L. Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius, Divinarum Institutionum liber primus, De falsa religione

<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> [1] ‹anchor: Dedissent› · notes col 111 Dedissent. Ex mss. Lipsiensibus et Gothano; rectius est et concinnius quam dedidissent, ut habent alii multi. Ms. elegans eminentissimi cardinalis Rohannei habet dedissent. Dedidissent.—Cellario dedissent, quod et Reimmanni ms. habet visum rotundius. At aliorum plerorumque codicum editionumque, primae Sublacen., Rom., Venet. 1471, 1472, utriusque 1478, Rost. 1476, et longe plurium, dedidissent, ad Ciceronem, quem plerumque exprimit, propius accedit. Lib. I Offic., 21: Qui excellenti ingenio doctrinae se dediderunt. Lib. III de Orat., cap. 15: Ei studio se excellentissimi ingenii homines dediderunt. Lib. I de Orat., cap. 3: Studio litterarum penitus se dedere. Neque penitus dedidissent minus rotunda videntur, quam Lact. lib. IV, cap. 13, penitus nescientem; et lib. VII, cap. 5, se voluptatibus dediderunt. Torn. 158, 1613, penitius dedidissent. BUNEMAN.

Dedissent ("had given themselves"). From the Leipzig manuscripts and the Gotha one; it is more correct and neater than dedidissent ("had devoted themselves"), as many others have. The elegant manuscript of His Eminence Cardinal Rohan has dedissent. Dedidissent.—To Cellarius dedissent, which Reimmann's manuscript also has, seemed smoother. But dedidissent, the reading of most other manuscripts and editions (the first Subiaco, Rome, Venice 1471, 1472, both of 1478, Rostock 1476, and very many more), comes closer to Cicero, whom he generally imitates. Book I of the De officiis, 21: "Who with excellent talent have devoted themselves to learning." Book III of the De oratore, ch. 15: "To that study men of the most excellent talent devoted themselves." Book I of the De oratore, ch. 3: "To devote oneself wholly to the study of letters." Nor does penitus dedidissent seem less smooth than Lactantius's book IV, ch. 13, penitus nescientem ("wholly ignorant"), and book VII, ch. 5, se voluptatibus dediderunt ("they devoted themselves to pleasures"). Tornaesius 158, 1613: penitius dedidissent ("had devoted themselves more deeply"). BÜNEMANN.

[2] ‹anchor: Struendis opibus› · notes col 111 Struendis opibus. Mss. et saec. XV edd., quam struendis; at Parrhas., Crat., Junt., Ald., Gymn., Griph., Paris. 1513, Isaeus, quam aut struendis. Reimm., Venet. 1472, et edd. Tornaes., quam in struendis. Prius receptum ab Heum., posterius est contra Lactantii indolem, qui semper inhaerere cum dativo construit. BUNEMAN.

Struendis opibus ("in heaping up wealth"). The manuscripts and the fifteenth-century editions have quam struendis; but Parrhasius, Cratander, the Junta, the Aldine, Gymnicus, Gryphius, Paris 1513 and Isaeus have quam aut struendis. Reimmann, Venice 1472 and the Tornaesius editions have quam in struendis. The former was adopted by Heumann; the latter goes against Lactantius's habit, who always construes inhaerere with the dative. BÜNEMANN.

[3] ‹anchor: Quoniam› · notes col 111 Quoniam. Mss. Rohan. legit quia.

Quoniam ("since"). The Rohan manuscript reads quia ("because").

[4] ‹anchor: Justior effici› · notes cols 111–112 Justior effici. Sic restituimus ex Rohanneo et omnibus mss. codicibus, veteribus Romanis editionibus, et duobus Lipsiensibus. In caeteris editis, legitur fieri. — Justior effici. Ita mss. Goth., Guelpherb., Lips., Ultr., Junt., Cauc., Cantabr., Gron., Reimm. et primae Subl., Rom., Ven. 1471, 1472, Rost., Paris. 1513, Torn.: et praestat lib. III, cap. 12: Effici quemquam beatum posse; lib. IV, cap. 3: Efficitque meliores. Cic. III, fin., 3, beatam vitam virtute effici. BUNEMAN.

Justior effici ("be made more just"). So we have restored it from the Rohan manuscript and all the manuscript codices, the old Roman editions, and the two Leipzig ones. In the other printed editions fieri ("become") is read. — Justior effici. So the Gotha, Wolfenbüttel, Leipzig and Utrecht manuscripts, the Junta, Chauci, Cambridge, Gronovius and Reimmann, and the first Subiaco, Rome, Venice 1471, 1472, Rostock, Paris 1513 and Tornaesius editions: and it is better; compare book III, ch. 12: "that anyone can be made happy"; book IV, ch. 3: "and makes them better." Cicero, De finibus III, 3: "that the happy life is brought about by virtue." BÜNEMANN.

[5] ‹anchor: Cupiverunt› · notes col 112 Cupiverunt. Ita plerique libri plenius: at lenius et Ciceroni atque Lactantio propius Parrhas., Junt., Ald., Crat., Gymn., Is., cupierunt, in hoc et similibus. BUNEMAN.

Cupiverunt ("they desired"). So most books, in the fuller form; but Parrhasius, the Junta, the Aldine, Cratander, Gymnicus and Isaeus have cupierunt, smoother and nearer to Cicero and Lactantius, in this and similar words. BÜNEMANN.

[6] ‹anchor: Atque ita› · notes col 112 Atque ita. Deest in Rohan. mss. idque recte.

Atque ita ("and so"). It is missing in the Rohan manuscript, and rightly.

[7] ‹anchor: Abjecisse quosdam› · notes col 112 Abjecisse quosdam. Biam scilicet, Democritum, etc. V. Valer. Max., lib. VII, cap. 2; lib. VIII, cap. 7. De his singulis plenius loquetur libro III, qui est de Falsa sapientia.

Abjecisse quosdam ("that some cast away"). Bias, that is, Democritus, and others. See Valerius Maximus, book VII, ch. 2; book VIII, ch. 7. He will speak of each of these more fully in book III, which is On False Wisdom.

[8] ‹anchor: Nudam veritatem nudi expeditique sequerentur› · notes col 112 Nudam veritatem nudi expeditique sequerentur. Ita Hieron. epist. 13, ad Paulinum: Nudam crucem nudus sequens, expeditior et levior scandis scalam Jacob. In multis editis ac in pluribus mss. virtutem et virtutis legitur, non vero veritatem et veritatis. At in mss. Oxoniensibus a Sparckio laudatis veritatem et veritatis scribitur, sicut et in mss. quibus usus est editor Coloniensis anni 1544. Porro in hoc capite non agitur de virtute, sed de veritate, ut paucis post lineis videre est; quia veritas, ait Lactantius, ingenio ac propriis sensibus non potest comprehendi.

Nudam veritatem nudi expeditique sequerentur ("that, stripped and unencumbered, they might follow naked truth"). So Jerome, letter 13, to Paulinus: "Following the naked cross naked, you climb Jacob's ladder the readier and lighter." In many printed editions and in several manuscripts virtutem and virtutis ("virtue") are read, not veritatem and veritatis ("truth"). But in the Oxford manuscripts cited by Sparke veritatem and veritatis are written, as also in the manuscripts used by the Cologne editor of 1544. Moreover this chapter is not about virtue but about truth, as can be seen a few lines later: "because truth," says Lactantius, "cannot be grasped by talent and one's own senses."

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> [1] ‹anchor: Praedicarent› · notes col 113 Praedicarent. Ita restitui ex mss. codicibus ac veteribus editis Rom., Ald., Paris., 1525; quod juxta Cellarium efficacius est notandae philosophorum jactantiae, quam judicarent quod est in recentissimis mss. Emmanuel. et Cantabrig. et in editis recentibus. In quibusdam editis legitur, ut in ea omne summi boni praedicarent.

Praedicarent ("they proclaimed"). So I have restored it from the manuscript codices and the old Rome, Aldine and Paris 1525 editions; which, according to Cellarius, is more effective for marking the boasting of the philosophers than judicarent ("they judged"), which is in the most recent manuscripts, Emmanuel and Cambridge, and in the recent editions. In some editions one reads: ut in ea omne summi boni praedicarent ("that they proclaimed in it the whole of the highest good").

[2] ‹anchor: Veritas, id est arcanum› · notes col 113 Veritas, id est arcanum. De hoc quaestio erit lib. IV, qui est de Vera sapientia.

Veritas, id est arcanum ("truth, that is, the secret"). This will be the question of book IV, which is On True Wisdom.

[3] ‹anchor: Summi Dei› · notes col 113 Summi Dei. Hanc locutionem centies reperies apud Lactantium.

Summi Dei ("of the supreme God"). You will find this expression a hundred times in Lactantius.

[4] ‹anchor: Veritas... compr.› · notes col 113 Veritas... compr. Lib. III, c. 1, et l. VII, c. 2. BUN.

Veritas... compr[ehendi] ("truth ... be grasped"). Book III, ch. 1, and book VII, ch. 2. BÜNEMANN.

[5] ‹anchor: Dispositiones› · notes col 113 Dispositiones. Pro decreta; hinc Lactantius in Erasmico Ciceroniano notatur, quod vocabulum decreta hic non adhibuerit. — Dispositiones. Notatur noster ab Erasmo in Ciceroniano, quod dispositiones pro decretis dixerit. Vindicamus ex Tertulliano ad Lactant. lib. II, cap. 16. Conf. lib. VII, cap. 5. BUNEMAN.

Dispositiones ("dispositions"). For decreta ("decrees"); hence Lactantius is censured in Erasmus's Ciceronianus for not having used the word decreta here. — Dispositiones. Our author is censured by Erasmus in the Ciceronianus for having said dispositiones for decreta. We defend it from Tertullian, at Lactantius book II, ch. 16. Compare book VII, ch. 5. BÜNEMANN.

[6] ‹anchor: Innotesceret› · notes col 113 Innotesceret. Ita mss. Anglicani et Aldina editio; aliae quaedam habent, notesceret, sed minus bene. — Innotesceret. Sic Torn., Gymn., Parrh., Crat. omnino h. l. sonantius. At notesceret habent cum Goth., Reimm., Lips. ad oram, Thom.; fere omnes edd. antiquae, Subl., Ven. 1472, 1497, et Paris. 1513: praefert quoque Heumannus. Occurrit aliquoties lib. IV, cap. 26, et in Epitome ex ms. Taur. BUNEMAN.

Innotesceret ("should become known"). So the English manuscripts and the Aldine edition; certain others have notesceret, but less well. — Innotesceret. So Tornaesius, Gymnicus, Parrhasius and Cratander, altogether more sonorous in this place. But notesceret is had, with the Gotha, Reimmann and Leipzig (in the margin) and Thomasius, by almost all the old editions, Subiaco, Venice 1472, 1497 and Paris 1513; Heumann too prefers it. It occurs several times, book IV, ch. 26, and in the Epitome from the Turin manuscript. BÜNEMANN.

[7] ‹anchor: Errare› · notes col 113 Errare. Sic cum edit. Rom. omnes mss. praeter 1 Reg. et edd. rec. in quibus est, oberrare. — Regnat in omnibus edd. oberrare; quia vero hoc Lactantio et aliis est circa aliquid errare, ut noto ad lib. II, c. 2, praefero errare: sequitur erranti: etiam Reimm., errare. BUNEMAN.

Errare ("to wander"). So, with the Rome edition, all the manuscripts except one Regius and the recent editions, in which there is oberrare ("to wander about"). — Oberrare prevails in all the editions; but since for Lactantius and others this means to wander around something, as I note at book II, ch. 2, I prefer errare: erranti follows: Reimmann too has errare. BÜNEMANN.

[8] ‹anchor: Laboris effectu› · notes col 113 Laboris effectu. Certe non opus a consensu codicum, etiam Reim., abire. Iterum Lact. lib. III, cap. 1, voluntatem non secutus effectus. Seneca de Tranquill. cap. 11, fin.: Ne aut labor irritus sine effectu sit, aut effectus labore indignus. BUNEMAN.

Laboris effectu ("by the fruit of the labour"). There is certainly no need to depart from the agreement of the codices, Reimmann's included. Again Lactantius, book III, ch. 1: "the effect has not followed the will." Seneca, De tranquillitate, ch. 11, end: "That neither the labour be vain, without effect, nor the effect unworthy of the labour." BÜNEMANN.

[9] ‹anchor: Notionem veritatis munus suum fecit› · notes col 113 Notionem veritatis munus suum fecit. Id est, ipse Deus voluit fungi officio doctoris, veritatem notam faciendo. Ipsi enim soli veritas nota est, lib. III, c. 1; et Dei est hoc munus... et veritatis notio divinae conditionis est. BUNEMAN.

Notionem veritatis munus suum fecit ("he made the knowledge of the truth his own gift"). That is, God himself willed to discharge the office of teacher by making the truth known. "For to him alone is the truth known," book III, ch. 1; and "this is the gift of God ... and the knowledge of the truth belongs to the divine condition." BÜNEMANN.

[10] ‹anchor: Nullam› · notes col 113 Nullam. Id est nullius pretii, nullius emolumenti. WALCHIUS. — Ita interpretantur vocem nullus purioris eloquii auctores.

Nullam ("none"). That is, of no value, of no profit. WALCH. — So the authors of purer style understand the word nullus.

[11] ‹anchor: In obscuro veritas› · notes col 114 In obscuro veritas. Quomodo id sit docet lib. III, c. 28.

In obscuro veritas ("truth in the dark"). How this is so he teaches in book III, ch. 28.

[12] ‹anchor: Assertoribus› · notes col 114 Assertoribus. Ita cum vet. tribus Romanis editionibus an. 1468, 1470 et 1474, ac Betuleii et Cellarii mss. Bonon., 7 Reg., 6 Colbert., 2 Sorbon., Navar., Victor., Gatian., Cauc., Ultr., 3 Lips., Cant., Emm., Jun., Gronov., 2 Clarom. et 2 Brun. melius et concinnius quam assertionibus in 2 Reg. rec. et Marm. ac recentioribus editis. De assertoribus christianae religionis vide lib. V, cap. 2.

Assertoribus ("champions"). So, with the three old Roman editions of 1468, 1470 and 1474, and the Bologna manuscripts of Betuleius and Cellarius, 7 Regii, 6 Colbertini, 2 Sorbonne, Navarre, St Victor, Gatianus, Chauci, Utrecht, 3 Leipzig, Cambridge, Emmanuel, Junius, Gronovius, 2 Clermont and 2 Brunswick: better and neater than assertionibus ("assertions") in 2 recent Regii and Marmoutier and the more recent editions. On the champions of the Christian religion see book V, ch. 2.

[13] ‹anchor: Falsi› · notes col 114 Falsi. Id est, decepti.

Falsi. That is, deceived.

[14] ‹anchor: Illa oratoria› · notes col 114 Illa oratoria. Sc. profana, sophistica, quam vocat de Opif., cap. 21, fallacem captiosamque facundiam. BUN.

Illa oratoria ("that oratory"). That is, profane, sophistical, which he calls in De opificio, ch. 21, "deceitful and captious eloquence." BÜNEMANN.

[15] ‹anchor: In qua diu versati› · notes col 114 In qua diu versati. Forum tamen non attigit.

In qua diu versati ("in which we long engaged"). Yet he never entered the forum.

[16] ‹anchor: Instruere› · notes col 114 Instruere. Sic restituimus ex veterrimo et optimo ms. Regio-Puteano, 3 Colbert., 2 Claromont. aliisque, et vet. editis Rom. Egnat. seu Ald., 1515, Paris., 1525. Cratand., 1532. In nonnullis mss. et recentioribus editis, instituere.

Instruere ("to equip"). So we have restored it from the very old and excellent Regius-Puteanus manuscript, 3 Colbertini, 2 Clermont and others, and the old editions of Rome, Egnatius or the Aldine 1515, Paris 1525, Cratander 1532. In some manuscripts and the more recent editions, instituere ("to train").

[17] ‹anchor: Majore in gloria› · notes col 114 Majore in gloria, etc. De philosophi et oratoris comparatione vide Plutarchum in Stoicis Enantiomatis sub initium.

Majore in gloria ("in greater glory"), etc. On the comparison of philosopher and orator see Plutarch in the Stoic Contradictions, near the beginning.

[18] ‹anchor: Multum tamen nobis exercitatio illa fictarum litium› · notes col 114 Multum tamen nobis exercitatio illa fictarum litium, etc. Fictarum, ait, litium, nam verarum numquam patronus fuit, cum ne forum quidem attigerit, ut testatur ipse de se lib. III, cap. 13. Olim autem cum in Graecia et Romae floreret eloquentiae studium, juvenes, percepta grammatica, ducebantur ad rhetores, qui themata illis vel conficta, vel ex historiis petita proponebant, qualia sunt quae in Senecae patris, et Quintiliani declamationibus, et apud Graecos scriptores etiamnum multa reperiuntur, in quibus pueri in scholis sese dictione ac scriptione exercerent, quales fuerunt Libanius, Carneades, Dio Chrysostomus: ita hi juvenes instituebant, ut postea serio ad populum, vel senatum eloqui possent; et materias infames pertractare consueverunt. Hae itaque exercitationes erant, quibus paulo supra Lactantius ait, se in professione illa oratoria diu versatum, juvenes olim non ad virtutem, sed plane ad argutam malitiam erudivisse, multumque illarum usum nunc sibi profuturum ad causam veritatis adversus gentes perorandam. ISAEUS.

Multum tamen nobis exercitatio illa fictarum litium ("yet that practice in feigned lawsuits [has given] us much"), etc. "Of feigned suits," he says, for he was never advocate in real ones, since he never even entered the forum, as he testifies of himself in book III, ch. 13. In former times, when the study of eloquence flourished in Greece and at Rome, young men, once they had learned grammar, were taken to the rhetors, who set them themes either invented or drawn from histories, such as are found in the declamations of Seneca the father and of Quintilian, and many still among the Greek writers, on which boys in the schools might exercise themselves in speaking and writing; such were Libanius, Carneades, Dio Chrysostom. So they trained these young men, that later they might speak in earnest before the people or the senate; and they were accustomed to work through disreputable subjects. These, then, were the exercises by which, as Lactantius says a little above, having long engaged in that profession of oratory, he once trained young men not to virtue but plainly to clever wickedness, and the long practice of them would now serve him in pleading the cause of truth against the heathen. ISAEUS.

[19] ‹anchor: Disserenda est› · notes col 114 Disserenda est. Disserere, est velle indicare, declarare. Tacit. Hist. II: Haud fuerit longum initia religionis, templi situm, formam deae paucis disserere; (continues)

Disserenda est ("must be set forth"). Disserere is to wish to show, to declare. Tacitus, Histories II: "It would not take long to set forth in a few words the origins of the cult, the site of the temple, the form of the goddess"; (continues)

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> [1] ‹anchor: Disserenda est› · notes col 115

(continued) BARTHIUS. — Forte legendum, asserenda est, ait Petrus Francius in ora Lactantii sui.

[2] ‹anchor: Et vi sua instructa› · notes col 115 Et vi sua instructa. Ita emendatum ex vetustissimo et optimo ms. Regio-Puteano, aliisque 7 Regiis, et 6 Colb., 2 Lips., Christ., Em., Cantabrig., 2 Clarom., 2 Brun., ac 3 vet. editis Rom., Egn. seu Ald., Paris. 1525, Tornes., Cratand., Graph., Gymnic. et 2 Lips.; cum antea esset in editis sex recentioribus et vi sua et instructa religione. Et quidem duas hasce voces esse delendas existimabat doctissimus Petrus Francius historiarum et eloquentiae professor Amstelodami, in notis mss. ad oram Lactantii sui, religione suspicans natum ex sequentibus.

Et vi sua instructa ("and equipped with its own force"). So emended from the very old and excellent Regius-Puteanus manuscript and 7 other Regii, and 6 Colbertini, 2 Leipzig, Christ's, Emmanuel, Cambridge, 2 Clermont, 2 Brunswick, and 3 old editions, Rome, Egnatius or the Aldine, Paris 1525, Tornaesius, Cratander, Gryphius, Gymnicus and 2 Leipzig; whereas before, the six more recent editions had et vi sua et instructa religione ("both by its own force and equipped with religion"). And indeed the most learned Pieter Francius, professor of history and eloquence at Amsterdam, in manuscript notes in the margin of his Lactantius, thought these two words should be deleted, suspecting that religione arose from what follows.

[3] ‹anchor: Maximi oratores› · notes col 115 Maximi oratores. Imprimis Cicero, qui, sexagenario major, omnia fere philosophica scripsit. Conf. ejus init. Disp. Tuscul. BUNEMAN.

Maximi oratores ("the greatest orators"). Above all Cicero, who wrote nearly all his philosophical works when past sixty. Compare the opening of his Tusculan Disputations. BÜNEMANN.

[4] ‹anchor: Veterani› · notes col 115 Veterani. A militia desumpta similitudo; alii enim milites veterani, alii tirones. Veterani sunt milites, qui multis annis stipendia fecerunt, et diuturno usu in re militari sunt exercitati; sub vexillo tamen continebantur, ut patet ex Caesare libro I de Bello Gallico. Vide Lipsium, ad librum I Taciti; Budaeum, in l. de Asse. Hinc oratores veterani appellantur, qui multis annis declamando sese exercuere, ac qui diuturno usu, dicendi facultatem ac facilitatem acquisivere. GALLAEUS.

Veterani ("veterans"). A comparison taken from soldiering; for some soldiers are veterans, others recruits. Veterans are soldiers who have served many years and are practised in warfare by long experience; yet they were kept under the standard, as is clear from Caesar, book I of the Gallic War. See Lipsius on book I of Tacitus; Budé in the book De asse. Hence orators are called veterans who have exercised themselves for many years in declaiming, and who by long practice have acquired the power and ease of speaking. GALLAEUS.

[5] ‹anchor: Prudentes› · notes col 115 Prudentes. Id est jureconsulti; sic in jure dicuntur responsa prudentum. Sic infra lib. V, cap. 12, prudentes iterum qui et jureconsulti dicuntur: et prudentia pro jurisprudentia apud Ciceronem, de Senect. cap. 9, et de Amicit. cap. 1.

Prudentes ("the learned"). That is, jurists; so in law one speaks of the responsa prudentum ("opinions of the learned"). So below, book V, ch. 12, prudentes again are those also called jurists: and prudentia for jurisprudence in Cicero, De senectute ch. 9 and De amicitia ch. 1.

[6] ‹anchor: Institutiones› · notes col 115 Institutiones. Respicit ad operis titulum, ad instar Caii Institutionum juris civilis, quarum hodie extant fragmenta. Institutiones autem sunt libri, quibus prima elementa docendae alicujus artis aut scientiae ita concluduntur, ut rudis aliquis per gradus ad ejus cognitionem pervenire possit. Sic apud JC. Institutiones legimus scripta brevia. BARTHIUS. — Per divinas Institutiones intelligit Lactantius, de religionis christianae institutis et praeceptis, deque impiis gentilium cultibus coarguendis disceptationes.

Institutiones ("Institutes"). He alludes to the title of the work, after the pattern of Gaius's Institutes of civil law, of which fragments survive today. Institutes are books in which the first elements of some art or science to be taught are so set out that a beginner can come by degrees to the knowledge of it. So in the jurists we read Institutes as short writings. BARTH. — By Divine Institutes Lactantius means discussions of the ordinances and precepts of the Christian religion and of the refutation of the impious cults of the heathen.

[7] ‹anchor: Institutiones› · notes col 115 Institutiones. Quae juxta, Lact. lib. V, cap. 4, doctrinae alicujus substantiam continent. BUN.

Institutiones. Which, according to Lactantius, book V, ch. 4, "contain the substance of some teaching." BÜNEMANN.

[8] ‹anchor: Non de stillicidiis, aut aquis› · notes col 115 Non de stillicidiis, aut aquis, etc. In Pandectis jurisconsultorum, libro XXX, titulus tertius est de aqua, et aquae pluviae arcendae. Vid. Ciceron., lib. I de Oratore, num. 38.

Non de stillicidiis, aut aquis ("not about eaves-drip or waters"), etc. In the jurists' Pandects, book XXX, the third title is "On water, and on warding off rainwater." See Cicero, book I of the De oratore, no. 38.

[9] ‹anchor: De manu conserenda› · notes col 115 De manu conserenda. Teste Gellio, lib. XX, cap. 9, manum conserere est, de qua re disceptabatur in re praesenti, sive ager, sive quid aliud est, cum adversarium simul manu prehenderet, in ea re omnibus verbis vindicare. A. GELLIUS.

De manu conserenda ("on joining hands" in a claim). As Gellius witnesses, book XX, ch. 9, manum conserere is, with the thing in dispute present, whether land or anything else, while taking hold of it together with the adversary by the hand, to claim it with all the formal words. A. GELLIUS.

