PL 6 · cols. 251–254

Analysis libri secundi Divinarum Institutionum Lactantii, qui inscribitur De origine erroris

Editors' preface

ANALYSIS LIBRI SECUNDI, QUI INSCRIBITUR DE ORIGINE ERRORIS.

ANALYSIS OF THE SECOND BOOK, WHICH IS ENTITLED ON THE ORIGIN OF ERROR.

Partes libri duae sunt : prima de Vanitate religionis deorum ; altera de Origine erroris.

The parts of the book are two: the first on the Vanity of the religion of the gods; the other on the Origin of error.

Vanas esse religiones deorum probat : 1° quia contra conscientiam suscipiantur, cum etiam illi in calamitatibus ad Deum unum confugiant, qui rebus ex sententia fluentibus alacres ad deorum templa currunt.

He proves that the religions of the gods are vain: 1st, because they are taken up against conscience, since even those who, when affairs flow according to their wish, run eagerly to the temples of the gods, in calamities take refuge in the one God.

2° Quia non sunt rationis humanae, nam curvant coeleste animal ad veneranda terrena. Status rectus homini et vultus sublimis datus est, ut sursum aspiciat, non deorsum ( Cap. 1).

2nd, because they are not of human reason, for they bend a heavenly creature down to the veneration of earthly things. An upright stance and an uplifted countenance have been given to man, that he may look upward, not downward (Chapter I).

3° Quia simulacra colunt, quae aut sunt signa deorum mortuorum, aut absentium, aut praesentium. Si mortuorum, stulte colunt; si absentium, colendi dii non sunt, si nec vident quae facimus, nec audiunt quae precamur. Si praesentium, quia dii absentes esse non possunt, supervacua sunt simulacra. Praeterea Dei in aeternum viventis vivum et sensibile debet esse simulacrum. At illorum simulacra omni sensu carent. Homo est simulacrorum quasi parens. Itaque melior qui facit, quam illa quae facta sunt. In simulacro non est aliquid hominis praeter umbram; ergo multo minus aliquid Dei (Cap. 2). His subjicitur gravis dehortatio a simulacrorum cultu, usque ad finem cap. 2, et reprehensio Ciceronis, qui cum intellexerit religionum vanitatem, tamen nec alios ab ea abducere, nec ipse eam relinquere voluit (Cap. 3).

3rd, because they worship images, which are the likenesses of gods either dead, or absent, or present. If of the dead, they worship foolishly; if of the absent, the gods are not to be worshipped, if they neither see what we do nor hear what we pray. If of the present, since gods cannot be absent, the images are superfluous. Moreover, the image of God, Who lives for ever, ought to be living and endowed with sense. But their images lack all sense. Man is, as it were, the parent of the images. Therefore he who makes is better than the things which are made. In an image there is nothing of man except a shadow; therefore much less is there anything of God (Chapter II). To these is added a grave dissuasion from the worship of images, up to the end of chapter II, and a censure of Cicero, who, though he understood the vanity of the religions, nevertheless was willing neither to lead others away from it nor to abandon it himself (Chapter III).

Rursum simulacra nullam majestatem habere asserit : Quod fuerint in homunculi potestate; quod frangi, cremari, perire possint; quod semetipsa tueri non possint; quod cum violantur, inulta sint, nisi a colentibus vindicentur: quod oculis sint subjecta, ae proinde non immortalia; itaque frustra ipsis offerri munera; merito Dionysium Siciliae tyrannum deos

Again, he asserts that images have no majesty: because they were in the power of a petty man; because they can be broken, burned, destroyed; because they cannot protect themselves; because when they are violated they are unavenged, unless they are avenged by their worshippers; because they are subject to the eyes, and therefore not immortal; that therefore gifts are offered to them in vain; that Dionysius, tyrant of Sicily, rightly

Editors' notes and page, col. 251

Footnotes

(Trecentis viginti duobus annis) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 251 or 252 (above the image) Trecentis viginti duobus annis. Thalli lapsum, quem secutus est Theophilus, et deinde Lactantius, ostendit luculenter Pererius in comm. ad Daniel, lib. XVI, c. 14, et lib. II Disp. de LXX septim., part. I, quaest. 2. Quamvis autem in hac supputatione mire varient chronologi, omnium tamen expensis sententiis, haud minus, quam octingentis vel nongentis circiter annis Belum Trojano excidio antiquiorem fuisse constat. Isaeus. — Nil tamen de hoc certi definiri potest, propter varios Babyloniorum et Assyriorum Belos, qui his nationibus diversis imperarunt temporibus.

