non adorent, quas milvi, mures, et araneae intelligant. Arnob., lib. VI, p. 202: Non (id est, nonne videtis) in ore simulacri ab araneis ordiri retia atque insidiosos casses? etc. Minuc., c. 24: Araneae faciem ejus (idoli) intexunt, et de ipso capite sua fila suspendunt. Nihilominus cum Isaeo, Gall., Spark., Heumanno praetuli cariosis; nam non tantum ligno, quod Cellarius hic putavit, sed et aliis tribuitur caries. Hinc Phaedr., l. V, fab. X, v. 5, de cane scripsit, cariosis dentibus. Immo Arnobius, l. VI, p. 202: (deorum) signa... putredinis modo CARIE relaxare; et hoc amplius Prudentius, lib. I, contra Symmach., v. 433-434: Non patiar ut cariosorum venereris monstra deorum. Sed sagax, ut inquit Plautus, nasum habeat necesse est, qui veram hic scripturam odorari voluerit. BUN.

With their rotten gods. That is, gods that fall apart with rot and decay. So Arnobius, book VI, says "the images of the gods are loosened by rot." I chose this reading as the better one, which 1 Royal manuscript of 900 years and other more recent ones have, with the Aldine edition of 1535. In two others, of either age, the word is missing. Isaeus and Franck approve our reading; and the editions of Gymnicus, Tornaesius, Soubron, Betuleius, Fasitelius and 2 Paris ones favour it, in which is curiosis; 2 Colbert, Marm., Cant., variosis. Add 2 recent Royal, 1 Colbert, Em., 1 Clermont, which read nariosis; 2 Bologna, 2 Royal, 2 Colbert and 4 printed have narinosis; Junta narosis, 1 Sorbonne narinosos; so called, as they would have it, because they drink in scents through their nostrils; 2 Royal, Tornaesius, 5 Oxford, the Rome edition of 1470, varicosis. Utrecht nanosis, 1 Colbert and 1 Brun. vanosis; 1 Royal, Victor., Gatian., Navarre, the other Brun. ventosis; 1 Colbert viciosis. The Cologne edition of 1544 reads from manuscripts: "Let them be left with their gods (whom they call 'nosy', because they are worshipped with the smells of incense), the nosy ones." This interpretation crept into the text. In the margin one reads varicosis and curiosis: you will read more correctly diis cariosis, that is, gods which are being, or have been, gnawed by worms and moths: so in Columella terra cariosa (crumbling earth). For caries is an infestation of worms. — This passage varies wonderfully in the books. Cellarius had adopted Jean Le Clerc's conjecture araneosis (cobwebbed), from the Ars Critica, part III, section I, ch. 8, no. 9. Certainly Tertullian in the Apology, ch. 12, said that Christians deserve praise if "they do not adore statues and cold images, most like their dead, which kites, mice and spiders understand." Arnobius, book VI, p. 202: "Do you not see that on the face of the image spiders weave webs and treacherous nets?" etc. Minucius, ch. 24: "Spiders weave over its (the idol's) face, and hang their threads from its very head." Nevertheless, with Isaeus, Gallaeus, Sparke and Heumann I have preferred cariosis; for caries is attributed not only to wood, as Cellarius thought here, but to other things too. Hence Phaedrus, book V, fable X, line 5, wrote of a dog, "with rotten teeth." Indeed Arnobius, book VI, p. 202: the images (of the gods)... "loosen with ROT in the manner of decay"; and further Prudentius, Against Symmachus book I, lines 433–434: "I will not suffer you to venerate the monsters of rotten gods." But he who wishes to scent out the true reading here must needs have, as Plautus says, a keen nose. BÜNEMANN.

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(4) ‹anchor: Quid metuant› · col 590

Quid metuant. Mss. 10 recent. et 9 impressi, quid metuunt.

What they fear. 10 recent manuscripts and 9 printed, quid metuunt.

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(5) ‹anchor: De deorum cultoribus augeatur› · col 590

De deorum cultoribus augeatur. Deest de in 9 editis. Istud caput est conferendum cum Apologetico Tertulliani sub finem. Praepositionem de habent sex veteres editiones decimi quinti saeculi.

Is increased from the worshippers of the gods. De is missing in 9 editions. This chapter should be compared with the end of Tertullian's Apology. Six old editions of the fifteenth century have the preposition de.

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(6) ‹anchor: Nunquam vero› · col 590

Nunquam vero, etc. Fides christiana persecutione non modo non extinguitur, sed magis etiam magisque propagatur. Nam omnino sic divinitus comparatum est, ut ager ille Evangelicus piorum et innocentum cruore tanto magis pinguescat quanto largius funditur. Justus siquidem ut palma florebit. Vide Tertull. sub finem Apologet.

But never, etc. The Christian faith is not only not extinguished by persecution, but spreads more and more. For it is altogether so ordained by God that the field of the Gospel grows the richer with the blood of the devout and innocent the more freely it is shed. For the just shall flourish like the palm. See Tertullian at the end of the Apology.

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(7) ‹anchor: Tandem tam excors› · col 590

Tandem tam excors. Sic lego cum mss. 2 vetustissimis Reg. et 7 aliis. In 5 recent. pro tandem, legitur tamen; in 1 Bonon. antiq., 2 Lips., edit. Romana 1474, et aliis vulgatis, tam demens: quod quis non videt ex tandem factum esse? A 4 Reg. recent., 4 Colbert. et 8 veterib. editis utrumque abest. In uno Colbert. est vecors. — Quis est tandem excors, tamque caecus. Forte plenius ita legendum: Quis est tandem tam demens, tam excors tamque caecus? Cap. 12, infra, quis tandem erit tam demens? BUNEMAN.

At last so senseless. So I read with 2 very old Royal manuscripts and 7 others. In 5 recent, for tandem one reads tamen; in 1 old Bologna, 2 Leipzig, the Rome edition of 1474 and other common editions, tam demens: who does not see that this was made from tandem? From 4 recent Royal, 4 Colbert and 8 old editions both are absent. In one Colbert is vecors. — Who is, then, senseless and so blind. Perhaps it should be read more fully thus: "Who is, then, so mad, so senseless and so blind?" Ch. 12 below: "who then will be so mad?" BÜNEMANN.

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(8) ‹anchor: Quum habeant in potestate, supplicia..... vitare› · col 590

Quum habeant in potestate, supplicia..... vitare. Reimm. et editi omnes: quum habeant in sua potestate supplicia vitare. Negare tamen non possum Lactantium in hac phrasi non solere pronomen addere. Cap. 10: Quos vivos habebat in potestate; cap. 18: Non habet in potestate, ut. Conf. de Ira, c. 21. Minucius tamen, c. 37: Quum dimitti haberent in sua potestate, addito pronomine; et Seneca, ep. 9: In sua potestate habet, quam cito reparet. Ut utrumque sit rectum. BUNEMAN.

Since they have it in their power to avoid... punishments. Reimmann and all the editions: quum habeant in sua potestate supplicia vitare. Yet I cannot deny that Lactantius is not wont to add the pronoun in this phrase. Ch. 10: "whom he had alive in his power"; ch. 18: "he does not have it in his power," etc. Compare On the Anger of God, ch. 21. Minucius, however, ch. 37: "since they had it in their own power to be released," with the pronoun added; and Seneca, letter 9: "He has it in his own power how quickly to replace it." So that both may be correct. BÜNEMANN.

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(9) ‹anchor: Desipit› · col 590

Desipit. Ita restitui ex mss. pene omnibus ac 7 veteribus editis, quod postulat verbum caret infra positum. Mss. 5 totidemque excusi habent desipuerit.

Is foolish. So I have restored from nearly all the manuscripts and 7 old editions, as the verb caret placed below requires. 5 manuscripts and as many printed have desipuerit.

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(10) ‹anchor: Utique innumerabiles› · col 590

Utique innumerabiles. Mss. Reg. Put., caeterae quoque; Francius, ut quae.

Certainly countless. The Regio-Puteanus manuscript, caeterae quoque; Franck, ut quae.

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(11) ‹anchor: Prudentia caret› · col 590

Prudentia caret. Ita quamplurimi mss. inter quos sunt tres antiquissimi 1 Reg., 1 Bonon., Cauc. In Regio-Put. aliisque 7 et in impressis legitur providentia.

Lacks wisdom. So very many manuscripts, among them three very old, 1 Royal, 1 Bologna, Cauc. In Regio-Puteanus and 7 others and in the printed editions one reads providentia.

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(12) ‹anchor: Unis ac paribus animis› · col 590

Unis ac paribus animis. Sic restitui ex 6 veteribus editis, et omnibus mss. praeter 1 Reg. recent., 1 Colb. a prima manu, et 12 editis, quibus est unitis. Sed et supra Lactantius legit, una et pari mente. Unis autem in plurali numero est vox Ciceroniana: unas, inquit (continues)

With one and equal minds. So I have restored from 6 old editions and all the manuscripts except 1 recent Royal, 1 Colbert in the first hand, and 12 editions, which have unitis. But above, too, Lactantius reads "with one and equal mind." Unis in the plural is a Ciceronian word: "unas," he says (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: (continued from previous page)› · col 591

(continued) in pluribus epistolis, a te accepi litteras. Item apud Arnobium, lib. VII adversus Gentes, cum deorum sint sententiae dispares substantiaeque non unae. Haec ad grammaticos.

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(2) ‹anchor: Quin data facultate, ad placandum Deum revertatur› · col 591

Quin data facultate, ad placandum Deum revertatur. Sic restitui ex omnibus prope mss. et 5 vet. excusis. In 1 Reg. rec. et 9 editis rec. qui... non. Mss. Cauc. et 1 Lips., ad placidum Deum.

But that, given the opportunity, he should return to appease God. So I have restored from nearly all the manuscripts and 5 old printed editions. In 1 recent Royal and 9 recent editions, qui... non. The Cauc. and 1 Leipzig manuscripts, ad placidum Deum (to the gracious God).

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(3) ‹anchor: Devotione majori› · col 591

Devotione majori. Fit aliquando ut lapsi, qui ad saniorem vitam revertuntur majori devotione, quam antea Deum diligant; non vero majori semper devotione, quam ii qui nusquam lapsi sunt. Nec igitur poenitentium fides firmior est quam fides eorum qui eam religiose servaverunt. In hanc ergo Lactantii opinionem recte animadvertet theologus quisque catholicus.

With greater devotion. It sometimes happens that the lapsed who return to a sounder life love God with greater devotion than before; but not always with greater devotion than those who never lapsed. Nor, then, is the faith of penitents firmer than the faith of those who have kept it devoutly. Every Catholic theologian will rightly take exception to this opinion of Lactantius.

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(4) ‹anchor: Multo firmior› · col 591

Multo firmior... Catholice contra Donatistas, poenitentiam lapsis denegantes.

Much firmer... Said in the Catholic sense, against the Donatists, who denied penance to the lapsed.

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(5) ‹anchor: Quid est tandem, cur› · col 591

Quid est tandem, cur. Ita scribo cum mss. 2 Bonon. septemque aliis ac edit. Rom. 1474, et Cellar. Mss. 7 Reg., inter quos sunt duo antiquissimi, et 1 Colb. habent, tamen cur; inepte, cum mox tamen praecesserit. 3 Colbert., 1 Clarom. et 14 impressi, quid est tandem quod. — Lib. I, c. 17: Erat plane, cur. Ibid., c. 18: Est vero, cur. Conf. lib. II, cap. 6; l. III, cap. 17; Heins. ad Ovid., Metam. II, v. 518: Est vero, cur. Propius vero nostro loco, l. II, c. 8: Quid est, cur; l. VI, c. 11: Quid causae est, cur; ibid., c. 9: Quid tandem habet, cur. Denique plane ut hic de Opif., c. 1: Quid est tandem, cur nobis invidiosum putet. BUNEMAN.

What is it, then, why. So I write with 2 Bologna manuscripts and seven others, and the Rome edition of 1474, and Cellarius. 7 Royal manuscripts, among them two very old, and 1 Colbert have tamen cur; clumsily, since tamen has just preceded. 3 Colbert, 1 Clermont and 14 printed, quid est tandem quod. — Book I, ch. 17: "There was plainly reason why." Ibid., ch. 18: "There is indeed reason why." Compare book II, ch. 6; book III, ch. 17; Heinsius on Ovid, Metamorphoses II, line 518: "There is indeed reason why." Nearer to our passage, book II, ch. 8: "What is it, why"; book VI, ch. 11: "What cause is there, why"; ibid., ch. 9: "What, then, has he, why." Finally, exactly as here, On the Workmanship of God, ch. 1: "What is it, then, why he should think it invidious to us." BÜNEMANN.

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(6) ‹anchor: Libaverit› · col 591

Libaverit. Mss. 2 Reg., 1 Clarom., Bun., libarit. Francius, forte LITAVERIT.

Has made libation. 2 Royal manuscripts, 1 Clermont, Bünemann, libarit. Franck, perhaps LITAVERIT (has sacrificed acceptably).

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(7) ‹anchor: Nisi forte contaminatos semel putant animum translaturos› · col 591

Nisi forte contaminatos semel putant animum translaturos. Legitur vero apud Buneman.: Nisi forte contaminatos semel animos ita putant posse transferri; et ille in hanc lectionem notam sequentem exhibet. — Ita scribo ex Lips. 2, 3, Reimm., ubi Torn. 1587, 1613 et Gen. 1630, quam Walch. expressit: Nisi si forte contaminatos semel animos ita putant posse transferri; altera 1478: Nisi forte contaminatos semel puteut animos translaturos. At Rost., Ven. 1493, 97, Parrh., Paris., Junt., Fasit., Gryph., Thomas., Isaeus, Thys., Gall., Spark., Cantab., Cell.: contaminatos semel putant animum translaturos. At rectius in plurali Ald. Crat., Gymn., Torn. 1548, et Betuleius: Contaminatos semel putant animos translaturos. Ita noster, lib. IV, cap. 10: Judaei ad profanos Aegyptioum ritus animos transtulerunt. Ipsa phrasis, transferre animum, (continues on col 592) est elegans. Cicero, l. III Fam., ep. 13 fin.: Me... ab angoribus abducam, transferamque animum ad ea. BUNEMAN.

Unless perhaps they think that those once defiled will turn their mind. In Bünemann, however, one reads: "Unless perhaps they think that minds once defiled can thus be transferred"; and he gives the following note on this reading. — So I write from Leipzig 2, 3, Reimmann, where Tornaesius 1587, 1613 and Geneva 1630, which Walch reproduced: "Unless perhaps they think that minds once defiled can thus be transferred"; the other of 1478: "Unless perhaps they think (puteut, for putent) those once defiled will turn their minds." But Rostock, Venice 1493, 97, Parrhasius, Paris, Junta, Fasitelius, Gryphius, Thomasius, Isaeus, Thysius, Gallaeus, Sparke, Cambridge, Cellarius: "those once defiled, they think, will turn their mind." More correctly, in the plural, Aldus, Cratander, Gymnicus, Tornaesius 1548 and Betuleius: "they think those once defiled will turn their minds." So our author, book IV, ch. 10: the Jews "turned their minds to the profane rites of the Egyptians." The phrase itself, transferre animum, is elegant. Cicero, Letters to Friends book III, letter 13 end: "I will draw myself away from my anxieties and turn my mind to those things." BÜNEMANN.

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(8) ‹anchor: Obeat› · col 592

Obeat. Scripti 6 et edit. 5, subeat; Cauc., abeat.

Should meet. 6 manuscripts and 5 editions, subeat; Cauc., abeat.

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(9) ‹anchor: Aeterna poenarum insignia› · col 592

Aeterna poenarum insignia. Ita omnes edd. et mss. praeter Goth., 3 Lips. et 3 ed. in quibus est externa. Versio Gallica, les enseignes perpétuelles. Aeterna, id est, perpetua.

The everlasting marks of the punishments. So all the editions and manuscripts except Gotha, 3 Leipzig and 3 editions, in which is externa (outward). The French version, les enseignes perpétuelles. Aeterna, that is, perpetual.

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(10) ‹anchor: Pace› · col 592

Pace. Id est, restituta tranquillitate Ecclesiae, ut c. 21: Quandiu pax est in populo Dei. Conf. de Mort. persec., c. 1, c. 3, c. 52. BUNEMAN.

In peace. That is, when the calm of the Church has been restored, as in ch. 21: "As long as there is peace among the people of God." Compare On the Deaths of the Persecutors, chs. 1, 3, 52. BÜNEMANN.

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(11) ‹anchor: Et qui fuerint aversi, redeant› · col 592

Et qui fuerint aversi, redeant. Sic emendavi ex mss. 1 Colbert., 2 Brun. et edit. Tornes., Soubron. et Betul. Recte, ut opinor: siquidem Lactantius supra dixit, averti a Deo; et infra, cap. 20, si animus sacrificantis aversus est. Caeteri mss. et impressi legunt universi.

And those who have turned away, let them return. So I have corrected from 1 Colbert and 2 Brun. manuscripts and the editions of Tornaesius, Soubron and Betuleius. Rightly, I think: for Lactantius said above "to be turned away from God," and below, ch. 20, "if the mind of the one sacrificing is turned away." The other manuscripts and printed editions read universi (all).

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(12) ‹anchor: Novus populus› · col 592

Novus populus. Cyprian. Exhort. Mart. XI: Quod si tantus ostenditur et probatur Christianorum martyrum populus, nemo difficile vel arduum putet esse martyrem fieri, quando videt martyrum populum non posse numerari. BUNEMAN.

A new people. Cyprian, Exhortation to Martyrdom XI: "But if so great a people of Christian martyrs is shown and proved, let no one think it hard or arduous to become a martyr, when he sees that the people of the martyrs cannot be numbered." BÜNEMANN.

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(13) ‹anchor: Quam videat vulgus› · col 592

Quam videat vulgus. Tertull., l. I ad Nationes, c. 1 et ad Scapulam extr.: Nec tamen deficiet haec secta, quam tunc magis aedificari scias, quum caedi videtur; quisque enim tantam tolerantiam spectans, ut aliquo scrupulo percussus et inquirere accenditur, quid sit in causa, et ubi cognoverit veritatem, et ipse statim sequitur. Huc pertinent ex Lact. lib. V, cap. 22. BUNEMAN.

Which the crowd sees. Tertullian, To the Nations book I, ch. 1, and To Scapula at the end: "Yet this sect will not fail; know that it is built up the more when it seems to be cut down; for everyone who watches such great endurance, struck as it were by some misgiving, is fired to inquire what lies behind it, and when he has learned the truth, he himself at once follows." To this belongs Lactantius, book V, ch. 22. BÜNEMANN.

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(14) ‹anchor: Variis tormentorum generibus› · col 592

Variis tormentorum generibus. Vide l. de Mort. Pers., c. 18. Ea describunt Sagittarius et Gallonius de Cruciatibus martyrum; et sparsim Kortholt. in aureo libro de Persecutionibus Ecclesiae primaevae. BUNEMAN.

By various kinds of torture. See On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 18. Sagittarius and Gallonius describe them in "On the Torments of the Martyrs"; and Kortholt here and there in his golden book On the Persecutions of the Primitive Church. BÜNEMANN.

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(15) ‹anchor: Posse› · col 592

Posse. Mss. 1 Bon. addit sponte sua.

To be able. 1 Bologna manuscript adds sponte sua (of its own accord).

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(16) ‹anchor: Inspirata patientia› · col 592

Inspirata patientia. Mss. 8 rec. inspiratio patientiae; 1 Clarom. desperatio patientiae, corrupte, 1 Colb. inspiratio sapientiae, mendose, pro patientiae. Legitur quoque apud Arnobium, lib. VII.

Inspired patience. 8 recent manuscripts, inspiratio patientiae; 1 Clermont, desperatio patientiae, corruptly; 1 Colbert, inspiratio sapientiae, faultily, for patientiae. It is read also in Arnobius, book VII.

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(17) ‹anchor: Et mulierculae› · col 592

Et mulierculae. Haec et sequentia desumpta sunt ex Minucio Felice. Vide Clementem Alexandrin. Stromat. lib. IV. Vide Arnob., lib. VII et Acta vera et sincera martyrum.

And little women. This and what follows are taken from Minucius Felix. See Clement of Alexandria, Stromata book IV. See Arnobius, book VII, and the True and Genuine Acts of the Martyrs.

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(18) ‹anchor: Eant Romani› · col 592

Eant Romani, etc. Male tamen hic interpretatur Lactantius duo patientiae ac fortitudinis Romanae exempla. Regulus ad Carthaginenses etiam cum tormentorum ac vitae periculo rediit, ut fidem datam servaret, maluitque patientia cruciatus superare, quam sibi mortem consciscere. Mutius vero non minorem testatus est patientiam ac fortitudinem in supplicio (continues)

Let the Romans go, etc. Yet Lactantius here misinterprets two examples of Roman patience and courage. Regulus returned to the Carthaginians even at the risk of torture and of life, to keep the faith he had given, and chose to overcome his torments by patience rather than take his own life. Mucius indeed showed no less patience and courage in the punishment (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: (continued from previous page)› · col 593

(continued) libens suscipiendo, ob Porsennam a se per errorem non trucidatum. De his vide S. August. de Civit. Dei, lib. I, cap. 15 et 24, et lib. IV, cap. 20. — Eant Romani... glorientur. Imitatur Cypr., l. II, ep. 4, ed. Erasm., ed. Oxon. ep. 37, p. 73: Eant nunc magistratus, et consules sive proconsules annuae dignitatis insignibus et duodecim fascibus glorientur: Ecce. BUNEMAN.

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(2) ‹anchor: Accepit› · col 593

Accepit. Heumann. legit acciperet. — Accepit. Clare et hic sequitur Minucium, c. 37 seqq.: Vos ipsi calamitosos viros fertis ad coelum, Mutium Scaevolam, qui quum errasset in regem, periisset in hostibus, nisi dexteram perdidisset. BUNEMAN.

He received. Heumann reads acciperet. — He received. Here too he clearly follows Minucius, ch. 37 and following: "You yourselves exalt to heaven men of misfortune: Mucius Scaevola, who, when he had missed the king, would have perished among the enemy had he not lost his right hand." BÜNEMANN.

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(3) ‹anchor: Sexus infirmus› · col 593

Sexus infirmus. Haec est lectio mss. antiquorum et 9 editorum. Scripti rec. 10 et excusi 6 pro infirmus, habent foemineus, quod mihi glossema sapere videtur. — Sexus infirmus. Sic Cyprianus, epist. 4, ed. Oxon. f. 8: Nec pati virgines cum masculis habitare... quando et sexus infirmus, et aetas adhuc lubrica per omnia... regi debeat. BUNEMAN.

The weak sex. This is the reading of the old manuscripts and 9 editions. 10 recent manuscripts and 6 printed have foemineus (female) for infirmus, which seems to me to smack of a gloss. — The weak sex. So Cyprian, letter 4, Oxford edition, f. 8: "Nor to suffer virgins to live with men... since both the weak sex and an age still slippery ought to be governed in everything..." BÜNEMANN.

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(4) ‹anchor: Urique› · col 593

Urique. Edit. Aldi utique: at male; ignis enim adhibebatur in cruciatibus, ut videre est supra. — Urique. Etiam hic Minucium exprimit, c. 37: Et quot ex nostris non dexteram solum, sed totum corpus uri, cremari sine ullis ejulatibus pertulerunt, quum dimitti praesertim haberent in sua potestate? Conf. Lact. de Mort. pers., cap. 16, cap. 21, cap. 22, epist. cap. 66. BUNEMAN.

And to be burned. Aldus's edition, utique (at any rate): but wrongly; for fire was used in the tortures, as can be seen above. — And to be burned. Here too he reproduces Minucius, ch. 37: "And how many of ours have borne not their right hand only but their whole body to be burned and consumed without any wailing, especially when they had it in their own power to be released?" Compare Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, chs. 16, 21, 22; Epitome, ch. 66. BÜNEMANN.

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(5) ‹anchor: Deo› · col 593

Deo. Mss. 12 et edd. 8, in Deo.

To God. 12 manuscripts and 8 editions, in Deo.

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(6) ‹anchor: Sed› · col 593

Sed. Addidi ex Editt. Coloniensi anni 1544 et Betuleii 1563.

But. I have added it from the Cologne edition of 1544 and Betuleius's of 1563.

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(7) ‹anchor: Philosophi quoque gloriabundi› · col 593

Philosophi quoque gloriabundi. Tertull. Apolog., c. 50: Multi apud vos ad tolerantiam doloris et mortis hortantur, ut Cicero in Tusculanis, ut Seneca in Fortuitis, ut Diogenes, ut Pyrrhon, ut Callinicus: Nec tamen tantos inveniunt verba discipulos, quantos Christiani factis docendo. BUN.

The philosophers too, boastful. Tertullian, Apology, ch. 50: "Many among you urge to the endurance of pain and death," as Cicero in the Tusculans, as Seneca in On Chance Events, as Diogenes, as Pyrrho, as Callinicus: "Yet their words do not find as many disciples as the Christians find by teaching with deeds." BÜNEMANN.