[10] ‹anchor: Quod opus nunc nominis tui auspicio› · notes cols 115–116 Quod opus nunc nominis tui auspicio, etc. Haec usque ad Omissis ergo desiderantur in mss. 4 Reg., 2 Bon., 7 Vatic., 4 Colb., Nav., Vict., Chr., Em., 1 Lips., Gat., Tornes., Claromont., Brun., et in edit. Florentina. Desunt quoque in mss. Rohanneo et Sangerman. Extant autem in vetustissimo ms. Reg. 900 annorum codice, et in aliis quatuor Regiis, 5 Vaticanis, 2 Colbertinis, Sorbon., 2 Lips., 1 Claromont., Goth., Balliol., Marm., et in vet. editis, 3 Rom., Ald. 1515, Paris. 1525, Graphei, Cratandri, Gymnici, Betuleii, Fasitelii, Thomasii, Soubr., 2 Paris., Spark. et 2 Lips. Haec repudiat Isaeus; tuentur autem nobiscum clarissimi et eruditissimi viri Stephanus Baluzius, Sebastianus Tillemontius, et Jo. Georgius Walchius ex styli aequalitate, et bis editos a Lactantio fuisse: primo tristibus quidem temporibus scriptos putant Institutionum libros, scilicet paulo post an. 302, laetioribus autem emendatos, auctos, altera editione prodiisse, et Constantino inscriptos ac dedicatos circa annum 321 aut 323. Vide praefationem nostram, n. 10, et Hist. eccles. Tillemontii, tom. VI, p. 208. Omnino genuinus foetus est Lactantii, inquit Walchius in sua Lipsiensi editione, an. 1715, pag. 15: quod ex scribendi indole clare colligi potest. Qua de re vide Isaeum, in notis ad librum I, quae subjiciuntur ad finem hujusce voluminis.

Quod opus nunc nominis tui auspicio ("which work, now under the auspices of your name"), etc. These words, as far as Omissis ergo, are missing in the manuscripts 4 Regii, 2 Bologna, 7 Vatican, 4 Colbertini, Navarre, St Victor, Christ's, Emmanuel, 1 Leipzig, Gatianus, Tornaesius, Clermont, Brunswick, and in the Florentine edition. They are also wanting in the Rohan and Saint-Germain manuscripts. But they are extant in the very old Regius manuscript, a codex 900 years old, and in four other Regii, 5 Vatican, 2 Colbertini, Sorbonne, 2 Leipzig, 1 Clermont, Gotha, Balliol, Marmoutier, and in the old editions, 3 of Rome, the Aldine 1515, Paris 1525, those of Grapheus, Cratander, Gymnicus, Betuleius, Fasitelius, Thomasius, Soubron, 2 of Paris, Sparke and 2 of Leipzig. Isaeus rejects them; but with us the most distinguished and learned Étienne Baluze, Sébastien Tillemont and Johann Georg Walch defend them, from the evenness of the style, and hold that the books were published twice by Lactantius: they think the books of the Institutes were first written in sad times, that is, shortly after the year 302, but corrected and enlarged in happier ones and issued in a second edition, inscribed and dedicated to Constantine about the year 321 or 323. See our preface, no. 10, and Tillemont's Ecclesiastical History, vol. VI, p. 208. "It is wholly a genuine offspring of Lactantius," says Walch in his Leipzig edition of 1715, p. 15, "which can be clearly gathered from the character of the writing." On this see Isaeus in the notes on book I, which are appended at the end of this volume.

[11] ‹anchor: Imperator Maxime› · notes col 116 Imperator Maxime. Nomine isto fuit insignitus Constantinus, cum jam solus, debellatis hostibus, gubernacula imperii Romani haberet. Plura etenim cognomina gradatim assecutus est Constantinus. Ex eo quod, Maxentii victor, Romanum imperium tyrannide liberasset, appellatus fuit Liberator Urbis et Fundator quietis; cum solus imperaret, salutabatur Restitutor humani generis, Propagator imperii, et Fundator aeternae securitatis.

Imperator Maxime ("greatest Emperor"). Constantine was distinguished by this name when, his enemies vanquished, he alone held the helm of the Roman empire. For Constantine acquired several surnames by degrees. Because, as victor over Maxentius, he had freed the Roman empire from tyranny, he was called Liberator of the City and Founder of peace; when he ruled alone, he was hailed Restorer of the human race, Extender of the empire, and Founder of everlasting security.

[12] ‹anchor: Qui primus Romanorum principum› · notes col 116 Qui primus Romanorum principum. Non tam primus, repudiatis erroribus, majestatem Dei singularis ac veri cognovit et honoravit, quam primus imperatorum pacem christianis dedit. Nam ante illum Philippus, qui imperavit ab anno 244 ad 249, videtur fuisse christianus, ut colligi potest ex Eusebii Chronico, et Hist. eccles., lib. VI, cap. 39, pag. 234, B; c. 34, pag. 232; B. Hieronymo, lib. de Viris illustribus, seu de Script. Eccles, cap. 54, pag. 285; Vincentio Lirin., lib. I, cap. 23; Oros., lib. VII, cap. 20 et 28, aliisque. Itaque multo obscurior fuit in Philippo quam in Constantino, christianae religionis professio. Vide Tillemontium, Histor. imperatorum, tom. III, pag. 300 et p. 643 et seqq. Causa conversionis Constantini fuit victoria de Maxentio, καὶ τὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ σημεῖον, cui adscriptum: ἐν τούτῳ νίκα. Id autem evenit an. Chr. 311. Mortuus est 337, die Pentecostes, 22 maii sub coss. Feliciano et Titiano. Vide Philostorgium, lib. I Hist. eccles., 6, alii ante victoriam jam fuisse christianum referunt. De cruce illa quae anno 311 Constantino apparuit, vide Jac. Gothofredum ad Philostorgium; Eusebium, lib. I de Vita Constantini, cap. 22, et Sebastianum Tillemontium, Histor. impe- (continues)

Qui primus Romanorum principum ("who first of the Roman princes"). He was not so much the first to have, casting off errors, known and honoured the majesty of the one true God, as the first of the emperors to give peace to the Christians. For before him Philip, who reigned from 244 to 249, seems to have been a Christian, as can be gathered from Eusebius's Chronicle and Ecclesiastical History, book VI, ch. 39, p. 234 B; ch. 34, p. 232; from blessed Jerome, book On Illustrious Men or On Church Writers, ch. 54, p. 285; Vincent of Lérins, book I, ch. 23; Orosius, book VII, chs. 20 and 28; and others. So the profession of the Christian religion was much more obscure in Philip than in Constantine. See Tillemont, History of the Emperors, vol. III, p. 300 and p. 643 ff. The cause of Constantine's conversion was the victory over Maxentius, "and the sign of the cross," on which was written: "In this conquer." This happened in the year of Christ 311. He died in 337, on the day of Pentecost, 22 May, in the consulship of Felicianus and Titianus. See Philostorgius, Ecclesiastical History book I, 6; others report that he was already a Christian before the victory. On that cross which appeared to Constantine in the year 311, see Jacques Godefroy on Philostorgius; Eusebius, Life of Constantine book I, ch. 22; and Sébastien Tillemont, History of the Empe- (continues)

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> [1] ‹anchor: Qui primus Romanorum principum› · notes col 117

(continued) ratorum, tom. IV, cap. 23, pag. 126, atque dissertationem Nicolai de Lestocq, huic editioni annexam.

[2] ‹anchor: Aliorum facinus› · notes col 117 Aliorum facinus. Taxat hic Lactantius Maxentii et Licinii in christianos crudelitatem, et alios christianorum persecutores.

Aliorum facinus ("the crime of others"). Here Lactantius censures the cruelty of Maxentius and Licinius towards the Christians, and the other persecutors of the Christians.

[3] ‹anchor: Dabit tibi Deus felicitatem› · notes col 117 Dabit tibi Deus felicitatem. Sic S. Augustinus: Constantinum, inquit, imperatorem non supplicantem daemonibus, sed ipsum verum Deum colentem, tantis terrenis implevit muneribus, quanta optare nullus auderet, etc., de Civit. Dei, lib. V, cap. 25.

Dabit tibi Deus felicitatem ("God will give you happiness"). So St Augustine: "The emperor Constantine," he says, "who did not supplicate demons but worshipped the true God himself, he filled with such earthly gifts as no one would dare to wish for," etc., City of God, book V, ch. 25.

[4] ‹anchor: Etiam senex teneas› · notes col 117 Etiam senex teneas. Haec verba desunt in edit. Sublac.

Etiam senex teneas ("that you may hold it even as an old man"). These words are missing in the Subiaco edition.

[5] ‹anchor: Justos› · notes col 117 Justos. Id est christianos.

Justos ("the just"). That is, the Christians.

[6] ‹anchor: Quanto serius, tanto vehementius› · notes col 117 Quanto serius, tanto vehementius. Val. Max. lib. I, cap. 1, ext. 3: Lento gradu ad vindictam sui divina procedit ira, tarditatemque supplicii gravitate compensat. BUN.

Quanto serius, tanto vehementius ("the later, the more severely"). Valerius Maximus, book I, ch. 1, ext. 3: "Divine anger proceeds with slow step to its vengeance, and makes up for the slowness of the punishment by its severity." BÜNEMANN.

[7] ‹anchor: Afferentibus› · notes col 117 Afferentibus. Ut paulo post, quae allaturi sumus., at mss. 9 recentiores cum nonnullis editis, asserentibus. Hic non Academicos modo intelligit, sed philosophos omnes, qui variis opinionibus sapientiae studium dilaniarunt. — Nihil certi afferentibus. L. III, cap. 7, fin.: Nec tamen afferat ipse, quod sequamur. Cic. c. 16: Nihil boni ad vitam afferebant. De Opif., c. 1: Sic disputant, ut ea, quae afferunt, probata et cognita videri velint. Singulis his locis quoque de philosophis agitur.

Afferentibus ("bringing forward"). As a little later, quae allaturi sumus ("what we shall bring forward"); but 9 more recent manuscripts with some editions have asserentibus ("asserting"). Here he means not only the Academics but all the philosophers, who tore the study of wisdom apart with their various opinions. — Nihil certi afferentibus ("bringing forward nothing certain"). Book III, ch. 7, end: "Yet let him not himself bring forward what we are to follow." Cicero, ch. 16: "They brought nothing good to life." De opificio, ch. 1: "They so dispute that they would have what they bring forward seem proved and known." In each of these places, too, it is the philosophers that are in question.

[8] ‹anchor: Inquirentibus› · notes col 117 Inquirentibus. Sic mss. S. Germani et Lipsienses duo; alii vero quaerentibus.

Inquirentibus ("for those inquiring"). So the Saint-Germain manuscripts and the two Leipzig ones; but others have quaerentibus ("seeking").

[9] ‹anchor: Requirentibus veritatem› · notes col 117 Requirentibus veritatem. Merito ex Lips. praetulit Cellarius. Amat Lactantius vocem hanc. infra, l. VII, cap. 7: Veritatem sine duce requirerent. De Ira, c. 3: Veritatem alibi requiramus. BUN.

Requirentibus veritatem ("for those searching out the truth"). Cellarius rightly preferred this from the Leipzig manuscript. Lactantius loves this word: below, book VII, ch. 7: "They would search for the truth without a guide." De ira, ch. 3: "Let us search for the truth elsewhere." BÜNEMANN.

[10] ‹anchor: Sacramentum› · notes cols 117–118 Sacramentum Hic significat rem arcanam, quae naturaliter rationi humanae ignota est, sed divinitus patefacta, quo sensu verus interpres vocem μυστήριον reddidit. Haec vox nonnumquam significat juramentum, quod milites olim imperatori praestabant, eoque se fideliter pugnaturos et prompte obtemperaturos pollicebantur: haec significatio huic loco etiam aptari potest, atque ita accepit D. Thys. Nam et christiani quando per baptismum Ecclesiae inserebantur, juramento Christo se obligabant; hinc S. Hieronymus ad Heliodor.: Recordare tyrocinii tui diem, quo Christo consepultus, in sacramenti verba jurasti. GALLAEUS.

Sacramentum. Here it signifies a hidden thing, naturally unknown to human reason but divinely revealed, the sense in which the old translator rendered the word μυστήριον ("mystery"). This word sometimes signifies the oath that soldiers once swore to the emperor, by which they promised to fight faithfully and obey promptly: this meaning too can be fitted to this place, and so D. Thysius took it. For Christians too, when they were grafted into the Church by baptism, bound themselves to Christ by an oath; hence St Jerome to Heliodorus: "Remember the day of your enlistment, when, buried with Christ, you swore to the words of the oath." GALLAEUS.

[11] ‹anchor: Cui asserendae› · notes col 118 Cui asserendae. Sic 22 mss. inter quos sunt antiquiores Reg., Bonon. et Rohan. ac Sangerm. quod praeferendum aliis mss. recentioribus et editis, qui habent cujus.

Cui asserendae ("for the championing of which"). So 22 manuscripts, among them the older Regius, Bologna, Rohan and Saint-Germain, which is to be preferred to the other more recent manuscripts and editions, which have cujus ("of which").

[12] ‹anchor: Infiniti pene sit operis et immensi› · notes col 118 Infiniti pene sit operis et immensi. Inest in his elegantia. Cic. I, de Orat., 6: Nec dubito quin hoc plerisque immensum infinitumque videatur. BUN.

Infiniti pene sit operis et immensi ("it would be a task almost infinite and boundless"). There is elegance in these words. Cicero, De oratore I, 6: "Nor do I doubt that this seems boundless and infinite to most." BÜNEMANN.

[13] ‹anchor: Copia exuberet› · notes col 118 Copia exuberet. Ven. 1471, utraque 1478, Rost., Ven. 1497, Pier., Parrh. et quaedam aliae exuperet. Nihil muto, l. b. IV, cap. 17, copia lactis exuberant; cap. 29, exuberans fons; lib. VII, cap. 15, ager exuberat; de Ira, cap. 13, Ut arbusta pomis exuberent. Epit. cap. 72: Lactis, vini fontes exuberabunt. BUN.

Copia exuberet ("abundance overflows"). Venice 1471, both of 1478, Rostock, Venice 1497, Pierius, Parrhasius and certain others have exuperet ("surpasses"). I change nothing: book IV, ch. 17, "they overflow with plenty of milk"; ch. 29, "an overflowing spring"; book VII, ch. 15, "the field overflows"; De ira, ch. 13, "that the orchards may overflow with fruit." Epitome ch. 72: "Springs of milk and wine will overflow." BÜNEMANN.

[14] ‹anchor: Nec libri modum, nec finem reperiat oratio› · notes col 118 Nec libri modum, nec finem reperiat oratio. Heumannus miratur, tam diu in mendo cubuisse h. l. et rescribit, liber. Non opus si, nec libri modum, repériant subaudias. Certe omnes libri scripti et editi libri habent: ita ut priori loco hic, reperiant.

Nec libri modum, nec finem reperiat oratio ("and the discourse would find neither the measure of a book nor an end"). Heumann wonders that this place has lain so long in error, and rewrites it as liber ("the book"). There is no need, if with nec libri modum you understand reperiant ("they would find"). Certainly all the manuscript and printed books have libri: so that here, in the first clause, reperiant.

[15] ‹anchor: Vanis› · notes col 118 Vanis. In ed. Sublac. legitur variis.

Vanis ("vain"). In the Subiaco edition variis ("various") is read.

[16] ‹anchor: Obdurant se contra› · notes col 118 Obdurant se contra. Goth. obdurantur contra manifestam veritatem. Cicero sine reciproco, lib. III Finib., 11: Quis contra studia naturae tam vehementer obduravit. BUN.

Obdurant se contra ("they harden themselves against"). The Gotha manuscript has obdurantur contra manifestam veritatem ("they are hardened against the manifest truth"). Cicero uses it without the reflexive, De finibus book III, 11: "Who has so vehemently hardened himself against the inclinations of nature." BÜNEMANN.

[17] ‹anchor: Prave asserunt› · notes col 118 Prave asserunt. Ita cum editis optimi quique mss. In tribus rec. est proferunt; in decem recentissimis, praeferunt. Vide infra prave sentientium.

Prave asserunt ("they wrongly assert"). So, with the editions, all the best manuscripts. In three recent ones there is proferunt ("they put forward"); in ten very recent ones, praeferunt ("they prefer"). See below, prave sentientium.

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> [1] ‹anchor: Ut per praecipitium labantur› · notes col 119 Ut per praecipitium labantur. Et sic labantur lib. VI, cap. 57; Epitom., cap. 69. At mss. duo Colb. rec. et Rohan., ut in praecipitium; 1, Reg. ut in praeceps.

Ut per praecipitium labantur ("so that they slip down over the precipice"). And so labantur in book VI, ch. 57; Epitome, ch. 69. But two recent Colbert manuscripts and the Rohan have ut in praecipitium ("into the precipice"); one Regius, ut in praeceps ("headlong").

[2] ‹anchor: Relinquunt› · notes col 119 Relinquunt. Reimm., Lips. 2 et 3, derelinquunt. Certe Lactantius amat hoc decompositum; lib. I, cap. 18, lib. V, cap. 8, cap. 18, et quidam lib. III, cap. 13. BUN.

Relinquunt ("they leave"). Reimmann and Leipzig 2 and 3 have derelinquunt ("they forsake"). Certainly Lactantius loves this compound: book I, ch. 18; book V, ch. 8 and ch. 18; and indeed book III, ch. 13. BÜNEMANN.

[3] ‹anchor: Liberari› · notes col 119 Liberari. Francius, forte liberare. Sed melius legitur in Coloniensi anni 1544 editione, velintque tandem ab inveteratis erroribus liberari.

Liberari ("to be freed"). Francius: perhaps liberare ("to free"). But it reads better in the Cologne edition of 1544: "and may they at last wish to be freed from inveterate errors."

[4] ‹anchor: Si quare sint nati› · notes col 119 Si quare sint nati. Ex mss. et editis addidi sint, quod deerat editis Thys. et etiam Servatii Gall. — Quare sint nati. Illud sint in Reimm. et in triginta amplius edd. deprehenditur, in Sublac., duabus Rom., decem Venetis, an. 1471—1510, tribus Antuerp., tribus Basil., quinque Tornaes., Junt., Parrh., Berut., Gryph., duabus Isaei. Neglexerunt Thys., Gall., Spark., Cantabr.

Si quare sint nati ("if [they understand] why they were born"). From the manuscripts and editions I have added sint, which was missing in the editions of Thysius and also of Servatius Gallaeus. — Quare sint nati. That sint is found in Reimmann and in more than thirty editions: Subiaco, two of Rome, ten Venetian of the years 1471–1510, three of Antwerp, three of Basel, five of Tornaesius, the Junta, Parrhasius, Beroaldus, Gryphius, two of Isaeus. Thysius, Gallaeus, Sparke and the Cambridge edition omitted it.

[5] ‹anchor: Ut neque.... probanda sapientia› · notes col 119 Ut neque.... probanda sapientia. Hypothesis est totius professionis christianae: de hoc agitur in Lactantii libro de Ira Dei, cap. 12.

Ut neque.... probanda sapientia ("so that neither ... is wisdom to be approved"). It is the premise of the whole Christian profession: this is treated in Lactantius's book On the Anger of God, ch. 12.

[6] ‹anchor: Non putavi adeo necessarium› · notes col 119 Non putavi adeo necessarium. Plenius hoc argumentum tractatur a Lactantio libro de Ira Dei, cap. 9, 10, 11, et in libello de Opificio Dei, ubi Epicureos confutat.

Non putavi adeo necessarium ("I did not think it so necessary"). This argument is treated more fully by Lactantius in the book On the Anger of God, chs. 9, 10, 11, and in the little book On the Workmanship of God, where he refutes the Epicureans.

[7] ‹anchor: Natura; sitne providentia› · notes col 119 Natura; sitne providentia. Hinc Lact. Epitom. cap. 2, ineunte: Prima incidit quaestio, sitne providentia. BUN.

Natura; sitne providentia ("nature; whether there is a providence"). Hence Lactantius, Epitome ch. 2, at the start: "The first question that arises is whether there is a providence." BÜNEMANN.

[8] ‹anchor: Regantur› · notes col 119 Regantur. Sic cum optimis editionibus et mss. antiquioribus; quod capite 1 Epitomes confirmatur; ubi legere est: Sitne aliqua providentia, quae aut fecerit aut regat mundum. In quibusdam tamen mss. legitur gerantur, etiam Rohanneo et Sangermanensi, in aliis etiam, sed male, geruntur.

Regantur ("are ruled"). So with the best editions and the older manuscripts; which is confirmed by chapter 1 of the Epitome, where one reads: "Whether there is some providence which either made or rules the world." In some manuscripts, however, gerantur ("are managed") is read, including the Rohan and Saint-Germain, and in others also, but wrongly, geruntur.

[9] ‹anchor: Democritus› · notes col 119 Democritus. Qui fortuito omnia ex atomis facta asserere conatur. Vide Laertium. Optime Plutarchus: Nihil pulchri temere, et fortuito nascitur, sed ab arte aliqua efficitur. VOSSIUS. — De ipso Democrito copiose agitur infra libro III, cap. 17. Democrito autem adjungit Epicurum, quia hic ex illo pleraque hausit, teste Cicerone, lib. V de Finib.; et lib. II de Natur. deorum.

Democritus. Who tries to assert that all things were made by chance from atoms. See Laertius. Plutarch puts it best: "Nothing beautiful comes into being at random and by chance, but is brought about by some art." VOSSIUS. — Democritus himself is treated at length below, book III, ch. 17. He joins Epicurus to Democritus because the former drew most of his ideas from the latter, as Cicero witnesses, De finibus book V, and On the Nature of the Gods book II.

[10] ‹anchor: Protagoras› · notes col 119 Protagoras. Democriti auditor; de illo sic Lactant. de Ira Dei, cap. 9: Primus omnium Protagoras extitit temporibus Socratis, qui sibi diceret non liquere, utrum esset aliqua divinitas necne, etc. Suidas, in Πρωταγόρας; Theophilus, ad Autolyc. lib. 3; Cic., lib. I de Nat. deor.; Epiphanius, lib. III contra Haereses; Theodoret., orat. II contra Graecos. ELMENHORST. — Protagoras propter impium dogma Athenis ejectus est. Ejus Vita est apud Laertium libro IX. Sub Protagorae nomine dialogus est inter Platonis Dialogos.

Protagoras. A hearer of Democritus; of him Lactantius says thus, On the Anger of God, ch. 9: "First of all, in the time of Socrates, Protagoras arose, who said it was not clear to him whether there was any divinity or not," etc. Suidas, under Πρωταγόρας; Theophilus, To Autolycus book 3; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book I; Epiphanius, book III against Heresies; Theodoret, discourse II against the Greeks. ELMENHORST. — Protagoras was driven out of Athens for his impious doctrine. His Life is in Laertius, book IX. There is a dialogue under the name of Protagoras among the Dialogues of Plato.

[11] ‹anchor: Diagoras› · notes cols 119–120 Diagoras. Cic. de Nat. deor., l. I, c. 23, et l. II, c. 37; Josephus, II contra Appion.; Tatian.; Athenag., Πρὸς Ἕλληνας; Clemens, in Protrept. Ὧν δὴ χάριν, etc.; Diagoras Melius, cui Atheon cognomen imposuit antiquitas, dixit Minucius Felix. Contra quem suum de Providentia librum scripsit Theodoretus. Athenienses talenti pretium proscripsere illi qui Diagorae caput afferret (Suidas in Διαγόρας). Vixit autem Diagoras, juxta Euseb., Olymp. LXXIV, et deinceps vir perspicacissimi ingenii, clariss. Vossius existimat eumdem esse Diagoram Atheniensem, qui reliquit sermones Phrygios. Tatianus contra Graecos: Διαγόρας Ἀθηναῖος, etc. Hi phrygii sermones fuisse videntur historia eorum quae ad Cybelen, sive matrem Phrygiam, et ejus sacra pertinerent. Ab ipso autem eo fine conscripti, ut homines a sacris illis averteret. Ex Vossio. — De hoc Diagora iterum agitur a Lactantio, lib. de Ira Dei, cap. 9, et a Theodoreto in Therapeutica Graecorum, in sexto.

