PL 6 · cols. 543–546

Scultetus, Analysis libri quinti, De justitia

Editors' preface

ANALYSIS LIBRI QUINTI. DE JUSTITIA.

ANALYSIS OF THE FIFTH BOOK. ON JUSTICE.

Partes hujus libri duae sunt: prima reddit causas cur hunc scribendi laborem susceperit (Cap. 1, 2, 3, 4); altera doctrinam de justitia legali persequitur, inde usque ad finem.

The parts of this book are two: the first gives the reasons why he undertook this labour of writing (Chapters 1, 2, 3, 4); the second pursues the doctrine of legal justice, from there right to the end.

Causas praesentis scriptionis tum finales, tum impulsivas recitat praemissa petitione, ut prius legant sua, quam judicent Gentiles. Finales has affert: ut revocet errantes ab itinere devio: ut confirmet titubantes in fide; ut delectet conscientiam veritatis professione (Cap. 1).

He recounts the causes of the present writing, both the final and the impelling ones, having first set down the request that the Gentiles read his works before they judge them. The final causes he gives are these: to call back from the devious road those who stray; to strengthen those who waver in the faith; to delight the conscience by the profession of the truth (Chapter 1).

Impulsivas duas memorat: unam, quod hactenus nemo eleganter de christiana religione scripserit: non Minucius Felix, non Tertullianus, qui minus comptus et multum obscurus fuerit in eloquendo, Cyprianus autem eleganter quidem, sed mystice locutus sit: alteram, quod haec ipsa doctorum penuria provocarit quosdam, ut auderent scribere contra ignotam sibi veritatem. Inter alios enim, philosophum quemdam calamum strinxisse adversus christianos; quemdam item e numero judicum duos libellos composuisse, quibus falsitatem Scripturae arguere conatus sit, tamquam sibi esset tota contraria, Christum etiam magum et Apollonio inferiorem dixerit; quae omnia (Cap. 3) diluit auctor.

He mentions two impelling causes: one, that until now no one had written elegantly about the Christian religion: not Minucius Felix; not Tertullian, who was less polished and very obscure in expression; while Cyprian spoke elegantly indeed, but mystically: the other, that this very dearth of teachers had provoked certain men to dare to write against a truth unknown to them. For among others, a certain philosopher had drawn his pen against the Christians; likewise a certain man from the number of the judges had composed two little books, in which he tried to convict Scripture of falsehood, as though it were wholly self-contradictory, and had even called Christ a magician and inferior to Apollonius; all of which the author refutes (Chapter 3).

Editors' notes and page, col. 543

Footnotes

(—) ‹anchor: not visible; lemma notes on the close of Book IV› · col 543 · (beginning above the rendered crop) et in edit. Cellar. — Aut Ariani. Leguntur, teste Isaeo, in vaticanis et aliis mss. in his Bonon. altero, Taxaq. Pen. auctore Baronio, in novem vaticanis, duobus vallicellanae bibliothecae; fide Baluzii, in Ultr., Jun., Palat., quatuor biblioth. Reg. Paris. et in sex Colbertinis; in septem Anglicanis, tribus Lips., Goth., Reim. et in Guelferbytanis, quos vidi, et omnibus omnino ante Thomasium editis. Rationibus in utramque partem perpensis, Baluzius ad principium Notarum auctiorum in lib. de Mort. Pers. pro genuinis habet, cui aliisque summis viris libenter subscribimus. Bun.

... and in Cellarius's edition. — Or Arians. These words are read, on the testimony of Isaeus, in the Vatican and other manuscripts, among them the second Bologna manuscript and the Taxaquet manuscript (Pen.); on the authority of Baronius, in nine Vatican manuscripts and two of the Vallicelliana library; on Baluze's word, in the Utrecht, Junius and Palatine manuscripts, in four of the Royal Library at Paris and in six Colbertine ones; in seven English manuscripts, three Leipzig ones, the Gotha, the Reims, and in the Wolfenbüttel manuscripts, which I have seen, and in absolutely every edition before Thomasius. Having weighed the arguments on both sides, Baluze, at the beginning of his enlarged Notes on the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, holds them to be genuine, and we gladly subscribe to him and to other very great men. Bünemann.