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(8) ‹anchor: Nullis tortoribus› · col 593

Nullis tortoribus. Ita correxi ex 7 mss. Reg. antiquioribus et Em. Alii ferunt terroribus. Vide supra, nostri autem (ut de viris taceam) pueri, et mulierculae tortores suos taciti vincunt; et Epitom., cap. 54, si superatis tortoribus animum pro fide ac religione ponamus. Scripti 14 et 8 impressi, de sententia et proposito; 5 rec. manu exarati et 8 vulgati, de sententiae proposito.

By no torturers. So I have corrected from 7 older Royal manuscripts and Em. Others bear terroribus (terrors). See above, "but our children (to say nothing of the men) and our little women silently overcome their torturers"; and Epitome, ch. 54, "if, the torturers overcome, we lay down our life for faith and religion." 14 manuscripts and 8 printed, de sententia et proposito; 5 recent handwritten and 8 common editions, de sententiae proposito.

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(9) ‹anchor: Et mori› · col 594

Et mori. Mss. 5 et ed. 4, et emori. — Bon., Tax., Pen., Lips. alter., Reimm., Rost., Ven. utraque 78, 1515, Paris, Crat., Gymn., Isaeus, cruciari et mori. Pal., Jun., Goth., Lips. 1, 3 Fasit., Gryph., Torn., Thomas., cruciari et emori. Vid., cap. 13, not. BUN.

And to die. 5 manuscripts and 4 editions, et emori. — Bologna, Tax., Pen., the other Leipzig, Reimmann, Rostock, both Venice of 78, 1515, Paris, Cratander, Gymnicus, Isaeus, cruciari et mori. Palatine, Junta, Gotha, Leipzig 1, 3, Fasitelius, Gryphius, Tornaesius, Thomasius, cruciari et emori. See ch. 13, note. BÜNEMANN.

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(10) ‹anchor: Subactus› · col 594

Subactus. Em. coactus.

Subdued. Em., coactus (compelled).

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(11) ‹anchor: Flaccus› · col 594

Flaccus. Horat. l. III carm., Od. 3.

Flaccus. Horace, Odes book III, ode 3.

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(12) ‹anchor: Praesidum› · col 594

Praesidum. Qui provincias regebant.

Of the governors. Those who ruled the provinces.

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(13) ‹anchor: Solo› · col 594

Solo. 1 Colbert. Seculo.

Ground. 1 Colbert, Seculo (age).

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(14) ‹anchor: Vel colendi, quod nolim... colendi› · col 594

Vel colendi, quod nolim... colendi. Sequitur Tertull. Apolog., c. 23: Videte, ne et hoc ad irreligiositatis elogium concurrat, adimere libertatem religionis, et interdicere optionem divinitatis, ut non liceat mihi colere, quem velim, sed cogar colere quem nolim. Conf. Lact. Epit., c. 53 et c. 54: Nec imponi cuiquam necessitas potest, ut colat, quod non vult. BUN.

Or of worshipping what I would not... of worshipping. He follows Tertullian, Apology, ch. 23: "See that this too does not count towards the charge of irreligion: to take away freedom of religion and forbid choice of deity, so that I may not worship whom I will but am forced to worship whom I will not." Compare Lactantius, Epitome, chs. 53 and 54: "Nor can necessity be laid on anyone to worship what he does not wish." BÜNEMANN.

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(15) ‹anchor: Relinquetur› · col 594

Relinquetur. Mss. Regio-Put., 1 Colbert. et Brun., relinquatur; 1 Reg. rec. relinquitur.

Will be left. The Regio-Puteanus, 1 Colbert and Brun. manuscripts, relinquatur; 1 recent Royal, relinquitur.

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(16) ‹anchor: Extorquet› · col 594

Extorquet. Ms. 1 Reg. antiquiss. et edit. Ald. 1515, Graph., Crat., extorqueat.

Wrests. 1 very old Royal manuscript and the editions of Aldus 1515, Gryphius, Cratander, extorqueat.

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(17) ‹anchor: Seneca› · col 594

Seneca. Hic locus est inter fragmenta, quae sunt initio operum Senecae. Scilicet in Fortuitis. Sic legitur apud Tertullianum in epilogo Apologetici: Multi apud vos ad tolerantiam doloris et mortis hortantur, ut Cicero in Tusculanis, ut Seneca in Fortuitis, ut Diogenes, ut Pyrrhon, ut Callinicus.

Seneca. This passage is among the fragments at the beginning of Seneca's works: namely in On Chance Events. So one reads in Tertullian in the epilogue of the Apology: "Many among you urge to the endurance of pain and death, as Cicero in the Tusculans, as Seneca in On Chance Events, as Diogenes, as Pyrrho, as Callinicus."

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(18) ‹anchor: Virtus› · col 594

Virtus. 1 Brun. justitia.

Virtue. 1 Brun., justitia (justice).

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(19) ‹anchor: Summae perversitatis› · col 594

Summae perversitatis. 1 Reg. summum perversitatis; 1 Bonon. antiq. Summae pravitatis.

Of the utmost perversity. 1 Royal, summum perversitatis; 1 old Bologna, Summae pravitatis.

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(20) ‹anchor: Sibylla› · col 594

Sibylla. Vide Serm. 8, et apud Theophil. ad Autolyc., lib II.

The Sibyl. See Discourse 8, and in Theophilus, To Autolycus, book II.

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(21) ‹anchor: Terram digitis suis imaginatam› · col 594

Terram digitis suis imaginatam. Id est, in imaginem figuratam, atque formatam digitis suis. Sic S. Remigius in suo testamento apud Brisson. formul., lib. VII: Tibi haeredi meae ecclesiae supra memoratae jubeo thuribulum et imaginatum calicem fabricari. ISAEUS. — Lactantius verbum imaginor passive posuit quod activum semper est. — Elegantius dixit de Ira, c. 20. Adorant opera humanis digitis laborata... de terra ficta et formata venerantur. BUN.

Earth shaped by their fingers into images. That is, figured into an image and formed by their fingers. So St Remigius in his testament, in Brisson's Formulae, book VII: "For you, my heir, the church named above, I order a censer and an imaged chalice to be made." ISAEUS. — Lactantius has used the verb imaginor in the passive, which is always active. — He said it more elegantly in On the Anger of God, ch. 20: "They adore works wrought by human fingers... they venerate things moulded and formed of earth." BÜNEMANN.

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(1) ‹anchor: Quae... causa sit... putent? Magna ratio est› · col 595

Quae... causa sit... putent? Magna ratio est. Posui interrogandi signum post putent, ut quasi respondeat: Magna ratio est, quae nobis, etc. BUN.

What... cause is there... that they should think? There is a great reason. I have put a question mark after putent, so that he answers, as it were: "There is a great reason," which to us, etc. BÜNEMANN.

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(2) ‹anchor: Possit› · col 595

Possit. Scripti 11 rec. et edit. 5, potest.

Could. 11 recent manuscripts and 5 editions, potest.

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(3) ‹anchor: Agamus› · col 595

Agamus. Mss. 9 rec. et editi, agemus.

Let us treat. 9 recent manuscripts and the editions, agemus.

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(4) ‹anchor: Ipsum ex praedicatione Ciceronis intelliget› · col 595

Ipsum ex praedicatione Ciceronis intelliget. Mss. 2 Bonon., Tax., Pen., ferunt, is ipsum; Cantabr. et edd. 15, is, neglecto ipsum; 2 Reg. rec. et edd. II vet. Rom. neutrum habent. Haec Ciceronis erant in tertio de Republica libro. — Heum. legit, intelligat.

He will understand it from Cicero's praise. 2 Bologna manuscripts, Tax., Pen., bear is ipsum; Cambridge and 15 editions, is, with ipsum omitted; 2 recent Royal and the 2 old Rome editions have neither. These words of Cicero were in the third book of the Republic. — Heumann reads intelligat.

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(5) ‹anchor: Nec si Carneadem› · col 595

Nec si Carneadem, etc. Antonomasia proverbialis, pro, hic si ab inferis resurgat. Hujus eloquentia celebratur a pluribus. De cujus studio et industria lege in primis Valer. Max. Fuit is novae Academiae princeps, ut ait Lucianus. BETULEIUS.

Not even if Carneades, etc. A proverbial antonomasia, for: even if he rose from the dead. His eloquence is celebrated by many. On his zeal and industry read above all Valerius Maximus. He was the head of the New Academy, as Lucian says. BETULEIUS.

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(6) ‹anchor: Is, cum legatus› · col 595

Is, cum legatus, etc. De hac legatione sic scriptum est apud Macrob., libro I, cap. 5, Saturn.: Illos dico, quos Athenienses quondam ad senatum legavere, impetratum uti multam remitteret, quam civitati eorum fecerat, propter Oropi vastationem: ea multa fuerat talentum fere quingentum. Erant isti philosophi Carneades ex Academia, Diogenes Stoicus, Critolaus Peripateticus: quos ferunt, seorsum quemque ostentandi gratia per celeberrima urbis loca magno hominum conventu dissertasse. Fuit (ut relatum est) facundia Carneades violenta et rapida: scita et tereti Critolaus: modesta Diogenes, et sobria. Sed in senatum introducti, interprete usi sunt Caecilio senatore. Locus hic ex Gellii Noctibus Atticis desumptus est, lib. VII, cap. 14, ubi Auctor de tribus phraseos generibus verba facit. Atque haec dixit de causa legationis, cujus meminit Gell. sub finem, lib. XVII.

He, when as an envoy, etc. Of this embassy it is written thus in Macrobius, Saturnalia book I, ch. 5: "I mean those whom the Athenians once sent as envoys to the senate, to obtain remission of the fine it had imposed on their city for the sacking of Oropus: that fine had been about five hundred talents. These philosophers were Carneades of the Academy, Diogenes the Stoic, Critolaus the Peripatetic, who, they say, each separately, for display, held discourses in the most frequented places of the city before great gatherings of people. Carneades was (as is related) violent and rapid in eloquence; Critolaus clever and polished; Diogenes modest and sober. But when brought into the senate they used the senator Caecilius as interpreter." This passage is taken from Gellius's Attic Nights, book VII, ch. 14, where the author discusses the three kinds of style. And he said this of the cause of the embassy, which Gellius mentions near the end of book XVII.

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(7) ‹anchor: Galba, et Catone Censorio› · col 595

Galba, et Catone Censorio. Mss. 19 recentiores et 6 edit. habent Censoribus. At Censorio recte admodum praeferunt mss. 6 Reg. ex quibus duo sunt antiquissimi. 1 Sorbon., 2 Colb., Marm., 1 Lips., 1 Clarom. ac tredecim vulgati. Neque enim Galba, sed L. Val. Flaccus cum Catone censura functus est, ut ex Livio et Plutarcho omnes noverunt, qui in Historicorum monumentis versati sunt. Neque hoc ad Censores quidquam. Sed hi duo, ut oratores illius aetatis celeberrimi (quod ex Ciceronis Bruto intelligitur) eloquentissimorum virorum facundiam audivisse, significantur. BETULEIUS. — Catone Censorio. Rem conficit huc pertinens locus Quintil., l. XII Instit., c. 1, p. 1053: Neque Carneades ille, qui Romae audiente Censorio Catone non minoribus viribus contra justitiam dicitur disseruisse, quam pridie pro justitia dixerat, injustus ipse vir fuit. BUN.

Galba, and Cato the Censor. 19 more recent manuscripts and 6 editions have Censoribus (the censors). But 6 Royal manuscripts, two of them very old, 1 Sorbonne, 2 Colbert, Marm., 1 Leipzig, 1 Clermont and thirteen common editions quite rightly prefer Censorio. For it was not Galba but L. Valerius Flaccus who held the censorship with Cato, as all who are versed in the records of the historians know from Livy and Plutarch. Nor has this anything to do with censors. Rather these two, as the most famous orators of that age (as is understood from Cicero's Brutus), are meant to have heard the eloquence of the most eloquent men. BETULEIUS. — Cato the Censor. A relevant passage of Quintilian settles the matter, Institutes book XII, ch. 1, p. 1053: "Nor was that Carneades, who at Rome, in the hearing of Cato the Censor, is said to have argued against justice with no less force than he had spoken for justice the day before, himself an unjust man." BÜNEMANN.

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(8) ‹anchor: Sed idem› · col 596

Sed idem, etc. Quintil., lib. V, c. 1: Neque enim Academici, cum in utramque disserunt partem, non secundum alteram vivunt; neque Carneades ille, qui Romae, audiente Censorio Catone, non minoribus viribus contra justitiam dicitur disseruisse, quam pridie pro justitia dixerat, injustus ipse vir fuit, etc. Plutarchus multis scribit, quam aegre ipsos oratores in Civitate declamitantes tulerit. Plin., lib. VII, cap. 30, id ipsum paucissimis perstringit. Cato, inquit, Censorius in illa nobili trium sapientiae procerum ab Athenis legatione, audito Carneade, quam primum legatos eos censuit dimittendos; quoniam illo viro argumentante quid veri esset, haud facile discerni posset, etc.

But the same man, etc. Quintilian, book V, ch. 1: "For the Academics, when they argue on both sides, do not fail to live by one of them; nor was that Carneades, who at Rome, in the hearing of Cato the Censor, is said to have argued against justice with no less force than he had spoken for justice the day before, himself an unjust man," etc. Plutarch writes at length how ill he bore those orators declaiming in the city. Pliny, book VII, ch. 30, touches the same point in very few words. "Cato the Censor," he says, "at that famous embassy from Athens of three leaders in wisdom, having heard Carneades, judged that those envoys should be sent away as soon as possible; since, when that man argued, it could hardly be discerned what was true," etc.

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(9) ‹anchor: Cujus firma et stabilis debet esse sententia› · col 596

Cujus firma et stabilis debet esse sententia. Mss. 11 rec. et 2 edit. habent, cujus prudentia firma, etc. Scripti 10 rec. prudentiae. Hanc vocem rejiciunt antiquiores mss. et 15 vulgati.

Whose judgement ought to be firm and stable. 11 recent manuscripts and 2 editions have cujus prudentia firma, etc. 10 recent manuscripts, prudentiae. The older manuscripts and 15 common editions reject this word.

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(10) ‹anchor: Quidlibet afferentes› · col 596

Quidlibet afferentes. Ita restitui ex mss. veterrimis 1 Bonon., 2 Reg. et Pen. In Regio-Put. quidquid libet afferentes. Mss. Cauc., 12 alii rec. et 2 edit. quidlibet asserentes. Scripti rec. 4 et 2, quodlibet asserentes. Scripti 1 Reg. et 1 Colb. quidlibet disserentes.

Bringing forward anything at all. So I have restored from the very old manuscripts 1 Bologna, 2 Royal and Pen. In Regio-Puteanus, quidquid libet afferentes. The Cauc. manuscript, 12 other recent ones and 2 editions, quidlibet asserentes (asserting anything). 4 and 2 recent manuscripts, quodlibet asserentes. 1 Royal and 1 Colbert manuscript, quidlibet disserentes (discussing anything).

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(11) ‹anchor: Justitia evertitur› · col 596

Justitia evertitur. Scripti 11 recentiores et 5 edit. subvertitur.

Justice is overturned. 11 more recent manuscripts and 5 editions, subvertitur.

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(12) ‹anchor: Labefactare› · col 596

Labefactare. Mss. 5 Reg., 1 Sorbon., 1 Colb., 2 Clarom. labefactari. Scripti 11 rec. addunt, ut diceret anhelantem laborare; 2, labore; 9 edit. ut diceret inaniter laborari.

To shake. 5 Royal manuscripts, 1 Sorbonne, 1 Colbert, 2 Clermont, labefactari. 11 recent manuscripts add ut diceret anhelantem laborare (so that he might say it laboured, panting); 2, labore; 9 editions, ut diceret inaniter laborari (so that he might say it laboured in vain).

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(13) ‹anchor: Cerneretur› · col 596

Cerneretur. Mss. Tornes. et 1 Colb. a secunda manu, edit. Rom. 1470, et Crat. in marg. diceretur.

Should be discerned. The Tornaesius manuscript and 1 Colbert in the second hand, the Rome edition of 1470, and Cratander in the margin, diceretur.

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(14) ‹anchor: Ne secundam› · col 596

Ne secundam. Mss. 12 rec. nec.

Not even the second. 12 recent manuscripts, nec.

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(15) ‹anchor: Justitia quamvis› · col 596

Justitia quamvis, etc. Proverbium est, quod Aristoteles saepe, praesertim tamen in lib. V Moralium citat cap. 1, atque hanc justitiam generalem intelligit, quae specialem una cum aliis honesti partibus in generalitatis suae sinum complectitur.

Although justice, etc. It is a proverb which Aristotle cites often, but especially in book V of the Ethics, ch. 1; and he understands by it general justice, which embraces special justice, together with the other parts of the honourable, in the bosom of its generality.

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(1) ‹anchor: Vel natura› · col 597

Vel natura. Apud Plutarchum disputatio est, utrum virtus doceri possit.

Or by nature. In Plutarch there is a discussion whether virtue can be taught.

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(2) ‹anchor: Esse in iis hominibus› · col 597

Esse in iis hominibus. Mss. 4 Reg. recentissimi, 4 Colb., 1 Clarom., esse in iisdem hominibus; 6 edit. vet. inesse iisdem hominibus, cum 1 Reg. rec.

To be in those men. 4 very recent Royal manuscripts, 4 Colbert, 1 Clermont, esse in iisdem hominibus; 6 old editions, inesse iisdem hominibus, with 1 recent Royal.

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(3) ‹anchor: Pietas autem› · col 597

Pietas autem, etc. Supra, cap. 16, lib. II. Aliter autem philosophi et oratores pietatem definiunt. Nam Cic. in Rhet. Pietas, inquit, est per quam sanguine conjunctis, patriaeque et benevolis officium et diligens tribuitur cultus. Confundit igitur speciem cum specie; nam cultum deorum, religionem appellat. Divisio ergo illa Ciceronis negligenda prorsus est, ut quae hanc disputationem non modo nihil juvat, sed etiam vehementer remoratur. Idem Cic., de Nat. deor., pietatem definit, justitiam esse adversus deos, sanctitatem vero scientiam colendorum deorum.

But piety, etc. Above, book II, ch. 16. The philosophers and orators define piety otherwise. For Cicero in the Rhetoric says: "Piety is that by which duty and diligent care are rendered to those joined to us by blood, to our country, and to those well disposed to us." So he confuses one species with another; for the worship of the gods he calls religion. That division of Cicero's must therefore be wholly set aside, as one which not only does nothing to help this discussion but greatly hinders it. The same Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, defines piety as justice towards the gods, and holiness as the knowledge of how the gods are to be worshipped.

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(4) ‹anchor: Trismegistus› · col 597

Trismegistus. In Pimand., cap. 9.

Trismegistus. In the Pimander, ch. 9.

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(5) ‹anchor: Alio loco› · col 597

Alio loco. Vide lib. II, cap. 16, et lib. III, cap. 9.

In another place. See book II, ch. 16, and book III, ch. 9.

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(6) ‹anchor: Potest eam ipsam nosse› · col 597

Potest eam ipsam nosse. Vox ipsam abest a 2 Reg. et 7 editis. In 1 Clarom. est noscere.

Can know it itself. The word ipsam is missing from 2 Royal and 7 editions. In 1 Clermont is noscere.

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(7) ‹anchor: Qui› · col 597

Qui. Ita emendo ex mss. 1 Bon. antiq., 6 Colb., 1 Clar., edit. Rom. 1470, Paris. 1525, aliisque 11. In caeteris quae, male.

Who. So I correct from the manuscripts old Bologna 1, 6 Colbert, 1 Clermont, the Rome edition of 1470, Paris 1525, and 11 others. In the rest quae, wrongly.

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(8) ‹anchor: Plato› · col 597

Plato. In Timaeo, sub initium.

Plato. In the Timaeus, near the beginning.

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(9) ‹anchor: Socrates› · col 597

Socrates. Nota Socratem negantem plures deos esse.

Socrates. Note that Socrates denied that there are many gods.

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(10) ‹anchor: Quid esset futurum iis hominibus› · col 597

Quid esset futurum iis hominibus. Sic restitui ex cunctis prope mss. et 15 editis. In 2 Colb. est his omnibus; in nonnullis impressis legitur in hominibus.

What would befall those men. So I have restored from nearly all the manuscripts and 15 editions. In 2 Colbert is his omnibus; in some printed editions one reads in hominibus.

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(11) ‹anchor: Defendere› · col 597

Defendere. 1 Colb. et Brun. defenderent. Utraque lectio bona.

To defend. 1 Colbert and Brun., defenderent. Both readings are good.

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(12) ‹anchor: Singulari› · col 597

Singulari. Id est, unico, verbo Lactantio familiari.

Single. That is, unique: a word familiar to Lactantius.

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(13) ‹anchor: Altera est justitiae pars aequitas› · col 597

Altera est justitiae pars aequitas. Sic mss. 2 Reg. antiquissimi, 3 al. Reg., 1 Colbert., Marm., Scripti, 16 rec. et impressi addunt igitur.

The other part of justice is equity. So 2 very old Royal manuscripts, 3 other Royal, 1 Colbert, Marm. The manuscripts, 16 recent, and the printed editions add igitur (therefore).

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(14) ‹anchor: Quam Cicero aequabilitatem vocat› · col 597

Quam Cicero aequabilitatem vocat. Ita antiquiores et potiores mss. ac edit. 12. In scriptis 16 rec. et 5 vulgatis legitur aequalitatem. Utraque lectio bona, estque apud Ciceronem. Vide Ciceronem, lib. II de Oratore et lib. I de Officiis, cap. 32. Sic etiam Cicero, lib. II (continued on col 598) de Officiis, cap. 25. In Juris aequabilitate exercenda etiam est facilitas.

Which Cicero calls evenness. So the older and better manuscripts and 12 editions. In 16 recent manuscripts and 5 common editions one reads aequalitatem (equality). Both readings are good, and are in Cicero. See Cicero, On the Orator book II, and On Duties book I, ch. 32. So too Cicero, On Duties book II, ch. 25: "In administering evenness of law there is also ease of access."

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(15) ‹anchor: Omnes aequos› · col 598

Omnes aequos, etc. Politian. ex Plat. non dubitavit asserere: Non esse quemquam regum, qui non sit e servis ortus; nec servum cui non sit origo regis, omnia enim ista tempus miscuit. Audiatur vetus sapiens Boeth. Metro VI: Omne hominum genus in terris / Simili surgit ab ortu, / Unus enim rerum pater est, / Unus cuncta ministrat, etc. Adstipulatur Euripid. in Alexand. JOH. WEITSIUS.

All equal, etc. Politian, from Plato, did not hesitate to assert: "There is no king who has not sprung from slaves, nor any slave who has not a king for ancestor; for time has mingled all these things." Let the old sage Boethius be heard, Metre VI: "The whole race of men on earth / Rises from a like birth; / For there is one Father of things, / One who provides all," etc. Euripides agrees, in the Alexander. JOHANN WEITZ.

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(16) ‹anchor: Nemo a beneficiis... segregatur› · col 598

Nemo a beneficiis... segregatur. Lib. I, c. 5; lib. IV, c. 23; lib. VII, c. 18. In his et sequentibus mutatis verbis sequitur Cyprianum de Eleemos. ed. Oxon. f. 208: Nec quisquam a beneficiis ejus et muneribus arcetur, quominus omne humanum genus bonitate ac largitate divina aequaliter perfruatur. Sic aequaliter dies luminat, sol radiat, imber rigat, ventus adspirat; et dormientibus somnus unus est, et stellarum splendor ac lunae communis est. Quo aequalitatis (lego ex Bodl., lib. I, c. 2, aequitatis) exemplo Dei patris imitator est. BUN.

No one is shut out from the benefits... Book I, ch. 5; book IV, ch. 23; book VII, ch. 18. In this and what follows he follows, with words changed, Cyprian On Almsgiving, Oxford edition, f. 208: "Nor is anyone kept from his benefits and gifts, so that the whole human race may equally enjoy the divine goodness and bounty. So the day gives light equally, the sun shines, the rain waters, the wind blows; and for sleepers there is one sleep, and the splendour of the stars and of the moon is common. By this example of equality" (I read, from the Bodleian, book I, ch. 2, aequitatis, of equity) "he is an imitator of God the Father." BÜNEMANN.

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(17) ‹anchor: Servus est› · col 598

Servus est. Jus civile quoddam est civitati christianae constitutum aequabile, quo omnes ii utantur, qui Deo nomen dederunt: quae quidem Juris communicatio multis locis a B. Paulo memoratur, ad Corinth. Epistola priori, cap. XII, et Epist. ad Ephesios, cap. IV.

Is a slave. A kind of civil law, equal for all, has been established for the Christian commonwealth, which all who have given their name to God enjoy: this sharing of law is mentioned in many places by blessed Paul, in the First Epistle to the Corinthians, ch. XII, and the Epistle to the Ephesians, ch. IV.