Diagoras. Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book I, ch. 23, and book II, ch. 37; Josephus, Against Apion II; Tatian; Athenagoras, To the Greeks; Clement, in the Protrepticus, "For which reason," etc.; "Diagoras of Melos, to whom antiquity gave the surname Atheos," said Minucius Felix. Against him Theodoret wrote his book On Providence. The Athenians proclaimed a talent as reward to whoever brought them Diagoras's head (Suidas, under Διαγόρας). Diagoras lived, according to Eusebius, in Olympiad 74 and after, a man of most penetrating mind. The most distinguished Vossius thinks he is the same as Diagoras the Athenian, who left Phrygian discourses. Tatian against the Greeks: "Diagoras the Athenian," etc. These Phrygian discourses seem to have been a history of what concerned Cybele, or the Phrygian mother, and her rites; written by him with this aim, to turn men away from those rites. From Vossius. — This Diagoras is treated again by Lactantius, in the book On the Anger of God, ch. 9, and by Theodoret in the Cure of Greek Maladies, in the sixth book.

[12] ‹anchor: Et postea Diagoras› · notes col 120 Et postea Diagoras. Post Protagoram, ante Epicurum, et ipse discipulus Democriti. Suid. ed. Kuster., t. I, f. 550. Si recte capias, Lactantius credidit fuisse eum post Epicurum, de Ira, capite 9. Male. Diagoras Olymp. LXXIV floruit; Epicurus demum Olymp. CIX, anno tertio natus; Laert. l. X, sect. 14, 15, et Menag. p. 453. Vossius ergo corruptam Laertii editionem secutus est, cum de Hist. Graec. l. I, c. 21, Epicurum Olymp. CVII mortuum tradidit; concedit enim Olymp. CIX natum fuisse, l. IV, c. 10, ed. Lugd. B. in-4°. Ad rem conf. Cic. de Nat. deor. L. I, c. 1 et c. 23; l. III, c. 37; Valer. Max. l. I, c. 1, ext. n. 7; Aelian., l. II Hist. Var., c. 31. BUN. — Antea Protagoras... postea Diagoras. Cic. libro I de Nat. deor. c. 1: Deos esse, dubitare se Protagoras, nullos esse omnino, Diagoras Melius et Theodorus Cyrenaicus putaverunt. Idem dicto libro, c. 23: Quid? Diagoras, Ἄθεος qui dictus est, posteaque Theodorus, nonne aperte deorum naturam sustulerunt? Nam Abderites quidem Protagoras, sophistes temporibus illis vel maximus, cum in principio libri sic posuisset, de divis neque ut sint, neque ut non sint, habeo dicere, Atheniensium jussu urbe atque agro est exterminatus, librique ejus in concione combusti. CELL.

Et postea Diagoras ("and afterwards Diagoras"). After Protagoras, before Epicurus, and himself a disciple of Democritus. Suidas, Küster's edition, vol. I, fol. 550. If you take it rightly, Lactantius believed he came after Epicurus, On the Anger, ch. 9. Wrongly. Diagoras flourished in Olympiad 74; Epicurus was born only in the third year of Olympiad 109; Laertius book X, sections 14, 15, and Ménage p. 453. Vossius therefore followed a corrupt edition of Laertius when, in On the Greek Historians book I, ch. 21, he reported that Epicurus died in Olympiad 107; for he grants he was born in Olympiad 109, book IV, ch. 10, Leiden quarto edition. On the matter compare Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book I, ch. 1 and ch. 23; book III, ch. 37; Valerius Maximus book I, ch. 1, ext. no. 7; Aelian, Varia Historia book II, ch. 31. BÜNEMANN. — Antea Protagoras... postea Diagoras ("before, Protagoras ... afterwards, Diagoras"). Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book I, ch. 1: "That gods exist, Protagoras said he doubted; that there are none at all, Diagoras of Melos and Theodorus of Cyrene held." The same, in the said book, ch. 23: "What? Diagoras, who was called the Atheist, and afterwards Theodorus, did they not openly abolish the nature of the gods? For Protagoras of Abdera, the greatest sophist of those times, having set down at the beginning of his book, 'About the gods I am unable to say either that they are or that they are not,' was banished from the city and its territory by order of the Athenians, and his books were burned in the assembly." CELLARIUS.

[13] ‹anchor: Et alii nonnulli› · notes col 120 Et alii nonnulli. E. g. Theodorus. Epit. cap. 68; de Ira, c. 9. Loca scriptorum indicarunt Elmenhorst. ad Minuc. c. 8. Pfanner, in Syst. Theolog. Gentil. c. 2, § 2. BUN. — Bion etiam exclusit deos: carmina quae de illo extant reperies apud Meursium quem adire ne pigeat, in opusculis Hesychii, p. 12. GALLAEUS.

Et alii nonnulli ("and some others"). For example Theodorus. Epitome ch. 68; On the Anger, ch. 9. The passages of the writers were indicated by Elmenhorst on Minucius ch. 8 and Pfanner in the System of Gentile Theology ch. 2, § 2. BÜNEMANN. — Bion too shut out the gods: the verses about him that survive you will find in Meursius, whom it is worth consulting, in the little works of Hesychius, p. 12. GALLAEUS.

[14] ‹anchor: Ac maxime stoici› · notes col 120 Ac maxime stoici. Stoicos imprimis celebrat; sed non minorem laudem promeritus est Plato, qui Deum passim vocat δημιουργὸν ἁπάντων, opificem universi. VOSSIUS. — Stoicorum insignes de providentia divina sententiae reperiuntur. Lactantius laudat Stoicos, caeterosque philosophos: Epictet. apud Arrianum: Discendum ante omnia, unum esse Deum, omnia regere, omnibus providere; quidquid vero faciamus, dicamus, cogitemus, nihil eum latere posse. Vide Senecam in Quaest. et in lib. de Beneficiis, et libro de Providentia. Eumdem Hetrusci, quem nos Jovem, intelligunt, custodem rectoremque universi, animum ac spiritum, mundi hujus operis dominum et artificem, cui nomen omne convenit. Vis illum fatum vocare? non errabis. Hic est ex quo suspensa sunt omnia, ex quo sunt omnes causae causarum. Vis illum providentiam dicere? recte dicis. Est enim cujus consilio huic mundo providetur, ut inconcussus exeat, et actus suos explicet. Sic (continues)

Ac maxime stoici ("and above all the Stoics"). He praises the Stoics first; but Plato has deserved no less praise, who often calls God δημιουργὸν ἁπάντων, the maker of the universe. VOSSIUS. — Remarkable sayings of the Stoics on divine providence are found. Lactantius praises the Stoics and the other philosophers: Epictetus in Arrian: "Before all else one must learn that God is one, that he rules all things, provides for all; and that nothing we do, say or think can be hidden from him." See Seneca in the Questions, in the book On Benefits, and in the book On Providence: "The Etruscans understand the same one we call Jupiter, guardian and ruler of the universe, mind and spirit, lord and craftsman of this work, the world, to whom every name is fitting. Will you call him fate? You will not err. He it is on whom all things hang, from whom are all the causes of causes. Will you call him providence? You say rightly. For it is he by whose counsel this world is provided for, so that it goes on unshaken and unfolds its actions." So (continues)

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(continued) et Cleanthes apud Simplicium: O Deus, inquit, rege me per eam causam, qua omnia moderaris et temperas.

[2] ‹anchor: Acerrime retuderunt› · notes col 121 Acerrime retuderunt. L. III, c. 28: Cum fortiter inimicorum impetus retudisset; l. IV, c. 27, vim retundit.

Acerrime retuderunt ("they beat back most fiercely"). Book III, ch. 28: "when he had bravely beaten back the onslaught of his enemies"; book IV, ch. 27: "he beats back the force."

[3] ‹anchor: Docentes› · notes col 121 Docentes. Ita ferunt mss. veterrimi et optimi. Rohanneus vero et Sangermanensis habent dicentes, quod idem fere est.

Docentes ("teaching"). So the oldest and best manuscripts have it. The Rohan and Saint-Germain, however, have dicentes ("saying"), which is nearly the same.

[4] ‹anchor: M. Tullius› · notes col 121 M. Tullius. Cicero modo Platonicos, modo Stoicos, modo Aristotelem secutus est.

M. Tullius. Cicero followed now the Platonists, now the Stoics, now Aristotle.

[5] ‹anchor: Nemo est enim tam rudis› · notes col 121 Nemo est enim tam rudis, etc. Recte observat doctiss. Wowerius, haec vulgaria esse argumenta, quibus omnes fere qui adversus Gentes scripserunt, in astruenda divinitate usi sunt. Minucius idem habet argumentum, quod a Cicerone mutuatur, de Natura deorum II, dicente: Quid potest esse tam apertum tamque perspicuum, cum coelum suspeximus, quam esse aliquod numen praestantissimae mentis, quo haec regantur. Idem, de arusp. Resp.: Etenim quis est tam vecors, qui cum coelum suspexerit, deos esse non sentiat, et ea quae tanta mente fiunt, ut vix quisquam arte ulla ordinem rerum ac vicissitudinem persequi possit, casu fieri putet? aut cum deos esse intellexerit, non intelligat, eorum numine hoc tantum imperium natum, et auctum et retentum, etc. ELMENHORST. — Prudentius vero in Apotheosi: Attamen in coelum quotiens suspexit, in uno / Constituit jus omne Deo, cui serviat ingens / Virtutum ratio, variis instructa ministris. Vide Isidor. Pelus. lib. IV. Hoc argumentum a creaturis petitum omnes convincit, et omnibus notum est, adeo ut validissimum sit ad asserendam divinitatem; hoc enim argumento B. Paulus, Rom., I, v. 20, utitur, ut Gentes reddat inexcusabiles. Invisibilia enim ipsius a creatura mundi per ea quae facta sunt intellecta conspiciuntur: sempiterna quoque ejus virtus et divinitas, ita ut sint inexcusabiles. GALLAEUS. — argumentum iterum a Cicerone tractatur libro I Tusculanarum Quaestionum.

Nemo est enim tam rudis ("for no one is so unlearned"), etc. The most learned Wowerius rightly observes that these are the common arguments which nearly all who wrote against the heathen used in establishing the divinity. Minucius has the same argument, which he borrows from Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods II, who says: "What can be so plain and so evident, when we look up at the sky, as that there is some divine power of most excellent mind by which these things are ruled?" The same, in the Response of the Haruspices: "For who is so senseless that, when he has looked up at the sky, he does not feel that there are gods, and thinks that things made with such mind that scarcely anyone by any art could follow their order and succession happen by chance? Or, when he has understood that there are gods, does not understand that by their power this great empire was born, increased and kept," etc. ELMENHORST. — And Prudentius in the Apotheosis: "Yet whenever he looked up to heaven, he placed all right in the one God, whom the vast order of the powers should serve, furnished with various ministers." See Isidore of Pelusium, book IV. This argument drawn from creatures convinces everyone and is known to everyone, so that it is the strongest for asserting the divinity; for blessed Paul uses this argument, Romans 1:20, to render the heathen inexcusable: "For his invisible things, from the creation of the world, are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made: his eternal power also and divinity, so that they are inexcusable." GALLAEUS. — The argument is treated again by Cicero in book I of the Tusculan Questions.

[6] ‹anchor: Qui oculos› · notes col 121 Qui oculos. Ita mss. et editi veteres. Unde homines cognitionem deorum habuerint, docet Plutarchus in Placitis philosophorum libro I, c. 6. Vide etiam Ciceronem in libro de Universitate.

Qui oculos ("who [raises] his eyes"). So the manuscripts and the old editions. From where men have had knowledge of the gods, Plutarch teaches in the Opinions of the Philosophers, book I, ch. 6. See also Cicero in the book On the Universe.

[7] ‹anchor: Pulchritudine› · notes cols 121–122 Pulchritudine. Nihil certe illorum quae sensu comprehenduntur, mundo ornatius, pulchrius et absolutius, ut Philo notat in lib. περὶ Ἀφθαρσίας κόσμου, Cic. lib. II de Nat. deorum. ELMENHORST. — Cicero idem affirmat, quod hic Lact., lib. II de Divinat. Ob hanc pulchritudinem mundus Graecis est κόσμος. Vide etiam Aristotelem de mundo, et Plinium, libro II, capite 4. Pro voce temperatione, quae sequitur, ed. Subl. legit prave, comparatione.

Pulchritudine ("in beauty"). Certainly nothing among the things grasped by the senses is more ornate, more beautiful and more perfect than the world, as Philo notes in the book On the Incorruptibility of the World; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book II. ELMENHORST. — Cicero affirms the same as Lactantius here, On Divination book II. Because of this beauty the world is to the Greeks κόσμος ("ornament"). See also Aristotle On the World, and Pliny, book II, chapter 4. For the word temperatione ("tempering") which follows, the Subiaco edition wrongly reads comparatione ("comparison").

[8] ‹anchor: Quod mirabili ratione› · notes col 122 Quod mirabili ratione. Francius legit, quod tam mirabili ratione constat.

Quod mirabili ratione ("what by a marvellous plan"). Francius reads: quod tam mirabili ratione constat ("what consists by so marvellous a plan").

[9] ‹anchor: Utique› · notes col 122 Utique. Sic reposuimus ex mss. et omnibus fere editis. In 4 edd. rec., itaque.

Utique ("certainly"). So we have restored from the manuscripts and nearly all the editions. In 4 recent editions, itaque ("therefore").

[10] ‹anchor: Necesse est› · notes col 122 Necesse est. In ed. Sublac. additur non, optime.

Necesse est ("it is necessary"). In the Subiaco edition non ("not") is added, excellently.

[11] ‹anchor: Nemo est qui quidem sapiat› · notes col 122 Nemo est qui quidem sapiat. Optime cum doctiss. Gronovio ita restitui ex ms. Rohan., item ex 2 aliis Reg. bonae notae, necnon Gronov., 1 Colb., 2 Brun. et edit. Cellar. In caeteris, Nemo est quidem qui sapiat... qui.

Nemo est qui quidem sapiat ("there is no one, at least of any sense"). With the most learned Gronovius I have restored it so, excellently, from the Rohan manuscript, also from 2 other Regii of good repute, as well as Gronovius, 1 Colbert, 2 Brunswick and Cellarius's edition. In the others: Nemo est quidem qui sapiat... qui.

[12] ‹anchor: Non unum esse intelligat› · notes col 122 Non unum esse intelligat. Editi quinque in medio inserunt Deum: sed perperam; mox enim praecessit unius Dei. Caeterum in eamdem rem vide Lactantium lib. II, cap. 2: Cum jurant, et cum optant, etc., inquit Tertullianus in Apologet. de ethnicis sui temporis: Anima licet falsis diis exancillata, cum tamen resipiscit, ut ex crapula et somno Deum nominat, et quod Deus dederit, omnium vox est, judicem quoque contestatur illum: Deus videt, et Deo commendo, et Deus mihi reddet. O testimonium animae naturaliter Christianae! Denique pronuntians haec, non ad Capitolium, sed ad coelum respicit? novi enim sedem Dei vivi. Deum unum poetae agnoverunt Aeschylus, et Sophocles, Philemon, Orpheus, Pythagoras. Vid. S. Justinum de Monarchia.

Non unum esse intelligat ("does not understand that there is one"). Five editions insert Deum ("God") in the middle: but wrongly; for unius Dei ("of one God") came just before. On the same matter see Lactantius book II, ch. 2: "When they swear and when they wish," etc., says Tertullian in the Apology of the heathen of his time: "The soul, though enslaved to false gods, yet when it comes to its senses, as from a debauch and from sleep, names God, and 'what God has given' is the cry of all; it calls him too to witness as judge: 'God sees,' and 'I commend it to God,' and 'God will repay me.' O testimony of the soul, naturally Christian! And in saying this, does it look not to the Capitol but to heaven? For it knows the seat of the living God." The poets Aeschylus and Sophocles, Philemon, Orpheus, Pythagoras acknowledged one God. See St Justin, On the Monarchy.

[13] ‹anchor: Qui et condiderit omnia› · notes col 122 Qui et condiderit omnia, etc. Hierocles Ζῆνα et Δία Deum appellatum esse scribit, quia per eum omnia sunt et vivunt. Hinc Apuleius Deum vocat rerum omnium exortorem. Proclus vocat Deum πηγὴν πάσης ζωῆς, fontem omnis vitae. Sic Cato apud Lucanum: Haeremus cuncti superis, temploque tacente, / Nil agimus nisi sponte Dei. Sacra etiam pagina ad providentiam asserendam, argumentum (quod omnes convincit) ab experientia petit (Ps. CIII, v. 28 et 29).

Qui et condiderit omnia ("who both founded all things"), etc. Hierocles writes that God was called Zena and Dia because through him all things are and live. Hence Apuleius calls God "the originator of all things." Proclus calls God πηγὴν πάσης ζωῆς, the fountain of all life. So Cato in Lucan: "We all cleave to the gods, and though the temple be silent, we do nothing save by the will of God." Holy Scripture too, to assert providence, draws an argument (which convinces everyone) from experience (Ps. 103 [104]:28 and 29).

[14] ‹anchor: Nervorum atque virium› · notes col 122 Nervorum atque virium. Posterior vox priorem explicat. Vide Davis. ad Caes. I Gal., 20: Opibus ac nervis. Hic video expressum Ciceronem Or. V Philip. c. 12: Experietur consentientis senatus nervos atque vires. Conf. Lact. l. IV, c. 18, nervis ac viribus. BUNEMAN.

Nervorum atque virium ("of sinews and strength"). The latter word explains the former. See Davies on Caesar, Gallic War I, 20: "by wealth and sinews." Here I see Cicero reproduced, Philippic V, ch. 12: "He will experience the sinews and strength of a unanimous senate." Compare Lactantius book IV, ch. 18, "with sinews and strength." BÜNEMANN.

[15] ‹anchor: Aeterna mens› · notes col 122 Aeterna mens. Seneca lib. I Natur. Quaest.: Quid (continues)

Aeterna mens ("eternal mind"). Seneca, Natural Questions book I: "What (continues)

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> [1] ‹anchor: Aeterna mens› · notes col 123

(continued) est Deus? Mens universi. Anaxagoras Deum vocavit νοῦν; Cic. in prim. Tuscul. Quaest.: Deus est mens soluta et libera, segregata ab omni concretione mortali. VOSS. — Ita loquuntur Platonici. Augustinus tamen de Trinitate libr. XV, scribit Deum amplius quiddam, quam mentem esse, tantum, quantum homo mente praeditus, superat bruta mente carentia. De Dei natura vide Plutarchum de Placitis philosophorum libro I, c. 7.

[2] ‹anchor: Nihil decedere› · notes col 123 Nihil decedere. Ita etiam S. Augustinus libro V de Trinit. docet nulla accidentia in Deum cadere posse; et quidquid de Deo dicatur essentialiter, non accidentaliter dici.

Nihil decedere ("nothing to fall away"). So too St Augustine, On the Trinity book V, teaches that no accidents can befall God; and that whatever is said of God is said essentially, not accidentally.

[3] ‹anchor: Copiae› · notes col 123 Copiae. Id est, abundantia, bona, opes. Infra l. V, c. 12: Omnes ad eum honores, omnia imperia, omnes opes, omnes denique copiae conferantur. L. VII, c. 23: Fruentes jucunditate innumerabilium copiarum. De Ira, cap. 13: Rerum et copiarum abundantia... instruere; et cap. 23: Deus nos innumerabilibus copiis alit. Hinc l. VI, c. 11, copiosi, sunt opibus affluentes. Freinsh. ad Tac. Ann. III, c. 54. BUNEMAN.

Copiae ("resources"). That is, abundance, goods, wealth. Below, book V, ch. 12: "Let all honours, all commands, all wealth, in short all resources be heaped on him." Book VII, ch. 23: "Enjoying the delight of countless resources." On the Anger, ch. 13: "to furnish ... with abundance of things and resources"; and ch. 23: "God nourishes us with countless resources." Hence book VI, ch. 11, copiosi are those abounding in wealth. Freinsheim on Tacitus, Annals III, ch. 54. BÜNEMANN.

[4] ‹anchor: Virtutis autem perfectior› · notes col 123 Virtutis autem perfectior, etc. Ita mss. Rohanneus et S. Germani, idque eleganter; prius tamen legebatur per triplicem negationem: Virtutis autem perfecta natura non potest esse nisi in eo quo totum est, non in eo in quo pars, etc. At editio Heumanni legit, Virtutis autem perfecta natura in eo potius est, in quo totum est, quam in eo in quo pars, etc.

Virtutis autem perfectior ("but the more perfect [nature] of power"), etc. So the Rohan and Saint-Germain manuscripts, and elegantly; earlier, however, it was read with a threefold negation: "But the perfect nature of power cannot be except in that in which the whole is, not in that in which a part," etc. But Heumann's edition reads: "But the perfect nature of power is rather in that in which the whole is than in that in which a part," etc.

[5] ‹anchor: Natura in eo potest esse, in quo totum est; quam› · notes cols 123–124 Natura in eo potest esse, in quo totum est; quam. Virtutis autem perfecta natura in eo potest esse in quo totum est, quam in eo. Haec lectio est rectissima, nec erat a Cellario corrigenda; nec, ut Heuman. scripsit, manifestus error librarii. Subaudiendum, potius. BUN.

Natura in eo potest esse, in quo totum est; quam ("the nature can be in that in which the whole is, than"). "But the perfect nature of power can be in that in which the whole is, than in that." This reading is entirely correct and should not have been corrected by Cellarius; nor is it, as Heumann wrote, an evident scribal error. Potius ("rather") is to be understood. BÜNEMANN.

[6] ‹anchor: Quia perfectus est› · notes col 124 Quia perfectus est. Haec omittunt mss. Lips et Goth. necnon editio Betulei. Ex mss. primae notae et prope omnibus, veteribusque editionibus Romanis et Cellarii repositum quia, pro nam quod est in caeteris editis.

Quia perfectus est ("because he is perfect"). The Leipzig and Gotha manuscripts omit these words, as does Betuleius's edition. From manuscripts of the first rank and nearly all of them, and from the old Roman editions and Cellarius's, quia ("because") is restored for nam ("for"), which is in the other editions.

[7] ‹anchor: Incorruptibilis› · notes col 124 Incorruptibilis. Hanc vocem fere Ecclesiast. jam ante nostrum saepe in Tertulliano, Cypriano, Arnobio legi.

Incorruptibilis ("incorruptible"). This word, almost an ecclesiastical one, is often read even before our author, in Tertullian, Cyprian and Arnobius.

[8] ‹anchor: Divina› · notes col 124 Divina. Ed. Sublac. habet aeterna. BUN.

Divina ("divine"). The Subiaco edition has aeterna ("eternal"). BÜNEMANN.

[9] ‹anchor: Eodem revolvitur res› · notes col 124 Eodem revolvitur res. Exprimit Cicer. l. IV Acad., 6: Imprudens eo, quo minime vult, revolvitur; l. II, Divin. c. 5, eodem revolveris. Add. l. I Tuscul., c. 6. BUNEMAN.

Eodem revolvitur res ("the matter comes round to the same point"). He reproduces Cicero, Academics book IV, 6: "Unawares he comes round to where he least wishes"; On Divination book II, ch. 5, "you come round to the same point." Add Tusculans book I, ch. 6. BÜNEMANN.

[10] ‹anchor: Ex nihilo esse conflatam› · notes col 124 Ex nihilo esse conflatam. Paraeus in Genes. probat ex nihilo mundum conflatum. Idemque dixit Theophrastus. Mundum ex materia quadam Deo coaeterna esse factum asseruerunt antiqui philosophi, Pythagorici et Zeno cum Stoicis suis, ipseque Plato. Hos secuti sunt haeretici, quos Materiarios appellat Tertullianus, libro adversus Hermogenem, c. 25. Vide Augustinum, haeresi 59.

Ex nihilo esse conflatam ("to have been fashioned out of nothing"). Pareus on Genesis proves that the world was fashioned out of nothing. And Theophrastus said the same. That the world was made from some matter coeternal with God was asserted by the ancient philosophers, the Pythagoreans and Zeno with his Stoics, and Plato himself. These were followed by the heretics whom Tertullian calls Materiarii, in the book against Hermogenes, ch. 25. See Augustine, heresy 59.

[11] ‹anchor: Facilius esse.... regi› · notes col 124 Facilius esse.... regi. Illud esse minus necessarium exesse jubent Rost., Subl., Ven. 1471, utraque 1478, 97, Parrh., Pier., Crat., Paris., Junt., Ald., Gymn., Gryph., Isaeus, Betul., Heum. Inseruit Thomasius, quem secuti Gall., Cantabr., Spark., Walch., Cell. BUNEMAN.

Facilius esse.... regi ("is more easily ... ruled"). That rather unnecessary esse is ordered out by Rostock, Subiaco, Venice 1471, both of 1478, 1497, Parrhasius, Pierius, Cratander, Paris, the Junta, the Aldine, Gymnicus, Gryphius, Isaeus, Betuleius, Heumann. Thomasius inserted it, followed by Gallaeus, the Cambridge edition, Sparke, Walch and Cellarius. BÜNEMANN.