Three hundred and twenty-two years. The error of Thallus, whom Theophilus followed, and after him Lactantius, Pererius shows clearly in his commentary on Daniel, book XVI, ch. 14, and in book II of the Disputation on the seventy weeks, part I, question 2. However much the chronologers vary in this reckoning, yet when all their opinions have been weighed, it is agreed that Belus was older than the fall of Troy by no less than about eight hundred or nine hundred years. Isaeus. — Nothing certain, however, can be determined about this, because of the various Beluses of the Babylonians and Assyrians who ruled over these nations at different times.

(Itaque) ‹anchor: Itaque› · call in col 251 or 252 (above the image) Itaque. Haec vox manuscriptorum codicum est, et veterum [… the rest, in the right foot column, is cut off at the image edge …]

Itaque ["and so"]. This word is the reading of the manuscript codices, and of the old [… cut off …]

(Si co…) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 251 or 252 (above the image) Si co[…] recenti[…] logi ve[…] tempor[…] [… cut off at the image edge …]

[Lemma beginning "Si co…": the note is cut off at the image edge.]

(Ante…) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 251 or 252 (above the image) Ante[…] lus. A[…] duo mi[…] intercessisse scribit prope finem lib. II. Isaeus.

[Lemma beginning "Ante…": the note is cut off at the image edge] … writes that [it] intervened, near the end of book II. Isaeus.

(Ne modum excedat) ‹anchor: modum excedat› · call in col 251 or 252 (above the image) Ne modum excedat. Mss. rec. 2 Reg., Vict., Nav., [?] Colb., Gat., Brun. addunt oratio; sed perperam.

Ne modum excedat ["lest it exceed measure"]. The recent manuscripts, 2 Regii, Victorinus, Navarrensis, [?] Colbertinus, Gatianus, Brunensis, add oratio ["the discourse"]; but wrongly.

(printed under page 129)

Page

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old-edition numerals: (none)
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PL 6:252

tales contempsisse, spoliasse, illusisse, idque impune: C. Verrem impune tot sacrilegia commisisse (Cap. 4).

despised such gods, plundered them, mocked them, and that with impunity; that Gaius Verres committed so many sacrileges with impunity (Chapter IV).

4° Quia praeferunt Deo et parenti opera Dei, non solum barbari, sed etiam stoici philosophi, qui omnia coelestia, quae moventur, in deorum numero censent : quos non tantum veritate, sed etiam verbis ipsorum revincit (Cap. 5 et 6).

4th, because they prefer the works of God to God and parent, not only the barbarians but also the Stoic philosophers, who reckon all the heavenly bodies that move among the number of the gods: whom he refutes not only by the truth but also by their own words (Chapters V and VI).

5° Quia solis, lunae, ignis, aquae, etc. simulacra humanum in modum formant, consecrantque iis manubias et rapinas suas, existimantes Deum amare, quidquid ipsi concupiscunt (Cap. 7).

5th, because they fashion images of the sun, the moon, fire, water, etc. after the manner of a man, and consecrate to them their spoils and plunder, supposing that God loves whatever they themselves covet (Chapter VII).

OBJECTIO : At ii ipsi dii majestatem suam saepe ostendunt prodigiis, et somniis, et auguriis, et oraculis (Hic enumerantur multa miracula deorum). — Ut causam horum miraculorum exponat, altius Lactantius narrationem orditur ab ipsa scilicet creatione rerum, de qua incipit disserere, cap. 9, in quo refutat errores philosophorum de mundo et ejus fabricatore Deo. Deinde persequitur historiam creationis, cap. 10, 11, 12, 13, immiscens identidem disputatiunculas cum philosophis, quae ad creationem pertinent. Tertio diluvii historiam attingit, et originem errorum a Chami Hebraeorumque defectione deducit, cap. 14. Quarto, crescente hominum malitia, Deum scribit misisse angelos ad tutelam generis humani in terram : quos cum pellexisset diabolus ad vitia, et mulierum congressibus inquinasset, fecisse eos diabolum suos satellites, qui autem ex his fuerunt prognati, eos neque angelos, neque homines fuisse; atque ita duo facta esse genera daemonum, unum coelesto, alterum terrenum, atque hos esse immundos spiritus, malorum, quae geruntur, auctores; qui insidiis, dolis, erroribus omnia complent, qui insinuant se corporibus