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(18) ‹anchor: Clarissimus... perfectissimus› · col 598

Clarissimus... perfectissimus. His epithetis Lactantius amat alludere ad titulos, quibus pro ratione dignitatis multi cohonestati sunt. Nam praefectus urbi vir gloriosissimus dicebatur; praefecti praetorio per Illyricum, viri eminentissimi; vir spectabilis praefectus Aegypti; viri clarissimi rectores provinciarum; vir perfectissimus praeses Galliae. Qua de re vide Cangii glossarium his verbis, Perfectissimus; Clarissimus; Egregiatus. Vide Not. ad caput 21, libri de Mortibus persecutorum; et Pancir. in Notit. Dignitatum, c. 2 et seqq.

Most illustrious... most perfect. With these epithets Lactantius likes to allude to the titles with which many were honoured according to their rank. For the prefect of the city was called most glorious; the praetorian prefects for Illyricum, most eminent; the prefect of Egypt, respectable; the governors of provinces, most illustrious; the governor of Gaul, most perfect. On this see Du Cange's Glossary under the words Perfectissimus, Clarissimus, Egregiatus. See the note on ch. 21 of On the Deaths of the Persecutors; and Panciroli on the Notitia Dignitatum, ch. 2 and following.

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma-keyed notes without call marks; numbered here in print order; column = column of the page foot where the note is printed --> <!-- Q3b: note (1)'s lemma (first line of the notes in col 599) and its continuation at the top of col 600's notes were completed from the column images c599_1 and c600_1, which show the lines the foot crop missed. --> (printed under page 313)

(1) ‹anchor: Nonne sunt apud vos alii pauperes, alii divites› · col 599

Nonne sunt apud vos alii pauperes, alii divites, etc. Hic infra observamus ex Salmasio, ex appellatione fraternitatis mutua inter primos christianos, illos vixisse etiam tanquam fratres, in commune conferentes quod habebant, praeter uxores, ut notat Tertull. Hoc vero non ita accipiendum esse, quasi omnia omnium bona communia inter illos fuerint, ut fuisse certum est Apostolorum tempore in ecclesia Hierosolymitana, ex hoc Lactantii loco manifestum est, et ex ipso Tertull. loco laudato Apol. eadem pagina: Etiam si quod arcae genus est, inquit, non de honoraria summa quasi redemptae religionis congregatur. Modicam unusquisque stipem menstrua die, vel cum velit, et si modo velit, et si modo possit, apponit. Nam nemo compellitur, sed sponte confert. Haec quasi deposita pietatis sunt. Si quantum quisque vellet, conferebat, idque singulis mensibus, non universorum bonorum fiebat collatio, sed stipis tantum modicae. Genus ἐράνου plane hoc fuit, in singulis christianorum ecclesiis per singulos menses colligi soliti. Ad quem usum dispensaretur, statim subjicit, ad egenos nempe alendos, et humandos. Nam inde non epulis, nec potaculis, nec ingratis voratrinis dispensatur, sed egenis alendis, humandisque, et pueris ac puellis re ac parentibus destitutis, jamque domesticis senibus. Justinus Martyr in 2 Apologia ejusdem collatitiae stipis, sive ἐράνου a christianis fieri soliti meminit, nisi quod nihil habet de menstrua die. Quomodo igitur, si hoc genere tantum collationis usi, indiscreta omnia apud ipsos dicere potuit idem Tertullianus? An non haec inter se pugnant? Nam generalis collatio universorum bonorum pauperes divitibus exaequat; et praestat, ut in eo coetu, in quo singuli omne, quod habent, conferunt, nemo dives sit aut pauper, sed omnes invicem aequales. Atqui vel ex Tertulliano liquet alios tum fuisse pauperes in Ecclesia, alios divites. Nam ad alendos pauperes, conferebant divites. Quae aequalitas nescio an unquam in Ecclesia christiana obtinuerit, ne aetate quidem Apostolorum. Hujusmodi enim collectas etiam sub Apostolis ex eorum praescripto frequentatas constat ex Paulo Epist. I ad Corinth., cap. XVI. Quomodo faciendas instituerit, ibidem legere est. Ab eo tempore collectarum ille mos, de quo S. Justinus et Tertullianus, in Ecclesiis servatus est. At quid opus hujusmodi collectis, si bonorum a singulis facta universorum collatio? In ecclesia Hierosolymitana illa communio locum tantum videtur habuisse, ut Lucas refert in Actis, cap. IV. Quod et ipsum tamen liberum cuique fuit facere, et non facere, ut Petrus capite sequenti ad Ananiam dixit, qui pretii partem ex divenditis bonis subtraxerat, et reliquum ad Apostolorum pedes abjecerat. Sed quomodo conciliabitur quod auctores scribunt de communicatione rei familiaris inter Christianos fieri consueta, si communio illa abfuit, quam plerique fuisse imaginantur? Certe et Justinus, qui collectae illius meminit, qua quisque arbitratu suo in arcam communem conferebat, in eadem Apologia tradit, hoc christianorum disciplinae fuisse proprium, ut in commune conferrent quae haberent. Ostendit quae differentia fuerit ea in re Gentilis et Christiani. Olim, inquit, cum Gentiles eramus, quaestum lucrumque (continued on col 600) ante omnia sectari soliti, nunc quae habemus in commune conferentes, omni indigenti ea communicamus. Toto certe coelo deerrarunt, qui sibi persuasere ex illis testimoniis, veteres christianos omnia revera bona inter se habuisse communia, quibus pro indiviso in medium collatis unusquisque frueretur. Ut aequalitas dignitatum inter ipsos non in ipsis personis fuit, sed in animo, quo se major parem minori ferebat, et dominus servum non aliter tractabat, quam si frater esset, ita et communio bonorum apud eos non in re ipsa fuisse dignoscitur, sed in voluntate sola communicandi, quam et effectus sequebatur, si usus veniret. SALMASIUS.

Are there not among you some poor, others rich, etc. Here below we observe, following Salmasius, that from the mutual name of brotherhood among the first Christians, they also lived as brothers, putting in common what they had, except wives, as Tertullian notes. But that this is not to be taken as though all the goods of all were common among them, as it is certain they were in the Apostles' time in the church of Jerusalem, is plain from this passage of Lactantius, and from the very passage of Tertullian's Apology cited, on the same page: "Even if there is a kind of treasury," he says, "it is not filled from fees, as if religion were bought. Each one puts in a modest coin on the monthly day, or when he wishes, and only if he wishes, and only if he can. For no one is compelled; he contributes freely. These are, as it were, the deposits of piety." If each contributed as much as he wished, and that monthly, there was no pooling of all goods, but only of a modest coin. This was plainly a kind of eranos, customarily collected each month in each of the Christian churches. To what use it was spent he adds at once: namely to feed and bury the needy. "For it is not spent on feasts or drinking-bouts or thankless eating-houses, but on feeding and burying the needy, and on boys and girls without means and without parents, and on old people now confined to the house." Justin Martyr in the 2nd Apology mentions the same contributed coin, or eranos, customarily made by the Christians, except that he says nothing of a monthly day. How then, if they used only this kind of contribution, could the same Tertullian say that all things were undivided among them? Do these things not conflict? For a general pooling of all goods makes the poor equal to the rich, and ensures that in a gathering in which each contributes all he has, no one is rich or poor, but all are equal to one another. Yet even from Tertullian it is clear that some in the Church were then poor and others rich. For the rich contributed to feed the poor. I do not know whether such equality ever obtained in the Christian Church, not even in the age of the Apostles. For it is established from Paul, 1 Corinthians ch. XVI, that collections of this kind were frequent even under the Apostles, by their direction. How he ordered them to be made may be read in the same place. From that time the custom of collections of which St Justin and Tertullian speak was kept in the Churches. But what need of such collections, if all goods had been pooled by each? That community seems to have had place only in the church of Jerusalem, as Luke relates in Acts ch. IV. And even that each was free to do or not do, as Peter said in the next chapter to Ananias, who had kept back part of the price of the goods he sold and thrown the rest at the Apostles' feet. But how will what the authors write of a sharing of household goods customary among Christians be reconciled, if there was not that community which most imagine there was? Certainly Justin too, who mentions that collection, into which each contributed to the common chest at his own discretion, relates in the same Apology that it was characteristic of Christian discipline to put in common what they had. He shows what the difference was in this matter between a Gentile and a Christian. "Formerly," he says, "when we were Gentiles, we were accustomed to pursue gain and profit before all else; now, putting what we have in common, we share it with everyone in need." Those certainly went wildly astray who persuaded themselves from these testimonies that the early Christians really had all goods in common among themselves, each enjoying them as brought undivided into the common stock. As equality of rank among them lay not in their persons themselves but in the mind, by which the greater bore himself as equal to the lesser, and the master treated the slave no otherwise than if he were a brother, so too the community of goods among them is seen to have lain not in the thing itself, but solely in the will to share, which was followed by the deed when need arose. SALMASIUS.

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(2) ‹anchor: Fratrum nomen impertiamus› · col 600

Fratrum nomen impertiamus. Clemens Strom. II: Ideo nos fratres, quod eodem verbo regenerati. Euseb. Emiss. Homil. IV: Fratres, sorores, non natura, sed officio et affectione; quos enim diligimus, his nominibus vocare solemus. WOUWER. — Noluit Deus, ut jam ante notavimus, ullum reperiri egentem in populo suo, sed omnes tanquam fratres inter se vivere, ut erant ab uno parente omnes. Haec fratrum appellatio inter christianos etiam aliquandiu viguit, nec solum tantisper dum intra Hierosolymitanam civitatem sub apostolis Ecclesia Christi stetit, sed etiam aliis, in quibus propagata est locis; praesertim quamdiu fuit persecutionibus vexata. Nec fratres modo invicem se appellabant, quod unius Dei parentis homines, quod consortes ejusdem fidei, et spei cohaeredes, ut ait Minucius, sed etiam quia fraterno inter se more viverent, ut solent fratres, qui pro indiviso paternis bonis una fruuntur. In commune quod quisque habebat, conferebant, convivia communia agitabant, dilectionis nomine vocitata; nihil indiscretum denique habebant, praeter uxores, ut ait Tertullianus in Apologetico, cap. 39, qui hanc etiam fraterni nominis inter christianos communicati causam affert. At quanto, inquit, dignius fratres et dicuntur, et habentur, qui unum patrem Deum agnoverint, qui unum spiritum biberint sanctitatis, qui de uno utero ignorantiae ejusdem ad unam lucem expaverint veritatis. Sed eo fortasse minus legitimi existimamur, quia nulla de nostra fraternitate tragoedia exclamat, vel quia ex substantia familiari fratres sumus, quae penes vos fere dirimit fraternitatem. Itaque qui animo animaque miscemur, nihil de rei communicatione dubitamus. Omnia indiscreta sunt apud nos, praeter uxores.

Let us bestow the name of brothers. Clement, Stromata II: "We are brothers because we have been reborn by the same Word." Eusebius of Emesa, Homily IV: "Brothers, sisters, not by nature but by duty and affection; for those whom we love we are wont to call by these names." WOUWER. — God did not wish, as we noted before, that anyone should be found in need among his people, but that all should live together as brothers, as they all were from one parent. This name of brothers among Christians flourished for some time, not only while the Church of Christ stood within the city of Jerusalem under the apostles, but in the other places to which it spread; especially as long as it was harried by persecutions. Nor did they call one another brothers only "because they are men of one God and Father, sharers of the same faith and co-heirs of hope," as Minucius says, but also because they lived among themselves in brotherly fashion, as brothers do who enjoy their father's goods together undivided. Whatever each had they put in common, held common banquets called by the name of love; in short, they had nothing undivided except wives, as Tertullian says in the Apology, ch. 39, who also gives this reason for the name of brother shared among Christians. "But how much more worthily," he says, "are they called and held brothers, who have acknowledged one Father, God, who have drunk one Spirit of holiness, who from one womb of the same ignorance have come trembling to the one light of truth. But perhaps we are thought less legitimate because no tragedy cries out about our brotherhood, or because we are brothers through our family property, which among you generally breaks up brotherhood. So we who are mingled in mind and soul have no hesitation about sharing goods. All things are undivided among us except wives."

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(3) ‹anchor: Corporum› · col 600

Corporum. Heumannus legendum esse putat servorum.

Of bodies. Heumann thinks one should read servorum (of slaves).

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(4) ‹anchor: Nisi quod possunt› · col 600

Nisi quod possunt, etc. Mss. Cauc., Jun. ac 3 Reg. rec. et 14 impressi, nisi quos. Utraque lectio bona. Sed ea quae est in textu genuina nobis visa est ex mss. 2 Bonon., 5 Reg. vet., 6 Colbert. multisque aliis et edit. Is. petita, et praecedentibus et sequentibus confirmata. Vide supra, nisi quia pares esse nos credimus; et infra, quia et non egent.

Except that they can, etc. The Cauc. and Junius manuscripts and 3 recent Royal, and 14 printed, nisi quos. Both readings are good. But the one in the text seemed to us genuine, taken from 2 Bologna manuscripts, 5 old Royal, 6 Colbert and many others and Isaeus's edition, and confirmed by what precedes and follows. See above, "except that we believe ourselves to be equals"; and below, "because they are not in need either."

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(5) ‹anchor: Non quia divitias habent, sed quia utuntur illis› · col 600

Non quia divitias habent, sed quia utuntur illis. Ita mss. 8 Reg, 5 Colbert. Brun. aliique, cum nonnullis editis. Bene. Vide infra quia et non egent. Mss. Cauc. Jun., 2 Reg. rec. 1 Colb. et 8 vulgati, non qui divitias habent, sed qui; non inepte tamen.

Not because they have riches, but because they use them. So 8 Royal manuscripts, 5 Colbert, Brun. and others, with some editions. Rightly. See below, "because they are not in need either." The Cauc. and Junius manuscripts, 2 recent Royal, 1 Colbert and 8 common editions, non qui divitias habent, sed qui (not those who have riches, but those who); not unfittingly, however.

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(1) ‹anchor: Et qui pauperes videntur› · col 601

Et qui pauperes videntur. Sic restitui ex mss. Reg. Put. et 5 al. Reg., 1 Colb., 2 Clarom. aliisque, et 15 impressis. Scripti 9 et nonnulli vulgati habent et quia.

And those who seem poor. So I have restored from the Regio-Puteanus manuscript and 5 other Royal, 1 Colbert, 2 Clermont and others, and 15 printed. 9 manuscripts and some common editions have et quia.

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(2) ‹anchor: Quia et non egent› · col 601

Quia et non egent. Ita mss. 4 Reg. vet. multique alii, cum pluribus editis. Vocem non respuunt 11 mss. rec. et 3 vulg.

Because they are not in need either. So 4 old Royal manuscripts and many others, with most editions. 11 recent manuscripts and 3 common editions reject the word non.

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(3) ‹anchor: Sublimior est› · col 601

Sublimior est. Alludere videtur ad illud Ciceronis, qui in libro Officiorum ait, quemque tanto sublimiorem esse quanto humilius se gesserit.

Is more exalted. He seems to allude to Cicero's saying in the book On Duties, that "each is the more exalted the more humbly he has borne himself."

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(4) ‹anchor: In hac vita saeculari› · col 601

In hac vita saeculari. Id est, temporali, ut infra cap. 18, et lib. VII, cap. 4 et 11. Hic deesse aliquid videtur; manca est enim oratio.

In this worldly life. That is, temporal, as below, ch. 18, and book VII, chs. 4 and 11. Something seems to be missing here, for the sentence is defective.

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(5) ‹anchor: A Sapientis ratione› · col 601

A Sapientis ratione. Mss. 6, sapientia. Ex mss. veterrimis pluribusque aliis expunxi et, quod erat in quibusdam editis.

From the reasoning of the wise man. 6 manuscripts, sapientia. From the very old manuscripts and many others I have struck out et, which was in some editions.

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(6) ‹anchor: Semotius› · col 601

Semotius. Mss. 5, submotius; 6, summotius; 2, remotius. Caeteri et omnes editi, semotius. Apud Lucretium, lib. I, vers. 46, a curis semotus.

More removed. 5 manuscripts, submotius; 6, summotius; 2, remotius. The rest and all the editions, semotius. In Lucretius, book I, line 46, "removed from cares."

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(7) ‹anchor: Apud Deum› · col 601

Apud Deum. I Cor. I.

With God. 1 Corinthians 1.

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(8) ‹anchor: Firma› · col 601

Firma. Mss. Brun., summa.

Firm. The Brun. manuscript, summa (highest).

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(9) ‹anchor: Se extollit› · col 601

Se extollit. Luc. XIV et XVIII; Mat. XXVIII.

Exalts himself. Luke 14 and 18; Matthew 28 [as printed].

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(10) ‹anchor: Exposui› · col 601

Exposui, etc. Hucusque integra Epitome Lactantiana caruimus. Fragmentum illius hoc loco incipiebat. Nunc cura Pfaffii habemus integram fere. Quod propterea moneo, ut studiosus eam cum ipso opere diligenter conferat. Sic enim intelliget eamdem rem saepius bene dici posse; augebit praeterea hac ratione dicendi copiam; et experietur, id quod verum est, ejusdem esse artificis breviter et copiose dicere. Fiet porro ut, detracto eloquentiae copiosioris ornatu, rem propius contueatur. BETULEIUS.

I have set out, etc. Until now we lacked the complete Epitome of Lactantius; the fragment of it began at this place. Now, through Pfaff's care, we have it almost whole. I mention this so that the student may carefully compare it with the work itself. For so he will understand that the same thing can often be said well; he will besides increase his copiousness of speech in this way; and he will find, what is true, that it belongs to the same craftsman to speak briefly and copiously. It will also come about that, with the ornament of fuller eloquence removed, he will view the matter more closely. BETULEIUS.

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(11) ‹anchor: Quae a philosophis afferebantur› · col 601

Quae a philosophis afferebantur. Ita mss. antiquiores et meliores ac 10 editi. In scriptis 10 rec. et 4 excusis est asserebantur; in 3 mss. rec. et 3 vet. edit. (continued on col 602) Rom., disserebantur.

Which were brought forward by the philosophers. So the older and better manuscripts and 10 editions. In 10 recent manuscripts and 4 printed is asserebantur; in 3 recent manuscripts and 3 old Rome editions, disserebantur.

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(12) ‹anchor: Refellendi› · col 602

Refellendi. In ms. Jun. haec sequentia, quae in impressis non extant, habentur: Volens aliud esse jus civile, aliud naturale: civile jus dici civilem sapientiam et naturale sine sapientia fieri, ac si utrumque nullum foret. Quam sententiam in textum admittere non placuit; in nullo enim alio ms. expressa deprehenditur. GALLAEUS. Vide Ciceronem, lib. III de Officiis.

Of refuting. In the Junius manuscript the following, which is not found in the printed editions, is had: "Wishing civil law to be one thing and natural law another: that civil law is called civil wisdom, and natural law comes about without wisdom, as if both were nothing." I did not choose to admit this sentence into the text, for it is found written in no other manuscript. GALLAEUS. See Cicero, On Duties book III.

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(13) ‹anchor: Qui totius orbis potirentur› · col 602

Qui totius orbis potirentur. Sic omnes fere mss. et editi. Et recte; hoc enim verbum etiam gaudet genitivo apud Ciceronem IV Acad., 126, et I Finib., 7; apud Velleium Paterculum, regni potiri; apud Caesarem, totius Galliae sese potiri posse sperant; et potiri hostium, apud Plautum. Nonnulli ignorantes addiderunt, dominio, ut in mss Jun. et 2 Reg. rec. et 2 vet. edit. Rom., sed admodum frustra, siquidem mox praecessit imperio. Romanis ipsis injustitias exprobrant S. Augustinus in libris de Civitate Dei, et Tertullianus, cap. 25 Apologetici.

Who were masters of the whole world. So nearly all manuscripts and editions. And rightly; for this verb also takes the genitive, in Cicero, Academica IV, 126, and On Ends I, 7; in Velleius Paterculus, "to gain the kingdom"; in Caesar, "they hope they can make themselves masters of all Gaul"; and "to get the enemy into one's power," in Plautus. Some, not knowing this, added dominio, as in the Junius manuscript and 2 recent Royal and 2 old Rome editions, but quite vainly, since imperio had just preceded. St Augustine in the books of the City of God, and Tertullian, Apology ch. 25, reproach the Romans themselves with their injustices.

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(14) ‹anchor: Et in egestate› · col 602

Et in egestate. Ita restitui ex mss. 1 Bonon. et 1 Reg. antiquissimis, 3 al. Reg., 1 Colbert., 1 Lips., Goth., Brun., edit. Is. et ipsomet Lactantio Epitom. cap. 56: Quod si omnes populi penes quos sit imperium, ipsique Romani, qui orbem totum possederint, justitiam sequi velint, ac suum cuique restituere quod vi et armis occupaverunt, ad casas et egestatem revertentur. Mss. Cauc. et 15 rec. habent in necessitate. Quatuor illa verba desunt in Regio-Put.

And in want. So I have restored from the very old manuscripts 1 Bologna and 1 Royal, 3 other Royal, 1 Colbert, 1 Leipzig, Gotha, Brun., Isaeus's edition, and Lactantius himself, Epitome ch. 56: "But if all the peoples who hold power, and the Romans themselves, who possessed the whole world, should wish to follow justice and restore to each his own what they seized by force and arms, they will return to huts and want." The Cauc. manuscript and 15 recent have in necessitate. Those four words are missing in Regio-Puteanus.

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(15) ‹anchor: Si profitebitur, bonus quidem, quia› · col 602

Si profitebitur, bonus quidem, quia. Mss. rec. 5 Colbert., 2 Clarom. et 10 edit. ferunt: Si profitebitur, emptori fugitivum esse, bonus quidem. At tria haec verba, quae interponunt, a caeteris absunt. Ac ea eradenda esse recte docet Thomasius, quia haec non ad servum tantum fugitivum respiciunt, verum etiam ad domum pestilentem et similia referenda sunt,

If he declares it, he is indeed good, because. 5 recent Colbert manuscripts, 2 Clermont and 10 editions bear: "If he declares to the buyer that he is a runaway, he is indeed good." But these three words which they insert are absent from the rest. And Thomasius rightly teaches that they should be erased, because these things look not only to the runaway slave but are to be referred also to the plague-ridden house and the like.

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(1) ‹anchor: Non fallet› · col 603

Non fallet. Mss. 11, et edit. Rom. 1468, non fallit. Sed fallet exposcunt sequentia, consulet, fallet.

He will not deceive. 11 manuscripts and the Rome edition of 1468, non fallit. But what follows, consulet, fallet, demands fallet.

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(2) ‹anchor: Rei consulet› · col 603

Rei consulet. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. et ed. Is. sibi consulet.

He will look to his interest. 1 old Bologna manuscript and Isaeus's edition, sibi consulet (will look to himself).

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(3) ‹anchor: Quia fallet› · col 603

Quia fallet. Mss. 5 rec., quia fallit.

Because he will deceive. 5 recent manuscripts, quia fallit.

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(4) ‹anchor: An indicabit?› · col 603

An indicabit? Mss. Cauc. Jun. et 9 edit. an id indicabit?

Or will he disclose? The Cauc. and Junius manuscripts and 9 editions, an id indicabit?

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(5) ‹anchor: Transcendebat› · col 603

Transcendebat. Ita mss. antiquiores et potiores maximo numero, cum editis multis. Scripti 10 et typis excusi 5, transibat.

Was going beyond. So the older and better manuscripts in very great number, with many editions. 10 manuscripts and 5 printed, transibat.

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(6) ‹anchor: Posset› · col 603

Posset. Mss. 1 Bon. et 4 rec. totidemque editi, potest; 1 Clarom. possit.

Could. 1 Bologna manuscript and 4 recent, and as many editions, potest; 1 Clermont, possit.

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(7) ‹anchor: Jam justus ille› · col 603

Jam justus ille. Hanc lectionem unius ms. Reg. et edit. Ald., Florent., Juntar., Paris. 1525., Crat., Gymnic., Graph., Fasit., Betul., Gall., Spark., Walch., retinui, quantumvis invitis et reclamantibus tum mss. tum impressis codicibus, ubi habetur, jam non justus ille, exceptis 1 Reg. rec., 1 Colb. et Brun. qui referunt, jam non sapiens ille. Nostra lectio maxime convenit sententiae Carneadis: adversativa vero omnino repugnat; non enim in hac disputatione injustitia, sed justitia cum stultitia, injustitia vero cum ipsa sapientia conjungebatur: et ita dicebatur, quod ille quidem justus erit, sed stultus; si vero contra fecerit, idem sapiens habebitur, sed erit injustus. Hoc liquet ex alio sequenti exemplo. ISAEUS. — At Heumannus putat esse legendum, jam vero justus, ut in antiquis editis. — Jam vero justus ille, sed stultus est. Praetuli istam lectionem, quia altera, jam non justus ille, repugnat sententiae Carneadis, integro Lactantii capiti 17 maxime infra, et verbis Epitomes, cap. 56: (continued on col 604) Utrumne.... tabula.... equo deturbabit, ut ipse possit evadere? Si volet justus esse, non faciet; sed idem stultus judicabitur, qui dum alterius vitae parcit, suam prodit. Si faciet, sapiens quidem... sed... malus. BUN.