(—) ‹anchor: Hoc domicilium fidei› · col 543 · (continues, into the top of col 544, above the rendered crop) Hoc domicilium fidei. Editi habent; Hoc est etc. Sed verbum est expunxi, quod eleganter a mss. abest,

This is the dwelling-place of faith. The editions have Hoc est ("This is") etc. But I have struck out the word est, which the manuscripts elegantly omit, ...

(—) ‹anchor: not visible› · col 544 · (beginning above the rendered crop) ter Lipsiensem, corrupte legitur verius. Quis enim putet tam absurdum fuisse Lactantium, ut in eis, quae ante proposuit, se non satis vere scripsisse affirmet, in alio scripto verius acturus? Caeterum istud separatum propriumque opus contra haereses, seu, ut ait Lactantius, contra omnes mendaciorum sectas, si extitit unquam, ad nostram usque aetatem non pervenit. — Plenius et uberius. Frequenter veteres has voces jungunt, ut Cicero de Clar. Orat., cap. 33, Nemo plenior et uberior ad dicendum fuit. Orat. 2, Philipp. 1: Quid plenius, quid uberius. Caesar 1, B. Civ., c. 53: Haec pleniora etiam et uberiora perscribebant. Bun.

... [except the] Leipzig manuscript, verius ("more truly") is read, corruptly. For who would think Lactantius so absurd as to declare that in what he had set out before he had not written truly enough, and would treat it more truly in another writing? For the rest, that separate and proper work against the heresies, or, as Lactantius says, against all the sects of lies, if it ever existed, has not come down to our age. — More fully and more richly. The ancients often join these words, as Cicero, On Famous Orators (Brutus), ch. 33: No one was fuller or richer for speaking. Second Philippic, 1: What fuller, what richer. Caesar, Civil War 1, ch. 53: They wrote these things up still more fully and more richly. Bünemann.

(printed under page 285)

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marginal letters: A ‹Hic est fons veritatis›; B ‹Oriente septem Divin. Institutionum› (in the Variorum notae); C ‹habet, cui aliisque summis viris› (in the Variorum notae); D ‹usque ad finem›
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: first paragraph is Lactantius' own text (close of Div. Inst. IV, 30), continuing from col. 542 and ending mid-sentence with "in"; the Variorum notae comment on it ("Hoc domicilium fidei"); editors' matter: Analysis of Book V ‹Partes hujus libri duae sunt›; full-width heading VARIORUM NOTAE (between the text and the notes) not set; Variorum notae at page foot (suos Divinarum Institutionum libros ... quod eleganter a mss. abest,) not set, left for later pass; full-width title lines ANALYSIS LIBRI [...] / DE JUSTITIA [...] above "Partes hujus libri", cut off at the image edge, not set; "Ecciesiam" possibly a broken l rather than a wrong letter, UNSURE; "hactenus" read from a damaged h (looks like b); "quibus" read from a damaged s; "(Cap: 3)" printed with a broken full stop, set (Cap. 3).
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running head: 543 ANALYSIS LIBRI QUINTI. 544
marginal letters: A beside "Hic est fons veritatis" (end of Book IV, other matter); B beside the Variorum notae "prodiisse nonnulli volunt" (other matter); C beside the notae "habet, cui aliisque" (other matter); D beside "usque ad finem."
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the title band ANALYSIS LIBRI QUINTI. / DE JUSTITIA. is printed across cols 543-544 and is editors' matter (the analysis is editors' matter; it is the text of this unit, layer 1). Above it on this page stand the end of Lactantius, Div. Inst. IV (two columns) and its VARIORUM NOTAE, not set here (other matter). "(Cap: 3)" printed with damaged type; read as Cap. 3.

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Secunda parte haec ordine pertractat:

In the second part he treats these things in order:

Ideo aureum saeculum sub Saturno fuisse, quia unum Deum tum coluerint mortales (cap. 5).

That the golden age was under Saturn because mortals then worshipped one God (Chapter 5).

Sub Jove autem mutatum esse saeculum aureum, quia religionem veram deseruerint (Cap. 9).

But that under Jove the golden age was changed, because they deserted the true religion (Chapter 9).