OBJECTION: But these very gods often show their majesty by prodigies, and dreams, and auguries, and oracles (Here many miracles of the gods are enumerated). — To set out the cause of these miracles, Lactantius begins his narrative from further back, namely from the very creation of things, on which he begins to discourse in chapter IX, in which he refutes the errors of the philosophers concerning the world and God its maker. Then he follows out the history of the creation, chapters X, XI, XII, XIII, mingling in from time to time little disputations with the philosophers which pertain to the creation. Thirdly, he touches on the history of the flood, and derives the origin of errors from the defection of Ham and of the Hebrews, chapter XIV. Fourthly, he writes that, as the wickedness of men increased, God sent angels to the earth for the protection of the human race: and that when the devil had enticed them to vices and defiled them by intercourse with women, he made them his own satellites; but that those who were born of them were neither angels nor men; and that thus two kinds of demons came to be, one heavenly, the other earthly, and that these are the unclean spirits, the authors of the evils that are done; who fill all things with snares, deceits and errors, who insinuate themselves into bodies

Editors' notes and page, col. 252

Page

running head: …SIS LIBRI SECUNDI. 252 (left part of running head cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A ‹nium deorum fuit›; B ‹veterum 9 editorum› (in the Variorum notae); C ‹tales contempsisse, spoliasse›; D ‹philosophis, quae ad creationem›
old-edition numerals: (none)
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old-edition numerals: (none)
misprints kept as printed: "cœlesto" for "cœleste" (unum cœlesto, alterum terrenum)
other: right column of the Analysis on the full-width page; continues from col. 251 ("deos / tales") and runs on to the next page mid-sentence after "corporibus" (no word split). "cœlesto" read as printed but UNSURE at this resolution; if the page prints "cœleste", drop the misprint line. "Chami Hebraeorumque defectione" set as printed.

PL 6:253

hominum (Cap. 15), nocere tamen nemini possunt, nisi quem habent in sua potestate (Cap. 16). Eorum inventa esse astrologiam, aruspicinam, augurationem, oracula, necromantiam, artem magicam. Hos conari homines a cultura et notitia verae majestatis avertero. Inde esse miracula, quae cap. 7 commemorata sint. Nam cum dispositiones Dei praesentiant, inquit, porro Lactantius, quippe qui ministri ejus fuerunt, interponunt se in his rebus, ut quaecumque a Deo vel facta sunt, vel fiunt, ipsi potissimum facere aut fecisse videantur; et quoties alicui populo vel orbi secundum Dei statum boni quid impendet, illi se id facturos vel prodigiis, vel somniis, vel oraculis pollicentur, si sibi templa, si honores, si sacrificia tribuantur.

of men (Chapter XV), yet they can harm no one except him whom they hold in their power (Chapter XVI). Their inventions are astrology, haruspicy, augury, oracles, necromancy and the magic art. These try to turn men away from the worship and knowledge of the true majesty. From this come the miracles which are recorded in chapter VII. For since they foreknow the dispositions of God, Lactantius goes on to say, inasmuch as they were His ministers, they insert themselves into these affairs, so that whatever things either have been done or are being done by God, they themselves may appear chiefly to do or to have done them; and whenever, by God's ordering, some good impends over any people or over the world, they promise that they will bring it about, by prodigies or by dreams or by oracles, if temples, if honours, if sacrifices are granted to them.

OBJECTIO: Cur ergo Deus hoc fieri patitur? — Respons. Ut mala cum bonis pugnent; ut vitia sint adversaria virtutibus; ut habeat alios quos puniat, alios quos honoret.

OBJECTION: Why then does God allow this to happen? Reply. So that evils may fight with goods; that vices may be adversaries to virtues; that He may have some whom He punishes, others whom He honours.

Atque hactenus haec disputatio, quam altera parte, cap. 18, Lactantius repetit, sed generatim: cui subjungit gravem dehortationem a religionibus deorum, simulacrisque, cap. 19, et quid hactenus tractarit,

And thus far this disputation, which Lactantius repeats in the other part, chapter XVIII, but in general terms; to which he adds a grave dissuasion from the religions of the gods and from images, chapter XIX; and he sets out what he has treated thus far,

quod scilicet inveteratos errores depulerit, quidque porro tractaturus sit, exponit, cap. ult. 20.

namely, that he has driven out inveterate errors, and what he is going to treat next, in the last chapter, XX.