Then he is just. I have kept this reading of one Royal manuscript and of the editions of Aldus, Florence, the Juntas, Paris 1525, Cratander, Gymnicus, Gryphius, Fasitelius, Betuleius, Gallaeus, Sparke, Walch, however much the manuscript and printed codices resist and protest, in which one has jam non justus ille (then he is not just), except 1 recent Royal, 1 Colbert and Brun., which give jam non sapiens ille (then he is not wise). Our reading suits Carneades's view best; the adversative one is wholly at odds with it. For in this debate it was not injustice but justice that was joined with folly, and injustice with wisdom itself: and so it was said that the man will indeed be just, but foolish; but if he does the opposite, the same man will be held wise, but will be unjust. This is clear from another example that follows. ISAEUS. — But Heumann thinks one should read jam vero justus, as in the old editions. — Then indeed he is just, but foolish. I have preferred this reading because the other, jam non justus ille, conflicts with Carneades's view, with the whole of Lactantius's ch. 17 below especially, and with the words of the Epitome, ch. 56: "Will he push... from the plank... from the horse, so that he himself can escape? If he wishes to be just, he will not do it; but the same man will be judged foolish, who, while he spares another's life, betrays his own. If he does it, he is wise indeed... but... wicked." BÜNEMANN.

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(8) ‹anchor: Dum parcit alienae› · col 604

Dum parcit alienae. Receptam firmant c. 17: Stultitia est alienae animae parcere, cum pernicie suae; et verba paulo ante ex epit. c. 56 citata. BUN.

While he spares another's. The received reading is confirmed by ch. 17: "It is folly to spare another's life to the ruin of one's own"; and by the words of the Epitome, ch. 56, cited a little above. BÜNEMANN.

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(9) ‹anchor: Venenata› · col 604

Venenata. Heumannus suspicatur Lactantium scripsisse pene invicta. Nihil contra libros muto: quia haec argumenta aculeata, perniciosa et gravia erant, illa vocat venenata. Sic Ciceronis orationes contra Antonium, lib. III, c. 14 vocavit venenatas. BUN.

Poisoned. Heumann suspects Lactantius wrote pene invicta (almost unconquerable). I change nothing against the books: because these arguments were stinging, pernicious and weighty, he calls them poisoned. So he called Cicero's speeches against Antony poisoned, book III, ch. 14. BÜNEMANN.

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(10) ‹anchor: Non potuerit refellere› · col 604

Non potuerit refellere. Ita omnes manu exarati et impressi, praeter 4 mss. rec. et 3 edit., in quibus est potuit.

Could not refute. So all the handwritten and printed codices, except 4 recent manuscripts and 3 editions, in which is potuit.

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(11) ‹anchor: Faciat.... respondentem› · col 604

Faciat.... respondentem. Eleganter, ut lib. I, c. 10: Facit assidentem. Cic. lib. I de Nat. Deor., cap. 12, Facit Socratem disputantem. Conf. lib. I de Natura Deorum, cap. 8. BUN.

Makes... answering. Elegantly, as in book I, ch. 10: "He makes him sitting by." Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book I, ch. 12: "He makes Socrates arguing." Compare On the Nature of the Gods book I, ch. 8. BÜNEMANN.

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(12) ‹anchor: Pro justitiaque› · col 604

Pro justitiaque. Ita alibi Lactantius; et sic lego cum 3 editis omnibusque mss., exceptis 2 Reg. rec. et cunctis fere editis in quibus est, proque justitia.

And for justice. So Lactantius elsewhere; and so I read with 3 editions and all the manuscripts, except 2 recent Royal and nearly all the editions, in which is proque justitia.

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(13) ‹anchor: Irrefutata› · col 604

Irrefutata. Pro non refutata, est nova vox.

Unrefuted. For non refutata; it is a new word.

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(14) ‹anchor: Qui profecto licet sapiens fuerit› · col 604

Qui profecto licet sapiens fuerit. Hujus sapientia celebratur a Cicerone libro de Finibus secundo, de Offic. II, et praecipue de Amicitia, quae Laelii nomine inscribitur. BETUL.

Who indeed, though he was wise. His wisdom is celebrated by Cicero in On Ends book II, On Duties II, and especially in On Friendship, which bears the title of Laelius. BETULEIUS.

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(15) ‹anchor: Qui› · col 604

Qui. Heuman. legit quia, ex editis.

Who. Heumann reads quia (because), from the editions.

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(16) ‹anchor: Plato› · col 604

Plato. Cujus libri decem de Republica, de Justitia, inscripti sunt.

Plato. Whose ten books of the Republic are entitled On Justice.

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(17) ‹anchor: Aristoteles› · col 604

Aristoteles. Libro V Moralium.

Aristotle. In book V of the Ethics.

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(1) ‹anchor: Quos› · col 605

Quos. Ita quamplurimi et antiquissimi mss. et 4 editi. Caeteri cum 9 rec. scriptis, quod.

Whom. So very many and very old manuscripts and 4 editions. The rest, with 9 recent manuscripts, quod.

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(2) ‹anchor: Afferebant› · col 605

Afferebant. Sic restitui ex mss. 5 veterrimis, 1 Bonon., 2 Reg., 3 al. Reg., 2 Colbert., 2 Clarom. In scriptis 10 et 10 editis legitur asserebant; in aliis disserebant.

They brought forward. So I have restored from 5 very old manuscripts, 1 Bologna, 2 Royal, 3 other Royal, 2 Colbert, 2 Clermont. In 10 manuscripts and 10 editions one reads asserebant; in others disserebant.

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(3) ‹anchor: Perspexit› · col 605

Perspexit. Ita emendavi ex mss. 5 Reg. antiquioribus, 4 Colbert., 2 Clarom., Brun. et edit. Betul., faventibus Cauc., 1 Bonon. rec. et Tax. in quibus est perspexerit. 1 Bonon. antiq., 5 Reg. rec., 2 Colb. et 11 vulgati habent, prospexit.

He saw through. So I have corrected from 5 older Royal manuscripts, 4 Colbert, 2 Clermont, Brun., and Betuleius's edition, with the support of Cauc., 1 recent Bologna and Tax., in which is perspexerit. 1 old Bologna, 5 recent Royal, 2 Colbert and 11 common editions have prospexit.

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(4) ‹anchor: Et rationem tamen› · col 605

Et rationem tamen. Addidi tamen ex 10 editis cunctisque mss. praeter 1 Bon. antiq., Pen. et 4 edit. rec. quibus deest.

And yet the reason. I have added tamen from 10 editions and all the manuscripts except 1 old Bologna, Pen. and 4 recent editions, which lack it.

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(5) ‹anchor: Decretum disciplinae› · col 605

Decretum disciplinae. De talibus decretis multa Seneca in epist. 95. Arnob. l. II, p. 48: Qui (philosophi) dum alter alterius labefactant, destruunt, convelluntque decreta, cuncta incerta fecerunt. BUN.

The tenet of his school. On such tenets Seneca says much in letter 95. Arnobius, book II, p. 48: "They (the philosophers), while one shakes, destroys and tears up the tenets of another, have made everything uncertain." BÜNEMANN.

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(6) ‹anchor: Ut decretum disciplinae suae tueretur› · col 605

Ut decretum disciplinae suae tueretur. Academicae factionis scilicet, nihil certo sciri; sive ut sequitur, nihil percipi ut certum posse. Decretum autem dixit dogma institutum, ἀρεστόν. Partim ex BETULEIO.

That he might defend the tenet of his school. That of the Academic party, namely, "that nothing is known for certain"; or, as follows, "that nothing can be grasped" as certain. By decretum he meant an established doctrine, an ἀρεστόν. Partly from BETULEIUS.

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(7) ‹anchor: Cur enim naviget› · col 605

Cur enim naviget, etc. Sic etiam alii Patres negotiationem tanquam rem illicitam damnarunt. Vide Tertull., lib. de Idolol., c. XI. Eorum rationes erant quod illa vix possit exerceri sine cupiditate et mendacio. GALLAEUS.

For why should he sail, etc. So too other Fathers condemned trade as an unlawful thing. See Tertullian, On Idolatry, ch. XI. Their reasons were that it can hardly be carried on without greed and lying. GALLAEUS.

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(8) ‹anchor: Versetur› · col 605

Versetur. Francius, versatur. Vide praecedentia. 1 Reg. rec. versatur a secunda manu. Heuman. legit etiam versatur.

Should dwell. Franck, versatur. See what precedes. 1 recent Royal, versatur in the second hand. Heumann also reads versatur.

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(9) ‹anchor: Qui nec lucrum sciat appetere› · col 605

Qui nec lucrum sciat appetere, etc. Supra dixit, virum justum nihil quidquam appetere alieni, et hic nec lucrum, etc. Quae sic accipi non volo, quasi injustitiae sit arguendus qui lucrum appetit. Quod hic (continued on col 606) generaliter asserit auctor noster, sane de immodico appetitu intelligit, quo sensu ejus assertio vera est.

Who does not know how to seek gain, etc. Above he said that the just man seeks nothing whatever of another's, and here not even gain, etc. I do not want this taken as though one who seeks gain were to be convicted of injustice. What our author asserts here in general terms, he surely means of immoderate desire, in which sense his assertion is true.

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(10) ‹anchor: Spectare› · col 606

Spectare. Respicit ad leges christianorum, quibus fas non erat spectaculis gladiatoriis interesse.

To watch. He has in view the laws of the Christians, for whom it was not lawful to attend gladiatorial shows.

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(11) ‹anchor: Vel invitus ad haec subeunda cogatur› · col 606

Vel invitus ad haec subeunda cogatur. Nimirum ad caedem faciendam, dum militare cogitur; nam illo aevo, non solum sub imperatoribus gentilibus, sed etiam christianis, cum delectus tironum ageretur, quibus militaris aetas ac statura esset, et qui ejus erant conditionis, uti militiae vacationem non haberent, ad militare sacramentum adigebantur, nec illud defugere poterant. Qui semel autem id sacramentum dixissent, ante emensa stipendia, et nisi ex justa ac merita causa impetrata missione, discedere a signis non habuere fas: qui aliter militiam deseruisset, capite plectebatur. Ergo illi sunt, quos invitos ad militiam, id est trucidandorum hominum legitimam artem subeundam, ex necessitate legum cogi dixit Lactantius, et quos propterea excusandos, tam ipse insinuat quam Patres Concilii Nicen. Can. 12. SALMASIUS.

Or be compelled against his will to undergo these things. That is, to commit slaughter, while he is compelled to serve as a soldier; for in that age, not only under pagan emperors but under Christian ones too, when a levy of recruits was held, those of military age and stature, and those of a condition that gave them no exemption from service, were driven to the military oath and could not escape it. And those who had once taken that oath were not permitted to leave the standards before completing their service, unless discharge had been obtained for a just and deserved cause: whoever otherwise deserted the service was punished with death. These, then, are the ones whom Lactantius said were compelled against their will by the necessity of the laws to undertake military service, that is, the lawful art of killing men; and whom, for that reason, he himself hints are to be excused, as do the Fathers of the Council of Nicaea, canon 12. SALMASIUS.

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(12) ‹anchor: O Carneade› · col 606

O Carneade. Ita plures mss. et editi. 2 Reg. rec. et 2 Colb. o Carneades; Brun. tu Carneades; 1 Colbert. tu, o Carneades. — O Carneade. Sic mss. et editi, quod recte tuetur Heumannus, et illustrat ex Vossio lib. II Anal., c. 3 et c. 10. Defendit quoque Gronovius. O Socrate, vocandi casu, in fragment. Ciceronis ed. Verburg., p. 3956. BUN.

O Carneades. So most manuscripts and editions. 2 recent Royal and 2 Colbert, o Carneades; Brun., tu Carneades; 1 Colbert, tu, o Carneades. — O Carneade. So the manuscripts and editions, which Heumann rightly defends and illustrates from Vossius, Analogia book II, chs. 3 and 10. Gronovius defends it too. O Socrate, in the vocative case, in the fragments of Cicero, Verburg's edition, p. 3956. BÜNEMANN.

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(13) ‹anchor: Qui sacramentum hominis ignorant› · col 606

Qui sacramentum hominis ignorant. Id est, veram rationem et conditionem hominis. Supra lib. II, cap. 18: Quicumque igitur sacramentum hominis, rationemque naturae suae nititur obtinere. WALCH.

Who do not know the mystery of man. That is, the true nature and condition of man. Above, book II, ch. 18: "Whoever, then, strives to grasp the mystery of man and the nature of his being." WALCH.

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(14) ‹anchor: Integer› · col 606

Integer. Horat. I Carm., Od. 22.

Upright. Horace, Odes book I, ode 22.

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(15) ‹anchor: Lambit Hydaspes› · col 606

Lambit Hydaspes. Sic antiquiores et meliores mss. (continues)

The Hydaspes laps. So the older and better manuscripts (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: (continued from previous page)› · col 607

(continued) et 12 edit. ac libri Horatiani. Scripti 16 rec. Lactantiani et 3 vet. edit. Rom. Ambit, nec male.

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(2) ‹anchor: In tabula naufragum› · col 607

In tabula naufragum, etc. Idem habet et sentit cum Lactantio Ambrosius lib. III, offic. cap. 4.

A shipwrecked man on a plank, etc. Ambrose has the same and agrees with Lactantius, On Duties book III, ch. 4.

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(3) ‹anchor: Quid carius› · col 607

Quid carius. Mss. 12 rec. et 3 edit. clarius.

What dearer. 12 recent manuscripts and 3 editions, clarius (more glorious).

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(4) ‹anchor: Perduxeris› · col 607

Perduxeris. Mss. 6 rec., perduxerit, non male.

You have brought. 6 recent manuscripts, perduxerit, not badly.

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(5) ‹anchor: Judicabis› · col 607

Judicabis. Mss. 10 rec. et 13 edit. judicabitur, 2 Colbert. et Pen. judicabit. At scribo judicabis cum 1 Bonon. et 1 Reg. antiquissimis, 1 al. Reg. bonae notae, ac quinque aliis et edit. Betul. Vide praecedentia.

Will you judge. 10 recent manuscripts and 13 editions, judicabitur; 2 Colbert and Pen., judicabit. But I write judicabis with the very old 1 Bologna and 1 Royal, 1 other Royal of good repute, and five others, and Betuleius's edition. See what precedes.

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(6) ‹anchor: Pythagoraei› · col 607

Pythagoraei. Mss. rec. 2 Reg. et 1 Clarom. a secunda manu, edit. Rom. 1470, et Florentina, Pythagorici: Damon scilicet ac Pythias, de quibus Valerius lib. IV, cap. 7; Cicer. lib. III Officior. cap. 10.

Pythagoreans. 2 recent Royal manuscripts and 1 Clermont in the second hand, the Rome edition of 1470, and the Florentine, Pythagorici: namely Damon and Pythias, of whom Valerius, book IV, ch. 7; Cicero, On Duties book III, ch. 10.

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(7) ‹anchor: Tyranno› · col 607

Tyranno. Scilicet Dionysio Syracusano.

The tyrant. That is, Dionysius of Syracuse.

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(8) ‹anchor: Duceretur› · col 607

Duceretur. Scil. ad supplicium. Absolute, more veterum. Sic ter Seneca de Pisone, qui militem duci jusserat, de Ira lib. I, cap. 16. BUN.

Was being led. That is, to execution. Used absolutely, in the manner of the ancients. So three times Seneca, of Piso, who had ordered a soldier to be led off, On Anger book I, ch. 16. BÜNEMANN.

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(9) ‹anchor: Quod alter› · col 607

Quod alter. Antiquiorum et meliorum mss. est. In 4 rec. et 4 edit. est quorum alter; in 13 rec. et vulgatis 5 est cum alter.

Because the one. This is the reading of the older and better manuscripts. In 4 recent and 4 editions is quorum alter; in 13 recent and 5 common editions is cum alter.

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(10) ‹anchor: His› · col 607

His. Ita restitui ex mss. et multis editis. In nonnullis est hic.

To them. So I have restored from the manuscripts and many editions. In some is hic.

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(11) ‹anchor: Deprecatus› · col 607

Deprecatus. Id est, precatus. Lib. VI, cap. 20: Misericordiam deprecantes. Conf. lib. de Mort. persec. c. 41, cap. 46, cap 52, et Val. Max. lib. IV, cap. 7. (continued on col 608) Saepe hoc sensu Veteres. BUN.

Having entreated. That is, having prayed. Book VI, ch. 20: "entreating mercy." Compare On the Deaths of the Persecutors, chs. 41, 46, 52, and Valerius Maximus book IV, ch. 7. The ancients often use it in this sense. BÜNEMANN.

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(12) ‹anchor: Dissolvitur› · col 608

Dissolvitur. 1 Colb. dissolvetur; 1 Colb., 1 Lips., Em., solvitur.

Is resolved. 1 Colbert, dissolvetur; 1 Colbert, 1 Leipzig, Em., solvitur.

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(13) ‹anchor: Dum ne› · col 608

Dum ne. Ita antiq. et mel. mss. et edd. locutio Ciceroniana pro dummodo non recentiorum: Cic. ad Atticum lib. VI, cap. 1: dum ne negotiatori; et VIII, ep. 13, dum ne tibi, non laboro.

Provided not. So the old and better manuscripts and editions; a Ciceronian idiom for the dummodo non of the more recent: Cicero, To Atticus book VI, letter 1: "provided not to a trader"; and VIII, letter 13: "provided not to you, I do not mind."

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(14) ‹anchor: Conciliatricem› · col 608

Conciliatricem. Vide Cic. lib. I de Natura deorum, 104.

As one that commends. See Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book I, 104.

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(15) ‹anchor: Quia malum est› · col 608

Quia malum est. Id est, quatenus malum est.

That it is evil. That is, inasmuch as it is evil.

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(16) ‹anchor: Nesciunt enim, quia malum est, nocere› · col 608

Nesciunt enim, quia malum est, nocere. Lactantius aliique scriptores sacri, Tertullianus, Augustinus, maxime Cyprianus vel sexcenties, ut vulgatam versionem omittam, post scio aliaque verba sentiendi, loco accusativi cum infinitivo, aut quod cum conjunctivo, eadem vi quia cum indicativo ponunt. Lactantius lib. VI, cap. 22: Scit enim, quia mortis est fabricatrix voluptas. Notamus ibidem plura, et ad lib. IV, cap. 12: Ut scias, quia ego sum Dominus. BUN.

For they do not know that to harm is evil. Lactantius and other sacred writers, Tertullian, Augustine, Cyprian above all, some six hundred times, to say nothing of the Vulgate, put quia with the indicative after scio and other verbs of perceiving, with the same force, in place of the accusative with infinitive or quod with the subjunctive. Lactantius, book VI, ch. 22: "For he knows that pleasure is the contriver of death." We note more there, and on book IV, ch. 12: "That you may know that I am the Lord." BÜNEMANN.

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(17) ‹anchor: Homo vero, qui› · col 608

Homo vero, qui. Ita mss. veterrimi 1 Bonon., 3 Reg. quorum unus est optimae notae, aliique sex ac totidem editi, tum etiam sex veteres editiones XV saeculi. In 12 mss. et 8 excusis est quia.

But man, who. So the very old manuscripts 1 Bologna, 3 Royal, one of them of the best repute, and six others and as many editions, and also six old editions of the fifteenth century. In 12 manuscripts and 8 printed is quia.

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(18) ‹anchor: Quo a mutis› · col 608

Quo a mutis. Mss. 3 rec. et 2 edit. multis.

By which from the dumb animals. 3 recent manuscripts and 2 editions, multis (many).

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(19) ‹anchor: Calliditas autem et astutia in mutis animalibus› · col 608

Calliditas autem et astutia in mutis animalibus. Ad- (continues)

But cunning and craft in dumb animals. [Ad-] (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: (continued from previous page: Calliditas autem et astutia in mutis animalibus)› · col 609

(continued) didi autem ex 21 mss. Post mutis 8 scripti rec. et 14 excusi addunt quoque.

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(2) ‹anchor: Vel ad abstinentiam› · col 609

Vel ad abstinentiam. Sic reposui ex antiquissimis mss. 1 Bonon. et 2 Reg. edd. Tornes., Soubron., Is. Vide praeced. ad bonum. Quamplurimi scripti et impressi habent vel abstinentia.

Or towards abstinence. So I have restored from the very old manuscripts 1 Bologna and 2 Royal, and the editions of Tornaesius, Soubron, Isaeus. See the preceding ad bonum. Very many manuscripts and printed editions have vel abstinentia.

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(3) ‹anchor: Dictorum factorumque› · col 609

Dictorum factorumque. Haec lectio est quamplurimorum mss. inter quos sunt antiquissimi Reg. et Bonon. atque 11 editorum. Recte. Vide seq. Scripti 10 et 3 edit. vet. legunt delictorum factorumque.

Of words and deeds. This is the reading of very many manuscripts, among them the very old Royal and Bologna, and of 11 editions. Rightly. See the following. 10 manuscripts and 3 old editions read delictorum factorumque (of offences and deeds).

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(4) ‹anchor: Quo solo› · col 609

Quo solo. 4 mss. rec. et 7 edit. vet., qua sola; quae sola; Colb., quae solo. — Quo solo. Id est, qua re sola, scil. sapientia; quae vox quoniam fuit paulo remotior, usus est, ut et alibi, neutro, quod ad omnia de sapientia dicta referendum.

By which alone. 4 recent manuscripts and 7 old editions, qua sola; quae sola; Colbert, quae solo. — By which alone. That is, by which thing alone, namely wisdom; since that word stood a little too far back, he used, as elsewhere too, the neuter, which is to be referred to everything said about wisdom.

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(5) ‹anchor: Sed nimirum haec causa efficit› · col 609

Sed nimirum haec causa efficit, etc. Hactenus Furium confutavit, injustitiae patronum. Jam indicabit causas, cur Laelius, qui sapientissimus habebatur, justitiae partes non pro dignitate tueatur; nempe quod illius sapientia non coelitus fuit. Ostendit autem Laelium sibi contraria asserere. Ab initio vero capitis investigat errorum philosophicorum, atque vulgi scaturiginem; nempe quod articulus de spe resurrectionis non satis constater creditur. Ex his fundamentis colligit, quod Vivit apud superos, et habet sua munera virtus. (continued on col 610) Virtutem autem dicit ipsam justitiam, quae materia totius hujus quinti libri est.

But this cause, of course, brings it about, etc. So far he has refuted Furius, the advocate of injustice. Now he will show the reasons why Laelius, who was held to be very wise, does not defend the cause of justice as it deserves; namely, that his wisdom was not from heaven. He shows, moreover, that Laelius asserts things contrary to himself. From the beginning of the chapter he traces the source of the errors of the philosophers and of the crowd: namely, that the article of the hope of resurrection is not believed steadfastly enough. From these foundations he concludes that "Virtue lives among those above, and has its rewards." By virtue he means justice itself, which is the matter of this whole fifth book.

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(6) ‹anchor: Qui egere› · col 610

Qui egere. 1 Bonon. antiq. et 1 Clarom. a prima manu, quia.

Who... to be in want. 1 old Bologna and 1 Clermont in the first hand, quia.

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(7) ‹anchor: Ex qua persuasione› · col 610

Ex qua persuasione. Ms. Cant. et edit. 5, Ex eaque persuasione.

From which conviction. The Cambridge manuscript and 5 editions, Ex eaque persuasione.

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(8) ‹anchor: Hanc praesentem› · col 610

Hanc praesentem. Subaudi vitam, quod Goth. adscriptum habet, opinor, ex glossa receptum. CELL.

This present. Understand life, which the Gotha manuscript has written in, received, I think, from a gloss. CELLARIUS.

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(9) ‹anchor: Nunquam› · col 610

Nunquam. Ms. 1 Reg. rec. et 15 edit., nequaquam; in 1 Reg. rec. nunquam poteris.

Never. 1 recent Royal manuscript and 15 editions, nequaquam; in 1 recent Royal, nunquam poteris.

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(10) ‹anchor: Labantemque sententiam› · col 610

Labantemque sententiam. Scripti 7 et 2 edd. labentem; 1 Reg. rec. laborantemque.

And a tottering opinion. 7 manuscripts and 2 editions, labentem; 1 recent Royal, laborantemque.

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(11) ‹anchor: Effodiantur oculi› · col 610

Effodiantur oculi. Mss. 3 rec. et 12 editi interponunt ei, quod mox praecessit.

Let his eyes be dug out. 3 recent manuscripts and 12 editions insert ei, which has just preceded.

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(12) ‹anchor: Angustissimus trames› · col 610

Angustissimus trames. Ms. Brun. angustissimo tramite; 4 Colbert. angustissimos tramites, mendose. Scripti 6 rec. et 5 vulgati per angustissimos tramites. Lege de hoc infra lib. VI, cap. 3. — Angustissimus trames... perduceret. Nam unam tantum viam, unum tramitem ad immortalitatem ubique statuit; hinc lib. VII, cap. 20: Angustus admodum trames est, per quem justitia hominem deducit in coelum. Idem docent lib. VI, capp. 3 et 4 integra, maxime ibid., cap. 7: Via mendax... multos tramites habet... via veritatis... et simplex... et angusta... et ardua, etc. BUN.