Sed nunc per nuncium Dei (Christum) speciem illius aurei temporis rediisse, justitiamque, hoc est, Dei unici piam et religiosam culturam reductam (Cap. 7).

But that now, through the messenger of God (Christ), the likeness of that golden time has returned, and justice, that is, the pious and religious worship of the one God, has been brought back (Chapter 7).

Justitiam hanc ideo non omnibus datam, quia virtus cerni non possit, nisi habeat vitia contraria; nec sit perfecta, nisi exerceatur in adversis: deinde quia nihil fuisset pietas, si natura pares omnibus affectus dedisset. Et quia malum non sustulit Deus, ideo aureum saeculum non dici nunc, quamvis hominibus sit missa justitia (Cap. 7).

That this justice was not given to all for this reason, that virtue cannot be discerned unless it has vices contrary to it, nor is it perfect unless it is exercised in adversity: and further because piety would have been nothing if nature had given equal affections to all. And because God did not take away evil, that therefore the age is not now called golden, although justice has been sent to men (Chapter 7).

Ideo homines malos esse et injustos, quia dii colantur: et ideo mala omnia rebus humanis quotidie ingravescere; quod Deus hujus mundi effector derelictus sit: qui si ab omnibus coleretur, vere tum aureum saeculum futurum esset (Cap. 8).

That men are wicked and unjust because gods are worshipped: and that for this reason all evils grow heavier in human affairs daily, because God, the maker of this world, has been forsaken: and if He were worshipped by all, then truly there would be a golden age (Chapter 8).

Justitiam, quam veram putant, licet veniat, nullum locum apud Paganos habituram, ut qui justitiae sectatores interficiant, vel veritatis odio, vel quod erubescunt

That justice, which they think true, even should it come, would have no place among the pagans, since they kill the followers of justice, either from hatred of the truth, or because they blush

Editors' notes and page, col. 544

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marginal letters: A ‹qua est confessio et poenitentia›; B ‹salubriter curat. Diriguntur› (in the Variorum notae); C ‹Philipp. 1 : Quid plenius› (in the Variorum notae); D ‹Sub Jove autem mutatum›
old-edition numerals: (none)
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marginal letters: A beside "qua est confessio et poenitentia" (end of Book IV, other matter); B beside the notae "salubriter curat. Diriguntur" (other matter); C beside the notae "Philipp. 1" (other matter); D beside "Sub Jove autem mutatum"
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: the word split across cols 544/545 (eru-|bescunt) now stands whole at the end of this column, with its English "they blush" (Q3). FOR COL 545 (not written by Q3): its source still opens with the tail "bescunt", which is to be removed there, and its English should then open "to be wicked in the presence of the just" without the leading "blush". UNSURE: "(Cap. 9)" after the Jove sentence is printed as 9 though Lactantius treats this in Div. Inst. V.5-6; kept as printed.

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coram justis esse nequam; crudeliter occisorum corporibus illudant, ac retorqueant in homines justos convitia sibi congruentia. Quorum nihil cum populo christiano objici possit, vel ex eo intelligere illos posse, se impios, christianos esse pios (Cap. 9).

to be wicked in the presence of the just; that they cruelly make sport of the bodies of the slain, and turn back upon just men the reproaches that befit themselves. Since none of these things can be laid against the Christian people, they can understand even from this that they themselves are impious and the Christians are pious (Chapter 9).

Ipsam impietatem Gentilibus videri pietatem; quemadmodum Virgilius Aeneam pium dixerit, qui non tantum non repugnantes, sed etiam precantes interemerat: itaque pro merito impietatis suae gravioribus malis saepe eos vexari, quorum causam fortunae adscribant (Cap. 10).

That impiety itself seems piety to the Gentiles; just as Virgil called Aeneas pious, who had slain men not only not resisting but even pleading: and so, according to the desert of their impiety, they are often harassed with heavier evils, the cause of which they ascribe to fortune (Chapter 10).

Praeterea non posse deorum cultores esse bonos et justos, qui colant cruentum Martem, expulsorem patris sui Jovem, ἄστοργον Saturnum, adulteram deam, furem Mercurium (Cap. 10).