[12] ‹anchor: Deficimus› · notes col 124 Deficimus. Heumannus existimat legendum esse deficimur. Juxta latini sermonis analogiam: Si quis deficiatur pecunia, ait Seneca epist. 76; Viribus deficeretur, ait J. Caesar de Bel. civil. lib. III, c. 64, et alii.

Deficimus ("we fail"). Heumann thinks deficimur ("we are failed") should be read, after the analogy of Latin usage: "If anyone is short of money," says Seneca, letter 76; "he was failed by his strength," says Julius Caesar, Civil War book III, ch. 64, and others.

[13] ‹anchor: Tantae› · notes col 124 Tantae. Ita mss. precipue Rohanneus; at mss. 7 rec. legunt tantam cum Sangermanensi.

Tantae ("of so great"). So the manuscripts, especially the Rohan; but 7 recent manuscripts read tantam, with the Saint-Germain.

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> [1] ‹anchor: Sicut Homerus bellantes inter se deos finxit› · notes col 125 Sicut Homerus bellantes inter se deos finxit. Quem sequuntur Virgilius, Ovidius, Silius, Lucanus et alii. Sic Arnobius, lib. IV adversus Gentes: Vulnerari, vexari, bella inter se gerere furialium memorantur ardore discriminum. Cic., de Nat. deor., II; Plato, de Repub. II, a cujus calumnia Proclus Homerum (si diis placet) liberat, negotium ad nescio quas divisas progressiones, atque substantiarum discrimina referens. Lege Augustinum de Civ. Dei, lib. IV, cap. 30. Sic Ovid., Trist. II: Mulciber in Trojam, pro Troja stabat Apollo / Aequa Venus Teucris, Pallas iniqua fuit. Vid. Cic. de Nat. deor. II, c. 28; Tertull. Apol. 14: Deos inter se propter Trojanos et Achivos, ut gladiatorum paria congressos depugnasse. BUNEMAN.

Sicut Homerus bellantes inter se deos finxit ("as Homer feigned gods warring among themselves"). Virgil, Ovid, Silius, Lucan and others follow him. So Arnobius, Against the Heathen book IV: "They are said to be wounded, harassed, to wage wars among themselves in the heat of frenzied quarrels." Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods II; Plato, Republic II, from whose charge Proclus frees Homer (if you please), referring the matter to I know not what divided processions and distinctions of substances. Read Augustine, City of God book IV, ch. 30. So Ovid, Tristia II: "Mulciber was against Troy, Apollo stood for Troy; Venus was kind to the Trojans, Pallas hostile." See Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods II, ch. 28; Tertullian, Apology 14: "that the gods fought it out among themselves over Trojans and Achaeans, matched like pairs of gladiators." BÜNEMANN.

[2] ‹anchor: Summa› · notes col 125 Summa. Tornes. et alii addunt, potestas. Vid. infra Epit. c. 2: Nec potest aliter rerum summa consistere. Reimm. et vett. edd., summa ipsa constare. BUN.

Summa ("the sum"). Tornaesius and others add potestas ("power"). See below, Epitome ch. 2: "Nor can the sum of things stand otherwise." Reimmann and the old editions: summa ipsa constare ("the sum itself stand"). BÜNEMANN.

[3] ‹anchor: Constare› · notes col 125 Constare. Adde potestas, ut legitur in optima Coloniensi edit. anni 1544.

Constare ("to stand"). Add potestas, as is read in the excellent Cologne edition of 1544.

[4] ‹anchor: Pertinet› · notes col 125 Pertinet. Ita codex Rohan. et Sangerm.; at mss. recentiores cum editis, pertineat.

Pertinet ("belongs"). So the Rohan and Saint-Germain codices; but the more recent manuscripts with the editions have pertineat.

[5] ‹anchor: Cunei› · notes col 125 Cunei. Cuneus erat multitudo militum ita collocata ut initio esset angusta, et paulatim dilataretur. Vid. Turneb. ad Quintil. I Inst. 13. Plena manu Pitiscus auctores citat in Thes. Antiq. Roman., tom. I, fol. 607. BUNEMAN.

Cunei ("wedges"). A cuneus was a body of soldiers so arranged that it was narrow at the front and widened gradually. See Turnèbe on Quintilian, Institutes I, 13. Pitiscus cites authors in abundance in the Thesaurus of Roman Antiquities, vol. I, fol. 607. BÜNEMANN.

[6] ‹anchor: Diversitate› · notes col 125 Diversitate. Mss. decem recent. diversitates, inter quos Rohan. Diversitates etiam habet Subl. ed.

Diversitate ("by the diversity"). Ten recent manuscripts have diversitates, among them the Rohan. The Subiaco edition also has diversitates.

[7] ‹anchor: Totius summae cura› · notes col 125 Totius summae cura. Sic mss. et Subl., Venet. 1471, 97. Vide infra. L. I, c 5. Deum vocat summae totius artificem; Epit. c. 4, totius summae gubernatorem. BUNEMAN.

Totius summae cura ("the care of the whole sum"). So the manuscripts and Subiaco, Venice 1471, 1497. See below, book I, ch. 5. He calls God "the craftsman of the whole sum"; Epitome ch. 4, "the governor of the whole sum." BÜNEMANN.

[8] ‹anchor: Tale est, quale si› · notes col 125 Tale est, quale si. Hic elegans vocularum praetermissus usus a scriptoribus de particulis, l. III, c. 3: Tale est, profecto, quale si disserere velimus. L. VI, c. 15: Quod tale est, quale si velint; cap. 16: Hoc vero tale est, quale si dicerent. BUNEMAN.

Tale est, quale si ("it is just as if"). This elegant use of the little words is passed over by the writers on particles; book III, ch. 3: "It is surely just as if we chose to discuss." Book VI, ch. 15: "Which is just as if they wished"; ch. 16: "But this is just as if they said." BÜNEMANN.

[9] ‹anchor: Quibus› · notes col 125 Quibus. Elegans lectio Gronovii siquidem, quamvis omnes mss. et edd. quibus habeant. Videtur ταυτότης, quibus, id est affectibus, commoveri ad affectus. BUNEMAN.

Quibus ("by which"). Gronovius's reading siquidem ("since indeed") is elegant, though all the manuscripts and editions have quibus. It seems a ταυτότης ("sameness"): quibus, that is affectibus, to be moved by affections towards affections. BÜNEMANN.

[10] ‹anchor: Item multi affectus, quibus commoveri› · notes cols 125–126 Item multi affectus, quibus commoveri, etc. Non negat cum Stoicis Lactantius multos esse in homine affectus, quibus commoveamur: sed negat bene colligi, multas esse in homine mentes, quia sint in eo, ut varia ministeria membrorum, ita et multi affectus ab una eademque origine sunt repetendi. In ms. Gronov. legitur: Item multi affectus, si quidem commoveri solemus vel ad iram, etc. Sed contra fidem aliorum mss.. unus ms. Lips. habet multi effectus, etc.

Item multi affectus, quibus commoveri ("likewise many affections, by which to be moved"), etc. Lactantius does not deny with the Stoics that there are many affections in man by which we are moved: but he denies that it is rightly inferred that there are many minds in man because they are in him; as the various services of the limbs, so the many affections too are to be traced to one and the same origin. In Gronovius's manuscript one reads: "Likewise many affections, since indeed we are wont to be moved either to anger," etc. But against the witness of the other manuscripts. One Leipzig manuscript has multi effectus ("many effects"), etc.

[11] ‹anchor: Tantarum› · notes col 126 Tantarum. Quasi dicas multarum. Haec dictio non magnitudinem, sed multitudinem hoc loco significat, ut fiat antithesis ad illud una; ita Graecis τοιοῦτος, promiscue significat, tot, et tantus. Ex ISAEO. — Tantarum rerum. Id est, tot, tam multarum, in oppos. una mens. Saepe Lactantius l. V, c. 13, tanta hominum millia. Sic l. III, c. 19, quanta hominum millia, id est, quam multa. . . Tertull. Apolog. c. 50: Multi apud vos ad tolerantiam doloris et mortis hortantur. . . nec tamen tantos inveniant verba discipulos, quantos christiani factis docendo. BUNEMAN.

Tantarum ("of so great"). As if you said multarum ("of so many"). This word signifies here not magnitude but multitude, to make an antithesis to una ("one"); so among the Greeks τοιοῦτος signifies indifferently "so many" and "so great." From ISAEUS. — Tantarum rerum. That is, of so many, of such a number, in opposition to una mens. Lactantius often: book V, ch. 13, "so many thousands of men." So book III, ch. 19, "how many thousands of men," that is, how many. . . Tertullian, Apology ch. 50: "Many among you exhort to the endurance of pain and death . . . yet words do not find as many disciples as Christians do by teaching with deeds." BÜNEMANN.

[12] ‹anchor: Mens una› · notes col 126 Mens una. Sic habent, et quidem recte, cum veteribus Romanis editionibus et Is. Spark., ac 2 Lips. codices mss. omnes; dempto uno Regio rec. in quo est mens humana, ut in editis sex. At mss. ac vet. editorum lectionem scopus Lactantii postulat; nam ut probet ab uno Deo tam multas res sufficienter regi posse, inter alias similitudines et hanc adducit, quod una mens omnes et tam varias corporis actiones regat.

Mens una ("one mind"). So, and rightly, all the manuscript codices have it, with the old Roman editions, Isaeus, Sparke and 2 Leipzig; except one recent Regius, in which there is mens humana ("the human mind"), as in six editions. But Lactantius's aim requires the reading of the manuscripts and the old editors; for, to prove that so many things can be sufficiently ruled by one God, among other comparisons he adduces this too, that one mind rules all the actions of the body, so varied as they are.

[13] ‹anchor: Simul› · notes col 126 Simul. Mss. 18, semel, vitiose.

Simul ("at once"). 18 manuscripts have semel ("once"), faultily.

[14] ‹anchor: Singulis rebus ac partibus› · notes col 126 Singulis rebus ac partibus. Ita legunt omnes mss. et impressi, quos videre quidem licuit. In ms. Gronov. erat singulis rebus ac partium, cum superscripta littera, ut partitim videretur voluisse scribere librarius. Suspicor fuisse, ita eos praeesse singulis rebus ac partitim, hoc est, per partes, distributis partibus. GRONOVIUS.

Singulis rebus ac partibus ("over single things and parts"). So read all the manuscripts and printed books that I have been able to see. In Gronovius's manuscript it was singulis rebus ac partium, with a letter written above, so that the scribe seemed to have wanted to write partitim. I suspect it was: "that they preside over single things and severally," that is, part by part, the parts being distributed. GRONOVIUS.

[15] ‹anchor: Ut tamen› · notes col 126 Ut tamen. Sic emendatum ex omnibus mss. et veteribus editis; praeter ms. Jun. et nonnullas editiones, in quibus legitur: Ut tantum; sed male.

Ut tamen ("so that nevertheless"). So emended from all the manuscripts and old editions, except Junius's manuscript and some editions, in which Ut tantum ("so that only") is read; but wrongly.

[16] ‹anchor: Potens omnium› · notes col 126 Potens omnium. Heumannus in App. II ad Sympos. et hic rescribit, parens omnium. Lactantio quidem Deus vocatur, parens omnium, c. 5, lib. II, c. 16, lib. V, c. 3. At quia constanter omnes libri, potens omnium, et maxime hic de potentia Dei agitur, nihil est mutandum. Patet ex Epit. h. l. c. 2: Nullus igitur eorum poterit omnipotens nuncupari, quod est verum cognomentum Dei; lib. V Institut, c. 21: Deus... quem rerum potentem confiteris. BUNEMAN.

Potens omnium ("powerful over all"). Heumann, in Appendix II to the Symposium and here, rewrites parens omnium ("parent of all"). God is indeed called by Lactantius "parent of all," ch. 5, book II, ch. 16, book V, ch. 3. But since all the books consistently have potens omnium, and the subject here above all is God's power, nothing is to be changed. It is clear from the Epitome at this place, ch. 2: "None of them, therefore, could be called almighty, which is the true surname of God"; Institutes book V, ch. 21: "God ... whom you confess as powerful over things." BÜNEMANN.

[17] ‹anchor: Praefecerit› · notes col 126 Praefecerit. Ita restituimus ex omnibus ferme mss. ac veteribus editis; et recte. In mss. 2 Reg. rec. et excusis rec., praefecit.

Praefecerit ("he has set over"). So we have restored from nearly all the manuscripts and old editions; and rightly. In 2 recent Regius manuscripts and recent prints, praefecit.

[18] ‹anchor: Et ipsi› · notes col 126 Et ipsi. Ita reposuimus ex optimis mss. 2 Reg., 2 Bonon., Taxao., 6 Colb., 2 Claromont., 2 Brun. ac vetustis edit. Mss.; 4 Reg. rec. et 9 editi habent, ut ipsi.

Et ipsi ("and they themselves"). So we have restored from the best manuscripts, 2 Regii, 2 Bologna, Taxaquet, 6 Colbertini, 2 Clermont, 2 Brunswick, and the old editions. Manuscripts: 4 recent Regii and 9 editions have ut ipsi ("as they themselves").

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> [1] ‹anchor: Servient› · notes col 127 Servient. Sic restituimus ex optimae notae mss. 2 Reg., 2 Bonon., Taxaq., 1 Colb., 2 Brun., et antiquioribus editis. In mss. 4 rec. et 10 editis est serviant.

Servient ("they will serve"). So we have restored from manuscripts of the best repute, 2 Regii, 2 Bologna, Taxaquet, 1 Colbert, 2 Brunswick, and the older editions. In 4 recent manuscripts and 10 editions there is serviant.

[2] ‹anchor: Si universi pares non sunt› · notes col 127 Si universi pares non sunt. Ed. Sublac. legit: Si universae partes non sunt.

Si universi pares non sunt ("if they are not all equal"). The Subiaco edition reads: Si universae partes non sunt ("if all the parts are not").

[3] ‹anchor: Impassibilis› · notes col 127 Impassibilis. L. II, c. 8, do antiquiorem Tertull. de Resurr. Carn. c. 57, Caro impassibilis; adv. Valentin. c. 27, in Christo impassibilis, et saepius. BUN.

Impassibilis ("incapable of suffering"). Book II, ch. 8. I give an older witness, Tertullian, On the Resurrection of the Flesh ch. 57, "flesh incapable of suffering"; Against the Valentinians ch. 27, "incapable of suffering in Christ," and more often. BÜNEMANN.

[4] ‹anchor: Qui hoc ita esse putant› · notes col 127 Qui hoc ita esse putant. Venet. 1493, 97, Paris., qui hoc putant: certe melius quam multi, qui hoc ita putant, cum Goth. et Reimm. BUNEMAN.

Qui hoc ita esse putant ("who think this to be so"). Venice 1493, 1497 and Paris have qui hoc putant ("who think this"): certainly better than many, who have qui hoc ita putant ("who think this so"), with the Gotha and Reimmann. BÜNEMANN.

[5] ‹anchor: Paulo post› · notes col 127 Paulo post. Scilicet infra cap. 8.

Paulo post ("a little later"). That is, below, ch. 8.

[6] ‹anchor: Fuerunt› · notes col 127 Fuerunt. Ita emendatum ex omnibus mss. et editis, praeter 3, edit. Thys., Gall., Spark., in quibus est, fuerant.

Fuerunt ("they were"). So emended from all the manuscripts and editions except 3, the editions of Thysius, Gallaeus and Sparke, in which there is fuerant ("they had been").

[7] ‹anchor: Unum loquuntur› · notes col 127 Unum loquuntur. Deut. VI et XXVII, Psalm. XVII et LXXXV; Sap. XII; Isaiae LV. Non adducit Lactantius testimonia, quia prophetarum scripta hoc unum sonant.

Unum loquuntur ("they speak one thing"). Deuteronomy 6 and 27, Psalms 17 [18] and 85 [86]; Wisdom 12; Isaiah 55. Lactantius does not adduce testimonies, because the writings of the prophets sound this one note.

[8] ‹anchor: Fallaces› · notes col 127 Fallaces. Cum Cellario, ex optimis mss. 2 Bonon., 6 Reg., 5 Colb., Taxaq., Pal., Lips., Jun., Em., 2 Claromont. et 2 Brun. reposuimus, fallaces. In 3 mss. rec. et editis legitur, mendaces.

Fallaces ("deceivers"). With Cellarius, from the best manuscripts, 2 Bologna, 6 Regii, 5 Colbertini, Taxaquet, Palatine, Leipzig, Junius, Emmanuel, 2 Clermont and 2 Brunswick, we have restored fallaces. In 3 recent manuscripts and the editions mendaces ("liars") is read.

[9] ‹anchor: At quin› · notes col 127 At quin, etc. Sic legit Isaeus, et recte, cujus ad hunc locum annotationem vide. Alii vero legunt atqui, sed minus bene; Sangerman. legit atque.

At quin ("but indeed"), etc. So Isaeus reads, and rightly; see his note on this place. Others read atqui, but less well; the Saint-Germain reads atque.

[10] ‹anchor: Implerique› · notes col 127 Implerique. Sic legendum, volentibus mss. 2 Reg. 900 annor., 1 al. Reg. bonae notae, Gronov. nec non 1 Claromontano a prima manu. Loquitur de prophetis Hieron. praefat., 6, in Hieremiam: Nos autem sequentes auctoritatem apostolorum, et evangelistarum, et maxime apostoli Pauli, quidquid populo Israel carnaliter promittitur, in nobis spiritualiter completum esse monstramus hodieque compleri. GRONOVIUS. — Sic legunt Cauc. et Ultr.

Implerique ("and are being fulfilled"). So it should be read, as the manuscripts wish: 2 Regii 900 years old, 1 other Regius of good repute, Gronovius's, and also 1 Clermont in the first hand. Jerome speaks of the prophets, preface 6 on Jeremiah: "But we, following the authority of the apostles and evangelists, and above all of the apostle Paul, show that whatever is promised carnally to the people of Israel has been fulfilled spiritually in us, and is being fulfilled today." GRONOVIUS. — So read Chauci and Utrecht.

[11] ‹anchor: Futura praecinere› · notes col 127 Futura praecinere. Valla c. I. in suo codice legit, futura praedicere.... Eleganter canere et praecinere vates dicuntur. Lact. l. V, c. 5, Zachariam constat... cecinisse. L. IV, c. 11, Olim Prophetae cecinerant. BUN.

Futura praecinere ("to foretell in song things to come"). Valla, in the chapter cited, reads in his codex futura praedicere ("to foretell things to come").... Seers are elegantly said canere and praecinere ("to sing" and "to sing beforehand"). Lactantius book V, ch. 5: "It is certain that Zechariah ... sang." Book IV, ch. 11: "Of old the prophets had sung." BÜNEMANN.

[12] ‹anchor: Mentis emotae› · notes cols 127–128 Mentis emotae. Plane motae loco, Seneca cap. 18 de Cons. ad Polyb. Sic etiam Lactant. l. IV, c. 27. Mss. duo Reg., 2 Colb., Goth., Jun. et Brun. habent mentis semotae, quod etiam recte exprimit, imo efficacius, id quod Lactantius intendit; nam volens probare prophetas non fuisse furiosos, dicit hoc fieri non posse ut furiosi, quibus mens est semota, et futura et cohaerentia loquantur. GALLAEUS. — Vide quoque apud Lactantium hominum mentes emotas, lib. IV Div. Instit., c. 27.

Mentis emotae ("of a mind displaced"). Plainly for motae, as in Seneca, Consolation to Polybius ch. 18. So also Lactantius book IV, ch. 27. Two Regius manuscripts, 2 Colbertini, the Gotha, Junius and Brunswick have mentis semotae ("of a mind set apart"), which also expresses rightly, indeed more forcefully, what Lactantius means; for, wishing to prove that the prophets were not mad, he says it cannot happen that madmen, whose mind is set apart, should speak both of things to come and coherently. GALLAEUS. — See also in Lactantius "the displaced minds of men," Divine Institutes book IV, ch. 27.

[13] ‹anchor: Sed etiam cohaerentia› · notes col 128 Sed etiam cohaerentia. Ita ferunt mss. et editi omnes. Sed saltem cohaerentia, vel, sed certe cohaerentia, sive, sed vel cohaerentia, dicere debuisse Lactantium, notat Vall. et mendum esse librarorum suspicatur, lib. III Elegant. cap. 27. ISAEUS.

Sed etiam cohaerentia ("but also coherently"). So all the manuscripts and editions have it. Valla remarks that Lactantius ought to have said sed saltem cohaerentia, or sed certe cohaerentia, or sed vel cohaerentia ("but at least coherently"), and suspects it is a scribes' error, Elegantiae book III, ch. 27. ISAEUS.

[14] ‹anchor: Num ergo› · notes col 128 Num ergo. Mss. 8 recentes, Non ergo. Utraque lectio bona. — Num ergo. Ita habent fere omnes, Subl., Rost., Ven. 1471, 72, utraque 78, 93, 97, Junt., Ald., Parrh., Crat., Paris., Gymn., Gryph., Thom., Torn., Isaeus, Gall., Cantabr., Sparkius. BUNEMAN.

Num ergo ("is it then"). 8 recent manuscripts have Non ergo ("not then"). Both readings are good. — Num ergo. So nearly all have it: Subiaco, Rostock, Venice 1471, 1472, both of 1478, 1493, 1497, the Junta, the Aldine, Parrhasius, Cratander, Paris, Gymnicus, Gryphius, Thomasius, Tornaesius, Isaeus, Gallaeus, the Cambridge edition, Sparke. BÜNEMANN.

[15] ‹anchor: Alienum› · notes col 128 Alienum. Heumannus putat addendum esse fuit; at sequimur mss.

Alienum ("foreign"). Heumann thinks fuit ("was") should be added; but we follow the manuscripts.

[16] ‹anchor: Correctores pravitatis› · notes col 128 Correctores pravitatis. Ms. Cant. et prima ed. Subl. 1465, correptores. At amplius et aptius prius vocabulum ob sequens, pravitatis. Noto ad Lactant. de Ira, cap. 15; et c. 17, ad pravitatis correctionem. BUNEMAN.

Correctores pravitatis ("correctors of depravity"). The Cambridge manuscript and the first Subiaco edition of 1465 have correptores ("reprovers"). But the former word is fuller and fitter because of the following pravitatis. I note it at Lactantius, On the Anger, ch. 15; and ch. 17, "for the correction of depravity." BÜNEMANN.

[17] ‹anchor: Procul ab› · notes col 128 Procul ab. Rectius sic cum mss. quam Subl., Rost., Ven. 1471, 72, 97, Pier., Parrh., Crat., Paris., Gymn., Gryph., Ald., procul dubio. Reimm., procul ab illis fuit. BUNEMAN.

Procul ab ("far from"). More correctly so, with the manuscripts, than Subiaco, Rostock, Venice 1471, 1472, 1497, Pierius, Parrhasius, Cratander, Paris, Gymnicus, Gryphius and the Aldine, procul dubio ("without doubt"). Reimmann: procul ab illis fuit ("was far from them"). BÜNEMANN.

[18] ‹anchor: Ad tutelam vitae› · notes col 128 Ad tutelam vitae. Vid. l. VII Inst. c. 4: Tutelae ejus (confer. supra) atque usibus data. Seneca ad Helviam c. 9: Terra ea vix ad tutelam incolentium fertilis... quantulum est, quod in tutelam homini necessarium sit. BUNEMAN.

Ad tutelam vitae ("for the upkeep of life"). See Institutes book VII, ch. 4: "given for his upkeep (compare above) and uses." Seneca to Helvia ch. 9: "That land, scarcely fertile enough for the upkeep of its inhabitants ... how little it is that is necessary for a man's upkeep." BÜNEMANN.

[19] ‹anchor: In diem› · notes col 128 In diem. L. III, c. 25: Quibus in diem victus labore est quaerendus. BUNEMAN.

In diem ("for the day"). Book III, ch. 25: "Who must seek their livelihood for the day by labour." BÜNEMANN.

[20] ‹anchor: Extemporali cibo› · notes col 128 Extemporali cibo. Sublac., Venet. 1471, 1472, utraque 1478, Rost., Paris., temporali cibo. At etiam lautissimus cibus temporalis est. Ven. 1493, 1479, Parrh., ex temporali, vocibus duabus. Tandem Ald., Gymn., Gryp., Thom. una voce, extemporali, et sic mss. Goth. et alii. Optime. Cibus extemporalis est, facilis, subito, parvo, parabilis. BUNEMAN.

Extemporali cibo ("with makeshift food"). Subiaco, Venice 1471, 1472, both of 1478, Rostock and Paris have temporali cibo ("with temporal food"). But even the most sumptuous food is temporal. Venice 1493, 1479 [sic] and Parrhasius have ex temporali, in two words. Finally the Aldine, Gymnicus, Gryphius and Thomasius have extemporali in one word, and so the Gotha manuscript and others. Excellent. Extemporal food is food easy, quickly and cheaply come by. BÜNEMANN.