A most narrow path. The Brun. manuscript, angustissimo tramite; 4 Colbert, angustissimos tramites, faultily. 6 recent manuscripts and 5 common editions, per angustissimos tramites. Read on this below, book VI, ch. 3. — A most narrow path... should lead. For everywhere he lays down only one way, one path to immortality; hence book VII, ch. 20: "Very narrow is the path by which justice leads man to heaven." The whole of book VI, chs. 3 and 4, teaches the same, above all ibid., ch. 7: the lying way... has many paths... the way of truth... is both simple... and narrow... and steep, etc. BÜNEMANN.

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(1) ‹anchor: In focum jactare› · col 611

In focum jactare. Scripti 10, in focum jacere; ms. Tornes., in focis jacere.

To throw on the hearth. 10 manuscripts, in focum jacere; the Tornaesius manuscript, in focis jacere.

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(2) ‹anchor: Praeterquam Deum› · col 611

Praeterquam Deum. 1 Colbert., 1 Clarom. et Francius, praeter Deum. Eadem varietas infra, praeterquam alimenta, et praeter alimenta.

Except God. 1 Colbert, 1 Clermont and Franck, praeter Deum. The same variation below, praeterquam alimenta and praeter alimenta.

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(3) ‹anchor: Dominum suum› · col 611

Dominum suum. Sic reposui ex cunctis mss. et pluribus editis: bene. Vide seqq. Nonnullis impressis est, dominum summum, male.

His master. So I have restored from all the manuscripts and most editions: rightly. See what follows. In some printed editions is dominum summum (the highest master), wrongly.

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(4) ‹anchor: Exhaeres› · col 611

Exhaeres. De exhaeredatione liberorum titulus est in Institut. Imperialibus, lib. II, cap. 13. Exhaeredationis causae in Juris constitutionibus numerantur quatuordecim. BETULEIUS.

Disinherited. On the disinheriting of children there is a title in the Imperial Institutes, book II, ch. 13. Fourteen grounds for disinheritance are counted in the constitutions of the Law. BETULEIUS.

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(5) ‹anchor: Domini et patris› · col 611

Domini et patris. Vide lib. IV, cap. 3. Unus est pater vester, qui in coelis est. Matth. XXIII.

Of master and father. See book IV, ch. 3. One is your Father, who is in heaven. Matthew 23.

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(6) ‹anchor: Praeter alimenta› · col 611

Praeter alimenta. Ita mss. In editis est praeterquam.

Except food. So the manuscripts. In the editions is praeterquam.

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(7) ‹anchor: Non habet in potestate› · col 611

Non habet in potestate. Sic restitui ex edit. Rom. 1470, cunctisque mss. praeter 1 Reg. rec. et 12 edit. in quibus est, non habet potestatem.

Has it not in his power. So I have restored from the Rome edition of 1470 and all the manuscripts except 1 recent Royal and 12 editions, in which is non habet potestatem.

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(8) ‹anchor: Nisi quia Deus ipse constituit› · col 611

Nisi quia Deus ipse constituit. Habent ea verba omnes libri; et omnia recta, modo suppleas, nisi iis quae... constituit? Quod respicit constitutum supra. Sic lib. VI, cap. 25: Quid Deo dignum, nisi quod ipse... poposcit? BUN.

Except what God himself has appointed. All the books have these words; and all is right, provided you supply "except those which... he has appointed?" This looks back to constitutum above. So book VI, ch. 25: "What is worthy of God, except what he himself... has asked?" BÜNEMANN.

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(9) ‹anchor: Impiis› · col 611

Impiis. Isai. ult. Eccl. VII, Judith. XVI, Ps. X. — Ignem, quod ipse... comminatur. Constanter libri quod, idque neutrum pro re, de qua actum, ponitur saepe; ut dixi ad cap. 17: Quod sc. se parasse injustis aeternum ignem; ut hoc capite supra: Superest.. vita... longior, quod... discimus. BUN.

To the ungodly. Isaiah, last chapter; Ecclesiasticus 7; Judith 16; Psalm 10. — Fire, which he himself... threatens. The books consistently have quod, and that neuter is often put for the matter under discussion; as I said on ch. 17: quod, that is, "that he had prepared eternal fire for the unjust"; as in this chapter above: "there remains... a longer life, which (quod)... we learn." BÜNEMANN.

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(10) ‹anchor: Praedonum suorum› · col 612

Praedonum suorum. Per praedones, inquit Walchius, intelligit pontifices, sacerdotes: immo vero intelligit daemonas; nam mox sequitur: Quos deos esse opinantur. Iterum c. 20: Adorant hostes suos, latrones et interfectores suos victimis placant, etc. Conf. lib. II, cap. 16; lib. V, cap. 21. BUN.

Of their robbers. By robbers, says Walch, "he means pontiffs, priests": nay rather, he means demons; for there follows at once: "whom they suppose to be gods." Again ch. 20: "They adore their enemies, they appease with victims their robbers and murderers," etc. Compare book II, ch. 16; book V, ch. 21. BÜNEMANN.

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(11) ‹anchor: Instigationibus› · col 612

Instigationibus. lib. IV, cap. 27: Instigantibus... daemonibus; cap. 30, Instinctibus daemonum. Lib. V, cap. 21: Spiritus... perditi... instigant nescios in furorem. BUNEMAN.

By instigations. Book IV, ch. 27: "at the instigation of... demons"; ch. 30, "by the promptings of demons." Book V, ch. 21: "Lost... spirits... goad the unknowing to frenzy." BÜNEMANN.

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(12) ‹anchor: Inhaerentes persuasioni vulgari› · col 612

Inhaerentes persuasioni vulgari. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. haerent; alter Bonon. recentior inhaerent. Scripti 18, inhaerente persuasione vulgari. — Inhaerente persuasione vulgari. Rost., Ven. 1471, 72, utraque 78, Parrh., Junt., Ald., et reliqui, inhaerentes persuasioni vulgari. Participium exprimit melius voluntatem; dicit enim statim, eos libenter errare: ut l. I, cap. 1: Multi enim superstitionibus vanis pertinaciter inhaerentes, obdurant se contra manifestam veritatem. BUN.

Clinging to the common belief. 1 old Bologna manuscript, haerent; the other, more recent Bologna, inhaerent. 18 manuscripts, inhaerente persuasione vulgari (while the common belief clings). — Inhaerente persuasione vulgari. Rostock, Venice 1471, 72, both of 78, Parrhasius, Junta, Aldus and the rest, inhaerentes persuasioni vulgari. The participle better expresses the will; for he says at once that they err willingly: as in book I, ch. 1: "For many, clinging stubbornly to vain superstitions, harden themselves against the manifest truth." BÜNEMANN.

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(13) ‹anchor: Ignoratio› · col 612

Ignoratio. Ita antiquiores et potiores mss. et octo editi. Haec vox Lactantio familiaris. Scripti 18 rec. et septem impressi ignorantia.

Ignorance. So the older and better manuscripts and eight editions. This word is familiar to Lactantius. 18 recent manuscripts and seven printed, ignorantia.

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(14) ‹anchor: Ea faciunt in corporibus› · col 612

Ea faciunt in corporibus. Eleganter. Cic. in Verrem, Act. I, c. 5: Neque hoc solum in statuis ornamentisque fecit. Conf. Cortium ad Sall. Catil. 11, n. 4, p. 47: Foeda crudeliaque in civibus facinora facere. BUNEMAN.

Do those things to bodies. Elegantly. Cicero, Against Verres, first action, ch. 5: "Nor did he do this only to statues and ornaments." Compare Cortius on Sallust, Catiline 11, n. 4, p. 47: "to commit foul and cruel deeds upon citizens." BÜNEMANN.

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(15) ‹anchor: Tenebras› · col 612

Tenebras. Haec alludunt ad illud Isaiae cap. V, 20: Vae dicentibus malum bonum, et bonum malum; qui (continues)

Darkness. These words allude to that of Isaiah 5:20: "Woe to those who call evil good, and good evil; who (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: (continued from previous page: Tenebras)› · col 613

(continued) ponunt tenebras in lucem, et lucem in tenebras; qui ponunt amarum in dulce, et dulce in amarum.

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(2) ‹anchor: Impudentia est› · col 613

Impudentia est. Mss. 8 rec., imprudentia; Jun., prudentia.

It is shamelessness. 8 recent manuscripts, imprudentia (imprudence); Junius, prudentia.

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(3) ‹anchor: Ne, si nostra› · col 613

Ne, si nostra. Ms. 1 Colbert. et quidam editi, nec, sed male.

Lest, if ours. 1 Colbert manuscript and certain editions, nec, but wrongly.

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(4) ‹anchor: Augetur... religio Dei... premitur› · col 613

Augetur... religio Dei... premitur. Vid. not. c. 13, c. 22, sqq. Tertull. Apol. extr.: Nec quidquam tamen proficit exquisitior quaeque crudelitas. Illecebra est magis sectae. Plures efficimur, quoties metimur a vobis. BUNEMAN.

The religion of God... is increased... is pressed down. See the notes on ch. 13, ch. 22 and following. Tertullian, end of the Apology: "Yet every more refined cruelty of yours profits nothing. It is rather an enticement to the sect. We become more numerous each time we are mown down by you." BÜNEMANN.

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(5) ‹anchor: Pontifices› · col 613

Pontifices. Apparet etiam Lactantii temporibus antiqua illa Romanorum sacerdotia viguisse. BETULEIUS.

Pontiffs. It is clear that those ancient priesthoods of the Romans still flourished in the times of Lactantius. BETULEIUS.

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(6) ‹anchor: Seu minores, seu maximi› · col 613

Seu minores, seu maximi. Pontifices Numa instituit, quibus Martium generum suum Maximum praefecit, penes quem summa ceremoniarum potestas erat. BETUL. — Fuere pontifices minores, Scribae pontificum qui fastos et commentarios habebant, fidelem custodiam rerum gestarum referebant, qui Annales maximi dicebantur; quique illis ministri aderant, quod omnis aevi gesta mandabant litteris, pontifices minores dicti sunt. Alex. ab Alex. lib. II, cap. 8.

Whether lesser or greatest. Numa instituted the pontiffs, over whom he set his son-in-law Marcius as Maximus, who held the highest authority over the ceremonies. BETULEIUS. — "There were lesser pontiffs: the scribes of the pontiffs, who kept the calendars and records and made a faithful record of events, which were called the Annales Maximi; and those who attended them as assistants, because they committed to writing the deeds of every age, were called lesser pontiffs." Alessandro Alessandri, book II, ch. 8.

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(7) ‹anchor: Flamines› · col 613

Flamines. Sive Diales, sive Martiales a Romulo instituti, sive Quirinales a Numa. BETULEIUS.

Flamens. Whether those of Jupiter, or those of Mars instituted by Romulus, or those of Quirinus by Numa. BETULEIUS.

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(8) ‹anchor: Augures› · col 613

Augures. Quos a Chaldaeis originem traxisse credunt, qui ab his ad Graecos, a Graecis ad Hetruscos, ab Hetruscis ad Latinos propagati sunt.

Augurs. Who are believed to have taken their origin from the Chaldeans, and to have spread from them to the Greeks, from the Greeks to the Etruscans, from the Etruscans to the Latins.

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(9) ‹anchor: Reges sacrificuli› · col 613

Reges sacrificuli. Qui post exactos reges instituti sunt, ut regiis praeessent sacris. De quibus lege Pomponium Laetum, Lucium Fenestellam, Alexandrum ab Alexandro, Blondum, etc. qui ex Livio, Dionysio, Varrone et aliis, de sacerdotiis Rom. multa memoriae prodiderunt. BETULEIUS. — Mss. 7 Reg., 2 Colb., Tornes., 2, Clarom., sacricolae.

Kings of sacrifices. Who were instituted after the expulsion of the kings, to preside over the royal rites. On them read Pomponius Laetus, Lucius Fenestella, Alessandro Alessandri, Biondo, etc., who from Livy, Dionysius, Varro and others recorded much about the Roman priesthoods. BETULEIUS. — 7 Royal manuscripts, 2 Colbert, Tornaesius, 2 Clermont, sacricolae (sacrificers).

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(10) ‹anchor: Cohortentur nos ad› · col 613

Cohortentur nos ad. Repetunt nos a me additum Angl., Lips. tert., Reimm. et editi ab anno 1465, 1521, Gymn. et Isaeus; omittunt Fasit., Gryph. et reliqui, et satis eleganter subauditur. BUN.

Let them exhort us to. The English manuscript, the third Leipzig, Reimmann, and the editions from the year 1465, 1521, Gymnicus and Isaeus repeat the nos I have added; Fasitelius, Gryphius and the rest omit it, and it is understood quite elegantly. BÜNEMANN.

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(11) ‹anchor: Quae merces in cultu, quae poena in contemptu maneat› · col 613

Quae merces in cultu, quae poena in contemptu maneat. Heumannus hic omnibus editoribus insultans tandem, Scribe, inquit, quae merces cultum, quae poena contemptum maneat. Mihi lectio communis omnium librorum satis elegans videtur, subaudito accusativo (continued on col 614) mortales, vel homines. BUN.

What reward awaits in worship, what punishment in contempt. Heumann here, at last scoffing at all the editors, says: "Write: what reward awaits worship, what punishment awaits contempt." To me the common reading of all the books seems elegant enough, with the accusative mortals or men understood. BÜNEMANN.

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(12) ‹anchor: Destringant aciem ingeniorum› · col 614

Destringant aciem ingeniorum. Editum antea ab omnibus, ut quoque habet Gothanus, distringant. Quod verbum hic minus quadrat; valet enim stringere in diversas partes: nisi intelligas sensu rariori, ubi valet ligare, constringere; atque ut Latinis destringere aciem, gladium, est expedire: sic Lactantius l. III, c. 8: expediant acumen suum. BUN.

Let them unsheathe the edge of their wits. Previously printed by everyone, as the Gotha manuscript too has it, distringant. That verb fits less well here; for it means to draw in different directions: unless you understand it in a rarer sense, where it means to bind, to constrain; and as for the Latins destringere aciem, gladium (to unsheathe edge, sword) is to make ready: so Lactantius, book III, ch. 8: "let them make ready their sharpness." BÜNEMANN.

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(13) ‹anchor: Afferatur› · col 614

Afferatur. Ita restitui ex omnibus prope mss. 9 Reg., 6 Colbert. aliisque multis, et edit. Rom. 1470. Scripti Jun. et 2 Lips. habent asserant, nec male; 1 Clarom. asserantur. 3 Oxonienses et 14 vulgati: afferatur.

Let it be brought forward. So I have restored from nearly all the manuscripts, 9 Royal, 6 Colbert and many others, and the Rome edition of 1470. The Junius and 2 Leipzig manuscripts have asserant, not badly; 1 Clermont, asserantur. 3 Oxford manuscripts and 14 common editions: afferatur.

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(14) ‹anchor: Et rationem› · col 614

Et rationem. Sic legendum cum 1 Colbert., nisi mavis ut rationem, quod est in vet. mss. 1 Bonon., 1 Reg., Cauc. et 15 aliis et edit. 2 vet. Rom., Is., Cellar. In 6 aliis manu exaratis rec. et 17 impressis est aut.

And the reason. So it should be read with 1 Colbert, unless you prefer ut rationem, which is in the old manuscripts 1 Bologna, 1 Royal, Cauc. and 15 others, and the 2 old Rome editions, Isaeus, Cellarius. In 6 other recent handwritten and 17 printed is aut.

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(15) ‹anchor: Qui devotione ac fide caret› · col 614

Qui devotione ac fide caret. Emman.: qui fide ac ratione careat. Non movenda prior lectio. Inf. Dei cultus devotionem maximam fidemque desiderat; cap. 22: Ut devotionem ac fidem... corroboret. De Opif., c. 19: Si quis fidem suam devotionemque non prodiderit. De Mort. Persec., c. 18, Adimere tibi fidem ac devotionem nulla vis potuit. Conf. lib. V, cap. VII. BUN.

Which lacks devotion and faith. Emmanuel: "which lacks faith and reason." The former reading should not be disturbed. Below: "the worship of God requires the greatest devotion and faith"; ch. 22: "that he may strengthen devotion and faith." On the Workmanship of God, ch. 19: "if anyone has not betrayed his faith and devotion." On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 18: "No force could take from you your faith and devotion." Compare book V, ch. VII. BÜNEMANN.

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(16) ‹anchor: Hiscant› · col 614

Hiscant. Sic lego cum 1 ms. Reg. et 14 excusis: quod cum non intelligerent amanuenses 8 Reg., 6 Colb., Jun., Pen., Lips., Pal., Ultr. 2 Clarom., Brun., et 5 vet. edit. pro hiscant, scripserunt discant; 2 Bonon., Tax., dicant. Tit. Liv. lib. VI, 16: Nec attollere oculos aut hiscere audebunt. Arnob. lib. IV, an mutire, an hiscere.

Let them open their mouths. So I read with 1 Royal manuscript and 14 printed: which the copyists of 8 Royal, 6 Colbert, Junius, Pen., Leipzig, Palatine, Utrecht, 2 Clermont, Brun., and 5 old editions, not understanding it, wrote discant (let them learn) for hiscant; 2 Bologna, Tax., dicant. Livy, book VI, 16: "Nor will they dare to raise their eyes or open their mouths." Arnobius, book IV: "whether to mutter, whether to open one's mouth."

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(17) ‹anchor: Ridebitur› · col 614

Ridebitur. Haec lectio est omnium mss. et vet. edit. Rom. In caeteris impressis est irridebitur; in 1 Reg. veterrimo justitia ridebitur.

Will be laughed at. This is the reading of all the manuscripts and the old Rome edition. In the other printed editions is irridebitur; in 1 very old Royal, justitia ridebitur.

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(18) ‹anchor: Ex mortibus› · col 614

Ex mortibus. Ita antiquiores ac meliores mss. et octo editi. Scripti 16 rec. et 6 vulgati ex moribus. Sic quoque legitur apud Buneman, qui de hac variante notam sequentem exhibet. — Ex moribus. Confirmatur haec lectio ex l. I, c. 11. Jovem ex rebus gestis, et ex moribus hominem fuisse deprehendimus, etc. Conf. de Ira, c. 11: S. Augustin. de Civ. Dei lib. VII, c. 18: Unicuique deorum ex ejus ingenio, moribus, actibus, casibus, sacra constituta sunt. BUN.

From deaths. So the older and better manuscripts and eight editions. 16 recent manuscripts and 6 common editions, ex moribus (from characters). So too it is read in Bünemann, who gives the following note on this variant. — Ex moribus. This reading is confirmed from book I, ch. 11: "We find from his deeds and from his character that Jupiter was a man," etc. Compare On the Anger of God, ch. 11; St Augustine, City of God book VII, ch. 18: "For each of the gods rites were established from his temper, character, acts and fortunes." BÜNEMANN.

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(1) ‹anchor: Coarguant› · col 615

Coarguant. Mss. 12 rec. et 8 impressi, coarguent. Vide praeced. audeant, et seq. convincant. Jun. coarguantur.

Let them refute. 12 recent manuscripts and 8 printed, coarguent. See the preceding audeant and the following convincant. Junius, coarguantur.

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(2) ‹anchor: Convincant› · col 615

Convincant. Mss. 10 rec. et 6 editi, convincent.

Let them convict. 10 recent manuscripts and 6 editions, convincent.

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(3) ‹anchor: Cum sint› · col 615

Cum sint. Pro quum, quod est in melioribus mss. et impressis, in pluribus excusis erat quam. In mss. 3 Reg. rec., Brun. et edit. Ald., Crat., Graph., legitur qui.

Since they are. For quum, which is in the better manuscripts and printed editions, most printed editions had quam. In 3 recent Royal manuscripts, Brun., and the editions of Aldus, Cratander, Gryphius, one reads qui.

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(4) ‹anchor: Ne et a nostris derideantur› · col 615

Ne et a nostris derideantur. Conjunctionem restitui ex 6 Reg., 5 Colb., et 5 aliis ac 7 editis: pro et, est aut, in Reg. antiquissimo. In 5 rec. scriptis et 12 vulgatis deest et.

Lest they be mocked even by ours. I have restored the conjunction from 6 Royal, 5 Colbert, and 5 others and 7 editions: for et there is aut in a very old Royal. In 5 recent manuscripts and 12 common editions et is missing.

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(5) ‹anchor: Nam fere vulgus› · col 615

Nam fere vulgus. Ita scripti 12. In ms. Cauc. et 16 rec. necnon in editis, Nam forte vulgus.

For the crowd, generally. So 12 manuscripts. In the Cauc. manuscript and 16 recent, and also in the editions, Nam forte vulgus (for perhaps the crowd).

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(6) ‹anchor: Incorruptum..... judicium› · col 615

Incorruptum..... judicium. Incorruptum hic valet, castum, integrum, ut in Cicerone testis incorruptus atque integer, testimonium incorruptum. Pro Marcello cap. 9: Qui judicabunt..... fortasse incorruptius quam nos. BUN.

An uncorrupted... judgement. Incorruptum here means pure, whole, as in Cicero "an uncorrupted and upright witness, uncorrupted testimony." For Marcellus ch. 9: "Those who will judge... perhaps more incorruptly than we." BÜNEMANN.

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(7) ‹anchor: Fida silentia› · col 615

Fida silentia. Virgil. III Aeneid., v. 112. Quae cum imperarentur, dicebatur: Favete linguis. Unde proverbium Ostium obdite, profani. Cum hoc proverbio convenit Canon in decretis de Consecrat. dist. 2, qui arcet plebem a presbyterio. BETUL.

Faithful silences. Virgil, Aeneid III, line 112. When these were commanded, the words were "Guard your tongues." Hence the proverb "Shut the door, you uninitiated." With this proverb agrees the canon in the Decretum, De consecratione, distinction 2, which keeps the people out of the sanctuary. BETULEIUS.

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(8) ‹anchor: Cur nobis aut non credunt› · col 615

Cur nobis aut non credunt. 1 Ms. rec. credant; 2 Reg. rec., Jun., Cantabrig. multique impressi, Cur nobis aut nostris non credunt.

Why they either do not believe us. 1 recent manuscript, credant; 2 recent Royal, Junius, Cambridge and many printed, Cur nobis aut nostris non credunt (why they do not believe us or ours).

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(9) ‹anchor: Inquiunt› · col 615

Inquiunt. Vide supra lib. III Institution. init. cap. 3.

They say. See above, Institutes book III, beginning of ch. 3.

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(10) ‹anchor: O quam honesta voluntate› · col 615

O quam honesta voluntate. Ironice. Sic ferunt 3 mss. quorum unus est antiquissimus, alteri bonae notae. Ms. Cauc. ac 19 alii rec. et editi sex habent inhonesta.

O with how honourable a will. Ironically. So 3 manuscripts bear it, one of them very old, the others of good repute. The Cauc. manuscript and 19 other recent ones and six editions have inhonesta (dishonourable).

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(11) ‹anchor: Non occidendo, sed moriendo› · col 615

Non occidendo, sed moriendo. Haec lectio est omnium fere mss. et octo editorum. Et recte. Est enim relativum, occidere, et mori. Vide infra, ut religionem patientia vel morte defendas. 2 Reg. rec. et sex vulgati habent monendo. S. Bernardus Serm. 61 in Cantic.: Fides suadenda est, non imperanda; et Serm. 64, Haeretici capiantur potius quam effugentur; capiantur dico, non armis, sed argumentis quibus refelluntur errores eorum. Athanas. Apol. II. Caedes et vincula aliena sunt a nostra Ecclesia. Pro moriendo Cellarius et Heumannus habent monendo, quod, inquiunt, (continued on col 616) refertur ad persecutores, qui ferro et flammis superstitiones suas defendebant. — Non occidendo, sed moriendo. Apte Augustinus, de Civit. Dei l. 2, c. 29, Christianos rom. scribit: Adversus potestates inimicissimas conflixisse, easque fortiter moriendo vicisse. BUN.

Not by killing, but by dying. This is the reading of nearly all the manuscripts and eight editions. And rightly. For killing and dying are correlatives. See below, "that you may defend religion by patience or by death." 2 recent Royal and six common editions have monendo (by admonishing). St Bernard, Sermon 61 on the Song: "Faith is to be persuaded, not commanded"; and Sermon 64: "Let heretics be caught rather than driven off; caught, I say, not by arms but by arguments by which their errors are refuted." Athanasius, Apology II: "Slaughter and chains are foreign to our Church." For moriendo Cellarius and Heumann have monendo, which, they say, refers to the persecutors, who defended their superstitions with sword and flame. — Not by killing, but by dying. Aptly Augustine, City of God book 2, ch. 29, writes that the Roman Christians "fought against the most hostile powers," and bravely "conquered them by dying." BÜNEMANN.

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(12) ‹anchor: Si malo› · col 616

Si malo. Hic aliorum fere omnium malo, rectum. Malo, id est, scelere, quod est malum et malorum. Vid. supra, et c. 20. Bono... adducendi homines ad bonum... non malo. BUN.