Moreover, that the worshippers of the gods cannot be good and just, since they worship bloody Mars, Jupiter the expeller of his own father, Saturn without natural affection, an adulterous goddess, and Mercury the thief (Chapter 10).

Hinc tantam illorum rabiem, tantam immanitatem esse, ut praecipites ad occidendum existant, ut gravia tormentorum genera excogitent, ut jura denique impia contra pios condant (Cap. 11).

Hence their rage is so great, their savagery so great, that they rush headlong to killing, that they devise severe kinds of torments, that finally they enact impious laws against the pious (Chapter 11).

Porro injustos esse Gentiles, et malitia ac furore plane occaecatos, vel inde patere quod cum christianos necessario, vel sapientes judicent, vel stultos, tamen non vel sapientes imitentur, vel stultis parcant (Cap. 12). Deinde quod non videant a christianis stare sapientiam; quorum per totum orbem idem est Dei cultus, eadem ubique patientia, idem mortis contemptus: quorum numerus in ipsa persecutione augetur: quique laudatam a philosophis constantiam tenent. Postremo quod evertisse se funditus religionem opinentur, si homines inquinaverint, perinde ac lapsis aditus ad Deum interclusus sit, si resipiscant. (Cap. 13 et 14).

Further, that the Gentiles are unjust, and plainly blinded by malice and fury, is evident even from this, that although they must necessarily judge the Christians either wise or foolish, yet they neither imitate them as wise nor spare them as foolish (Chapter 12). Next, that they do not see that wisdom stands on the side of the Christians, whose worship of God is the same throughout the whole world, the same patience everywhere, the same contempt of death: whose number is increased in persecution itself: and who hold the constancy praised by the philosophers. Lastly, that they think they have utterly overthrown religion if they have defiled men, just as if access to God were shut off to the lapsed, should they come to their senses. (Chapters 13 and 14).

Philosophos ipsos Justitiam nec invenire, nec defendere potuisse, quia principes justitiae partes pietatem et aequitatem ignorarent (Cap. 15). Apud solos christianos veram aequabilitatem et fraternitatem conspici (Cap. 16).

That the philosophers themselves could neither find nor defend Justice, because they were ignorant of the chief parts of justice, piety and equity (Chapter 15). That true equality and brotherhood are seen among the Christians alone (Chapter 16).

Non frustra tamen falli, qui Christianos sapientes stultos putent. Justitiam enim suapte natura speciem quamdam stultitiae habere: id quod Carneades apud Ciceronem doceat, qui Justitiam cum in duas partes divisisset, alteram civilem, alteram naturalem, illam civilem sapientiam quidem esse, justitiam non esse, hanc naturalem justitiam quidem esse, sed non sapientiam docuit. Itaque justum stultum esse, si aut naufrago tabulam, aut saucio equum non ademerit, ut ipse animam suam liberet (Cap. 17).

Yet those who think the wise Christians foolish are not deceived without cause. For justice by its very nature has a certain appearance of folly: which Carneades teaches in Cicero, who, having divided Justice into two parts, the one civil, the other natural, taught that the civil is indeed wisdom but is not justice, while the natural is indeed justice but is not wisdom. Thus the just man is foolish if he does not take a plank from a shipwrecked man, or a horse from a wounded man, in order to save his own life (Chapter 17).

Re autem vera justitiam nullum cum stultitia foedus habere. Casum a Carneade propositum homini justo nunquam evenire. Neque enim navigare justum, aut quid petere ex aliena terra, cui sua sufficiunt, neque belligerare pacificum: atque ut eveniat ei hujusmodi casus, tantam esse vim justitiae, ut cum oculos in coelum sustulerit, a Deo mereatur omnia, a quo inter ipsa bellorum et tempestatum discrimina liberetur. Atque ut non liberetur, moriturum potius ipsum, quam occisurum. Rationem quoque docere non posse, eumdem justum esse et stultum, eumdem sapientem et injustum: cum stultus quid sit bonum et justum nesciat, justus ab omni peccato se