Altera libri hujus pars est de Origine erroris, quae non conjunctim, sed sparsim hoc libro traditur. Disserit autem de origine errorum in specie primum, deinde in genere. In specie de origine errorum in religione Romanorum: quod Romulo urbem condente, et pessimos quosque in urbem suam admittente, ex iis in senatum legerit eos, qui aetate alios anteibant, et patres appellarit, et hos patres ac pellitos senes decreta tulisse de religione, quibus nunc Romani serviant. Hortatur ergo, mutent animum, quia nemo, cum viverent, affinitate illos pastores dignos, judicasset (Cap. 6). Deinde quia opporteat in ea re maxime, in qua vitae ratio versatur, sibi quemque confidere, suoque judicio ac propriis sensibus niti ad investigandam ac perpendendam veritatem (Cap. 7).

The other part of this book concerns the Origin of error, which is presented not all together but scattered through this book. He discusses the origin of errors first in particular, then in general. In particular, the origin of errors in the religion of the Romans: that when Romulus was founding the city and admitting all the worst men into his city, he chose from among them for the senate those who surpassed the others in age, and called them fathers, and that these fathers and skin-clad old men passed the decrees on religion which the Romans now serve. He therefore urges them to change their mind, since no one, while those shepherds were alive, would have judged them worthy of kinship (Chapter VI). Next, that it is necessary, above all in that matter on which the conduct of life turns, for each man to trust himself and to rely on his own judgement and his own senses to investigate and weigh the truth (Chapter VII).

In genere omnium errorum duas esse causas dicit: defectionem Chami et posteritatis pii Noe a Deo (Cap. 14), et insidias diaboli (Cap. 16). SCULTETUS.

In general he says that there are two causes of all errors: the falling away from God of Ham and of the posterity of the pious Noah (Chapter XIV), and the snares of the devil (Chapter XVI). Scultetus.

Editors' notes and page, col. 253

Page

running head: 253 LIBER II. DE ORIGINE E[...] (cut off at image edge)
marginal letters: A hominum (Cap. 15), nocere tamen; B Atque hactenus haec disputatio; C Dei, qui colitur in adversis; D (none)
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PL 6:254

Editors' notes and page, col. 254

Footnotes

(Gestio enim) ‹anchor: Gestio enim, Constantine Imperator› · call in col 254 Gestio enim, Constantine Imperator. Haec duo postrema verba sunt in antiquissimo 900 annorum codice Regio, in alio item Reg., 7 Vaticanis, 2 Lipsiensibus, Balliol., Marm. et in editis Soubron., Fasitel. 1545, Gymn. 1555, Betul., Tornes., 2 Paris., Thomas., Thys., Gall., Spark., Cellar., Walch. At in Rhoanneo et Sangerm., Soubron., 2 Paris. multis, desunt. Regio-Puteanus habet in titulo ad Constantinum Imperatorem.

"For I am eager, Constantine Emperor." These last two words are in the most ancient Regius codex, 900 years old, likewise in another Regius, in 7 Vatican manuscripts, 2 Leipzig ones, the Balliol and Marmoutier manuscripts, and in the editions of Soubron, Fasitelius 1545, Gymnicus 1555, Betuleius, Tornaesius, 2 Paris editions, Thomasius, Thysius, Gallaeus, Sparke, Cellarius, Walch. But in the Rhoanneus and Sangermanensis, in Soubron, and in many Paris copies, they are missing. The Regio-Puteanus has in the title "to the Emperor Constantine".

(Convictis inanibus) ‹anchor: convictis inanibus› · call in col 254 Convictis inanibus. Ita reposui ex mss. 6 Reg., quorum duo sunt veterrimi, 1 Lips., Em., Gat., Marm. et Vict. in marg., edit. Rom., 1470, Gymnic., Fasit., Torn., Thom., Is., Thys., Cellar., Walch., et sic legere malo cum eruditis viris Jo. Clerico in Arte Critic. P. III, S. I. c. 4, p. 44, Cellario et Walchio. Plane enim mihi persuasi pro in positum fuisse m; quod amanuensibus saepe contigisse notum est. Nam legendum omnino videtur inanibus, nempe diis, qui rectius opponuntur singulari Deo, quam manes. 1 Clarom. habet, convictis diis inanibus; 1 Colb. prave, conjunctis inanibus; in 16 aliis mss. recent. et 5 editis est convictis manibus. Vide infra, l. III, c. 30 convictis philosophiae disciplinis, etc.