If by evil. Here the malo of nearly all the others is right. Malo, that is, by crime, which is evil and of evil men. See above, and ch. 20: "By good... men are to be led to the good... not by evil." BÜNEMANN.

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(13) ‹anchor: Jam sublata, jam nulla est› · col 616

Jam sublata, jam nulla est. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. jam supplicatio nulla est.

It is already taken away, it is already nothing. 1 old Bologna manuscript, jam supplicatio nulla est (there is now no supplication).

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(14) ‹anchor: Fides conservata› · col 616

Fides conservata. Ms. Jun. et 5 vet. edit. consecrata; minus bene. Vide paulo post, fidem servat.... et fides servanda est.

Faith kept. The Junius manuscript and 5 old editions, consecrata; less well. See a little later, "keeps faith..." and "faith must be kept."

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(15) ‹anchor: Consequitur› · col 616

Consequitur. 1 Reg. rec. et Brun. consequetur. Vide praeced.

He obtains. 1 recent Royal and Brun., consequetur. See the preceding.

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(16) ‹anchor: Mortem occubuerit› · col 616

Mortem occubuerit. Sic habent quamplurimi mss. et cuncti ferme editi, sicut vitam vivere, apud eumdem Lactantium Divin. Institut. lib. I, cap. 14; lib. V, cap. 8; lib. VII, cap. 24: et libro de Opificio Dei, infatigabilem militiam Deo militemus. Sed Ciceronis etiam est, vitam vivere, Orat. IV in Verrem, n. 118. Itaque perperam scripserunt librarii morte occubuerit in mss. 5 Reg., 1 Colbert., Brun., edd. Rom. 1470, et Isaei. — Mortem occubuerit. Occumbere mortem recte latine, et saepe dicitur; vide Pitiscum ad Curt. lib. IV, c. 15: Ante oculos sui quisque regis mortem occumbere ducebant egregium; Gebhardum, Gruterum, Davisium ad Cic. I Tuscul., 42, fin.: Qui pro patria mortem non dubitaret occumbere. BUN.

Has met death. So very many manuscripts and nearly all editions have it, like vitam vivere (to live a life) in the same Lactantius, Divine Institutes book I, ch. 14; book V, ch. 8; book VII, ch. 24; and in the book On the Workmanship of God, "let us serve God an untiring service." But vitam vivere is Cicero's too, Fourth Speech against Verres, no. 118. So the copyists wrongly wrote morte occubuerit in 5 Royal manuscripts, 1 Colbert, Brun., the Rome edition of 1470, and Isaeus's. — Mortem occubuerit. Occumbere mortem is correct Latin and often said; see Pitiscus on Curtius book IV, ch. 15: "Each thought it glorious to meet death before the eyes of his king"; Gebhard, Gruter, Davies on Cicero, Tusculans I, 42, end: "who would not hesitate to meet death for his country." BÜNEMANN.

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(17) ‹anchor: Mortuis praemium potest virtutis exsolvere› · col 616

Mortuis praemium potest virtutis exsolvere. 1 Bonon. antiq., praemium mortis exsolvet.

Can pay the reward of virtue to the dead. 1 old Bologna, praemium mortis exsolvet (will pay the reward of death).

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(18) ‹anchor: Quoniam militia coelestis est, devotionem maximam› · col 616

Quoniam militia coelestis est, devotionem maximam, etc. Desumptum a militia corporali; milites enim se totos reipub. devovebant, aut Caesari consecrabant. Vegetius: Jurant autem per Deum, et per Christum, et per Spiritum sanctum, et per majestatem imperatoris, quae secundum Deum generi humano diligenda est et colenda: nam imperatori, cum Augusti nomen accepit, tanquam praesenti et corporali Deo fidelis est praestanda devotio, et impendendus pervigil famulatus.

Since it is a heavenly warfare, the greatest devotion, etc. Taken from bodily warfare; for soldiers devoted themselves wholly to the commonwealth, or consecrated themselves to Caesar. Vegetius: "They swear by God, and by Christ, and by the Holy Spirit, and by the majesty of the emperor, which after God is to be loved and honoured by the human race: for to the emperor, once he has received the name of Augustus, faithful devotion is to be shown as to a present and bodily God, and watchful service to be rendered."

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(19) ‹anchor: Aut praestabit precanti› · col 616

Aut praestabit precanti. Mss. 2 Reg. rec. pro precanti, legunt petenti.

Or will grant to one who prays. 2 recent Royal manuscripts read petenti (to one who asks) for precanti.

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(1) ‹anchor: In templo, et cum templo› · col 617

In templo, et cum templo. Deest et cum templo in tribus rec. scriptis.

In the temple, and with the temple. Et cum templo is missing in three recent manuscripts.

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(2) ‹anchor: Nihilque secum ex ea neque afferunt› · col 617

Nihilque secum ex ea neque afferunt. In 1 Bonon. antiq. deest ex ea; 1 Reg. abest neque.

And they bring nothing from it with them. In 1 old Bologna ex ea is missing; from 1 Royal neque is absent.

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(3) ‹anchor: Neque firmae atque immutabiles› · col 617

Neque firmae atque immutabiles. Ita mss. 1 Bonon., 6 Colb. et 5 alii, ac 9 vet. edit. aliae vero, neque firmos ac immutabiles. At nostra lectio melior est; opponit enim falsas religiones verae, quae firma est et immutabilis.

Neither firm nor unchangeable. So the manuscripts 1 Bologna, 6 Colbert and 5 others, and 9 old editions; the others, however, neque firmos ac immutabiles. But our reading is better; for he sets the false religions against the true one, which "is firm and unchangeable."

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(4) ‹anchor: Lenae procaces› · col 617

Lenae procaces. Lenas, quae infra, multos bonis exuunt, docte vocat procaces. Festus: Procari poscere est; unde et proci, et procaces meretrices ab assidue poscendo. BUN.

Brazen bawds. The bawds who, below, "strip many of their goods," he learnedly calls procaces. Festus: "Procari is to demand; whence both suitors (proci) and brazen (procaces) harlots, from their constant demanding." BÜNEMANN.

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(5) ‹anchor: Ut occidant› · col 617

Ut occidant. 9 Reg. mss., 1 Clarom. et 8 edit. occidat. Utraque lectio bona.

That they may kill. 9 Royal manuscripts, 1 Clermont and 8 editions, occidat. Both readings are good.

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(6) ‹anchor: Quid venenarius?› · col 617

Quid venenarius? Mss. 2. Reg. rec., 1 Colbert. a secunda manu., Torn., Em., Cant. et 3 vet. edit. Rom., foenerarius? nisi ut fallat, id est, latenter agat, machinationes suas occultet. — Quid venenarius. Venenarius ponitur pro venefico supra; et quisnam magis fallit, quam veneficus, venenarius? Hinc loco gemino lib. V, c. 9: Si palam grassari non licuit, venena clam temperent; qui uxores necent, ut dotes earum lucrentur, aut maritos, ut adulteris nubant... qui coelum ipsum veneficiis appetant. BUN.

What does the poisoner? 2 recent Royal manuscripts, 1 Colbert in the second hand, Tornaesius, Em., Cambridge and 3 old Rome editions, foenerarius? (the usurer) nisi ut fallat, that is, that he may act secretly and hide his schemes. — What does the poisoner. Venenarius is put for veneficus above; and who deceives more than a poisoner? Hence in the twin passage, book V, ch. 9: "If they were not allowed to rob openly, let them mix poisons secretly; men who kill their wives to profit by their dowries, or their husbands to marry their adulterers... who assail heaven itself with sorceries." BÜNEMANN.

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(7) ‹anchor: Nisi ut mortem viri optet, aut ut sua impudicitia celetur› · col 617

Nisi ut mortem viri optet, aut ut sua impudicitia celetur. Sic editiones Betuleii, Cellarii, Walchi, Heumanni, atque pauci mss., Cantabrigiense scilicet et Lipsiense; in aliis tum mss. tum editis legitur, nisi aut mortem viri, aut ut sua impudicitia celetur, quod mancam exhibet orationem.

Except that she may wish for her husband's death, or that her unchastity be hidden. So the editions of Betuleius, Cellarius, Walch, Heumann, and a few manuscripts, namely the Cambridge and the Leipzig; in others, both manuscripts and editions, one reads "except either her husband's death, or that her unchastity be hidden," which gives a defective sentence.

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(8) ‹anchor: Quid lena?› · col 617

Quid lena? Mss. 10, leno, virili genere. Caeteri omnes ut in textu.

What does the bawd? 10 manuscripts, leno, in the masculine. All the rest as in the text.

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(9) ‹anchor: Sacrificare› · col 617

Sacrificare. Ita 6 vet. edit. cum omnibus mss. prae- (continued on col 618) ter 2 Reg. et 11 edit. In iis est, sacrificasse; in 1 Reg. rec. satisfacere.

To sacrifice. So 6 old editions with all the manuscripts except 2 Royal and 11 editions. In these is sacrificasse; in 1 recent Royal, satisfacere.

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(10) ‹anchor: Si cutem laverint› · col 618

Si cutem laverint. Quaevis scelera aqua expiabant. Cato Orig. 5; Tertull. de Bapt., cap. 5; Seneca in Hercule furente; Apuleius Mil. l. XI; Dion. lib. XLVIII; Eurip. in Iphig. Taur.; Clemens Alexand. lib. VII Strom. Corpus autem totum, vel manus tantummodo lavabant, juxta Sophocl. enarrator. Athenaeum l. IX: Mos erat veteribus, quando sive caedem hominis sive ali as caedes fecissent, lavare manus, in purgationem piaculi. Apud veteres enim optimum et grave habebatur manus lavare. Justin. Martyr. Apol. II: Et balneum quidem hos resciscentes daemones a propheta praedicatum operati sunt, et ipsos aspergere ad sacra sua accedentes, et immittere eis constituerunt libamina, et nidores talia perficientes: perficiebant vero ut accedentes se lavarent, priusquam ascenderent ad sacra; inde purgati operabantur sacris. Sed et caedem credebant aspergine tolli, quod Maro II Aeneid. attingit. Hinc Pilatus lavat manus, ut se innoxium, vel insontem mortis Christi declaret. Vide Matt. XXVII, v. 24.

If they have washed the skin. They expiated any crimes with water. Cato, Origins 5; Tertullian, On Baptism, ch. 5; Seneca in the Hercules Furens; Apuleius, Metamorphoses book XI; Dio, book XLVIII; Euripides in the Iphigenia in Tauris; Clement of Alexandria, Stromata book VII. They washed the whole body, or only the hands, according to the commentator on Sophocles, and Athenaeus, book IX: "It was the custom of the ancients, when they had committed the slaying of a man or other slayings, to wash their hands in cleansing of the guilt. For among the ancients washing the hands was held most excellent and solemn." Justin Martyr, Apology II: "And the demons, learning of the bath proclaimed by the prophet, set it to work, and established that those approaching their rites should sprinkle themselves, and offer them libations and savours in performing these things: they arranged that those approaching should wash themselves before they went up to the rites; thus cleansed they took part in the sacrifices." And they believed that bloodshed too was removed by sprinkling, which Virgil touches on in Aeneid II. Hence Pilate washes his hands, to declare himself guiltless, or innocent, of the death of Christ. See Matthew 27:24.

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(11) ‹anchor: Abluant› · col 618

Abluant. Ita fere Ovid. in Fastis: O nimium faciles, qui tristia crimina caedis / Fluminea tolli posse putatis aqua!

Wash away. So nearly Ovid in the Fasti: "O too easy-going, who think that the grim crimes of bloodshed can be removed by river water!"

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(12) ‹anchor: Sordidatur› · col 618

Sordidatur. Vox ecclesiastica, quam apud probae latinitatis auctores non reperies: sed adjectivum sordidatus passim apud Ciceronem. — Ulli amnes abluant. Ut ex cap. 20 infra patet, etiam hic respexit ad Cic. l. II, de Leg. 10: Caste jubet lex adire ad deos, animo videlicet, in quo sunt omnia: nec tollit castimoniam corporis... nam illud vel aspersione aquae... tollitur: animi labes nec diuturnitate vanescere, nec amnibus ullis elui potest. BUN.

Is soiled. A church word, which you will not find in authors of sound Latinity: but the adjective sordidatus is everywhere in Cicero. — Any rivers wash away. As is clear from ch. 20 below, here too he had in view Cicero, On the Laws book II, 10: "The law commands us to approach the gods chastely, that is, in mind, in which are all things: nor does it remove purity of body... for that is removed even by a sprinkling of water...: a stain of the mind can neither fade with time nor be washed out by any rivers." BÜNEMANN.

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(13) ‹anchor: Isti autem› · col 618

Isti autem. Mss. 4 et octo editi, Ipsi. Caeteri tum mss., tum impressi, Isti.

But these men. 4 manuscripts and eight editions, Ipsi. The rest, both manuscripts and printed, Isti.

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(1) ‹anchor: Similes› · col 619

Similes. Heuman. legit simul et.

Like. Heumann reads simul et (and at the same time).

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(2) ‹anchor: Nobis irascuntur› · col 619

Nobis irascuntur. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq., bonis.

They are angry with us. 1 old Bologna manuscript, bonis (with the good).

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(3) ‹anchor: De quorum potestate diffidunt› · col 619

De quorum potestate diffidunt. De deest in mss. 2 Regiis; in altero rec. est potestati.

Of whose power they despair. De is missing in 2 Royal manuscripts; in another recent one is potestati.

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(4) ‹anchor: Cum caste› · col 619

Cum caste. Proprio adversarios jugulans gladio, recitat legem 12 Tabularum, ex secundo Ciceronis de Legibus libro, cujus primum caput est: Ad divos adeunto caste. Rem praeclarissime dictam plurativa perdit inflexione.

When chastely. Cutting his opponents' throats with their own sword, he quotes the law of the Twelve Tables, from the second book of Cicero's Laws, whose first head is: "Let them approach the gods chastely." He spoils a thing most finely said by the plural inflection.

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(5) ‹anchor: Pietatem› · col 619

Pietatem, etc. Alterum caput, Pietatem adhibento. Pietas autem animi est, quo Deus colitur: juxta illud, Deus spiritus est; adorandus ergo in spiritu et veritate. BETUL. Vide Ciceronem libro II de Legibus, sub init.

Piety, etc. The second head: "Let them bring piety." Piety belongs to the mind, with which God is worshipped: according to the saying "God is spirit"; he is therefore to be adored in spirit and truth. BETULEIUS. See Cicero, On the Laws book II, near the beginning.

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(6) ‹anchor: Opes amovento› · col 619

Opes amovento. Tertium hoc legis caput est, Opes amovento: ex Platonis, opinor, Alcibiade II desumptum, qui liber περὶ προσευχῆς inscribitur. At loco facit, existimat Betuleius legendum esse faxit, ut antiquarum legum majestas et stylus servetur.

Let them put away wealth. This is the third head of the law, "Let them put away wealth": taken, I think, from Plato's Alcibiades II, which book is entitled On Prayer. But in place of facit, Betuleius thinks one should read faxit, so that the majesty and style of the ancient laws may be kept.

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(7) ‹anchor: Deus ipse vindex erit› · col 619

Deus ipse vindex erit. Francius, forte ipsi. Ms. 1 Clarom. illi Deus judex erit.

God himself will be the avenger. Franck, perhaps ipsi. 1 Clermont manuscript, illi Deus judex erit (God will be his judge).

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(8) ‹anchor: Si suam non potest› · col 619

Si suam non potest. Mss. 13 et edit. 5, qui suam.

If he cannot his own. 13 manuscripts and 5 editions, qui suam.

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(9) ‹anchor: Quos cogunt› · col 619

Quos cogunt, etc. Epit. c. 53. Tertull. ad Scapul. c. 2: Nec religionis est cogere religionem, quae sponte suscipi debeat, non vi; quum et hostiae ab animo libenti expostulentur. Ita etsi nos compuleritis ad sacrificandum, nihil praestabitis diis vestris; ab invitis enim sacrificia non desiderabunt, nisi contentiosi sint: contentiosus autem Deus non est. BUN.

Whom they compel, etc. Epitome ch. 53. Tertullian, To Scapula ch. 2: "Nor is it a part of religion to compel religion, which ought to be taken up freely, not by force; since even victims are required from a willing mind. So even if you compel us to sacrifice, you will render nothing to your gods; for they will not want sacrifices from the unwilling, unless they are quarrelsome: but God is not quarrelsome." BÜNEMANN.

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(10) ‹anchor: Non est beneficium› · col 619

Non est beneficium. Hinc e contrario Jureconsulti dicunt: Volenti non fit injuria.

It is not a benefit. Hence, conversely, the jurists say: No wrong is done to one who consents.

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(11) ‹anchor: Eos miseris modis aut perdant› · col 619

Eos miseris modis aut perdant. Aut additum ex mss. et quamplurimis editis: in nonnullis deest.

Either destroy them in wretched ways. Aut has been added from the manuscripts and very many editions: in some it is missing.

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(12) ‹anchor: Inutiles faciant› · col 619

Inutiles faciant. Eo alludit Lact., l. VI, c. 11: Largire... debilibus, claudis... inutiles sunt hominibus, sed utiles Deo. Et infra, egentes atque inutiles alere. BUN.

Make them useless. Lactantius alludes to this in book VI, ch. 11: "Give... to the disabled, the lame... they are useless to men, but useful to God." And below: "to feed the needy and useless." BÜNEMANN.

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(13) ‹anchor: Faciunt› · col 619

Faciunt. Id est, sacrificant; et hoc sensu reperitur apud Varronem de L. L. lib. V, cap. 4, et Virgil. Eclog. 3, v. 77.

They make. That is, they sacrifice; and in this sense it is found in Varro, On the Latin Language book V, ch. 4, and Virgil, Eclogue 3, line 77.

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(14) ‹anchor: Quibus cum lacrymis› · col 619

Quibus cum lacrymis. Sic legendum ex mss. et quamplurimis editis; in nonnullis impressis deest cum.

With whose tears. So it should be read from the manuscripts and very many editions; in some printed editions cum is missing.

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(15) ‹anchor: Qui est omnium› · col 619

Qui est omnium. Scilicet Deus; mox enim praecessit Deum. Itaque perperam additur creator in mss. (continued on col 620) Cauc., 2 Reg. rec., Cant. et 11 editis: a caeteris abest.

Who is of all. Namely God; for Deum has just preceded. So creator is wrongly added in the Cauc. manuscript, 2 recent Royal, Cambridge and 11 editions: it is absent from the rest.

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(16) ‹anchor: Velit, nolit› · col 620

Velit, nolit. Ita quamplurimi mss., inter quos sunt veterrimi et optimi 1 Bonon., 3 Reg., 5 Oxon., 3 Lips., 2 Colbert., aliique. In mss. 13 et editis 5 est velint, nolint. Bunemannus quoque admittit hanc ultimam lectionem, et notam sequentem exhibet. — Pluralem recepi ex Cauc., Lips. 2, 3 Goth., Emm., Reimm., Ven. 1472, utraque 78. Ad rem Tertullianus Apologet. 23: Bene est, quod omnium Deus est, cujus, velimus, aut nolimus, omnes sumus. BUN.

Willing or not. So very many manuscripts, among them the very old and best, 1 Bologna, 3 Royal, 5 Oxford, 3 Leipzig, 2 Colbert, and others. In 13 manuscripts and 5 editions is velint, nolint. Bünemann too admits this last reading, and gives the following note. — I have received the plural from Cauc., Leipzig 2, 3, Gotha, Emmanuel, Reimmann, Venice 1472, both of 78. To the point, Tertullian, Apology 23: "It is well that he is the God of all, whose we all are, whether we will or not." BÜNEMANN.

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(17) ‹anchor: Quam etiam› · col 620

Quam etiam. Addidi etiam ex 3 vulgatis et omnibus mss. praeter 2 Reg. rec. in quibus deest, ut in plerisque editis. — Quam etiam servorum. Ego vero in Goth., Reimm., Emman., quam etiam inveniri addo et confirmo, tamquam Lactantio stylo conforme, ita ubi nihil obmovere potest Heumannus. Legitur de Ira, cap. 13. Omnia propter hominem proposita, tam bona, quam etiam mala. De Mort. pers., c. 48: Tam ego Constantinus Augustus, quam etiam ego Licinius Augustus. BUN.

As also. I have added etiam from 3 common editions and all the manuscripts except 2 recent Royal, in which it is missing, as in most editions. — As also of slaves. For my part I add that quam etiam is found in Gotha, Reimmann, Emmanuel, and I confirm it as conforming to Lactantius's style, so that Heumann can raise no objection. One reads in On the Anger of God, ch. 13: "All things set forth for the sake of man, the good as well as the evil." On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 48: "Both I, Constantine Augustus, and also I, Licinius Augustus." BÜNEMANN.

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(18) ‹anchor: Labores› · col 620

Labores. Id est, calamitates.

Labours. That is, calamities.

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(19) ‹anchor: Ne verbo quidem reluctamur› · col 620

Ne verbo quidem reluctamur. Epit. cap. 53. Contra calumnias, quasi conspirarent Christiani contra imperatores, haec faciunt. BUN.

We do not resist even by a word. Epitome ch. 53. These words answer the slanders that the Christians were conspiring against the emperors. BÜNEMANN.

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(20) ‹anchor: Sed Deo remittimus› · col 620

Sed Deo remittimus. Remittimus, id est, reservamus. Lib. VI, c. 8: Ultionem suam non sibi assumat, sed judicio Dei reservet. BUN.

But we leave it to God. Remittimus, that is, we reserve. Book VI, ch. 8: "Let him not take his vengeance on himself, but reserve it to the judgement of God." BÜNEMANN.

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(21) ‹anchor: Qui defensores deorum suorum› · col 620

Qui defensores deorum suorum. Mss. 10 rec. totidemque editi addunt se esse.

Who... defenders of their gods. 10 recent manuscripts and as many editions add se esse.

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(22) ‹anchor: Efferate› · col 620

Efferate. Sic omnes. De hac vocula nondum ex antiquioribus observata nihil in lexicis, Krebsii dissertatione, Walchii diatribe. BUN.

Savagely. So all. Of this little word, not yet observed in older writers, there is nothing in the lexicons, in Krebs's dissertation, or in Walch's diatribe. BÜNEMANN.

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(23) ‹anchor: Num pejus› · col 620

Num pejus. Bene. Vide seqq. mss. 1 Bonon. Num potius.

Is it worse. Rightly. See what follows. The manuscript 1 Bologna, Num potius.

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(24) ‹anchor: Aegyptiorum› · col 620

Aegyptiorum. Non modo a christianae philosophiae scriptoribus, sed a prophetis quoque, Aegyptiorum superstitio male audit. De animalibus quae ab Aegyptiis pro diis coluntur nemo copiosius scripsit, quam Herodotus in Euterpe. Vide etiam Philostratum, libro VI de Vita Apollonii, et Artheneum in septimo. Meminit etiam Cicero in Quinto Tusculan. Quaestion. et de Natura deorum lib. I. Sicut et Lucianus in Dialogo (continues)

Of the Egyptians. Not only by the writers of Christian philosophy but by the prophets too the superstition of the Egyptians is ill spoken of. Of the animals worshipped as gods by the Egyptians no one has written more fully than Herodotus in Euterpe. See also Philostratus, Life of Apollonius book VI, and Athenaeus [printed "Artheneum"] in the seventh book. Cicero too mentions it in the fifth book of the Tusculan Disputations and in On the Nature of the Gods book I. As does Lucian too in the Dialogue (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: (continued from previous page: Aegyptiorum)› · col 621

(continued) de Sacrificiis. Videndus est etiam Euseb. lib. II de Praeparat. Evangel. cap. I.