But in truth justice has no alliance with folly. The case proposed by Carneades never befalls a just man. For the just man does not go sailing, nor seek anything from a foreign land, since his own things suffice him, nor does the peaceable man wage war: and even should such a case befall him, so great is the power of justice that, when he has raised his eyes to heaven, he obtains all things from God, by Whom he is delivered amid the very dangers of wars and storms. And even if he should not be delivered, he will die himself rather than kill. Reason also cannot teach that the same man is just and foolish, the same man wise and unjust: since the foolish man does not know what is good and just, the just man himself from every sin

abstineat: Idem ex definitione stultitiae clarum esse. Cum enim stultitia sit in factis dictisque per ignorationem recti bonique erratio, stultum non esse, qui ne sibi quidem parcit, dum ne noceat alteri (Cap. 18).

should abstain: that the same is clear from the definition of folly. For since folly is a straying, in deeds and words, through ignorance of what is right and good, he is not a fool who does not spare even himself, provided that he does not harm another (Chapter 18).

Causam, cur justi stulti videantur, esse, quod pagani immortalitatem animae nesciant: item, quantum nefas sit adorare aliud, quam Deum verum. Causam autem, cur Deus justitiam sub persona stultitiae celatam velit esse; ut mysterium veritatis ac religionis suae sit arcanum; ut sapientiam mundi vanitatis damnet; ut proposita denique difficultate, angustissimus trames ad immortalitatis praemium sublime perducat. (Cap. 19).

That the reason why the just seem foolish is that the pagans do not know the immortality of the soul, and likewise how great a wickedness it is to worship anything other than the true God. And that the reason why God wills justice to be concealed under the guise of folly is this: that the mystery of the truth and of His religion may be a secret; that He may condemn the wisdom of the world for vanity; that, finally, with a difficulty set before them, the narrowest path may lead to the sublime reward of immortality (Chapter 19).

Inexpiabile itaque facinus admittere persecutores Ecclesiae, tum quod seipsos jugulent perditissimis daemonibus serviendo, tum quod nec ab aliis Deum coli patiantur.

That the persecutors of the Church therefore commit an inexpiable crime, both because they slaughter themselves by serving most abandoned demons, and because they do not allow God to be worshipped by others either.

Falso quoque animarum interfectores praetendere, se christianis consulere, se ad bonam mentem illos velle revocare. Neque enim vi et tormentis, sed ratione et hortamentis agere eos debere. Nam: Religionem cogi non posse; christianos paratos esse audire; eosdem docere, probare, ostendere sua dogmata; defendendam esse religionem non occidendo, sed moriendo; non saevitia, sed patientia; non scelere, sed fide. Defendendam esse religionem, sed veram: non eam, in qua nihil aliud videatur, quam ritus ad solos digitos pertinens, qualis sit Paganorum; in qua loco puri pectoris, inepta libatio exigitur; ad quam sine delectu sceleratissimi quique veniunt; et ubi se pie sacrificasse quisque opinatur, si cutem laverit (Cap. 20).

That the slayers of souls also falsely pretend that they are looking after the Christians, that they wish to call them back to a sound mind. For they ought to act not by force and torments, but by reason and exhortations. For: that religion cannot be compelled; that the Christians are ready to listen, and likewise to teach, prove and set forth their doctrines; that religion is to be defended not by killing but by dying, not by cruelty but by patience, not by crime but by faith. That religion is to be defended, but the true one: not that in which nothing else is seen but a rite pertaining only to the fingers, such as that of the pagans is; in which, in place of a pure heart, a foolish libation is required; to which all the most wicked come without discrimination; and where each man thinks he has sacrificed piously if he has washed his skin (Chapter 20).

Paganos ipsos deos suos destruere, cogendo invitos ad sacrificium; diffidere enim eos potestati deorum suorum. Postremo nec diis, quibus coacti christiani sacrificant, nec ipsis, quos cogunt, praestare illos aliquid. Non iis quos cogunt, quia non sit beneficium, quod ingeritur recusanti: non diis, quia non est sacrificium, quod exprimitur invito.

That the pagans themselves destroy their own gods by compelling the unwilling to sacrifice; for they distrust the power of their gods. Finally, that they render nothing either to the gods to whom the Christians sacrifice under compulsion, or to the very people whom they compel. Not to those whom they compel, because that is no benefit which is forced on one who refuses; not to the gods, because that is no sacrifice which is wrung from one unwilling.