[21] ‹anchor: Cruciatus atque mortem› · notes col 128 Cruciatus atque mortem. De quibus infra lib. IV, cap. 11. Vitas prophetarum scripserunt Epiphanius et Theodoretus Cyri episcopus.

Cruciatus atque mortem ("torments and death"). On which see below, book IV, ch. 11. Lives of the prophets were written by Epiphanius and by Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus.

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> [1] ‹anchor: Non posset› · notes col 129 Non posset. At in 13 mss. non potest.

Non posset ("could not"). But in 13 manuscripts, non potest ("cannot").

[2] ‹anchor: Cupiditatis› · notes col 129 Cupiditatis. Cupiditas, h. l. idem quod infra studium lucri. Confer infra, sine avaritia. BUNEMAN.

Cupiditatis ("of greed"). Cupiditas in this place is the same as studium lucri ("the pursuit of gain") below. Compare below, sine avaritia ("without avarice"). BÜNEMANN.

[3] ‹anchor: Dei singularis› · notes col 129 Dei singularis. Id est unius, unici. Nihil frequentius Lactantio, quam singularis, pro unus, unicus, Ciceronis more; l. I, cap. 3, c. 6; lib. II, c. 16; lib. V, c. I, c. 21; lib. VI, c. 9; l. IV, c. 12, c, 26, c. 29. Epit. Taur. c. 3, c. 4. BUNEMAN.

Dei singularis ("of the sole God"). That is, of the one, the only. Nothing is more frequent in Lactantius than singularis for unus, unicus, after Cicero's manner; book I, ch. 3, ch. 6; book II, ch. 16; book V, ch. 1, ch. 21; book VI, ch. 9; book IV, ch. 12, ch. 26, ch. 29. Turin Epitome ch. 3, ch. 4. BÜNEMANN.

[4] ‹anchor: De his› · notes col 129 De his. Ex omnibus prope mss. et vetustioribus editis Rom., Venet. 1490, Erasm. 1539, Betul. et Is., Lactantio suum restituimus loquendi modum. Sic et infra lib. V, c. 15, de suis auctoribus doceamus. Sed et Cicero Lentul., de Crasso domum emissem; idem de Orat., Hoc audivi de patre. Partim ex Isaeo. In editis rec. ab his: quae lectio magis placeret, si esset mss. codicum.

De his ("from these"). From almost all the manuscripts and the older editions, Rome, Venice 1490, Erasmus 1539, Betuleius and Isaeus, we have restored to Lactantius his own manner of speaking. So too below, book V, ch. 15, "let us teach from their own authors." And Cicero to Lentulus, "I had bought a house from Crassus"; the same in De oratore, "I heard this from my father." Partly from Isaeus. In recent editions, ab his: a reading that would please more if it were that of the manuscript codices.

[5] ‹anchor: Poetas dico ac philosophos› · notes col 129 Poetas dico ac philosophos. S. Augustinus contra Faustum. lib. XIII, cap. 15, ostendit poetarum et philosophorum testimonia valere ad paganorum vanitatem revincendam, non tamen ad istorum auctoritatem amplectendam.

Poetas dico ac philosophos ("I mean the poets and philosophers"). St Augustine, Against Faustus book XIII, ch. 15, shows that the testimonies of the poets and philosophers avail for refuting the vanity of the pagans, but not for embracing their authority.

[6] ‹anchor: Ex his unum Deum probemus necesse est› · notes col 129 Ex his unum Deum probemus necesse est. Demonstrat Lactantius ethnicos sapientes veteres unum Deum credidisse. Idem praestant S. Justinus in libro de Monarchia, et Clemens Alexandrinus in Orat. ad Gent. Vide August. Eugubin. de Perenni philosoph. Ex Isaeo.

Ex his unum Deum probemus necesse est ("we must prove one God from these"). Lactantius shows that the ancient heathen sages believed in one God. St Justin does the same in the book On the Monarchy, and Clement of Alexandria in the Exhortation to the Heathen. See Agostino of Gubbio (Steuco), On the Perennial Philosophy. From Isaeus.

[7] ‹anchor: Ingerentem... claritatem› · notes col 129 Ingerentem... claritatem. Refert Minuc. 17, 3: Ignorare nec fas, nec licet, ingerentem sese oculis et sensibus coelestem claritatem. Ad rem conf. l. II, c. 1; l. III, cap. 1. — Pro claritatem, ed. Sublac. habet voluntatem. BUNEMAN.

Ingerentem... claritatem ("the brightness ... thrusting itself"). Minucius recalls it, 17, 3: "It is neither right nor allowed to be ignorant of the heavenly brightness thrusting itself on the eyes and senses." On the matter compare book II, ch. 1; book III, ch. 1. — For claritatem the Subiaco edition has voluntatem ("will"). BÜNEMANN.

[8] ‹anchor: Poetae igitur› · notes cols 129–130 Poetae igitur. Sic et Minucius Felix c. 19: Audio poetas quoque unum patrem divum atque hominum praedicantes. Passim hoc apud poetas, tam graecos, quam latinos, videre licet, quod nullum praeter unum Deum statuant. Vide Orpheum, Phocylidem, Xenophanem Colophonium, Hermesianum, Parmenidem, Philemonem; quid vero divinius hisce Sophoclis, quae extant apud Clement. Alexand. Προτρεπτ. πρὸς Ἕλλ. et Cyrillum contra Julianum. E Latinis vero, adi: Valerium Soranum; Plautum in Captivis: Est profecto Deus, qui quae nos gerimus auditque et videt; Manilium, lib. I Astronom.: Deus est, qui non mutatur in aevo. Horatium lib. I, Od. XII: Qui res hominum ac deorum, / Qui mare et terras variisque mundum / Temperat horis. / Unde nil majus generatur ipso, / Nec viget quicquam simile aut secundum. Eumdem, lib. III, Od. IV; Ovid., lib. Metamorph.: Sic onus inclusum numero distinxit eodem / Cura Dei. Senecam, in Thyeste: Res Deus nostras celeri citatus turbine versat. Lucanum, lib. IX Pharsal., ubi de Jove: Estque Dei sedes, ubi terra, et pontus, et aer, / Et coelum, et virtus. Superos quid quaerimus ultra? / Juppiter est quodcumque vides, quodcumque movetur.

Poetae igitur ("the poets, then"). So too Minucius Felix ch. 19: "I hear the poets too proclaiming one father of gods and men." This can be seen everywhere in the poets, Greek as well as Latin, that they set up no God but one. See Orpheus, Phocylides, Xenophanes of Colophon, Hermesianax, Parmenides, Philemon; and what is more divine than these lines of Sophocles, which survive in Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation to the Greeks, and in Cyril against Julian? Among the Latins, go to Valerius Soranus; to Plautus in the Captives: "There is surely a God who both hears and sees what we do"; Manilius, Astronomica book I: "God is he who changes not with time." Horace, Odes book I, 12: "Who governs the affairs of men and gods, who the sea and lands and the world with its changing seasons; from whom nothing greater than himself is begotten, nor does anything flourish like him or second to him." The same, Odes book III, 4; Ovid, Metamorphoses book [I]: "So the care of God divided the enclosed mass into the same number." Seneca in the Thyestes: "God, driven by a swift whirlwind, turns our affairs about." Lucan, Pharsalia book IX, where he speaks of Jupiter: "And the seat of God is where earth is, and sea, and air, and sky, and virtue. Why do we seek the gods further? Jupiter is whatever you see, whatever moves."

[9] ‹anchor: Orpheus qui est vetustissimus› · notes col 130 Orpheus qui est vetustissimus. Ita optimi et antiquissimi mss. 2 Bon., 7 Reg., Tax., Lips., 4 Colb., Jun., 2 Clarom., Ultr. et antiq. ed. Rom. et Is. In mss. 4 rec. et multis editis, qui, etc. Tatianus, Ὀρφεὺς δὲ, etc. hoc est, Orpheus iisdem ac Hercules temporibus fuit: alia autem, etiam versus ei attributos, aiunt, auctorem habere Onomacritum, qui fuit temporibus Pisistratidarum, circa Olympiada quinquagesimam. Tzetzes quoque historia CCCXCIX, chil. 12, eum Herculis facit coaetaneum, ac centum ante bellum Trojanum annis floruisse ait Clariss. ex quo haec descripsi. VOSSIUS. — Cyrillus libro I contra Julianum, Orphea, Oeagri filium, primum odas et hymnos idolis conscripsisse, deinde, mutata sententia, palinodiam cecinisse asserit. Inter caeteros Orphei versus hi praecipue occurrunt: Εἷς δ' ἔστ' αὐτογενής, ἑνὸς ἔκγονα πάντα τέτυκται, / Ἐν δ' αὐτοῖς αὐτὸς περιγίγνεται, οὐδέ τις αὐτὸν / Εἰσοράᾳ, etc. Tullius, lib. I de Natura deor., refert Aristotelem prodidisse Orphea istum numquam fuisse; quae vero carmina ejus nomine circumferuntur, ea a Pythagoricis attribui cuidam Cecropi, vel, ut legi debet, Cercopi. Ex Vossio. — Nota etiam Origenem negasse ulla Orphei scripta suo aevo extitisse lib. I contra Celsum. De Orpheo vide infra cap. 22.

Orpheus qui est vetustissimus ("Orpheus, who is the most ancient"). So the best and oldest manuscripts, 2 Bologna, 7 Regii, Taxaquet, Leipzig, 4 Colbertini, Junius, 2 Clermont, Utrecht, and the old Rome edition and Isaeus. In 4 recent manuscripts and many editions, qui, etc. Tatian: "Orpheus," etc., that is: "Orpheus lived at the same time as Hercules: but they say that other works, even the verses attributed to him, have as their author Onomacritus, who lived in the time of the Pisistratids, about the fiftieth Olympiad." Tzetzes too, history 399, Chiliad 12, makes him a contemporary of Hercules and says he flourished a hundred years before the Trojan War. The most distinguished [author] from whom I copied this: VOSSIUS. — Cyril, Against Julian book I, asserts that Orpheus, son of Oeagrus, first wrote odes and hymns to idols, then, having changed his mind, sang a palinode. Among the other verses of Orpheus these chiefly occur: "One there is, self-begotten; from one all things are born; and he moves about among them, nor does anyone behold him," etc. Tully, On the Nature of the Gods book I, reports that Aristotle declared that this Orpheus never existed; and that the poems carried about under his name were attributed by the Pythagoreans to a certain Cecrops, or, as it should be read, Cercops. From Vossius. — Note also that Origen denied, in book I against Celsus, that any writings of Orpheus existed in his time. On Orpheus see below, ch. 22.

[10] ‹anchor: Inter Argonautas› · notes col 130 Inter Argonautas. Argonautae fuerunt illi heroes qui cum Jasone in Colchos profecti sunt, numero amplius quinquaginta, ex quibus praecipui fuere, Castor et Pollux, Telamon, Orpheus, Hercules, et Hylas puer. Sic cognominati a navi qua vecti fuere: Argo enim navis illa vocabatur a longitudine.

Inter Argonautas ("among the Argonauts"). The Argonauts were those heroes who set out with Jason to Colchis, more than fifty in number, the chief of whom were Castor and Pollux, Telamon, Orpheus, Hercules and the boy Hylas. They were so named from the ship in which they sailed: for that ship was called Argo from its length.

[11] ‹anchor: Cum Tyndaridis› · notes col 130 Cum Tyndaridis. Castore et Polluce, qui καταχρηστικῶς Tyndaridae vocantur: non enim uterque ex Tyndaro natus, sed tantum Castor; Pollux autem ex Jove. Vocantur autem Tyndaridae, quia uterque e Leda Tyndari uxore natus.

Cum Tyndaridis ("with the sons of Tyndareus"). Castor and Pollux, who are called Tyndaridae by an extension of usage: for not both were born of Tyndareus, but only Castor; Pollux was born of Jupiter. They are called Tyndaridae because both were born of Leda, wife of Tyndareus.

[12] ‹anchor: Id est Primogenitum› · notes col 130 Id est Primogenitum. Verba haec eradenda, nec leguntur in mss. Rohanneo et Sangermanensi. Nec aliud sunt, quam glossema seu interpretatio amanuensis.

Id est Primogenitum ("that is, the Firstborn"). These words should be struck out; they are not read in the Rohan and Saint-Germain manuscripts. They are nothing but a gloss or a copyist's explanation.

[13] ‹anchor: Cuncta generata› · notes col 130 Cuncta generata. De hac Orphei doctrina vide Eusebium, Praepar. Evang. l. III.

Cuncta generata ("all things begotten"). On this teaching of Orpheus see Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel book III.

[14] ‹anchor: Φάνητα› · notes col 130 Φάνητα. Macrobius qui omnium deorum numina ad Apollinem refert, hoc illi epithethon tribuit; rationem tamen nominis diversam affert Item, inquit, Phaneta appellant ἀπὸ τοῦ φαίνειν et Φαναῖον, ἐπειδὴ φαίνεται νέος, quia sol quotidie renovat se; libro I, c. 17, et sequenti capite hosce Orphei versus citat (continues)

Φάνητα (Phanes). Macrobius, who refers the godheads of all the gods to Apollo, gives him this epithet; but he offers a different reason for the name: "Likewise," he says, "they call him Phanes, from φαίνειν ('to shine forth'), and Phanaeus, because he appears new," since the sun renews itself daily; book I, ch. 17, and in the following chapter he quotes these verses of Orpheus (continues)

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> <!-- UNSURE: in entry [1], third Orphic verse, the word read as νῦν is barely legible in the small Greek type. --> [1] ‹anchor: Φάνητα› · notes col 131

(continued) in eumdem fere sensum. Orpheus quoque, Macrobii sunt verba, solem volens intelligi, ait inter caetera: Τήκων αἰθέρα δῖον, ἀκίνητον πρὶν ἐόντα, / Ἐξανέφηνε θεοῖς ὥραν κάλλιστον ἰδέσθαι, / Ὃν δὴ νῦν καλέουσι Φάνητά τε καὶ Διόνυσον, etc. cap. 18 Macrobii. Πρωτόγονος, etc. Hoc est: Principio genitus Phaeton longo aere natus. Ἔκτισεν, etc. Hoc est: Condidit immortalibus domum incorruptibilem.

[2] ‹anchor: Ducente› · notes col 131 Ducente. Sic e cunctis pene mss. et antiquioribus ac melioribus editis, et ipsomet Lactantio infra, item natura ducente. In ms. Bonon. antiq., deducente. In 4 rec., docente; in 3 aliis rec., dicente.

Ducente ("leading"). So from almost all the manuscripts and the older and better editions, and from Lactantius himself below, "likewise with nature leading." In the old Bologna manuscript, deducente ("leading down"). In 4 recent ones, docente ("teaching"); in 3 other recent ones, dicente ("saying").

[3] ‹anchor: Potestatem coeli› · notes col 131 Potestatem coeli. Mss. tres rec. et omnes fere editi, potentiam.

Potestatem coeli ("power over heaven"). Three recent manuscripts and nearly all the editions have potentiam ("might").

[4] ‹anchor: Non poterat ..... Ferebatur› · notes col 131 Non poterat ..... Ferebatur. De Jove et Saturno plura infra capp. 11 et 12.

Non poterat ..... Ferebatur ("he could not ... he was reported"). More on Jupiter and Saturn below, chs. 11 and 12.

[5] ‹anchor: Elementum esse› · notes col 131 Elementum esse. Hoc tamen non admisisset Aristoteles, qui libro de Mundo aethera censuit esse στοιχεῖον ἕτερον τῶν τεσσάρων, ἀκήρατον καὶ θεῖον.

Elementum esse ("to be an element"). Yet Aristotle would not have admitted this, who in the book On the World held the ether to be "an element other than the four, pure and divine."

[6] ‹anchor: Ad veritatem› · notes col 131 Ad veritatem. Ostendit tamen Cyrillus contra Julianum, Homerum unum cognovisse Deum. Vide Lactant. infra cap. 19.

Ad veritatem ("to the truth"). Yet Cyril, against Julian, shows that Homer knew one God. See Lactantius below, ch. 19.

[7] ‹anchor: A chao› · notes col 131 A chao. L. II, c. 8, id refutat. Conf. Grotium de Verit. Rel. Christ. I, § 16, haec docte illustrantem. BUN. — Sed a chao quod est rudis, etc. Vide Hesiodum in Theogonia. Apud Ovidium Metamorph. lib. I: Rudis indigestaque moles. Confusas res fuisse etiam Linus didicit docuitque: Tempore primaevo simul omnia mixta fuerunt. Anaxagoras quoque: Cuncta simul erant; at mens ea discrevit ornavitque. et quae confusa erant ordinavit. Aegyptii etiam intellexerunt mundum e chao, confusa massa, prodiisse; de illis Laertius in prooemio: Ἀρχὴν εἶναι τὴν ὕλην, etc. Principium esse molem confusam, ex hac discreta elementa quatuor, et animalia perfecta. Hesiodum secutus est Valentinus haeresiarcha: Τριάκοντα γὰρ καὶ οὗτος θεοὺς καὶ οὐρανοὺς βούλεται προσάγειν· ὁ μὲν πρῶτός ἐστι βυθός. Vide Epiphanium haeres. 31. Sic et Anaxagoras chaos indigestum omnium seminarium constituit, cui adjecit principium effectivum, mentem seu Deum.

A chao ("from chaos"). Book II, ch. 8, refutes this. Compare Grotius, On the Truth of the Christian Religion I, § 16, who illustrates this learnedly. BÜNEMANN. — Sed a chao quod est rudis ("but from chaos, which is of rough [matter]"), etc. See Hesiod in the Theogony. In Ovid, Metamorphoses book I: "a rough and unordered mass." Linus too learned and taught that things were confused: "In the first age all things were mixed together." Anaxagoras too: "All things were together; but mind separated and adorned them, and set in order what was confused." The Egyptians too understood that the world came forth from chaos, a confused mass; Laertius says of them in the prologue: "That the beginning is matter," etc. "That the beginning was a confused mass; that from it the four elements were separated, and living things were completed." The heresiarch Valentinus followed Hesiod: "For he too wishes to bring in thirty gods and heavens; the first is Depth." See Epiphanius, heresy 31. So too Anaxagoras made unordered chaos the seed-bed of all things, to which he added an efficient principle, mind or God.

[8] ‹anchor: Effecta› · notes col 132 Effecta. Mss. 1 Bonon. antiq. et 1 Colb. rec. facta. Viro erudito placeret ficta, propter id quod sequitur, scilicet materiam fictam.

Effecta ("brought about"). 1 old Bologna manuscript and 1 recent Colbert have facta ("made"). A learned man would prefer ficta ("fashioned"), because of what follows, namely materiam fictam.

[9] ‹anchor: Materiam fictam› · notes col 132 Materiam fictam. Bene: nam fictio materiae est et materialium. Mss. 1 Bonon. antiq. 1 Colb. et Goth. et Sangerm. factam.

Materiam fictam ("matter fashioned"). Well: for fashioning belongs to matter and material things. Manuscripts 1 old Bologna, 1 Colbert, the Gotha and Saint-Germain have factam ("made").

[10] ‹anchor: Fecit› · notes col 132 Fecit. Ita restitutum ex mss. prope omnibus. At Bonon. et Taxaq. cum editis, fecerit.

Fecit ("he made"). So restored from almost all the manuscripts. But the Bologna and Taxaquet, with the editions, have fecerit.

[11] ‹anchor: In Helicone› · notes col 132 In Helicone. Monte Musis dicato. Heliconis sublimitatem passim poetae praedicant. Sic Aratus in Phaenomenis, v. 216, et Strabo lib. IX, c. 8, 9 et 10. Jam Hesiodus initio Theogonias dixerat: Αἵτ' Ἑλικῶνος, etc., id est, Quaeque Helicona tenent montem magnumque sacrumque.

In Helicone ("on Helicon"). The mountain sacred to the Muses. The poets everywhere proclaim the height of Helicon. So Aratus in the Phaenomena, v. 216, and Strabo book IX, ch. 8, 9 and 10. Hesiod had already said at the beginning of the Theogony: "Who hold Helicon," etc., that is, "And who hold Helicon, the great and holy mountain."

[12] ‹anchor: Meditatus venerat et paratus› · notes col 132 Meditatus venerat et paratus. Cic. l. II in Verr., c. 40; l. II in Verr., c. 6; et pro Publ. Quint., c. 11: Cum paratus meditatusque venisses. BUNEMAN.

Meditatus venerat et paratus ("he had come rehearsed and prepared"). Cicero, Against Verres book II, ch. 40; Against Verres book II, ch. 6; and For Publius Quinctius, ch. 11: "When you had come prepared and rehearsed." BÜNEMANN.

[13] ‹anchor: Non longe abfuit a veritate› · notes col 132 Non longe abfuit a veritate. Lib. III. c. 8, ab hac vanitate non longe fuit. BUN.

Non longe abfuit a veritate ("he was not far from the truth"). Book III, ch. 8: "he was not far from this vanity." BÜNEMANN.

[14] ‹anchor: Quem mentem ac spiritum› · notes col 132 Quem mentem ac spiritum. Hic ordo est omnium mss. praeter. 2 Colb., in quibus ut in editis est, quem spiritum ac mentem.

Quem mentem ac spiritum ("whom [he called] mind and spirit"). This is the order of all the manuscripts except 2 Colbertini, in which, as in the editions, there is quem spiritum ac mentem.

[15] ‹anchor: Ignoret› · notes col 132 Ignoret. Sic optimus codex mss. Regio-Puteanus, Lipsienses, 3 Colbert., 1 Claromont. aliique cum omnibus editis, praeter Cellar. ac mss. 12, in quibus est ignoraret. Utraque lectio bona. Prior Lactantii esse mihi videtur. Si enim scripsisset is ignoraret, quis librarius substituisset ignoret?

Ignoret ("should be ignorant"). So the excellent Regius-Puteanus manuscript, the Leipzig ones, 3 Colbertini, 1 Clermont and others, with all the editions except Cellarius, and 12 manuscripts in which there is ignoraret. Both readings are good. The former seems to me Lactantius's. For if he had written ignoraret, what scribe would have substituted ignoret?

[16] ‹anchor: Ille spiritus› · notes col 132 Ille spiritus. Ita emendavimus ex omnibus mss. codicibus et editis Rom. 1468, 1740, Gymnic., Crat., Tornes., 2 Lips. Editi 4 habent, illi spiritus, male.

Ille spiritus ("that spirit"). So we have emended from all the manuscript codices and the editions of Rome 1468, 1740 [sic], Gymnicus, Cratander, Tornaesius, 2 Leipzig. 4 editions have illi spiritus, wrongly.

[17] ‹anchor: Deum namque ire per omnes› · notes col 132 Deum namque ire per omnes. Lib. IV, Georgic. vers. 221. Juvencus lib. I de Hist. Evang.: Nil absente Deo loquimur; nil abdita clausum / Pectoris antra tegunt: cernit Deus omnia praesens. Vide Epictetum, apud Arrianum, lib. I, c. 14; Apul., de Mundo; Hieron., in Epist. Pauli ad Eph. cap. IV; Augustin., de Civ. Dei lib. IV, c. 2; Salvianum de Gubernat. Dei, lib. I; pariter et Ovid., lib. I Metamorph. ELMENHORST.

Deum namque ire per omnes ("for God moves through all"). Georgics book IV, verse 221. Juvencus, Gospel History book I: "We say nothing in God's absence; the hidden caves of the heart cover nothing shut away: God, present, discerns all things." See Epictetus in Arrian, book I, ch. 14; Apuleius, On the World; Jerome on Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians, ch. 4; Augustine, City of God book IV, ch. 2; Salvian, On the Government of God, book I; and likewise Ovid, Metamorphoses book I. ELMENHORST.

[18] ‹anchor: Operis› · notes col 132 Operis. Metamorphoseos scilicet, in quo gentilium theologia explicatur.

Operis ("of the work"). The Metamorphoses, that is, in which the theology of the heathen is set out.

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> [1] ‹anchor: Quae› · notes col 133 Quae. Legitur qui, in ed. Sublacensi.

Quae ("which"). Qui is read in the Subiaco edition.

[2] ‹anchor: Ducente› · notes col 133 Ducente. Mss. recentes 1 Reg., 2 Colb., Em., Goth., docente. Caeteri, ducente; vera lectio, quae confirmatur e superiori loco, natura et ratione ducente.

Ducente ("leading"). Recent manuscripts, 1 Regius, 2 Colbertini, Emmanuel, Gotha, have docente ("teaching"). The others ducente, the true reading, which is confirmed by the earlier passage, "with nature and reason leading."