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(2) ‹anchor: Qui turpissimas bestiarum ac pecudum figuras colunt› · col 621

Qui turpissimas bestiarum ac pecudum figuras colunt. Qui geminus ab Aegyptiis cultus, alter Mnevis nuncupatus, et ab Heliopolitanis; alter Apis, et a Memphitis pro numine habitus. Sic Plutarchus in lib. de Iside et Osiride. Apim intelligit Tibullus, cum lib. I Eleg. 7 ait: Te canit, atque suum proles miratur Osirim / Barbara, Memphitem plangere docta bovem. Nam διακριτικῶς eum appellat Memphitem bovem, ab illo qui Mnevis nomine Heliopoli colebatur diversum. De Api etiam Cicero, lib. I de Natura deorum: Quid igitur censes? Apim illum, sanctum Aegyptiorum bovem, nonne deum videri Aegyptiis? Uti Plinius lib. VIII, c. 46: Bos in Aegypto etiam numinis vice colitur; Apim vocant. Et paulo post: Sunt delubra ei gemina, quae vocant thalamos, auguria populorum. Alterum intrasse laetum est; in altero dira portendit. Et Clemens Pseudo-Romanus lib. V Recognitionum: Alii Aegyptiorum bovem, qui Apis dicitur, colendum tradidere. Apidis etiam meminere Clemens Alexandrinus, Admonitione ad gentes; Mela, de Situ Orbis, lib. I cap. 19: Solinus, cap. 35; Lucianus in Concilio Deorum, et de Sacrific.; Spartian. in Hadriano: Diodor. Sicul. lib. I; Aelianus, de Animal. lib. XI, cap. 10, et aliis. Sub bove autem Aegyptii solem colebant. Macrobius lib. I, cap. 21: Taurum vero ad solem referri, multiplici ratione Aegyptius cultus ostendit: vel quia apud Heliopolim taurum Soli consecratum, quem Neton cognominant, maxime colunt; vel quia bos Apis in civitate Memphi Solis instar excipitur. Ubi pro Neton, legendum censeo Mnevim, uti ab aliis vocatur; quae haud dubie vera est lectio. Haec cum scripsissem, incidi forte in locum Cl. Seldeni Syntag. I, de Diis Syris, ubi video jam ab eo monitum, Mnevim apud Macrobium reponendum esse. Aelianus autem lib. XI Histor. Animalium, cap. 11 ait, Apim non solis, sed lunae symbolum fuisse; et, ut Heliopolitani bovem suum soli, ita Memphitas suum lunae consecrasse. Ab hoc Aegyptiorum Apide veterum quidam volunt originem traxisse vitulum illum aureum, quem Israelitae sibi in deserto erigebant, colebantque. Sic Lactantius lib. IV, cap. 10: In luxuriam prolapsi, ad profanos Aegyptiorum ritus animos transtulerunt. Cum enim Moyses dux eorum ascendisset in montem, atque ibidem quadraginta dies moraretur, aureum caput Bovis, quem vocant Apin, quod eos in signo praecederet, figurarunt. Idem et tradit de Jeroboami vitulis, de quibus I sive III Regum, cap. XII, 28. D. Ambrosius, sive alius quis in Epist. Roman., cap. I. Idem etiam de utrisque sentit D. Hieronymus ad cap. IV Hoseae: Videtur, inquit, idcirco mihi populus Israel in solitudine fecisse sibi vituli caput quod coleret, Jeroboam filius Nabat vitulos aureos fabricatus, ut quod in Aegypto didicerant, Ἆπιν καὶ Μνεῦιν, qui sub figura boum coluntur, esse deos, hoc in sua superstitione servarent. Scimus tamen, quorumdam animantium cultum universis Aegyptiis communem fuisse, quorumdam etiam quibusdam tantum civitatibus observatum. De singulis quaedam subjiciemus. Post bovem, de cujus cultu jam diximus, addit Strabo, canem. De hujus (continued on col 622) […not seen…] aut felem, aut canem, aut crocodilum violent. Meminit et canis venerationis libro I de Legib; item Plutarchus in lib. de Iside et Osiride; et Juvenalis, satyra 15: Illic / Oppida tota canem venerantur, nemo Dianam. Clemens etiam Alexandrinus προτρεπτ. qui et indicat, canem praecipue a Cynopolitanis cultum. Κυνοπολῖται δὲ (σέβουσι) κύνα. De canis cultu etiam Herodotus in Euterpe, et Diodorus Siculus l. II, qui et addunt Aegyptios, in quorum domibus canis moreretur, solitos fuisse ad luctum indicandum, totum corpus radere. Felem quoque summo cultu sunt venerati; de quo cum Herodoto et Plutarcho, vide Ciceronem lib. I de Legibus, Tusculanar. Quaestion. lib. V, num. 78, et libro I de Natura deorum: Ne fando quidem auditum est, crocodilum, aut ibim, aut felem violatum ab Aegyptio. Juvenalis quoque satyra 15: Illic aeluros, hic piscem fluminis.... / .......... venerantur. Sic enim ibi legendum, non caeruleos, ut est in vulgatis, optime monuit Brodaeus Miscellan. lib. VII, cap. II. Diodorus etiam Siculus Bibliothecae Historicae lib. I, causam hujus cultus adducit; quia felis contra aspidum aliorumque serpentium morsus utilis est. Felis quoque cultus meminit Plutarchus Symposiacon, lib. IV, quaest. 5. Et Clemens Pseudo-Romanus lib. V Recognit., loco ex parte superius jam allato: Alii Aegyptiorum bovem, qui Apis dicitur, colendum tradidere, alii hircum, alii gattas. Per gattas enim plane feles, sive aeluros designat. Sic enim tum temporis locuti sunt, et gattas, vel cattas, feles appellabant. Unde in Gloss. Catta. αἴλουρος. Et aliae: κάττα, Catta. Sic Callimachi Scholiastes ait αἰλούρους, sive feles, κάττας ἰδιωτικῶς nominatas fuisse. Item Evagrius lib. VI, cap. 24: Catti voce etiam utitur auctor Historiae Barlaami, ubi de Aegyptiorum superstitionibus agit: Quidam, inquit, illorum coluerunt ovem, quidam hircum, alii vitulum, et porcum, nonnulli corvum et accipitrem, et vulturem, et aquilam. Alii vero crocodilum, quidam cattum, et canem, et lupum, et simiam, et draconem; et aspidem: alii cepas, et allia, et spinas. Porro apud Herodotum libro dicto legimus, Aegyptios ob felis mortem, non, ut in morte canis totum rasisse corpus, sed tantum supercilia. Addit deinde, feles mortuas saliri solitas atque ita Bubastim deferri, ubi sepeliebantur.

Who worship the foulest shapes of beasts and cattle. A twin bull was worshipped by the Egyptians: one called Mnevis, by the people of Heliopolis; the other Apis, held as a deity by the people of Memphis. So Plutarch in the book On Isis and Osiris. Tibullus means Apis when he says, Elegies book I, 7: "You the barbarian race sings and marvels at as its own Osiris, the race taught to mourn the bull of Memphis." For he calls him, distinguishingly, "the Memphite bull," as different from the one worshipped at Heliopolis under the name of Mnevis. Of Apis Cicero too, On the Nature of the Gods book I: "What then do you think? Does not that Apis, the holy bull of the Egyptians, seem a god to the Egyptians?" As Pliny, book VIII, ch. 46: "In Egypt an ox is even worshipped as a deity; they call him Apis." And a little after: "He has twin shrines, which they call chambers, the auguries of the peoples. To have entered the one is joyful; in the other he portends dire things." And the pseudo-Roman Clement, Recognitions book V: "Others of the Egyptians have handed down that the ox called Apis is to be worshipped." Apis is also mentioned by Clement of Alexandria in the Exhortation to the Nations; Mela, On the Situation of the World, book I, ch. 19; Solinus, ch. 35; Lucian in the Council of the Gods and On Sacrifices; Spartian in the Hadrian; Diodorus Siculus book I; Aelian, On Animals book XI, ch. 10; and others. Under the bull, moreover, the Egyptians worshipped the sun. Macrobius book I, ch. 21: "That the bull is referred to the sun the Egyptian cult shows in many ways: either because at Heliopolis they especially worship a bull consecrated to the Sun, whom they surname Neton; or because the ox Apis is received in the city of Memphis as an image of the Sun." Where for Neton I judge one should read Mnevis, as he is called by others; which is no doubt the true reading. When I had written this, I chanced on a passage of the distinguished Selden, Syntagma I, On the Syrian Gods, where I see he had already advised that Mnevis be restored in Macrobius. Aelian, moreover, History of Animals book XI, ch. 11, says that Apis was a symbol not of the sun but of the moon; and that, as the Heliopolitans consecrated their bull to the sun, so the Memphites consecrated theirs to the moon. Some of the ancients hold that the golden calf which the Israelites set up and worshipped in the desert took its origin from this Apis of the Egyptians. So Lactantius, book IV, ch. 10: "Having slid into luxury, they turned their minds to the profane rites of the Egyptians. For when Moses their leader had gone up the mountain and stayed there forty days, they fashioned a golden head of the ox they call Apis, to go before them as a standard." He relates the same of the calves of Jeroboam, of which 1 or 3 Kings, ch. 12:28. St Ambrose, or someone else, on the Epistle to the Romans, ch. 1. St Jerome thinks the same of both, on Hosea ch. 4: "It seems to me," he says, "that the people of Israel made themselves in the wilderness a calf's head to worship, and Jeroboam son of Nebat fashioned golden calves, for this reason: that what they had learned in Egypt, that Apis and Mnevis, who are worshipped under the figure of oxen, are gods, they might keep in their superstition." We know, however, that the cult of some animals was common to all the Egyptians, and that of others was observed only in certain cities. We shall add something on each. After the ox, of whose cult we have spoken, Strabo adds the dog. Of its [...not seen...] "or harm a cat, or a dog, or a crocodile." Cicero mentions the veneration of the dog too in On the Laws book I; so does Plutarch in On Isis and Osiris; and Juvenal, Satire 15: "There whole towns venerate the dog, none Diana." Clement of Alexandria too, in the Protrepticus, who also indicates that the dog was worshipped chiefly by the people of Cynopolis: "The Cynopolitans (worship) the dog." On the cult of the dog also Herodotus in Euterpe, and Diodorus Siculus book II, who add that the Egyptians in whose houses a dog died were wont to shave their whole body to show mourning. They venerated the cat too with the highest worship; on which, with Herodotus and Plutarch, see Cicero, On the Laws book I, Tusculan Disputations book V, no. 78, and On the Nature of the Gods book I: "It has never even been heard tell that a crocodile, or an ibis, or a cat was harmed by an Egyptian." Juvenal too, Satire 15: "There cats, here the fish of the river... they venerate." For so it should be read there, not caeruleos, as in the common editions, as Brodaeus excellently advised, Miscellanies book VII, ch. II. Diodorus Siculus too, Historical Library book I, gives the reason for this cult: because the cat is useful against the bites of asps and other serpents. Plutarch also mentions the cult of the cat, Table Talk book IV, question 5. And the pseudo-Roman Clement, Recognitions book V, in the passage already partly cited above: "Others of the Egyptians have handed down that the ox called Apis is to be worshipped, others the he-goat, others cats (gattas)." By gattas he plainly means cats, or ailouroi. For so they spoke at that time, and called cats gattae or cattae. Hence in the Glossaries: Catta, αἴλουρος. And others: κάττα, Catta. So the scholiast of Callimachus says that ailouroi, or cats, were colloquially called κάτται. Likewise Evagrius, book VI, ch. 24. The author of the History of Barlaam also uses the word cattus, where he treats of the superstitions of the Egyptians: "Some of them," he says, "worshipped the sheep, some the he-goat, others the calf and the pig, some the raven and the hawk, the vulture and the eagle. Others the crocodile, some the cat, and the dog, and the wolf, and the ape, and the dragon; and the asp: others onions, and garlic, and thorns." Further, in Herodotus, in the book mentioned, we read that the Egyptians, at the death of a cat, did not shave the whole body as at the death of a dog, but only the eyebrows. He adds next that dead cats were usually salted and so carried to Bubastis, where they were buried.

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(3) ‹anchor: De quibus etiam mimos agi› · col 622

De quibus etiam mimos agi. Ita cum 4 editis omnes prope mss. In 2 Reg. rec., 1 Colb. a secunda manu, Cant. et 11 vulgatis est per mimos agi. — Mimos agi. Mimi hic non sunt ipsi actores, sed fabulae; et nota phrasis mimos agere, restituta quoque a me in Epit., c. 55. De re ipsa Augustinus de Civ. Dei, l. IV, c. 26: In ludis scenicis... numinum crimina frequentantur. BUN.

About whom mimes are even performed. So nearly all the manuscripts, with 4 editions. In 2 recent Royal, 1 Colbert in the second hand, Cambridge and 11 common editions is per mimos agi. — Mimes are performed. The mimes here are not the actors themselves but the plays; and the phrase mimos agere is well known, restored by me also in the Epitome, ch. 55. On the matter itself Augustine, City of God book IV, ch. 26: "In the stage plays... the crimes of the gods are constantly shown." BÜNEMANN.

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(4) ‹anchor: Sponte esse nata› · col 622

Sponte esse nata. Sic veteres editi saeculi XV, alii multi omittunt esse.

To have been born of themselves. So the old editions of the fifteenth century; many others omit esse.

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(5) ‹anchor: Fortuitu› · col 622

Fortuitu. Ita meliores et maximo numero mss. inter quos 6 Regii et 4 Colb. et editi. Scripti 9 quorum (continues)

By chance. So the better manuscripts, in very great number, among them 6 Royal and 4 Colbert, and the editions. 9 manuscripts, of which (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma-keyed notes without call marks; numbered here in print order; column = column of the page foot where the note is printed --> (printed under page 325)

(1) ‹anchor: (continued from previous page: Fortuitu)› · col 623

(continued) octo sunt recentissimi, habent fortuito. Sed fortuitu legitur apud ipsum Lactantium, lib. I cap. 2, lib. VII, cap. 9; apud Ciceronem Philipp. X, n. 2; X Attic. 6: lib. I Offic., n. 103, et II ad Her., 16.

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(2) ‹anchor: Contra metus› · col 623

Contra metus. Mss. 2 Reg. rec., 1 Colb., Brun. et edit. Betul. contra metum.

Against fears. 2 recent Royal manuscripts, 1 Colbert, Brun. and Betuleius's edition, contra metum.

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(3) ‹anchor: Dii non coluntur a nobis› · col 623

Dii non coluntur a nobis. Mss. 24 et editi 16. addunt, A multis enim non coluntur. Haec autem respuunt mss. antiquissimi 1 Reg., 2 Bonon., Tax., Navarr. Vict., 1 Sorbon., 1. Colbert.

The gods are not worshipped by us. 24 manuscripts and 16 editions add "For they are not worshipped by many." But the very old manuscripts 1 Royal, 2 Bologna, Tax., Navarre, Victor., 1 Sorbonne, 1 Colbert reject these words.

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(4) ‹anchor: Odium parit› · col 623

Odium parit. Terent. Andr., act. I, scen. 1.

Begets hatred. Terence, Andria, act I, scene 1.

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(5) ‹anchor: Quid patiantur› · col 623

Quid patiantur. Mss. Jun., Ultr., 1 Colb. et editi 4, qui patiuntur?

What they suffer. The Junius, Utrecht, 1 Colbert manuscripts and 4 editions, qui patiuntur?

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(6) ‹anchor: Pergitur enim caeco et irrationabili furore› · col 623

Pergitur enim caeco et irrationabili furore. Ita restitui ex mss. Regio-Put., 2 al. Reg. 6 Colb., Jun. aliisque undecim, necnon ex edit. 3 vet. Rom. et 5 al. In 2 Reg. scriptum est, Feruntur enim caeco, etc. In 1 Reg. rec. et 8 impressis, Perciti enim perferuntur caeco, etc.

For they go on with blind and irrational fury. So I have restored from the Regio-Puteanus manuscript, 2 other Royal, 6 Colbert, Junius and eleven others, and also from 3 old Rome editions and 5 others. In 2 Royal it is written "For they are borne with blind," etc. In 1 recent Royal and 8 printed, "For, roused, they are carried away with blind," etc.

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(7) ‹anchor: Spiritus contaminati› · col 623

Spiritus contaminati. Vide supra libro II, capit. 16.

Defiled spirits. See above, book II, ch. 16.

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(8) ‹anchor: Animasque divexant› · col 623

Animasque divexant. Sic antiquiores et potiores mss. ac 7 editi, et Lactantius l. VII, c. 15. In mss. rec. 3 Reg., 3 Colb., 5 Oxon. et 5 aliis ac 6 vulgatis est diu vexant.

And torment their souls. So the older and better manuscripts and 7 editions, and Lactantius, book VII, ch. 15. In the recent manuscripts 3 Royal, 3 Colbert, 5 Oxford and 5 others, and 6 common editions, is diu vexant (torment long).

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(9) ‹anchor: Quo audito tremunt, exclamant› · col 623

Quo audito tremunt, exclamant, etc. Prudent. Apotheos. torquetur Apollo / Nomine percussus Christi, nec fulmina verbi / Ferre potest: agitant miserum tot verbera linguae, / Quot laudata Dei resonant miracula Christi.

At hearing it they tremble, they cry out, etc. Prudentius, Apotheosis: "Apollo is tortured, struck by the name of Christ, and cannot bear the thunderbolts of the Word: as many lashes of the tongue harry the wretch as the praised miracles of Christ, God, resound."

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(10) ‹anchor: Excruciati virtute divini nominis, exsolantur› · col 623

Excruciati virtute divini nominis, exsolantur. Sic lego cum mss. 3 Reg. quorum unus est antiquissimus, 2 Colb., 1 Brun. Accedunt Cauc., 1 Reg., 3 (continued on col 624) Colbert. qui referunt, exulantur; 2 Reg. et Jun., expelluntur; 1 Reg. exultantur; 1 Reg. et Marm., exultant; quid pejus dici potest? 1 Reg. rec. alter Brun. et 18 edit., exulant. Forte legendum, exululant. Lactantius enim libro II, de Origine erroris, cap. 16, ait: Nec Deo per quem adjurantur... mentiri possunt. Itaque, maximis saepe ululatibus editis, verberari se, et ardere, et jam jamque exire proclamant. Proclive esset emendare ejulant, si concurrerent mss. Hoc enim verbum memini me legere apud priscos Patres, cum agunt de exorcismorum virtute: inter eos Cyprianus, de Idolorum Vanit.: Daemones tamen adjurati per Deum verum nobis statim cedunt, et fatentur, et de obsessis corporibus exire coguntur. Videas illos nostra voce et oratione occulte flagellis caedi, igni torqueri, incremento poenae propagantis extendi, ejulare, gemere, etc.

Tortured by the power of the divine name, they are driven out. So I read with 3 Royal manuscripts, one of them very old, 2 Colbert, 1 Brun. To these add Cauc., 1 Royal, 3 Colbert, which give exulantur; 2 Royal and Junius, expelluntur; 1 Royal, exultantur; 1 Royal and Marm., exultant (they exult): what could be said worse? 1 recent Royal, the other Brun. and 18 editions, exulant. Perhaps one should read exululant (they howl out). For Lactantius, book II, On the Origin of Error, ch. 16, says: "Nor can they lie to God, by whom they are adjured... So, often uttering the loudest howls, they cry out that they are being beaten and are burning, and are on the very point of going out." It would be easy to emend to ejulant (they wail), if the manuscripts agreed. For I remember reading this verb in the early Fathers when they treat of the power of exorcisms: among them Cyprian, On the Vanity of Idols: "Yet the demons, adjured by the true God, at once yield to us, and confess, and are compelled to go out of the bodies they possess. You may see them, at our voice and prayer, beaten with hidden scourges, tortured with fire, stretched out by the increase of a lengthening punishment, wailing, groaning," etc.

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(11) ‹anchor: Quae tota non in corpore› · col 624

Quae tota non in corpore, etc. Reposui tota ex 12 excusis, omnibusque mss. quod fuerat neglectum in 1 Bonon. antiq. et nonnullis editis.

Which is wholly not in the body, etc. I have restored tota from 12 printed and all the manuscripts; it had been neglected in 1 old Bologna and some editions.

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(12) ‹anchor: Quod quia oculis manuque tractabile est› · col 624

Quod quia oculis manuque tractabile est. Ita omnes ferme mss. et octo editi. Scripti rec. Reg., 1 Colb., 2 Clarom. novemque vulgati post quod quia, addunt videtur oculis, sed perperam; quippe Lactantius etiam dixit oculis contrectari lib. de Opificio, cap. 1. Vide not. ibidem; et lib. II Div. Inst. cap. 6, contemplatione contrectent.

Which, because it can be handled by eyes and hand. So nearly all the manuscripts and eight editions. Recent Royal manuscripts, 1 Colbert, 2 Clermont and nine common editions add videtur oculis after quod quia, but wrongly; for Lactantius also said "to be handled by the eyes" in the book On the Workmanship of God, ch. 1. See the note there; and Divine Institutes book II, ch. 6, "handle by contemplation."

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(13) ‹anchor: Inspici possunt› · col 624

Inspici possunt. Mss. 10 rec. et 9 edit., aspici.

Can be looked into. 10 recent manuscripts and 9 editions, aspici.

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(14) ‹anchor: Universas virtutis species› · col 624

Universas virtutis species. Scripti 6 rec. totidemque impressi ferunt, virtutum; Brun. omnes virtutum species. (Vide infra col. 625, lin. 3.)

All the forms of virtue. 6 recent manuscripts and as many printed bear virtutum; Brun., omnes virtutum species. (See below, col. 625, line 3.)

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(15) ‹anchor: Ab illis bonis abhorrere› · col 624

Ab illis bonis abhorrere. Mss. Cauc. et 2 Reg. et octo editi interponunt omnibus. (Vide infra col. 625 lin. 5.)

To shrink from those goods. The Cauc. manuscript and 2 Royal and eight editions insert omnibus. (See below, col. 625, line 5.)

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Heading: VARIORUM NOTAE. (Notes keyed by lemma, without call marks; numbered here in print order.) (printed under page 326)

(1) ‹lemma: Celebrant.› · no call; lemma note, col 625

Celebrant. Mss. 2 Reg. rec., Cant. et 4 edit. concelebrant; 1 al. Reg. rec. colebant. Bunemannus vero habet, summis laudibus concelebrant, et sic rationem reddit hujus lectionis variantis.—Ms. Cantabr. et vetus ed. Rom., concelebrant, quod aptius numero, cujus observantissimus noster est, quam vulgatum celebrant. Cell.

Celebrant ("they celebrate"). Two more recent Regius manuscripts, the Cambridge manuscript and four editions have concelebrant; one other more recent Regius has colebant ("they worshipped"). Bünemann, however, reads summis laudibus concelebrant ("they celebrate together with the highest praises"), and gives this account of the variant reading: the Cambridge manuscript and the old Roman edition have concelebrant, which suits the rhythm better (and our author is most observant of rhythm) than the common reading celebrant. Cellarius.

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(2) ‹lemma: Perlatio.› · no call; lemma note, col 625

Perlatio. Vox rara vel etiam nova. — Perlatio. Tolerantia. Hoc sensu Lactantius, quod sciam, primus dixit. Conf. not. ad lib. III, cap. 2; alios ensu lexicis ignoto Hyginus in praefat. lib. I. poet. Astron.: Uniuscujusque historias causamque ad sidera perlationis ostendimus. Bun.

Perlatio. A rare or even new word. — Perlatio means endurance. Lactantius, so far as I know, was the first to use it in this sense. Compare the note on Book III, chapter 2; Hyginus, in the preface to Book I of the Poetica Astronomica, uses it in another sense [printed "alios ensu", for "alio sensu"] unknown to the lexicons: "We set out the stories of each one and the cause of its being carried up to the stars." Bünemann.

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(3) ‹lemma: Non potest.› · no call; lemma note, col 625

Non potest. Id est, vix potest.

Non potest ("cannot"). That is, can scarcely.

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(4) ‹lemma: Vitio peccatoque subjectus.› · no call; lemma note, col 625

Vitio peccatoque subjectus. Post haec verba, mss. 2 Reg. quorum unus est antiquisimus, et Marm. sexque editi addunt, Domini affectat in liberos, quia temperantiam non habet.

Vitio peccatoque subjectus ("subject to vice and sin"). After these words two Regius manuscripts, one of which is very old [printed "antiquisimus"], the Marmoutier manuscript and six editions add: "he aims at lordship over free men, because he has no self-restraint."

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(5) ‹lemma: Subjectus est.› · no call; lemma note, col 625

Subjectus est. Cancellis inclusum quidam addunt, Dominari affectus in liberos, quia temperantiam non habet, frag. At exterminant illa verba libri Bon., Tax., Pen., Pal., Jun., Angl., Lips., Reimm. et editi ab anno 1645, 1524, et Gymn., Thomas., Isaeus, Gall., Spark., reliqui. Bun.

Subjectus est ("is subject"). Some add, enclosed in brackets, "aiming to lord it over free men, because he has no self-restraint," a fragment. But these words are banished by the Bologna, Tax., Pen., Palatine, Junius, English, Leipzig and Reimmann copies, and by the editions from 1645 and 1524, and the Gymnasium edition, Thomasius, Isaeus, Gallaeus, Sparke and the rest. Bünemann.

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(6) ‹lemma: Quia illa omnia humana.› · no call; lemma note, col 625

Quia illa omnia humana. In quamplurimis mss. et 7 vulgatis additur sunt, quod a vetustissimis mss. 3 et ab octo editis abest.

Quia illa omnia humana ("because all those things [are] human"). In very many manuscripts and seven printed editions sunt ("are") is added, which is absent from three very old manuscripts and from eight editions.

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(7) ‹lemma: Laelio.› · no call; lemma note, col 625

Laelio. Vide Cic. ut supra cap. 12, 18 et 19, ex tertio de Repub. — Quia illa omnia, (ut est a Laelio dictum), sua bona divina judicat. Aperte provocat ad Laelii verba, quae indicavit noster, c. 18: Huic tu viro (justo) quas divitias objicies?... Quae regna? Qui ista putat humana, sua bona divina judicat; et infra, Quae virtus, si bona sua divina judicat? Bun.