Nullius momenti esse exceptionem, quod dicant, puniendos esse qui destruunt religiones: cum Aegyptii, qui turpissimas bestiarum figuras colunt: cum philosophi quidam, qui omnino nullos deos esse aiunt: cum Epicurei, qui providentiam tollunt, vere religionem tollant, et tamen ferantur, imo etiam honorentur (Cap. 21).

That the objection is of no weight when they say that those who destroy religions must be punished: since the Egyptians, who worship the foulest shapes of beasts, since certain philosophers, who say that there are no gods at all, since the Epicureans, who abolish providence, truly abolish religion, and yet are tolerated, nay even honoured (Chapter 21).

Unde pateat, non ideo paganos adversus christianos insanire, quia deos hi non colant, sed quia veritas penes eos sit; adeoque nescire paganos, quid patiantur, et a spiritibus contaminatis actos caeco et irrationabili furore perferri (Cap. 22).

Whence it is plain that the pagans rage against the Christians not because the latter do not worship the gods, but because the truth is with them; and so the pagans do not know what they are undergoing, and, driven by polluted spirits, are carried along by a blind and irrational fury (Chapter 22).

Atque haec quidem Deum permittere: ut patientiam suorum probet: ut eos caducis ac mortalibus bonis corrumpi non sinat: ut delinquentes plagis ac verberibus emendet: ut Dei populus augeatur, crudelitate impiorum et fidelium constantia ob hominum oculos posita. Non tamen persecutores impune laturos: sed graves Deo poenas daturos, quod indignationis adversus christianos fuerunt ministri (Cap. 23 et 24). SCULTETUS.

And that God permits these things: that He may test the patience of His own; that He may not allow them to be corrupted by perishable and mortal goods; that He may correct transgressors with blows and stripes; that the people of God may be increased, when the cruelty of the impious and the constancy of the faithful are set before the eyes of men. Yet that the persecutors will not go unpunished, but will pay heavy penalties to God, because they were ministers of indignation against the Christians (Chapters 23 and 24). Scultetus.

Editors' notes and page, col. 545

Footnotes

(—) ‹anchor: Constantine Imperator Maxime› · lemma in col 546 · (continues) Constantine imperator Maxime. Tria haec verba absunt a mss. 1 Bonon. antiq., 1 Reg., Pal., 1 Lips. et edit. Is.; extant autem in caeteris tum scriptis, tum editis. Hoc primum caput est veluti praefatio totius

Constantine, greatest emperor. These three words are missing from manuscripts: the first old Bologna, the first Royal, the Palatine, the first Leipzig, and the edition of Isaeus; they stand, however, in the rest, both manuscript and printed. This first chapter is, as it were, the preface of the whole ...

(printed under page 286)

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marginal letters: A ‹bescunt coram justis›; B ‹plane occaecatos, vel inde›; C ‹Ciceronem doceat, qui Justitiam›; D ‹num et justum nesciat›
old-edition numerals: (none)
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Editors' notes and page, col. 546

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running head: V. DE JUSTITIA. 546 (left end of the running head cut off at the image edge)
marginal letters: A abstineat: Idem ex definitione; B tione et hortamentis agere; C Nullius momenti esse exceptionem; D et 24). SCULTETUS.
old-edition numerals: (none)
other: editors' matter: Scultetus's analysis of Book V, continued from col. 545 ("abstineat: Idem ex definitione...", ending "SCULTETUS."), set; the column begins mid-sentence with "abstineat". Full-width title "[LIBE]R QUINTUS. [D]E JUSTITIA." stands between Scultetus's analysis and the opening of Book V, cut off at the left edge, not set. Full-width heading "[V]ARIORUM NOTAE." and the notes below it are page-foot apparatus, not set. C sits between the lines "Nullius momenti" and "puniendos esse"; placement UNSURE. A speck before "Cap. 21" is not set. The italic side note "Litteras asserto-" belongs to the left column (545).
other: the 8 paragraph(s) of this column above the full-width band are set under col 545 (reading order, moved on receipt)
other: the text of this column below the full-width band belongs to the next unit; not set here (rail-only part)