"The empty ones having been refuted." So I have restored it from 6 Regii manuscripts, two of them very old, 1 Leipzig, the Emmanuel, Gatianus, Marmoutier, and the Victorinus in the margin, the Rome edition of 1470, Gymnicus, Fasitelius, Tornaesius, Thomasius, Isaeus, Thysius, Cellarius, Walch; and I prefer to read it so with the learned men Jean Le Clerc in his Ars Critica, Part III, Section I, ch. 4, p. 44, Cellarius and Walch. For I am fully persuaded that m was put for in, which is known to have happened often to copyists. For "inanibus" seems by all means the reading, namely the gods, who are more fittingly set against the one God than "manes" are. 1 Claromontanus has "convictis diis inanibus" ("the empty gods having been refuted"); 1 Colbertinus wrongly "conjunctis inanibus"; in 16 other recent manuscripts and 5 editions it is "convictis manibus" ("the shades having been refuted"). See below, book III, ch. 30: "convictis philosophiae disciplinis", etc.

(Vanitate detecta) ‹anchor: impia vanitate detecta› · call in col 254 Vanitate detecta. Non male Goth. vanitate dejecta. Bun.

"Their vanity laid bare." Not badly, the Gothanus has "vanitate dejecta" ("their vanity cast down"). Bünemann.

(Suscipiens) ‹anchor: majestatem, suscipiens› · call in col 254 Suscipiens. Quaedam editiones habent suspicans, quod idem est.

"Taking up." Some editions have "suspicans", which is the same.

(Quidam philosophi) ‹anchor: ut quidam philosophi› · call in col 254 Quidam philosophi. Hic perstringit Lactantius Epicureos.

"Certain philosophers." Here Lactantius is censuring the Epicureans.

(Et nihil, et frustra) ‹anchor: et nihil, et frustra› · call in col 254 Et nihil, et frustra. Ita restituimus ex mss. 7 Reg., quorum duo sunt vetustissimi, 4 Colbert., Goth., Ult., Bonon. minus antiq., Em., Cantabrig., Brun., edit. Egnat., Paris. 1525, Fasit., Graph. In recentioribus, 2 Reg., 3 Lips., Cauc., Pen., Rostoch., Pal., 2 Clarom., Christ., 1 Colb., edit. Rom. 1470, Gymn., Betul., Tornes., Cellar., est, et nihil; quod abest a ms. 1 Bon. antiq. et editis quinque rec. In 1 Colb. et ad nihil, et frustra. Alicubi legitur nihili pro nihil, in quem locum notam habet sequentem Bunemannus. — Et nihili. Merito Cellarius ex Lips. tribus et Betul. recepit: habent et mss. C. C. C. Reimm., Ultr., Cauc., Pal. et Tornes. Prius confirmo ex Lact., l. I, c. 11: Qui sit et mortalis, et imbecillus, et nihili; et l. VI, c. 22: Insipiens, et ineptus, et nihili est. Bun.

"And nothing, and in vain." So we have restored it from 7 Regii manuscripts, two of them very old, 4 Colbertini, the Gothanus, the Ultrajectinus, the less ancient Bononiensis, the Emmanuel, the Cantabrigiensis, the Brunensis, the editions of Egnatius, Paris 1525, Fasitelius, Gryphius. In the more recent, 2 Regii, 3 Leipzig, Caucius, Pen., Rostochiensis, Palatinus, 2 Claromontani, Christinae, 1 Colbertinus, the Rome edition of 1470, Gymnicus, Betuleius, Tornaesius, Cellarius, it is "et nihil" ("and nothing"); which is lacking in the one ancient Bononiensis manuscript and in five recent editions. In 1 Colbertinus, "et ad nihil, et frustra" ("and for nothing, and in vain"). Somewhere "nihili" is read for "nihil", on which place Bünemann has the following note. — "Et nihili" ("and worthless"). Cellarius rightly adopted it from three Leipzig manuscripts and Betuleius; the manuscripts of Corpus Christi College, Reimmann, Ultrajectinus, Caucius, Palatinus and Tornaesius also have it. I confirm the former from Lactantius, book I, ch. 11: "Who is both mortal, and weak, and worthless"; and book VI, ch. 22: "He is foolish, and inept, and worthless." Bünemann.

(Nulli Deo) ‹anchor: nulli Deo nos esse curae› · call in col 254 Nulli Deo. De hoc etiam in prioribus primi libri capitibus dictum est, ac rursus dicetur in opere de Ira Dei. Nulli refertur ad Curae.

"To no God." This has been spoken of also in the earlier chapters of the first book, and will be spoken of again in the work On the Anger of God. "Nulli" refers to "curae".

(printed under page 130)

Page

running head: DE ORIGINE ERRORIS. 254
marginal letters: A quod scilicet inveteratos errores; B defectionem Chami et posteritatis; C perseveraverint. Gestio enim; D (none)
old-edition numerals: (none)
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