[3] ‹anchor: Thales Milesius› · notes col 133 Thales Milesius, etc. aquam esse dixit ex qua nata sint omnia. Et qua 23 mss. inter quos sunt veterrimi Bonon. et Reg. Nata sunt, in sexdecim. Augustinus de Civ. Dei l. VIII, c. 2: Ionici generis princeps fuit Thales Milesius (qui obiit anno primo Olympiad. LVIII), unus illorum septem, qui appellati sunt sapientes. Sed illi sex vitae genere distinguebantur, et quibusdam praeceptis ad bene vivendum accommodatis. Iste autem Thales, ut successores etiam propagaret, rerum naturam scrutatus, suasque disputationes litteris mandans eminuit, maximeque admirabilis extitit, quod Astrologiae numeris comprehensis, defectus solis et lunae etiam praedicere potuit. Aquam tamen putavit rerum esse principium, et hinc omnia elementa mundi, ipsumque mundum, et quae in eo gignuntur, existere. Videantur: idem, ejusdem l. c. 5; Justinus Mart., Serm. paraenet. sive Exhort. ad Gentes, paulo post initium; Laertius, l. I; Tertullianus, adversus Marcionem; Sext. Empiricus, contra Mathematicos; Hermias, διασυρμῷ τῶν ἔξω φιλοσόφων; Seneca, libro III Natural. Quaestion., c. 13; Chalcidius, in Timaeum Platonis; Vitruvius, prooemio libri VIII; Servius, ad VI Virg. Eclogam; Ausonius, Ludo sapientum; Arnobius, l. II; Eusebius, Praeparat. l. V, c. 13. Cic., l. I de Nat. deor., n. 25: Thales Milesius, qui primus de naturalibus rebus quaesivit, aquam dixit esse initium rerum: Deum autem eam mentem quae ex aqua cuncta fingeret. MERULA. — Existimarunt quidam, Thaletis doctrinam e sacris Litteris esse desumptam Geneseos capite I, 2, ubi dicitur: Spiritus Dei ferebatur super aquas. Verum de numero sapientum vide Diogenem Laertium lib. I. Ii porro erant Thales, Solon, Periander, Cleobulus, Chilon, Bias, Pittacus; his etiam annumerantur loco Periandri, aut Anacharsis Scytha, aut Myso.

Thales Milesius ("Thales of Miletus"), etc. "said that water is that from which all things were born." And qua ("from which") in 23 manuscripts, among them the very old Bologna and Regius. Nata sunt in sixteen. Augustine, City of God book VIII, ch. 2: "The founder of the Ionian school was Thales of Miletus (who died in the first year of Olympiad 58), one of those seven who were called the wise men. But those six were distinguished by their manner of life and by certain precepts suited to living well. This Thales, however, so as to leave successors too, searched into the nature of things and became eminent by committing his disputations to writing; and he proved most admirable in that, having mastered the numbers of astronomy, he was able even to predict eclipses of the sun and moon. Yet he thought water the beginning of things, and that from it all the elements of the world, and the world itself, and what is begotten in it, came to be." See: the same, the same book, ch. 5; Justin Martyr, the Hortatory Address or Exhortation to the Heathen, a little after the beginning; Laertius, book I; Tertullian, Against Marcion; Sextus Empiricus, Against the Mathematicians; Hermias, the Mockery of the Heathen Philosophers; Seneca, Natural Questions book III, ch. 13; Chalcidius on Plato's Timaeus; Vitruvius, preface to book VIII; Servius on Virgil's sixth Eclogue; Ausonius, the Play of the Sages; Arnobius, book II; Eusebius, Preparation book V, ch. 13. Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book I, no. 25: "Thales of Miletus, who first inquired into natural things, said that water was the beginning of things, and God that mind which fashioned all things from water." MERULA. — Some have thought that Thales's doctrine was taken from the sacred Scriptures, Genesis ch. 1:2, where it is said: "The Spirit of God moved over the waters." On the number of the wise men see Diogenes Laertius book I. They were Thales, Solon, Periander, Cleobulus, Chilon, Bias, Pittacus; in place of Periander either Anacharsis the Scythian or Myson is also counted among them.

[4] ‹anchor: Aquam esse dixit› · notes col 133 Aquam esse dixit, etc. Arist., I Met.; Cic., I de Nat. deor.; Plut. in Placit.; Laert.

Aquam esse dixit ("he said it was water"), etc. Aristotle, Metaphysics I; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods I; Plutarch in the Opinions; Laertius.

[5] ‹anchor: Quae ex aqua› · notes col 133 Quae ex aqua. Recte a nobis emendatum ex omnibus pene mss. ac vet. ed. Rom. et sic legendum esse, non qui, ut in rec. 1 Reg. et 1 Colb. rec. non editis, confirmatur ex proxime allato praecedenti nota Ciceronis loco, l. I de Nat. deor., n. 25. Ita etiam Minucius Felix, post Ciceronem et Laertium, dicit: Is Milesius Thales rerum initium aquam dixit, Deum autem eam mentem, quae ex aqua cuncta formaverit.

Quae ex aqua ("which from water"). Rightly emended by us from almost all the manuscripts and the old Rome edition; and that it should be read so, not qui, as in a recent Regius and a recent Colbert, not in the editions, is confirmed by the passage of Cicero just cited in the preceding note, On the Nature of the Gods book I, no. 25. So too Minucius Felix, after Cicero and Laertius, says: "This Thales of Miletus said that water was the beginning of things, and God that mind which formed all things from water."

[6] ‹anchor: Rerum› · notes cols 133–134 Rerum. In editis legitur omnium rerum; at secuti sumus mss., praecipue Rohan. et Sangerm. Sane haec duo verba non sunt necessaria, cum proxime praecedat cuncta formaverit, illaque Lactantii non esse, et ab amanuensibus intrusa suspicabar, cum etiam multum hic varient codices. Ea enim absunt a mss. Regiis sex, omnium ab Ultr., Jun., 1 Claromont., Brun. et ab edit. Cellarii; rerum ab editis Betul., Thomas., Is., Spark. Illa tamen retinui ex vet. mss. Bonon. 8, 2 Reg., 2 Colb., Cantabrig. ac editis Rom., Ald., Paris. 1525, Crat., Gymn., Tornes., Fasitel. et Walch. In decem mss. Item, pro Ita.

Rerum ("of things"). In the editions omnium rerum ("of all things") is read; but we have followed the manuscripts, especially the Rohan and Saint-Germain. Indeed these two words are not necessary, since cuncta formaverit ("formed all things") comes just before, and I suspected that they were not Lactantius's but thrust in by copyists, since the codices also vary greatly here. For they are absent from six Regius manuscripts; omnium from Utrecht, Junius, 1 Clermont, Brunswick and Cellarius's edition; rerum from the editions of Betuleius, Thomasius, Isaeus and Sparke. Yet I have kept them from the old manuscripts, Bologna 8, 2 Regii, 2 Colbertini, Cambridge, and the editions of Rome, the Aldine, Paris 1525, Cratander, Gymnicus, Tornaesius, Fasitelius and Walch. In ten manuscripts Item ("likewise") for Ita ("so").

[7] ‹anchor: Constituit› · notes col 134 Constituit. Rectius ex vetustissimis ms. 2 Bonon. et 2 Reg. aliisque tribus, 6 Colb., Tax., Jun., Lips., 2 Claromont., Em., Brun., quam ex mss. 3 Reg. editisque posuit; quae est non elegans repetitio.

Constituit ("he established"). More correctly from the very old manuscripts, 2 Bologna and 2 Regii and three others, 6 Colbertini, Taxaquet, Junius, Leipzig, 2 Clermont, Emmanuel, Brunswick, than posuit ("he laid down") from 3 Regius manuscripts and the editions; which is an inelegant repetition.

[8] ‹anchor: Pythagoras ita definivit› · notes col 134 Pythagoras ita definivit. Vide etiam Lactantium, libro de Ira Dei, c. 11; Galenum, in Hist. Philosoph.; Cicer., Plutar., Laer., Salvianus, de Gubernat. Dei, l. I: Pythagoras philosophus, quem quasi magistrum suum philosophia ipsa suscepit, de natura et beneficiis Dei disserens, sic locutus est: «Animus per omnes mundi partes commeans atque diffusus, ex quo omnia nascuntur, animalia vitam capiunt.» Cic. de Nat. deor. l. I. ELMENH.

Pythagoras ita definivit ("Pythagoras defined it thus"). See also Lactantius, in the book On the Anger of God, ch. 11; Galen, in the History of Philosophy; Cicero, Plutarch, Laertius; Salvian, On the Government of God, book I: "The philosopher Pythagoras, whom philosophy itself took up as its master, discoursing on the nature and benefits of God, spoke thus: 'A mind passing through and diffused in all parts of the world, from which all things are born, and living things take their life.'" Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book I. ELMENHORST.

[9] ‹anchor: Anaxagoras dixit› · notes col 134 Anaxagoras dixit, etc. Is natus est Olympiad. LXX. De eo legatur Jamblichus, de Vita Pythag., c. 18; Cicero, I de Nat. deor., l. IV Academ. Quaestionum; Plutarchus, de Placitis philosophorum; Diogenes Laertius. l. II. ELMENH. — Vide etiam ante ad c. 3; item August., de Civ. Dei l. VIII, c. 2; Clement. Alexand., Protrept.; Aristotel., de Phys. Auscult. Strab., l. XIV.

Anaxagoras dixit ("Anaxagoras said"), etc. He was born in Olympiad 70. On him read Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, ch. 18; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods I, Academic Questions book IV; Plutarch, On the Opinions of the Philosophers; Diogenes Laertius, book II. ELMENHORST. — See also earlier, at ch. 3; likewise Augustine, City of God book VIII, ch. 2; Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus; Aristotle, Physics; Strabo, book XIV.

[10] ‹anchor: Per se ipsam› · notes col 134 Per se ipsam. Ita ex omnibus mss. emendatum et ex antiquioribus et melioribus editis. In 5 vulgatis per se ipsum, in ed. Betul., per se ipsa.

Per se ipsam ("through itself"). So emended from all the manuscripts and from the older and better editions. In 5 common editions per se ipsum; in Betuleius's edition, per se ipsa.

[11] ‹anchor: Antisthenes multos› · notes col 134 Antisthenes multos, etc. Inf., l. de Ira Dei, c. 11; Cic., de Nat. deor.

Antisthenes multos ("Antisthenes [said] many"), etc. Below, the book On the Anger of God, ch. 11; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods.

[12] ‹anchor: Naturalem summae› · notes col 134 Naturalem summae, etc. Ante erat inter duas hasce voces insertum, id est, quod expunximus; habetur tamen in sex mss. rec. et recentioribus editis; desideratur in antiquis, nec est necessarium.

Naturalem summae ("natural [god] of the sum"), etc. Formerly id est ("that is") was inserted between these two words, which we have struck out; it is found, however, in six recent manuscripts and the more recent editions; it is wanting in the old ones, and is not necessary.

[13] ‹anchor: Cleanthes et Anaximenes› · notes col 134 Cleanthes et Anaximenes. Anaximenem, inquit Augustinus loquens de Anaximandro, discipulum et successorem reliquit, qui omnes rerum causas infinito aeri dedit, nec deos negavit aut tacuit; non tamen ab ipsis aerem factum, sed ipsos ex aere ortos credidit. Adeundi: Diogenes Laertius, l. II; Plutarch., περὶ ἀρεσκ.; Justinus Martyr, λόγ. παραινετ. πρὸς Ἕλλ.; Stobaeus, l. I Eclog. Physic., c. 13. De Cleanthe, vide Cic., l. I de Nat. deor., ubi legitur aera, non aethera; Clementem Alexandrinum, in Protreptico, ubi optime mentem Cleanthis exponit circa rerum generationem. Legatur etiam Tertullian. in Apologet.

Cleanthes et Anaximenes. "He left Anaximenes," says Augustine speaking of Anaximander, "as his disciple and successor, who gave all the causes of things to infinite air, and neither denied the gods nor kept silent about them; yet he believed not that the air was made by them, but that they arose from the air." To be consulted: Diogenes Laertius, book II; Plutarch, On the Opinions [of the Philosophers]; Justin Martyr, Hortatory Address to the Greeks; Stobaeus, Physical Eclogues book I, ch. 13. On Cleanthes see Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book I, where aera ("air") is read, not aethera ("ether"); Clement of Alexandria in the Protrepticus, where he sets out very well Cleanthes's mind about the generation of things. Read also Tertullian in the Apology.

[14] ‹anchor: Poeta› · notes col 134 Poeta. II Georg., 325. Vide Macrob., l. I de Somnio Scipion., cap. 17, et Servium in haec verba Virgil.

Poeta ("the poet"). Georgics II, 325. See Macrobius, On the Dream of Scipio book I, ch. 17, and Servius on these words of Virgil.

[15] ‹anchor: Permixtus› · notes col 134 Permixtus. Vulgata Maronis lectio habet commixtus.

Permixtus ("mingled through"). The common text of Maro has commixtus ("mingled together").

[16] ‹anchor: Chrysippus› · notes col 134 Chrysippus. Chrysippus ait vim divinam in ratione esse positam, et universae naturae animo atque mente; ipsumque mundum esse, et ejus animi fusionem universam; tum fatalem umbram, et necessitatem rerum futu- (continues)

Chrysippus. "Chrysippus says that the divine power is placed in reason, and in the soul and mind of universal nature; and that the world itself is [God], and the universal outpouring of its soul; then the fated shadow, and the necessity of things to co- (continues)

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> [1] ‹anchor: Chrysippus› · notes col 135

(continued) rarum. Ita Cicero, l. I de Nat. deor. Vide Aristot., tom. II; Stob. in Eclog. Phys., c. 2; Diogenem Laertium, l. VII. ELMENH.

[2] ‹anchor: Zeno› · notes col 135 Zeno. Cic., l. I de Nat. deor., c. 14: Zeno naturalem legem divinam esse censet; eamque vim obtinere recta imperantem, prohibentemque contraria, atque alio loco aethera Deum esse dicit; testantibus Laertio et Plutarcho, quem deinde Cleanthes ejus auditor est secutus. Zeno autem ille Cittiensis Stoicae factionis princeps fuit.

Zeno. Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book I, ch. 14: "Zeno holds that the natural law is divine, and that it has the force of commanding what is right and forbidding the contrary; and in another place he says the ether is God"; as Laertius and Plutarch witness; and Cleanthes, his hearer, afterwards followed him. That Zeno of Citium was the founder of the Stoic sect.

[3] ‹anchor: Nec obstat› · notes col 135 Nec obstat, etc. Huc apprime conveniunt verba S. Cypriani, de Idolorum cultu. Nec, inquit, nomen Dei quaeras; Deus nomen est illi. Illic vocabulis opus est, ubi propriis appellationum insignibus multitudo dirimenda est. Deo, qui solus est, Dei vocabulum totum est.

Nec obstat ("nor is it an obstacle"), etc. The words of St Cyprian, On the Worship of Idols, fit here exactly: "Do not seek," he says, "a name for God; God is his name. There is need of words where a multitude must be told apart by the proper marks of names. For God, who alone is, the word God is the whole."

[4] ‹anchor: Aristoteles› · notes col 135 Aristoteles. Vide Aristot., lib. I Metaphys. cap. 3 et 4; Cicer., lib. I de Natura deorum; Minut. Felic., Octav., ubi videbis quantum philosophus ille a se ipso dissideat.

Aristoteles. See Aristotle, Metaphysics book I, chs. 3 and 4; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book I; Minucius Felix, Octavius, where you will see how far that philosopher disagrees with himself.

[5] ‹anchor: In summum tamen unam mentem mundo praeesse testatur› · notes col 135 In summum tamen unam mentem mundo praeesse testatur. De Aristotele loquitur, quem ex II de Generat. ex XII Divinorum, ex c. 7 libelli de Mundo, unum Deum sensisse constat. Vide Scaliger., de Subtilitate, ad Cardan. exercitat. 365. ISAEUS.

In summum tamen unam mentem mundo praeesse testatur ("yet in sum he testifies that one mind presides over the world"). He speaks of Aristotle, who, as is clear from On Generation II, from book XII of the Divine Matters [Metaphysics], from ch. 7 of the little book On the World, held that there is one God. See Scaliger, On Subtlety, against Cardano, exercise 365. ISAEUS.

[6] ‹anchor: Plato› · notes col 135 Plato. Minucius Felix: Platoni in Timaeo Deus est ipso nomine mundi parens. Plato, libro IV de Legibus: ὁ θεὸς μὲν πάντα, etc., et in Sophista, πάντων δημιουργὸν appellat. Platonis theologiam examinat S. August. libro VIII de Civit. Dei.

Plato. Minucius Felix: "For Plato in the Timaeus God is, by his very name, the parent of the world." Plato, Laws book IV: "God [holding] all things," etc., and in the Sophist he calls him "maker of all things." St Augustine examines Plato's theology in book VIII of the City of God.

[7] ‹anchor: Supremum vocat› · notes col 135 Supremum vocat. Plato lib. I de Legib, et lib. II.

Supremum vocat ("he calls him supreme"). Plato, Laws book I and book II.

[8] ‹anchor: De legibus› · notes col 135 De legibus. Quos scripsit Cicero paulo ante mortem.

De legibus ("On the Laws"). Which Cicero wrote shortly before his death.

[9] ‹anchor: Nihil est praestantius... naturam› · notes col 135 Nihil est praestantius... naturam. Haec singula sunt ipsa Ciceronis verba ex l. II de Nat. deor., c. 30. BUNEMAN.

Nihil est praestantius... naturam ("nothing is more excellent ... nature"). These are each Cicero's very words, from On the Nature of the Gods book II, ch. 30. BÜNEMANN.

[10] ‹anchor: In Consolatione› · notes col 135 In Consolatione. Opus deperditum; sed vide Ciceronem in I Tusculanar. ex Platone.

In Consolatione ("in the Consolation"). A lost work; but see Cicero in Tusculans I, from Plato.

[11] ‹anchor: Quum de immatura morte dissereret› · notes col 135 Quum de immatura morte dissereret. Non est superstes liber hujus nominis a Seneca confectus. BUN.

Quum de immatura morte dissereret ("when he was discoursing on untimely death"). The book of this name composed by Seneca does not survive. BÜNEMANN.

[12] ‹anchor: Auctoritatem ac majestatem› · notes col 135 Auctoritatem ac majestatem. Ita emendavimus ex omnibus fere mss. codicibus, et vetustioribus ac potioribus editis: in posteriores irrepsit auctorem ac majestatem; in 1 Reg. rec., 1 Colb., 1 Brun., veritatem et majestatem. Mox rectoris legitur, pro rectorem, in ed. Sublac.

Auctoritatem ac majestatem ("authority and majesty"). So we have emended from nearly all the manuscript codices and the older and better editions: into the later ones auctorem ac majestatem ("author and majesty") crept in; in 1 recent Regius, 1 Colbert, 1 Brunswick, veritatem et majestatem ("truth and majesty"). Just after, rectoris is read for rectorem in the Subiaco edition.

[13] ‹anchor: Deorum omnium Deum› · notes col 135 Deorum omnium Deum. Recte, ita mss. 18. Prius erat, rectoris orbis terrarum, coelique et deorum omnium Dei; sed minus bene.

Deorum omnium Deum ("God of all the gods"). Rightly; so 18 manuscripts. Before it was rectoris orbis terrarum, coelique et deorum omnium Dei; but less well.

[14] ‹anchor: Quae singula adoramus› · notes cols 135–136 Quae singula adoramus. Quia auctor noster saepe mentionem facit adorationis, animus est impraesentiarum ea quae ad adorationis ritum pertinent annotare, ne postea, ubi idem recurrit, cogamur eadem oberrare chorda. Itaque in adorationis ritu manum ori admoveri solitam omnibus jam notum. Brisson. de Form. notat locum admodum luculentum ad hanc rem explicandam, nempe Luciani, quod et Dempsterus ad Rosin. notavit ex Apuleio Milesiar. 4: Et admoventes oribus suis dexteram, priori digito in erectum pollicem residente, ut ipsam prorsus deam Venerem religiosis adorationibus venerabantur. Idem, Apolog., adorandi gratia manum labris admovere. Recte observavit Salmasius exercit. Plin., p. 936, adorantes in dextrum latus corpus circumagere solitos. Plinius: In adorando, dexteram ad osculum referimus, totumque corpus circumagimus. Videndi Plautus et Propertius. Salmasius in Flav. Vospisc. hunc adorandi ritum explicans, docet, non solum totum corpus ab adorantibus dextra circumagi solitum, verum etiam speciatim, manum labris admoveri, eique oscula figi; hincque labratum osculum ejus, qui in adorando manus labris admovebat atque osculabatur. Sic olim numina sua, sic imperatores suos adorabant, et imperatorum imagines, haud minus quam deorum simulacra. Hieronymus adversus Ruffinum: Qui adorant, solent deosculari manum, et capita submittere. Plura de hoc more Lipsius in Electis, lib. II, pag. 20; sed male ab illo ibidem scriptum est, adorantes manum prius porrigere, deinde statim ad os referre solitos: immo contra faciebant, manum enim osculari, deinde eam versus illum quem adorabant, protendere consueverant; et hoc erat quod dicebant, oscula jacere, et basia jactare (Tacitus, lib. I Hist.). Jactare basia apud Juvenal., Satyr. 4, et apud Phaedrum, 87, lib. V: Jactat basia / Tibicen, id est populum adorat. Jacere autem osculum is proprie dicetur, qui manum osculatur, deinde eam porrigit ad eos, quorum honori ac venerationi dat illud osculum: nam protensione manus, quam prius erant osculati, quodammodo osculum ipsum porrigere, et jactare ad eos videbantur quibus honorem illum deferebant. Tacitus de Nerone cantante: Postremo genu flexus, et coetum illum manu veneratus est. Histrionem ille verum agebat: at histrionum, pantomimorum et cantorum mos hic erat, ut populum scenam ingressi adorarent. Vetus epigramma, a Pythoeo editum, ut videre est ejus lib. IV Epigr.: Ingressus scenam populum saltator adorat. Sic aurigae flagello populum venerabantur: cum enim (continues)

Quae singula adoramus ("which we adore one by one"). Since our author often mentions adoration, it is my intention to note at present what belongs to the rite of adoration, so as not to be forced later, where the same recurs, to stray over the same string. Now, that in the rite of adoration the hand was customarily brought to the mouth is already known to all. Brisson, On Formulas, notes a very clear passage for explaining this, namely of Lucian, which Dempster too noted on Rosinus from Apuleius, Milesian Tales 4: "And bringing the right hand to their mouths, the forefinger resting on the upraised thumb, they venerated her with religious adorations as the very goddess Venus." The same, Apology: "to bring the hand to the lips for the sake of adoring." Salmasius rightly observed, Plinian Exercises p. 936, that those adoring used to turn the body to the right side. Pliny: "In adoring we bring the right hand to a kiss and turn the whole body round." Plautus and Propertius should be seen. Salmasius, explaining this rite of adoration in Flavius Vopiscus, teaches that not only was the whole body customarily turned to the right by those adoring, but also, specifically, that the hand was brought to the lips and kisses pressed on it; and hence the "lip-kiss" of one who in adoring brought his hands to his lips and kissed them. So of old they adored their deities, so their emperors, and the images of the emperors no less than the statues of the gods. Jerome against Rufinus: "Those who adore are wont to kiss the hand and to bow the head." More on this custom in Lipsius, Electa book II, p. 20; but he wrongly wrote there that those adoring used first to stretch out the hand, then at once bring it back to the mouth: on the contrary they did the reverse, for they were accustomed to kiss the hand, then stretch it out towards the one they adored; and this was what they called "throwing kisses" and "tossing kisses" (Tacitus, Histories book I). "Tossing kisses" in Juvenal, Satire 4, and in Phaedrus, 87, book V: "The piper tosses kisses," that is, adores the people. He will properly be said to throw a kiss who kisses his hand, then stretches it out to those to whose honour and veneration he gives that kiss: for by stretching out the hand they had first kissed, they seemed in some way to hold out and throw the kiss itself to those to whom they paid that honour. Tacitus of Nero singing: "At last, on bended knee, he did reverence to that assembly with his hand." He was playing the true actor: for the custom of actors, pantomimes and singers was to adore the people on entering the stage. An old epigram, published by Pithou, as can be seen in his Epigrams book IV: "Entering the stage, the dancer adores the people." So the charioteers venerated the people with the whip: for when (continues)

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. The sheet signature "PATROL. VI." and "5" at the foot are not notes. --> [1] ‹anchor: Quae singula adoramus› · notes col 137

(continued) dextram manum in adorando ad os referrent, aurigae qui dextra flagellum tenebant, flagellum ipsum osculabantur, et sic adorabant (Dio, in Caracalla, de ejus aurigationibus). Hic ritus non solum Romanis, verum et Orienti usitatus, ut doctiss. Drus. frag. vett. interpr., p. 834, recte annotavit; probavitque ex Job c. XXXI, vers. 26, 27 et 28: Si vidi solem cum splendesceret aut lunam nobiliter incedentem, et seductum est in abscondito cor meum, et admota est manus mea ori, etiam haec est iniquitas a judice vindicanda, quia sic negassem Deum supremum. Ubi LXX reddunt: Si manum meam ori admotam deosculatus sum. Juxta Symmachum: Et adoravit manus mea circum os meum. Hieronymus: Et osculatus sum manum meam ore meo. Deosculatio Hebraeorum phrasi est adoratio, ut constat ps. II, vers. ult. ut et I Reg., c. XIX, vers. 18: Omnia genua quae non curvaverunt se ipsi Bahal, et omne os quod non osculatum est eum. Apud Oseam, cap. XIII, vers. 11, osculentur. Symmach. et Theodot. reddiderunt, adorantes; Aquila καταφιλοῦντες, osculantes. Hieronymus: Pro eo quod juxta Symmach. et Theodot. vertimus ADORANTES, Aquila interpretatus est καταφιλοῦντες, id est, deosculantes; qui enim adorant, solent deosculari manum suam, quod Job fecisse se negat, dicens: «Si osculatus sum manum meam apponens ori meo» (ex Salmasio). Vide Martinum Kempium de Osculis Dissert. 4, de Osculo adorativo.