Laelio ("by Laelius"). See Cicero as above, chapters 12, 18 and 19, from the third book of the De republica. — "Because all those things (as Laelius said) he judges his goods divine." He openly appeals to the words of Laelius which our author pointed out in chapter 18: "What riches will you set before this man (the just man)?... What kingdoms? He who thinks those things human judges his own goods divine"; and below: "What virtue, if he judges his own goods divine?" Bünemann.

(printed under page 326)

(8) ‹lemma: Et eadem conditione.› · no call; lemma note, cols 625-626

Et eadem conditione. Reimm.: ab eodem Deo, eadem conditione, omisso, et. Goth., Angl., Rost., Ven. 1493, 97, Ald. et reliqui, et eadem conditione. L. v, c. 14: Deus, qui homines generat... eamdem conditionem vivendi omnibus posuit. Epitom., c. 59: Si nos idem Deus fecit, et universos... pari conditione generavit, fraterna... necessitudine cohaeremus. Bun.

Et eadem conditione ("and on the same terms"). Reimmann: "by the same God, on the same terms," with et omitted. The Gotha, English and Rostock copies, the Venice editions of 1493 and 1497, the Aldine and the rest: "and on the same terms." Book V, chapter 14: "God, who begets men... set the same terms of living for all." Epitome, chapter 59: "If the same God made us, and begot all... on equal terms, we are bound together by a brotherly... tie." Bünemann.

(printed under page 326)

(9) ‹lemma: Impertit.› · no call; lemma note, col 626

Impertit. 2 Colb. impartit; Jun. et 4 edit. impartitur.

Impertit ("imparts"). Two Colbert manuscripts have impartit; Junius and four editions impartitur.

(printed under page 326)

(10) ‹lemma: Eo accedit quod.› · no call; lemma note, col 626

Eo accedit quod. Sic reposui ex mss. 2 Reg. antiquissimis, Cauc, aliisque sex, et edit. 4. In 11 rec. est, Et accedit ex eo quod. In 2, rec. Reg. et 6 impressis, Et accedit ex eo quod; in 1 Bon. et 3 vulgatis Accedit quod. In 1 Reg. rec. Accedat quod.

Eo accedit quod ("to this is added that"). So I have restored it from two very old Regius manuscripts, the Cauc[ensis], six others and four editions. In eleven more recent ones it is Et accedit ex eo quod. In two more recent Regius and six printed editions, Et accedit ex eo quod; in one Bologna manuscript and three printed editions, Accedit quod. In one more recent Regius, Accedat quod.

(printed under page 326)

(11) ‹lemma: Libidinum victor.› · no call; lemma note, col 626

Libidinum victor. Hoc enim nomine Aristoteles continentiam patientia potiorem judicat, quod vincere praestantius est, quam resistere: sicut etiam praestantius est vincere, quam non vinci. Betuleius.

Libidinum victor ("conqueror of the passions"). For on this account Aristotle judges continence superior to endurance, because to conquer is more excellent than to resist, just as it is also more excellent to conquer than not to be conquered. Betuleius.

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(12) ‹lemma: Idem nihil tumoris.› · no call; lemma note, col 626

Idem nihil tumoris. Mss. 3 Reg. rec. Id. est, nihil tumoris; 1 Reg., Jun. et 4 vet. edit. et nihil tumoris; scripti 6 et 4 vulgati, timoris; male. Fit enim antithesis ad superiora, ubi dixerat, impatientem elato animo insolenter tumere.

Idem nihil tumoris ("likewise no swelling"). Three more recent Regius manuscripts: Id est, nihil tumoris; one Regius, Junius and four old editions: et nihil tumoris; six manuscripts and four printed editions: timoris ("of fear"), wrongly. For an antithesis is made to what precedes, where he had said that the impatient man swells insolently with an elated mind.

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(13) ‹lemma: Planus est.› · no call; lemma note, col 626

Planus est. Sic supra Lactantius eodem libro, cap. 15, ad finem, id est, humilis.

Planus est ("is level"). So Lactantius above, in the same book, chapter 15, at the end; that is, humble.

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(14) ‹lemma: Nec aliena cupiat.› · no call; lemma note, col 626

Nec aliena cupiat. Loquitur hic de justo et vere sapiente, sc. Christiano. Quid vero magni, si hic nihil rapiat? ne cupit quidem. Hinc de eodem dixit sup. Nec alienum quidquam concupiscit; et l. VI, c. 24: Nihil omnino appetat, nihil concupiscat alienum. Bun.

Nec aliena cupiat ("nor desires what is another's"). He speaks here of the just and truly wise man, that is, the Christian. What great thing is it, if such a man seizes nothing? He does not even desire it. Hence he said of the same man above: "Nor does he covet anything of another's"; and Book VI, chapter 24: "Let him seek nothing at all, covet nothing of another's." Bünemann.

(printed under page 326)

(15) ‹lemma: Et hic in servitutem abeat.› · no call; lemma note, col 626 (continues)

Et hic in servitutem abeat. Mss. 25 et edit. 3: Et hic in se virtutem habeat: sed contra mentem Lactantii, qui id solum efficere vult, virum bonum esse in potestate hominis injusti. Vide supra justum hominem subjectum esse injusto; et infra, idcirco enim (continues)

Et hic in servitutem abeat ("and this one goes off into servitude"). Twenty-five manuscripts and three editions: "and this one has virtue in himself"; but this is against Lactantius's meaning, who wishes to establish only this, that the good man is in the power of the unjust man. See above, "that the just man is subject to the unjust"; and below, "for on this account (continues)

(printed under page 326)

Heading: VARIORUM NOTAE. (Notes keyed by lemma, without call marks; numbered here in print order.) (printed under page 327)

(1) (continued) ‹lemma: Et hic in servitutem abeat. (from p. 326)› · no call; lemma note, col 627

(continued) voluit sub aliena ditione atque imperio degere... premi eos voluit ab iis in quorum manibus eos collocavit. At secundam lectionem admittit Buneman. et sic illam defendit: — Et hic in se virtutem habeat. Vix dixit: Necesse est justum hominem subjectum esse injusto, quorsum denuo: justum in servitutem abire, quia justus est. Contra, si legas, in se virtutem habeat, justa est oppositio inter peccatum et virtutem. Ergo justus ac sapiens, quia virtutem capit, Habet in se patientiam. Phrasis occurrit, l. V, c. 10: Quisquamne putet hunc aliquid in se virtutis habuisse?

(printed under page 327)

(2) ‹lemma: Quare bonis viris.› · no call; lemma note, col 627

Quare bonis viris. Abest viris a mss. Brun.

Quare bonis viris ("why to good men"). Viris ("men") is absent from the Brun[swick] manuscript.

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(3) ‹lemma: Deus, inquit, homines pro liberis habet.› · no call; lemma note, col 627

Deus, inquit, homines pro liberis habet. Haec ipsa verba haud certe reperias apud Senecam. Quare aut Senecae liber excidit, aut quasi Senecae verbis eam Lactantius extulit sententiam, ut et alibi factitat. Horum verborum sententiam habes in ejus libello de divina Providentia, sub initium. Isaeo.

Deus, inquit, homines pro liberis habet ("God, he says, holds men as his children"). These very words you will certainly not find in Seneca. So either a book of Seneca's is lost, or Lactantius set out the thought as though in Seneca's words, as he often does elsewhere. You have the sense of these words in his little book On Divine Providence, near the beginning. Isaeus.

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(4) ‹lemma: Castigat.› · no call; lemma note, col 627

Castigat. Vide Proverb. cap. III, v. 12; ad Hebraeos XII, v. 6; Apocal. III, v. 19.

Castigat ("chastises"). See Proverbs 3:12; Hebrews 12:6; Revelation 3:19.

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(5) ‹lemma: Unde nemini.› · no call; lemma note, col 627

Unde nemini. Ms. 1. Bonon. Nec mirum.

Unde nemini ("whence to no one"). One Bologna manuscript: Nec mirum ("nor is it surprising").

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(6) ‹lemma: Quum vexamur..... gratias agimus.› · no call; lemma note, col 627

Quum vexamur..... gratias agimus. Cyprianus de Lapsis, in principio: Quamvis agere gratias nostra vox nec in persecutione cessaverit. Adde notas ad Lact. l. VI, c. 25: Etiam in malis gratias agat. Bun.

Quum vexamur..... gratias agimus ("when we are harassed..... we give thanks"). Cyprian, On the Lapsed, at the beginning: "Although our voice did not cease to give thanks even in persecution." Add the notes on Lactantius Book VI, chapter 25: "Let him give thanks even in evils." Bünemann.

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(7) ‹lemma: Tum maxime gratias agimus.› · no call; lemma note, col 627

Tum maxime gratias agimus. Act. V, v. 12. Chrysost. Homil. 5, de Jobo: Qui amore Christi aduritur, eligeret potius vinctum esse pro Christo, qnam coelos inhabitare, clariusque hoc habebit, quam super duodecim sedes sedere, quamdiu voluntas Dei est, quod patiatur. Jo. Gerardi.

Tum maxime gratias agimus ("then above all we give thanks"). Acts 5:12. Chrysostom, Homily 5 on Job: "He who burns with the love of Christ would rather be bound for Christ than dwell in the heavens, and will count this more glorious than to sit upon the twelve thrones, so long as it is God's will that he suffer." John Gerhard.

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(8) ‹lemma: Quoniam, cum peccamus, irascitur.› · no call; lemma note, col 627

Quoniam, cum peccamus, irascitur. Ita scripti 9 rec. totidemque vulgati. At quibus cum peccamus, irascitur, habent mss. Cauc., Pal., 1 Lips., 1 Colb. et editi quidam. In 13 manu exaratis et 4 impressis, quibus, quoniam peccamus, irascitur. 1 Brun. pro quoniam habet quando.

Quoniam, cum peccamus, irascitur ("because, when we sin, he is angry"). So nine more recent manuscripts and as many printed editions. But the Cauc[ensis], Palatine, one Leipzig and one Colbert manuscript and some editions have quibus cum peccamus, irascitur. In thirteen handwritten copies and four printed: quibus, quoniam peccamus, irascitur. One Brunswick manuscript has quando ("when") for quoniam.

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(9) ‹lemma: Quorum nos successores ac posteri.› · no call; lemma note, cols 627-628

Quorum nos successores ac posteri. In locum enim Judaeorum a Deo reprobatorum gentiles insiti sunt tanquam surculi, quasi oleastri inserti in illis, et socii radicis et pinguedinis olivae facti, participantes eumdem spiritum fidei et gratiae, qui fuit in Abramo et veteribus Judaeorum patriarchis: sic a Christo suscitati sunt Abrahae filii, ejus habentes fidem, operaque facientes.

Quorum nos successores ac posteri ("whose successors and descendants we are"). For in place of the Jews rejected by God the Gentiles were grafted in like shoots, as wild olives grafted in among them, and made sharers of the root and fatness of the olive, partaking of the same spirit of faith and grace that was in Abraham and the ancient patriarchs of the Jews: thus sons of Abraham were raised up by Christ, having his faith and doing his works.

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(10) ‹lemma: Aberrarunt a disciplina, et legis vincula ruperunt.› · no call; lemma note, col 628

Aberrarunt a disciplina, et legis vincula ruperunt. Mss. 8, aberraverunt. 1. Reg. antiquissimus, pro et legis, habet et Dei. Alter veterrimus Reg. cum aliis 4 rec. aberrarunt a disciplina legis, vinculaque ruperunt; item 4 Reg. rec., 4 Colbert. et 5 impressi aberraverunt.

Aberrarunt a disciplina, et legis vincula ruperunt ("they strayed from discipline and broke the bonds of the law"). Eight manuscripts: aberraverunt. One very old Regius has et Dei ("and of God") for et legis. Another very old Regius with four more recent ones: "they strayed from the discipline of the law, and broke its bonds"; likewise four more recent Regius, four Colbert manuscripts and five printed editions have aberraverunt.

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(11) ‹lemma: Deo autem quia repugnari non potest.› · no call; lemma note, col 628

Deo autem quia repugnari non potest. Mss. 2 Reg. rec. et 2 Clarom. cui pro quia.

Deo autem quia repugnari non potest ("but because God cannot be resisted"). Two more recent Regius and two Clermont manuscripts have cui ("whom") for quia.

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(12) ‹lemma: Sed contra milites ejus.› · no call; lemma note, col 628

Sed contra milites ejus. Immo in militibus imperator, in membris caput violatur. Actor. IX: Saule, Saule, quid me persequeris? Rivet.

Sed contra milites ejus ("but against his soldiers"). Rather, in the soldiers the commander, in the members the head, is violated. Acts 9: "Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me?" Rivet.

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(13) ‹lemma: Pressurae verberibus.› · no call; lemma note, col 628

Pressurae verberibus. Ita restitui ex 1 Reg. antiquissimo, 7 al. Reg., 6 Colbert. aliisque decem, et editis 12. In 1 Bonon. antiq. est pressura verberibus; in Thys. et Gall. pressurae et verberibus, male. Deest pressurae, in Regio-Put. et forsan aptissime. — Pressurae verberibus. Pressura, vox nostro et patribus pro persecutione, calamitate, frequens. Conf. infra, persecutiones. Lact. l. IV, c. 26: Pressurarum nobis ac laborum et miseriarum praebebat exemplum. Lib. VII, c. 17: Erit pressura et contritio. Obiter hic observo, alibi esse magis reconditum usum hujus vocis, ubi medicis pressura notat somnum gravem, alias oppressionem. Bun.

Pressurae verberibus ("with the scourges of affliction"). So I have restored it from one very old Regius, seven other Regius, six Colbert and ten other manuscripts, and twelve editions. In one old Bologna manuscript it is pressura verberibus; in Thysius and Gallaeus pressurae et verberibus, wrongly. Pressurae is missing in the Regio-Puteanus, and perhaps most fittingly. — Pressurae verberibus. Pressura is a word frequent in our author and the Fathers for persecution or calamity. Compare below, persecutiones. Lactantius Book IV, chapter 26: "He gave us an example of afflictions and labours and miseries." Book VII, chapter 17: "There will be affliction and crushing." In passing I note here that elsewhere there is a more recondite use of this word, where among physicians pressura denotes heavy sleep, otherwise called oppression. Bünemann.

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(14) ‹lemma: Diffluentem.› · no call; lemma note, col 628

Diffluentem. Sic reposui ex edit. Cellar. et omnibus libris mss. praeter rec. 2 Reg., 2 Colb., 1 Clarom. et edd. in quibus est deffluentem.

Diffluentem ("flowing apart"). So I have restored it from Cellarius's edition and all the manuscript books except two more recent Regius, two Colbert, one Clermont, and the editions, in which it is deffluentem.

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(15) ‹lemma: Colligat disciplinam.› · no call; lemma note, col 628

Colligat disciplinam. Ita emendavi ex antiquissimo et optimo Regio-Put. In 2 al. Reg. Tornes., 5 Colb. et editis corrigat. 1 Reg. et Brun. corrigant.

Colligat disciplinam ("may draw discipline together"). So I have corrected it from the very old and excellent Regio-Puteanus. In two other Regius, the Tournes, five Colbert and the editions: corrigat ("may correct"). One Regius and the Brunswick: corrigant.

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(16) ‹lemma: Monstrare.› · no call; lemma note, col 628

Monstrare. 1 Bonon. antiq. monstrari; 1 Reg. rec. demonstrare.

Monstrare ("to show"). One old Bologna manuscript: monstrari ("to be shown"); one more recent Regius: demonstrare.

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(17) ‹lemma: A deorum cultibus.› · no call; lemma note, col 628 (continues)

A deorum cultibus. Ita optimi et antiquissimi mss. Bonon. et Reg. aliique plures cum scripti, tum editi; idque propius est rei exprimendae, quam cultoribus, quod est in 17 recentioribus mss. et 8 vulgatis. Legitur cultus plurali numero passim apud Lactantium. Praeterea apud Claudianum, quamvis alia notione, epigram. 25. (continues)

A deorum cultibus ("from the worships of the gods"). So the best and oldest manuscripts, the Bologna and the Regius, and many others both written and printed; and this is closer to expressing the matter than cultoribus ("worshippers"), which is in seventeen more recent manuscripts and eight printed editions. Cultus is read in the plural here and there in Lactantius. Also in Claudian, though in another sense, epigram 25. (continues)

(printed under page 327)

Heading: VARIORUM NOTAE. (Notes keyed by lemma, without call marks; numbered here in print order.) (printed under page 328)

(1) (continued) ‹lemma: A deorum cultibus. (from p. 327)› · no call; lemma note, col 629

(continued) Accipe regales cultus. Partim ex Cellario.

(printed under page 328)

(2) ‹lemma: Aliquis cupit scire.› · no call; lemma note, col 629

Aliquis cupit scire. Sic restitui ex omnibus mss. praeter 1 Reg. rec. in quo legitur, ut in editis, Aliqui cupiunt scire; 1, al. rec. Regius, Alii.

Aliquis cupit scire ("someone desires to know"). So I have restored it from all the manuscripts except one more recent Regius, in which it reads, as in the editions, Aliqui cupiunt scire ("some desire to know"); one other more recent Regius: Alii ("others").

(printed under page 328)

(3) ‹lemma: Quodnam sit.› · no call; lemma note, col 629

Quodnam sit. Ita reposui ex cunctis mss. praeter 1 Clarom., cui est quod non sit; 1 Reg. et 3 Colb. in quibus, sicut et ineditis, est quidnam sit.

Quodnam sit ("what it is"). So I have restored it from all the manuscripts except one Clermont, which has quod non sit ("which is not"), and one Regius and three Colbert, in which, as also in the unedited copies [printed "ineditis", perhaps for "in editis", "in the editions"], it is quidnam sit.

(printed under page 328)

(4) ‹lemma: Non sacrificare se lapidibus.› · no call; lemma note, col 629

Non sacrificare se lapidibus. Pro non, ms. Jun. et 7 edit. habent, nolle. — Lapidibus humana manu factis. Vindicamus iterum ad lib. de Ira, c. 2: Abjicere... cultus humana manu fabricatorum. Ipse Cicero l. V, in Verrem cap. ultimo dixit, Effigiem non humana manu factam. Bun.

Non sacrificare se lapidibus ("that he does not sacrifice to stones"). For non, the Junius manuscript and seven editions have nolle ("that he refuses"). — "To stones made by human hand." We defend it again from the book On the Anger of God, chapter 2: "To cast off... the worship of things fashioned by human hand." Cicero himself, in the fifth book against Verres, last chapter, said: "an image not made by human hand." Bünemann.

(printed under page 328)

(5) ‹lemma: Ultio consecuta.› · no call; lemma note, col 629

Ultio consecuta. Mss. 10 rec. et edit. 2, secuta. Hoc probat Lactantius in Libro de Mortibus persecutorum. — Ultio consecuta. Quod auctor de Mortibus persecutorum probat. Lips. autem consecuta: Angl. secuta. Cellarius.

Ultio consecuta ("vengeance followed upon"). Ten more recent manuscripts and two editions: secuta. Lactantius proves this in the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors. — Ultio consecuta. Which the author of On the Deaths of the Persecutors proves. The Leipzig copy, however, has consecuta; the English, secuta. Cellarius.

(printed under page 328)

(6) ‹lemma: Ne haec quidem levis causa est.› · no call; lemma note, col 629

Ne haec quidem levis causa est. Sic restitui ex 8 Reg., 2 Bon. aliisque octo, et editis 7, quod suavius fluit, quam nec haec 4 manuscriptorum totidemque editorum. In 2 Reg. rec. et edit. Rom. 1470, nec quidem.

Ne haec quidem levis causa est ("not even this is a slight cause"). So I have restored it from eight Regius, two Bologna and eight other manuscripts, and seven editions, since it flows more smoothly than the nec haec of four manuscripts and as many editions. In two more recent Regius and the Roman edition of 1470: nec quidem.

(printed under page 328)

(7) ‹lemma: Immundi.... immergunt.› · no call; lemma note, col 629

Immundi.... immergunt. Cyprian., l. II, ep. 2: Immundos spiritus, qui se hominibus immerserint, ad confessionem minis increpantibus cogere, ut excedant. Bun.

Immundi.... immergunt ("unclean.... plunge into"). Cyprian, Book II, Letter 2: "to force the unclean spirits that have plunged themselves into men to confession with rebuking threats, so that they depart." Bünemann.

(printed under page 328)

(8) ‹lemma: Adhaereant religioni.› · no call; lemma note, cols 629-630

Adhaereant religioni. Mss. 11, adhaerent. — Adhaereant religioni. Quasi causa reddatur cur permittat Deus tam multos a daemonibus agitari; nempe ut resanati adhaereant, ac reliqua. Bun.

Adhaereant religioni ("that they may cleave to religion"). Eleven manuscripts: adhaerent ("they cleave"). — Adhaereant religioni. As though the reason were being given why God permits so many to be harried by demons: namely, that once healed they may cleave to it, and so on. Bünemann.

(printed under page 328)

(9) ‹lemma: Bestias malas.› · no call; lemma note, col 630

Bestias malas. Sic Christianorum vexatores vocat Lactantius supra cap. 11, et pluribus in locis lib. de Mortibus persecutorum, scilicet cap. 4, 9, 16, 25, 32 et 39, ubi plura. Vide Apocalyps. cap. 19. Dominum autem sibi reservasse ultionem ex hoc capite notum, et ex Deuter. XXXII, v. 35; et Psalm. LXXVIII, 10; Rom. XII, 19; Hebr. X, 30.

Bestias malas ("evil beasts"). So Lactantius calls the persecutors of Christians above in chapter 11, and in several places in the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, namely chapters 4, 9, 16, 25, 32 and 39, where there is more. See Revelation chapter 19. That the Lord has reserved vengeance to himself is known from this chapter, and from Deuteronomy 32:35; Psalm 78:10; Romans 12:19; Hebrews 10:30.

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(10) ‹lemma: Vexationes.› · no call; lemma note, col 630

Vexationes. Eleganter vocat ita persecutiones. Nostrum, ut in aliis, sic in hac voce sequitur Sulpic. Severus l. I Hist. c. 1: Vexationes populi christiani. Lib. II, c. 32: Christianorum vexatio. Buneman.

Vexationes ("harassments"). He elegantly calls the persecutions so. Sulpicius Severus follows our author in this word as in others, Book I of the History, chapter 1: "the harassments of the Christian people." Book II, chapter 32: "the harassment of the Christians." Bünemann.

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(11) ‹lemma: Jubet.› · no call; lemma note, col 630

Jubet. Vide Deut. XXXII, Eccl. XXVIII, Rom., XII, Hebr. X.

Jubet ("he commands"). See Deuteronomy 32, Ecclesiasticus 28, Romans 12, Hebrews 10.

(printed under page 328)

(12) ‹lemma: Quos sic obterunt.› · no call; lemma note, col 630

Quos sic obterunt. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. hic.

Quos sic obterunt ("whom they thus trample"). One old Bologna manuscript: hic ("here") [for sic].

(printed under page 328)

(13) ‹lemma: Veniet, veniet rabiosis.› · no call; lemma note, col 630

Veniet, veniet rabiosis. Ita plures mss. inter quos 1 Reg. antiquissimus, 1 al. Reg. bonae notae, Goth., Marm. et edit. octo. In multis deest repetitio, quam amat Lactantius, ut lib. VI, cap. 2, Hic, hic, Marce Tulli, aberrasti; et lib. VII, cap. 25, ad finem, Illa, illa est civitas. In sex tamen saeculi XV editionibus semel tantum est, veniet. — Veniet, veniet. Saepe ita Hieronymus ad Heliodorum f. 1, 2: Veniet, veniet postea dies; fol. 4: Veniet, veniet illa dies. Epist. de Vitando suspecto Contubernio, fol. 227: Veniet, veniet tempus. Buneman.

Veniet, veniet rabiosis ("it will come, it will come to the raging"). So several manuscripts, among them one very old Regius, another Regius of good repute, the Gotha and the Marmoutier, and eight editions. In many the repetition is missing, which Lactantius loves, as in Book VI, chapter 2, "Here, here, Marcus Tullius, you went astray"; and Book VII, chapter 25, at the end, "That, that is the city." In six fifteenth-century editions, however, veniet stands only once. — Veniet, veniet. Jerome often writes so, To Heliodorus, fol. 1, 2: "It will come, it will come, the day hereafter"; fol. 4: "It will come, it will come, that day." The letter On Avoiding Suspect Cohabitation, fol. 227: "It will come, it will come, the time." Bünemann.

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(14) ‹lemma: Ut ab hominibus nihil aliud in nobis.› · no call; lemma note, col 630

Ut ab hominibus nihil aliud in nobis. Reposui aliud ex omnibus mss. et quampluribus impressis, quod in nonnullis editis deerat. Ita et, nihil... aliud ab homine, initio libri sexti. Hic justitia sumitur pro cultu Dei, more scilicet Lactantiano.

Ut ab hominibus nihil aliud in nobis ("that by men nothing else in us"). I have restored aliud ("else") from all the manuscripts and very many printed editions; it was missing in some editions. So also "nothing... else from man," at the beginning of the sixth book. Here justice is taken for the worship of God, in Lactantius's manner, that is.

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