[2] ‹anchor: Deus genuit› · notes col 137 Deus genuit. Illustrat Crenius part. IX. Animadvers., p. 30 sqq. Credidi omnino in Lactantio hic corrigendum fuisse, Deus genuit. Ita suadent verba l. I, c. 7, ubi ad hunc locum provocat: Genuisse regni sui ministros Deum. In editis erat, deos genuit. BUNEMAN.

Deus genuit ("God begot"). Crenius illustrates it, Animadversions part IX, p. 30 ff. I was fully convinced that in Lactantius it had to be corrected here to Deus genuit. So the words of book I, ch. 7 urge, where he refers to this place: "that God begot the ministers of his kingdom." In the editions it was deos genuit ("he begot gods"). BÜNEMANN.

[3] ‹anchor: Ac pene tenuisse› · notes col 137 Ac pene tenuisse. Ita restituimus ex mss. vet. 4 Reg., 1 Bonon., 6 Colb., Gronov., Lips., 2 Claromont., 2 Brun., ac veteribus editis quinque. In sex vulgatis rec., prope.

Ac pene tenuisse ("and almost to have held"). So we have restored from the old manuscripts, 4 Regii, 1 Bologna, 6 Colbertini, Gronovius, Leipzig, 2 Clermont, 2 Brunswick, and five old editions. In six recent common editions, prope ("nearly").

[4] ‹anchor: Infatuata pravis opinionibus› · notes cols 137–138 Infatuata pravis opinionibus. Sic mss. duo codices eruditissimorum virorum Gronovii et Claromontii, 1 a prima manu, cum recentioribus editis quatuor. At mss. 5 Reg., 1 Bon., 3 Colb., 1 Sorbon., Cauc., Jun., 1 Claromont., Lips., Pen., Tax., Ultr., Em., Cant., Christ., Balliol., cum editis Rom. 1468 Betulei et Isaei, habent infucata. In 3 Reg., 1 Colb. et Brun. nonnullisque editis legitur fucata. In 1 Colb. rec., fuscata; in altero Colb., retroversus infricata, corrupte; in 14 mss., retrorsus. Verior nobis visa est lectio mss. Gronov. et Clarom., infatuata; per opiniones enim in stultitiam labimur. Lactant. lib. IV, cap. 1: Quod unius saeculi stultitia religiones varias suscipientis, deosque multos esse credentis, in tantam subito ignorantiam sui ventum est. Verbum autem hoc, ut exprimendae rei efficax, ita non nimis vulgare. Cicero, Philip. III: Ea, cur magister ejus ex oratore arator factus sit, ut hominem stultum magis etiam infatuet mercede publica. Pro Flacco: Neminem quidem adeo infatuare potuit, ut ei nummum ullum crederet? In dictis mss. 23 et in nonnullis edit. legitur infucata, librariorum oscitantia prave pro infatuata; in nonnullis fucata. Quid autem illa fucata consuetudo; quid est fucare, nisi interpolare certam rei speciem? Non omnino tamen nobis displicent mss. et editiones quae legant, fucata vel infucata pravis opinionibus consuetudo; cum alibi legatur veritatem fucatam mendacio. Hi loquendi modi apprime inter se conveniunt.

Infatuata pravis opinionibus ("befooled by wrong opinions"). So two manuscript codices of the most learned Gronovius and of Clermont, 1 in the first hand, with four more recent editions. But the manuscripts 5 Regii, 1 Bologna, 3 Colbertini, 1 Sorbonne, Chauci, Junius, 1 Clermont, Leipzig, Pen., Taxaquet, Utrecht, Emmanuel, Cambridge, Christ's, Balliol, with the editions of Rome 1468, Betuleius and Isaeus, have infucata ("painted over"). In 3 Regii, 1 Colbert, Brunswick and some editions fucata ("painted") is read. In 1 recent Colbert, fuscata ("darkened"); in another Colbert, retroversus infricata, corruptly; in 14 manuscripts, retrorsus ("backwards"). The reading of the Gronovius and Clermont manuscripts, infatuata, seemed to us the truer; for through opinions we slip into folly. Lactantius book IV, ch. 1: "That by the folly of a single age, taking up various religions and believing there are many gods, things came suddenly to such ignorance of itself." And this word, effective as it is for expressing the thing, is not too common. Cicero, Philippic III: "This, why his master was turned from orator into ploughman, so as to befool a foolish man still more with public pay." For Flaccus: "Could he befool no one so far as to get him to lend him a single coin?" In the said 23 manuscripts and in some editions infucata is read, wrongly, through the drowsiness of copyists, for infatuata; in some fucata. But what is that "painted custom"; what is fucare but to falsify a certain appearance of a thing? Yet we do not altogether dislike the manuscripts and editions that read "custom painted, or painted over, with wrong opinions"; since elsewhere one reads "truth painted with falsehood." These manners of speaking agree very well with each other.

[5] ‹anchor: Divina testimonia› · notes col 138 Divina testimonia. Id est, quae pro divinis et divinae auctoritatis habebantur ab ethnicis, veluti Sibyllarum versus, Apollo Milesius, Hermes Trismegistus, qui unum dumtaxat Deum praedicant.

Divina testimonia ("divine testimonies"). That is, those held by the heathen to be divine and of divine authority, such as the verses of the Sibyls, Milesian Apollo, Hermes Trismegistus, who proclaim only one God.

[6] ‹anchor: Ex hominibus in deos relatus est› · notes col 138 Ex hominibus in deos relatus est. Ita potiores mss. Bon., 2 Reg. 900 annor., 3 alii Reg., 4 Colb., 2 Sorbon., 2 Clarom., 3 Lips., Gatian. et Marm., in quo, ut in Reg. vetustissimo, legitur mendose relaxatus est, pro relatus est; in undecim aliis recentioribus et plerisque editis, inter deos.

Ex hominibus in deos relatus est ("from among men he was enrolled among the gods"). So the better manuscripts, Bologna, 2 Regii 900 years old, 3 other Regii, 4 Colbertini, 2 Sorbonne, 2 Clermont, 3 Leipzig, Gatianus and Marmoutier, in which, as in the oldest Regius, relaxatus est is read faultily for relatus est; in eleven other more recent ones and most editions, inter deos.

[7] ‹anchor: In deos› · notes col 138 In deos. Sic Reimm., Goth., Lips., tres Ultr., Tax., Junt., Bon., elegantius quam sublac., Ven. 1471, 97, etiam Rost. 1476. De eodem vero Mercurio iterum constanti codd. lectione Lact., l. VII. c. 13: Quamvis in deos relatus Mercurii nomine ab Aegyptiis honoretur. Ipse Cicero, l. III de Nat. deor., c. 20: Referre in deos; et jam, l. I, c. 13.

In deos ("among the gods"). So Reimmann, Gotha, Leipzig, three Utrecht, Taxaquet, the Junta, Bologna, more elegantly than Subiaco, Venice 1471, 1497, and also Rostock 1476. Of the same Mercury, again with a constant reading of the codices, Lactantius book VII, ch. 13: "Although, enrolled among the gods, he is honoured by the Egyptians under the name of Mercury." Cicero himself, On the Nature of the Gods book III, ch. 20: "to enrol among the gods"; and already book I, ch. 13.

[8] ‹anchor: Apud Ciceronem› · notes col 138 Apud Ciceronem. Libro scilicet III de Nat. deor., quem adeas.

Apud Ciceronem ("in Cicero"). Book III, that is, of On the Nature of the Gods, which you may consult.

[9] ‹anchor: Quinque Mercurios› · notes col 138 Quinque Mercurios. Totidem ab Arnobio numerantur, quem vide libro III adversus Gentes: primus Coelo patre et Die matre genitus: secundus Pharonidis et Valentis filius, qui et Trophonius vocatur; tertius Jove tertio natus et Maia; quartus Nilum patrem habuit, quem Aegyptii nefas ducunt nominare; quintus est quem colunt Pheneatae, qui et Argum dicitur interemisse. Hunc, ut dicunt, Aegyptii Thoyt appellant; attamen non conveniunt tempora. Vide Ciceronem, l. III de Nat. deor., atque notam infra positam.

Quinque Mercurios ("five Mercuries"). The same number are counted by Arnobius, whom see, Against the Heathen book III: the first, born of Caelus as father and Dies as mother; the second, son of Pharonis and Valens, who is also called Trophonius; the third, born of the third Jupiter and Maia; the fourth had the Nile for father, whom the Egyptians hold it wrong to name; the fifth is the one the Pheneates worship, who is also said to have killed Argus. Him, they say, the Egyptians call Thoth; yet the times do not agree. See Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book III, and the note set below.

[10] ‹anchor: Ob eam causam› · notes col 138 Ob eam causam. Quidquid sit, constat Thoyth, sive Mercurium Aegyptiorum, multo antiquiorem fuisse eo Mercurio, a quo Argus fuit occisus. Ultimus iste Mercurius Jovis fuit filius: at Jupiter decimo nono saeculo ante vulgarem aeram vixit; sed Thoyth, sive Mercurius Aegyptiorum, decem saeculis antiquior est Jove, sive is sit Thoyth I, vel ejus filius Thoyth II. De libris vero qui a Thoyth, vel Mercurio Aegyptiorum sunt editi, vide Clementem Alexandrinum l. VI, Stromatum, ubi eos enumerat. Libri autem quos nunc habemus sub Mercurii Trismegisti nomine, constat esse supposititios.

Ob eam causam ("for that reason"). Be that as it may, it is certain that Thoth, or the Mercury of the Egyptians, was much older than that Mercury by whom Argus was slain. This last Mercury was a son of Jupiter: but Jupiter lived in the nineteenth century before the common era; whereas Thoth, or the Mercury of the Egyptians, is ten centuries older than Jupiter, whether he be Thoth I or his son Thoth II. On the books published by Thoth, or the Egyptians' Mercury, see Clement of Alexandria, Stromata book VI, where he lists them. The books we now have under the name of Mercurius Trismegistus are certainly spurious.

[11] ‹anchor: In Aegyptum profugisse› · notes col 138 In Aegyptum profugisse. Sic in Lactantii codicibus, tum mss., tum impressis legitur. Cicero autem, l. III, de Natur. deor., unde hunc locum descripsit auctor noster, habet, ob eamque causam Aegypto praefuisse. Nihil tamen obstat, Thoyth profugerit in Aegyptum, et ei postea praefuerit.

In Aegyptum profugisse ("to have fled into Egypt"). So it is read in the codices of Lactantius, both manuscript and printed. But Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book III, from which our author copied this passage, has "and for that reason to have ruled Egypt." Yet nothing prevents Thoth from having fled into Egypt and afterwards ruled it.

[12] ‹anchor: Aegyptiis leges ac litteras tradidisse› · notes col 138 Aegyptiis leges ac litteras tradidisse. Sanchoniathon dicit Mercurium invenisse τὴν τῶν πρώτων στοιχείων γραφήν, et litterarum characteres instituisse.

Aegyptiis leges ac litteras tradidisse ("to have given the Egyptians laws and letters"). Sanchuniathon says that Mercury invented "the writing of the first elements," and established the characters of the letters.

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> <!-- UNSURE: in entry [1], the corrupt manuscript spellings of Thoth (Θουσιν, Θουμ, Θωυθ, Θευθ, Ημουθ, Ηνουθ, πνουγια, πνουγυ, πνουσια) are tiny Greek type, read as closely as the scan allows. --> [1] ‹anchor: Hunc Aegyptii Thoyth appellant› · notes col 139 Hunc Aegyptii Thoyth appellant. In omnibus Lactantii operibus nulla mss. editor. major hac varietas. Frequentes editi ferunt Thoth. At cunctorum mss. vetustissimi et praestantissimi Bonon., 1 Reg. 900 annor., Marm., Gat., 1 Sorbon., Thoyth; accedentibus 1 Reg., in quo Thout.; 1 al. Reg. Θουσιν; 1 Colb. in quo NHOYTH; 1 al. Colb. in quo Θουμ. Quinque recentiores scripti, 1 Reg. a prima manu, 1 Colb., Nav., Vict., Brun., legisse videntur Θωυθ, aut Θευθ, ut editi Betul., Fasitel. et Henr. Petri 1556. Corrupte admodum caeteri mss., 2 Reg. rec., 1 Colb., 1 Sorbon., 1 Claromont. Ημουθ, vel Ηνουθ; Reg. duo cum editis. Rom. 1468, 1470, πνουγια, πνουγυ, etc. Claromontanus alter πνουσια, 1 Colb. Hermin. Sed cum Joan. Ger. Vossio eo potissimum propendeo, ut Thoyth legendum putem: sic enim habent optimae notae codices mss. ac impressi; sic etiam legendum esse docet Eusebius Praeparationis Evang., l. I, c. 9: Αἰγύπτιοι μὲν ἐκάλεσαν Θωὺθ, Ἀλεξανδρεῖς δὲ Θὼθ, Ἑρμῆν δὲ Ἕλληνες μετέφρασαν; Aegyptii Thoyth vocarunt, Alexandrini Thoth, Graeci Hermen, hoc est Mercurium, interpretati. Similiter apud Ciceronem, l. III, de Nat. deor., unde hunc locum desumpsit noster Lactantius, legitur: Hunc Aegyptii Thoyth appellant, eodemque nomine anni primus mensis apud eos vocatur. Notandum porro, quod 1 ms. Lips. pro Thoyth habet Moysin. De variis Mercuriis vide Isaeum, in notis. De Mercurio vide etiam doctissimum D. Fourmont, in observationibus ad Sanchoniatonem, quarum editio nova modo prodiit anno 1747, Paris., apud Joan. de Bure, t. I.

Hunc Aegyptii Thoyth appellant ("him the Egyptians call Thoyth"). In all the works of Lactantius there is no greater variation among manuscripts and editors than this. Many editions have Thoth. But the oldest and most excellent of all the manuscripts, Bologna, 1 Regius 900 years old, Marmoutier, Gatianus, 1 Sorbonne, have Thoyth; with these go 1 Regius, in which there is Thout.; 1 other Regius Θουσιν; 1 Colbert in which NHOYTH; 1 other Colbert in which Θουμ. Five more recent manuscripts, 1 Regius in the first hand, 1 Colbert, Navarre, St Victor, Brunswick, seem to have read Θωυθ or Θευθ, as the editions of Betuleius, Fasitelius and Henricus Petri 1556. The other manuscripts are quite corrupt: 2 recent Regii, 1 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, 1 Clermont have Ημουθ or Ηνουθ; two Regii with the editions of Rome 1468, 1470, πνουγια, πνουγυ, etc.; the other Clermont πνουσια; 1 Colbert, Hermin. But with Gerard Johann Vossius I incline chiefly to think Thoyth should be read: for so the codices of best repute, manuscript and printed, have it; so too Eusebius teaches it should be read, Preparation for the Gospel book I, ch. 9: "The Egyptians called him Thoyth, the Alexandrians Thoth, and the Greeks translated it Hermes," that is, Mercury. Likewise in Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book III, from which our Lactantius took this passage, one reads: "Him the Egyptians call Thoyth, and by the same name the first month of the year is called among them." Note further that 1 Leipzig manuscript has Moysin ("Moses") for Thoyth. On the various Mercuries see Isaeus in the notes. On Mercury see also the most learned M. Fourmont in his observations on Sanchuniathon, a new edition of which has just appeared in the year 1747, Paris, Jean de Bure, vol. I.

[2] ‹anchor: Ἑρμόπολις› · notes col 139 Ἑρμόπολις. Urbs magna, a qua denominata fuit regio Hermopolitana, Ἑρμοπολίτης νόμος, in partibus Aegypti Mediterraneis, ad occasum Nili.

Ἑρμόπολις (Hermopolis). A great city, from which the Hermopolitan region, the Hermopolite nome, was named, in the inland parts of Egypt, west of the Nile.

[3] ‹anchor: Et Pheneatae colunt eum religiose› · notes cols 139–140 Et Pheneatae colunt eum religiose. Idem, Cic., l. III, de Nat. deor., n. 56, ubi de Mercurio loquens, sic ait: Quintus quem colunt Pheneatae, qui et Argum dicitur interemisse, ob eamque causam Aegypto praefuisse, atque Aegyptiis leges et litteras tradidisse. Hunc Aegyptii Thoyth appellant, eodemque nomine anni primus mensis apud eos vocatur. Et Pausanias in Arcadicis, l. VIII, p. 304: Deorum vero, inquit, omnium maxime Mercurium Pheneatae venerantur. Legendum itaque ex mss. codicibus Cauc., 1 Lips., Ultr., Christ., et ed. Cellar., et Pheneatae colunt eum religiose; convenientibus 1 Bonon., 8 Reg., 5 Colb., 2 Sorbon., Gat., Marm., 1 Lips., Goth., Em., Cantabrig., et 2 Claromont., in quibus legitur Feniatae pro Feneatae, seu Pheneatae: accedentibus quoque ms. Vict. in quo Fenitae; mss. Navar., 1 Colb. et Brun. in quibus est Fenicae; et 1 al. Lips. Fenices. In mss. Cauc., Jun. et Cantabrig., ac edit. Rom. 1468 habetur, et Pheneatae servant et colunt eum religiose. In editis Betul., Thys., Gall., Spark., Walch., et Saitae colunt eum religiose; in edit. Paris. 1525, Ald., Fas., Cratand., Graph., Gymn., Tornes., et Saitae servant et colunt eum religiose, quod in nullo manuscriptorum quos viderim reperi. Petrus Ciaconius suspicatur legendum esse, et Saitae et Pheneatae colunt eum religiose. Mallem, et Saitae servant et Pheneatae colunt eum religiose, si aliquam haberem ex mss. auctoritatem; ut dicatur et in Aegypto a Saitis servari, et in Arcadia a Pheneatis coli. Apparet igitur legendum esse Pheneatae, quia supra dixerat de Aegyptiis, a quibus transit ad Pheneatas arcadicos. — Colunt. Reimm., et servant et colunt. Cant., Junt., Cauc., Servant et colunt.

Et Pheneatae colunt eum religiose ("and the Pheneates worship him devoutly"). The same, Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book III, no. 56, where, speaking of Mercury, he says: "The fifth, whom the Pheneates worship, who is also said to have killed Argus, and for that reason to have ruled Egypt and given the Egyptians laws and letters. Him the Egyptians call Thoyth, and by the same name the first month of the year is called among them." And Pausanias in the Arcadica, book VIII, p. 304: "Of all the gods," he says, "the Pheneates venerate Mercury most." So one should read, from the manuscript codices Chauci, 1 Leipzig, Utrecht, Christ's, and Cellarius's edition, et Pheneatae colunt eum religiose; with whom agree 1 Bologna, 8 Regii, 5 Colbertini, 2 Sorbonne, Gatianus, Marmoutier, 1 Leipzig, Gotha, Emmanuel, Cambridge and 2 Clermont, in which Feniatae is read for Feneatae or Pheneatae: with them also the St Victor manuscript, in which Fenitae; the Navarre, 1 Colbert and Brunswick manuscripts, in which there is Fenicae; and 1 other Leipzig, Fenices. In the Chauci, Junius and Cambridge manuscripts and the Rome edition of 1468 there is et Pheneatae servant et colunt eum religiose ("and the Pheneates keep and worship him devoutly"). In the editions of Betuleius, Thysius, Gallaeus, Sparke and Walch, et Saitae colunt eum religiose ("and the Saites worship him devoutly"); in the editions of Paris 1525, the Aldine, Fasitelius, Cratander, Grapheus, Gymnicus and Tornaesius, et Saitae servant et colunt eum religiose, which I have found in none of the manuscripts I have seen. Pedro Chacón suspects one should read et Saitae et Pheneatae colunt eum religiose. I should prefer et Saitae servant et Pheneatae colunt eum religiose, if I had any manuscript authority; so that he would be said both to be kept by the Saites in Egypt and worshipped by the Pheneates in Arcadia. It is clear, then, that Pheneatae should be read, because he had spoken above of the Egyptians, from whom he passes to the Arcadian Pheneates. — Colunt. Reimmann has et servant et colunt. Cambridge, the Junta and Chauci: Servant et colunt.

[4] ‹anchor: Adeo ut ei multarum rerum et artium scientia Trimegisto cognomen imponeret› · notes col 140 Adeo ut ei multarum rerum et artium scientia Trimegisto cognomen imponeret. Ita antiquiores et meliores mss. Bon., 6 Reg., Lips., Pal., Gronov., et omnes fere editi; Crat. et Tornes., imponerent. In mss. vero Cauc., Jun. 1 Colb., et edit. Paris. 1525, ut ei ob multarum rerum scientiam Trimegisto cognomen imponerent; et in recentioribus, 2 Reg., 1 Colb. et Brun. nomen.

Adeo ut ei multarum rerum et artium scientia Trimegisto cognomen imponeret ("so that his knowledge of many things and arts gave him the surname Trismegistus"). So the older and better manuscripts, Bologna, 6 Regii, Leipzig, Palatine, Gronovius, and nearly all the editions; Cratander and Tornaesius have imponerent. But in the Chauci, Junius and 1 Colbert manuscripts and the Paris edition of 1525: "so that for his knowledge of many things they gave him the surname Trismegistus"; and in the more recent, 2 Regii, 1 Colbert and Brunswick, nomen ("name").

[5] ‹anchor: Trimegisto cognomen› · notes col 140 Trimegisto cognomen. Vel Termagnus appellatur, quod leges eximias condiderit; quod summo sacerdotio illustratus, Religionis ceremonias et ritus sacros indiderit; atque tandem quod in Philosophicis apprime versatus, geometriam in Aegypto summe necessariam, atque alias scientias naturales docuerit. De Trimegisto iterum disseret Lactantius libro de Ira Dei, cap. 10.

Trimegisto cognomen ("the surname Trismegistus"). Or he is called Thrice-great, because he founded excellent laws; because, distinguished by the highest priesthood, he instituted the ceremonies and sacred rites of religion; and finally because, thoroughly versed in philosophy, he taught geometry, supremely necessary in Egypt, and the other natural sciences. Lactantius will discuss Trismegistus again in the book On the Anger of God, ch. 10.

[6] ‹anchor: Iisdemque nominibus› · notes col 140 Iisdemque nominibus. Vide Trismeg. Pimand., c. 11, Asclep., 1. Sed constat hos libros Pimandri et Asclepiadis esse fictitios.

Iisdemque nominibus ("and by the same names"). See Trismegistus, Poimandres ch. 11, Asclepius 1. But it is certain that these books of the Poimandres and the Asclepius are fictitious.

[7] ‹anchor: Ἀνώνυμον› · notes col 140 Ἀνώνυμον. Latine, sine nomine.

Ἀνώνυμον. In Latin, "without name."

[8] ‹anchor: Ὁ δὲ Θεὸς› · notes col 140 Ὁ δὲ Θεὸς. Latine, Deus autem unus; unus autem nomine non eget: est enim qui est sine nomine.

Ὁ δὲ Θεὸς ("but God"). In Latin: "But God is one; and one does not need a name: for he who is, is without name."

[9] ‹anchor: Deo igitur nomen non est› · notes col 140 Deo igitur nomen non est. Minutius Felix in Octavio: Nec nomen Deo quaeras; Deus nomen est illi. Item apud Xistum in sententiis; apud Hermetem Aegyptium dicitur ineffabilis, innominandus, silentio praedicandus; apud Platonem quoque indictus, innominabilis; apud Apul., l. de Nat. phil. Platonis; Alcinoum, Isagog., c. 9; et Porph., l. IV Hist. philosophicae, apud Cyrillum. Vide supra testimonium S. Cypriani nota ad initium cap. 5.

Deo igitur nomen non est ("God, then, has no name"). Minucius Felix in the Octavius: "Do not seek a name for God; God is his name." Likewise in Xystus, in the Sentences; in Hermes the Egyptian he is called ineffable, not to be named, to be proclaimed by silence; in Plato too, unspoken, unnameable; in Apuleius, the book On the Natural Philosophy of Plato; Alcinous, Introduction ch. 9; and Porphyry, History of Philosophy book IV, in Cyril. See above the testimony of St Cyprian in the note at the beginning of ch. 5.

[10] ‹anchor: Unus est› · notes col 140 Unus est. Sic apud S. Cyprianum contra Idolorum cultum: Hermes Trismegistus unum Deum loquitur, eumque incomprehensibilem atque inestimabilem.

Unus est ("he is one"). So in St Cyprian against the worship of idols: "Hermes Trismegistus speaks of one God, and him incomprehensible and beyond estimation."

[11] ‹anchor: Putent› · notes col 140 Putent. Sic repositum ex omnibus pene mss. et editis Betull. et Cellar. In 2 Colb., 1 Claromont. et in cunctis fere editis est putant.

Putent ("they may think"). So restored from almost all the manuscripts and the editions of Betuleius and Cellarius. In 2 Colbertini, 1 Clermont and in nearly all the editions there is putant ("they think").

[12] ‹anchor: Quod errare potuerint› · notes col 140 Quod errare potuerint. Ita restituimus ex omnibus ferme mss. In 1 Clarom. a prima manu, et in editis multis, potuerunt.

Quod errare potuerint ("that they could err"). So we have restored from nearly all the manuscripts. In 1 Clermont in the first hand, and in many editions, potuerunt.

[13] ‹anchor: Et ipsi homines fuerint› · notes col 140 Et ipsi homines fuerint. Sic reposuimus ex mss. prope omnibus. Edd. et 3 mss. rec., fuerunt. In editis, si excipias Cellar., hi, pro ipsi.

Et ipsi homines fuerint ("and they themselves were men"). So we have restored from almost all the manuscripts. Editions and 3 recent manuscripts have fuerunt. In the editions, if you except Cellarius, hi ("these") for ipsi.

[14] ‹anchor: M. Varro› · notes col 140 M. Varro. Hic autem natus anno urbis DCXXXVIII, denatus autem pene nonagenarius anno urbis DCCXXVII, familiaris fuit Ciceroni, qui eum in Epistolis ad Atticum libro V, epist. 10, vocat universalem polygraphum. Sic Quintilianus, lib. XII, Varronem omnia pene tradidisse testatur; quem etiam vide (continues)

M. Varro. He was born in the year of the City 638 and died, almost ninety, in the year of the City 727; he was a friend of Cicero, who in the Letters to Atticus, book V, letter 10, calls him "the universal polygraph." So Quintilian, book XII, testifies that Varro handed down almost everything; see him also (continues)

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> <!-- UNSURE: entry [23], the Sibylline line is in very small Greek type; the last word is read as Ἐρινύς. --> [1] ‹anchor: M. Varro› · notes col 141

(continued) libro X, sicut et Ciceronem, in Academicis, lib. I, ubi Varronem eximie laudat.

[2] ‹anchor: Ne apud Graecos quidem... vixit› · notes col 141 Ne apud Graecos quidem... vixit. Sic quoque mss. Tax., Cauc., Jun., Ultr, Reimm., ubi male Rost., Ven. 1471, 72, utraque 78, aliaeque, neque Latinos, aut nedum Latinos, infarciunt. BUNEMAN.

Ne apud Graecos quidem... vixit ("not even among the Greeks ... lived"). So too the manuscripts Taxaquet, Chauci, Junius, Utrecht, Reimmann; where Rostock, Venice 1471, 1472, both of 1478 and others wrongly stuff in neque Latinos or nedum Latinos ("nor the Latins," "still less the Latins"). BÜNEMANN.

[3] ‹anchor: Nedum apud Latinos› · notes col 141 Nedum apud Latinos. Haec verba absunt a 35 mss. atque etiam a Rohanneo et Sangermanensi, et ab edit. Cellar. et Sublac. Pro nedum legitur neque in edit. Rom. 1468, Paris. 1525, Ald., Crat., Graph., Gymnic.

Nedum apud Latinos ("still less among the Latins"). These words are absent from 35 manuscripts, and also from the Rohan and Saint-Germain, and from Cellarius's and the Subiaco edition. For nedum, neque is read in the editions of Rome 1468, Paris 1525, the Aldine, Cratander, Grapheus, Gymnicus.

[4] ‹anchor: In libris› · notes col 141 In libris, etc. De Varronis libris vide S. Augustin. de Civ. Dei lib. VI, cap. 3.

In libris ("in the books"), etc. On Varro's books see St Augustine, City of God book VI, ch. 3.

[5] ‹anchor: De quindecim-Viris› · notes col 141 De quindecim-Viris. De quibus vide Alexand. ab Alexandro, Genialium dierum lib. III, c. 16, et infra alia nota. Haec tamen ex Pomponio Laeto: Duumviri, inquit, a Tarquinio superbo instituti fuere, qui soli inspicerent libros Sibyllinos: deinde cum plebs creari ex suis instaret, ex Plebeis et Patriciis creati decem, et deinde quindecim, qui libros Sibyllinos inspicerent.

De quindecim-Viris ("on the Fifteen Men"). On whom see Alessandro Alessandri, Genial Days book III, ch. 16, and another note below. Yet this from Pomponius Laetus: "Two men," he says, "were appointed by Tarquin the Proud, who alone should inspect the Sibylline books: then, when the plebs pressed for some to be chosen from their own ranks, ten were chosen from plebeians and patricians, and afterwards fifteen, to inspect the Sibylline books."

[6] ‹anchor: Sibyllae› · notes col 141 Sibyllae. De Sibyllarum nominis etymologia vide Servium in VI Aeneid.

Sibyllae ("of the Sibyl"). On the etymology of the name of the Sibyls see Servius on Aeneid VI.

[7] ‹anchor: Vel ab unius Delphidis nomine› · notes col 141 Vel ab unius Delphidis nomine. Vide Antimach., de Oraculis Sibyll.

Vel ab unius Delphidis nomine ("or from the name of one Delphic woman"). See Antimachus, On the Sibylline Oracles.

[8] ‹anchor: Vel a consiliis deorum› · notes col 141 Vel a consiliis deorum, etc. Id multimodis ineptum, atque etiam falsum. Σίβυλλα simplex nomen est, non compositum. SALMASIUS.

Vel a consiliis deorum ("or from the counsels of the gods"), etc. This is foolish in many ways, and false too. Σίβυλλα is a simple name, not a compound. SALMASIUS.

[9] ‹anchor: Enuntiandis› · notes col 141 Enuntiandis. Ita restituimus ex cunctis ferme mss. et editis Rom. 1470, Paris. 1525, Betul., Cellar. In octo editis est denuntiandis; in ms. 1 Colbert., nuntiandis.

Enuntiandis ("for declaring"). So we have restored from nearly all the manuscripts and the editions of Rome 1470, Paris 1525, Betuleius, Cellarius. In eight editions there is denuntiandis ("for announcing"); in 1 Colbert manuscript, nuntiandis.

[10] ‹anchor: σιοβυλήν› · notes col 141 σιοβυλήν. Ita emendavimus ex mss. 1 Reg. opt. notae, 1 Sorb., Colb. et 2 Brun. in quibus legitur Siobulen. Et sic profecto legendum esse constat ex praecedentibus σιοὺς et βυλήν. Ante erat, θεοβούλην. — Haec verba, Itaque Sibyllam... σιοβυλὴν desunt in ed. Sublac.

σιοβυλήν. So we have emended from the manuscripts 1 Regius of the best repute, 1 Sorbonne, Colbert and 2 Brunswick, in which Siobulen is read. And that it should certainly be read so is clear from the preceding σιούς and βυλήν. Before it was θεοβούλην. — These words, Itaque Sibyllam... σιοβυλήν ("And so the Sibyl ... siobulē"), are missing in the Subiaco edition.

[11] ‹anchor: Caeterum Sibyllas› · notes col 141 Caeterum Sibyllas. De Sibyllis earumque scriptis multa olim gentiles et christiani memoriae prodiderunt: quid de iis statuerunt non est hujus loci, nec nunc vacat referre. Vide si lubet S. Augustinum, de Civ. Dei lib. XVIII, cap. 23; Vossium, et Blondellum, qui de his optime disseruit in suo de Sibyllis libro. Vide etiam Servatium Galkeum, in sua Sibyllinorum carminum editione in-4°, Amstelod. 1688 et 1689.

Caeterum Sibyllas ("but the Sibyls"). On the Sibyls and their writings heathen and Christians of old handed down much to memory: what they determined about them is not for this place, nor is there time now to report it. See, if you please, St Augustine, City of God book XVIII, ch. 23; Vossius; and Blondel, who discussed them very well in his book On the Sibyls. See also Servatius Gallaeus, in his quarto edition of the Sibylline Oracles, Amsterdam 1688 and 1689.

[12] ‹anchor: Decem numero fuisse› · notes col 141 Decem numero fuisse. Vide Antimachum, de Oraculis Sibyllinis. Alii novem tantum fuisse volunt, inter quos Suidas; alii quatuor, ut Pausanias; nonnulli tres, ut Solinus et Ausonius. Alii duas ponunt, ut Martianus Capella: denique nonnulli unam tantum. C. Plinius lib. II, cap. 33, adstipulante Aulo Gellio lib. I, cap. 19. DEMPSTERUS. Sed Gyraldus plures quam decem numerat.

Decem numero fuisse ("that they were ten in number"). See Antimachus, On the Sibylline Oracles. Some hold there were only nine, among them Suidas; others four, as Pausanias; some three, as Solinus and Ausonius. Others put two, as Martianus Capella: and finally some only one, Gaius Pliny, book II, ch. 33, with Aulus Gellius agreeing, book I, ch. 19. DEMPSTER. But Giraldi counts more than ten.

[13] ‹anchor: Scriptitaverint› · notes col 141 Scriptitaverint. Ita restitui ex plerisque et optimis mss. et edit. Betul. In mss. Tax., 2 Colb., 1 Clarom., scriptitaverunt. Colb. a secunda manu, et 1 Clarom. a prima, cum editis, scriptitarunt; 1 Clarom. a secunda manu, scriptitarint. Subjunctivus modus valde familiaris est Lactantio, ut ex sequentibus patebit.

Scriptitaverint ("they wrote"). So I have restored from most and the best manuscripts and Betuleius's edition. In the manuscripts Taxaquet, 2 Colbertini, 1 Clermont, scriptitaverunt. Colbert in the second hand and 1 Clermont in the first, with the editions, scriptitarunt; 1 Clermont in the second hand, scriptitarint. The subjunctive mood is very familiar to Lactantius, as will be clear from what follows.

[14] ‹anchor: Primam fuisse de Persis› · notes col 142 Primam fuisse de Persis. Aliis Chaldaea, aliis Hebraea, proprio nomine Sambethe. BETULEIUS.

Primam fuisse de Persis ("that the first was of the Persians"). To some she is Chaldean, to others Hebrew, by her proper name Sambethe. BETULEIUS.

[15] ‹anchor: Nicanor› · notes col 142 Nicanor. Fortasse hic Leander Nicanor Alexandrinus grammaticus, qui de Alexand. Commentarium scripsit. THYSIUS.

Nicanor. Perhaps this is Leander Nicanor, the Alexandrian grammarian, who wrote a Commentary on Alexander. THYSIUS.

[16] ‹anchor: Secundam Lybissam› · notes col 142 Secundam Lybissam. Juxta Graecam terminationem. Ita mss. 7 Reg. quorum duo sunt 900 annor., 3 Colb., Nav., Ultr., 1 Sorbon., Vict., Marm., 1 Clarom. et al. Clarom. a secunda manu, cum editis Fasit., Tornes., Spark. In mss. 3 Reg., Bonon., Lips., Em., Cantabrig., Ultr., Christ., 3 Colb., 1 Sorbon., Gat., 1 Clarom. a prima manu, cum plerisque editis, Lybicam.

Secundam Lybissam ("the second, the Libyan"). After the Greek ending. So the manuscripts 7 Regii, two of which are 900 years old, 3 Colbertini, Navarre, Utrecht, 1 Sorbonne, St Victor, Marmoutier, 1 Clermont and the other Clermont in the second hand, with the editions of Fasitelius, Tornaesius, Sparke. In the manuscripts 3 Regii, Bologna, Leipzig, Emmanuel, Cambridge, Utrecht, Christ's, 3 Colbertini, 1 Sorbonne, Gatianus, 1 Clermont in the first hand, with most editions, Lybicam.

[17] ‹anchor: In Lamiae prologo› · notes col 142 In Lamiae prologo, etc. Inter Euripidis tragoedias non extat Lamia.

In Lamiae prologo ("in the prologue of the Lamia"), etc. The Lamia is not extant among Euripides's tragedies.

[18] ‹anchor: Tertiam Delphida› · notes col 142 Tertiam Delphida. Ita mss. Gronov. et edit Cellar. ut et Lactantius in Epitom., cap. 5, convenienter Varroni, et prorsus recte. Etenim Lactantius paulo ante dixit, visum esse quibusdam Sibyllarum nomen ductum esse ab unius Delphidis nomine. Et quidem lectioni nostrae favent mss. 4 Reg. quorum duo sunt 900 annor. et duo alii recentiores, sed bonae notae, 2 Colb., Navar., Vict., et 2 Brun., in quibus legitur Delphidam. Quis autem non videat, legendum esse Delphida juxta Graecam terminationem ex supradictis? hellenismis enim quandoque utitur noster Firmianus. In undecim mss. rec. et in omnibus fere editis est Delphicam.

Tertiam Delphida ("the third, the Delphian"). So the Gronovius manuscript and Cellarius's edition, as also Lactantius in the Epitome, ch. 5, agreeing with Varro, and quite rightly. For Lactantius said a little before that some thought the name of the Sibyls was drawn from the name of one Delphic woman. And indeed our reading is favoured by the manuscripts 4 Regii, two of which are 900 years old and two others more recent but of good repute, 2 Colbertini, Navarre, St Victor and 2 Brunswick, in which Delphidam is read. Who does not see that Delphida should be read, after the Greek ending, from what has been said above? For our Firmianus sometimes uses Hellenisms. In eleven recent manuscripts and in nearly all the editions there is Delphicam.

[19] ‹anchor: In eo libro› · notes col 142 In eo libro, etc. Hic liber a Laertio non recensetur in Chrysippo.

In eo libro ("in that book"), etc. This book is not listed by Laertius under Chrysippus.

[20] ‹anchor: Quartam Cimmeriam› · notes col 142 Quartam Cimmeriam. Sic emendavimus ex mss. vetustissimis 2 Reg., Navar., 1 Sorbon., Vict, Ultr., 2 Brun., Christ., et edit. Cellar. In aliis 3 Reg., 2 Colbert., Em., et Gat. est Cimmeriam; etiam reponi vult Lilius Gyraldus Cymeriam. In Goth., Cymeream; in Gronov., Cimenam, pro Cimeriam; in 1 Colb. et Marm., Cimaeam; in 2 Colb. rec., Cuneam; in 5 Reg., 12 Vatic., 1 Sorbon., 2 Clerm. ac editis multis, Cumaeam; mendose omnino, cum auctor noster aperte quartam Cimmeriam a septima Cumana seu Cumea paulo inferius posita distinguat; itemque Isidorus lib. VIII Origin., cap. 8, et Suidas ad V. Σίβυλλα. Cymmeria, autem sic dicta est, teste Gyraldo, quod in Cimmeria Italiae oppido, fuerit quondam, juxta lacum Avernum in Campania, secundum Plinium lib. III, cap. 5.

Quartam Cimmeriam ("the fourth, the Cimmerian"). So we have emended from the very old manuscripts, 2 Regii, Navarre, 1 Sorbonne, St Victor, Utrecht, 2 Brunswick, Christ's, and Cellarius's edition. In 3 other Regii, 2 Colbertini, Emmanuel and Gatianus there is Cimmeriam; Lilio Giraldi also wants Cymeriam restored. In the Gotha, Cymeream; in Gronovius's, Cimenam for Cimeriam; in 1 Colbert and Marmoutier, Cimaeam; in 2 recent Colbertini, Cuneam; in 5 Regii, 12 Vatican, 1 Sorbonne, 2 Clermont and many editions, Cumaeam; altogether faultily, since our author plainly distinguishes the fourth, Cimmerian, from the seventh, Cumaean or Cumean, set a little below; and likewise Isidore, Etymologies book VIII, ch. 8, and Suidas under the word Σίβυλλα. The Cimmerian is so called, as Giraldi witnesses, because she was once in Cimmeria, a town of Italy, by Lake Avernus in Campania, according to Pliny, book III, ch. 5.

[21] ‹anchor: Naevius... belli Punici› · notes col 142 Naevius... belli Punici. Sc. primi, quo stipendia fecit. Vid. Voss. Hist. Lat. I, c. 2. BUN.

Naevius... belli Punici ("Naevius ... of the Punic War"). The first, that is, in which he served. See Vossius, Latin Historians I, ch. 2. BÜNEMANN.

[22] ‹anchor: Quintam Erythraeam› · notes col 142 Quintam Erythraeam. Hanc Sibyllam Erythraeam, Cumaeam et Cumanam, unam eamdemque fuisse vult Salmas. exercit. Plin. pag. 37.

Quintam Erythraeam ("the fifth, the Erythraean"). Salmasius, Plinian Exercises p. 37, holds that this Erythraean Sibyl, the Cumaean and the Cuman were one and the same.

[23] ‹anchor: Graiis› · notes col 142 Graiis. mss. 4 rec. Graecis. Sed idem est.

Graiis ("to the Greeks"). 4 recent manuscripts have Graecis. But it is the same.

[24] ‹anchor: Graiis Ilium... mendacia scripturum› · notes col 142 Graiis Ilium... mendacia scripturum. Hoc in carm. Sibyllinis sermon. 3 his verbis: Ἴλιον, οἰκτείρω σε, κατὰ Σπαρτὴν γὰρ Ἐρινύς, etc.

Graiis Ilium... mendacia scripturum ("Ilium [would perish] for the Greeks ... [Homer] would write lies"). This is in the Sibylline Oracles, discourse 3, in these words: "Ilium, I pity you; for from Sparta a Fury," etc.

[25] ‹anchor: Sextam Samiam› · notes col 142 Sextam Samiam. Φυτὼ nomine, cujus Valer. Maximus meminit lib. I de Ominib. ubi de Prienensibus. BETULEIUS.

Sextam Samiam ("the sixth, the Samian"). Phyto by name, whom Valerius Maximus mentions in book I, On Omens, where he speaks of the people of Priene. BETULEIUS.

[26] ‹anchor: Scribit› · notes col 142 Scribit. Ita repositum ex mss. codd. ac edit. Tor- (continues)

Scribit ("he writes"). So restored from the manuscript codices and the editions of Tor- (continues)

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> [1] ‹anchor: Scribit› · notes col 143

(continued) nes. et Walch. In multis editis, scripsit.

[2] ‹anchor: Septimam Cumanam› · notes col 143 Septimam Cumanam. Vide Salmas. Exercit. Plin. p. 73, eamque eamdem cum Cumea Italica reperies; cui etiam adstipulor; et notandum ms. Ultr. habere hoc modo, septimam Cumanam vel Cumeam. GALLAEUS. — Ac eam Cumaeam vocat eximia editio Coloniensis in-folio anno 1544. De hac intelligitur Justini martyris locus.

Septimam Cumanam ("the seventh, the Cuman"). See Salmasius, Plinian Exercises p. 73, and you will find her the same as the Italian Cumean; with which I also agree; and note that the Utrecht manuscript has it thus: "the seventh, the Cuman or Cumean." GALLAEUS. — And the excellent Cologne folio edition of 1544 calls her the Cumaean. The passage of Justin Martyr is understood of her.

[3] ‹anchor: Quae ab aliis Demophile vel Herophile› · notes col 143 Quae ab aliis Demophile vel Herophile. Solinus et Suidas, non Cumanam, sed Erythraeam vocant Herophilem, quamquam apud Solinum et Tibullum, Eleg. 5, lib. II, legatur Heriphile. Eusebius vero nec Erythraeam, nec Cumanam, sed Samiam Herophilem vocatam scribit, quam Numa, Romanorum rege, vivente floruisse refert. ISAEUS.

Quae ab aliis Demophile vel Herophile ("who by others [is called] Demophile or Herophile"). Solinus and Suidas call not the Cuman but the Erythraean Herophile, though in Solinus and Tibullus, Elegy 5, book II, Heriphile is read. Eusebius, however, writes that not the Erythraean nor the Cuman but the Samian was called Herophile, who he reports flourished while Numa was king of the Romans. ISAEUS.

[4] ‹anchor: Eamque novem libros› · notes col 143 Eamque novem libros, etc. Salmasius in Exercit. Plin. plane negat libros Sibyllinos a Cumana Sibylla Tarquinio oblatos, imo ne Sibyllam quidem eam fuisse asserit. Dionysius Halicarnasseus, γυναῖκα οὐκ ἐπιχωρίαν tantummodo nominat lib. IV. Gellius libro I, cap. 19: In antiquis annalibus memoria super libris Sibyllinis haec prodita est: Anus hospita atque incognita ad Tarquinium Superbum regem adiit, novem libros ferens, quos esse dicebat divina oracula, eos velle venundare, etc. Plura si quis desiderat, locum consulat. GALLAEUS.

Eamque novem libros ("and that she [brought] nine books"), etc. Salmasius, in the Plinian Exercises, flatly denies that the Sibylline books were offered to Tarquin by the Cuman Sibyl, indeed asserts that she was not even a Sibyl. Dionysius of Halicarnassus names her only "a woman not of the country," book IV. Gellius, book I, ch. 19: "In the old annals this record is handed down about the Sibylline books: an old woman, a stranger and unknown, came to King Tarquin the Proud, bringing nine books, which she said were divine oracles, and wished to sell them," etc. If anyone wants more, let him consult the passage. GALLAEUS.

[5] ‹anchor: Tarquinium Priscum› · notes col 143 Tarquinium Priscum. Cum Lactantio sic eum nominant Varro, Isidorus lib. VIII, cap. 8, et Suidas; at Dionysius Halycarnasseus lib. IV, Plinius lib. XIII, cap. 13, Gellius lib. I, cap. 19, Superbum. Sed verius, inquit erud. Cellarius, Prisco tribuitur, quia Solinus, c. 2, quamquam cum Plinio eum Superbum vocat, quinquagesima Olympiade id contigisse refert.

Tarquinium Priscum ("Tarquin the Elder"). With Lactantius, Varro, Isidore book VIII, ch. 8, and Suidas so name him; but Dionysius of Halicarnassus book IV, Pliny book XIII, ch. 13, and Gellius book I, ch. 19, call him the Proud. But more truly, says the learned Cellarius, it is attributed to Priscus, because Solinus, ch. 2, though he calls him the Proud with Pliny, reports that it happened in the fiftieth Olympiad.

[6] ‹anchor: Philippeos postulasse› · notes col 143 Philippeos postulasse. Servius, in Virgilium, addit, hos Philippeos aureos fuisse, qui tum pretiosi erant; non tamen quod nummi illi cusi fuerint nomine Philippi, patris scilicet Alexandri magni: siquidem eo tempore quo empti dicuntur illi libri, nondum fuerit Philippus Macedo. Sed veteres auctores, ut ait doctiss. Walchius, in re nummaria ita scribunt, prout facies ejus erat tempore suo: quod multis exemplis posset illustrari. Valebat autem nummus Philippeus aureus duos circiter aureos Gallicos, ut adnotat Lambinus ad Plautum. Vide Budaeum de Asse, lib. IV, et Gronovium, lib. III, de Pecunia vet. et nova. Multi tamen haec omnia fabulam redolere existimant.

Philippeos postulasse ("that she asked [three hundred] Philips"). Servius, on Virgil, adds that these Philips were gold coins, which were then precious; not, however, that those coins had been struck in the name of Philip, the father of Alexander the Great: since at the time those books are said to have been bought, Philip of Macedon did not yet exist. But the ancient authors, as the most learned Walch says, write of money according to how it looked in their own time: which could be illustrated by many examples. A gold Philip was worth about two French gold pieces, as Lambin notes on Plautus. See Budé, On the As, book IV, and Gronovius, book III, On Old and New Money. Many, however, think all this smells of fable.

[7] ‹anchor: Trecentis› · notes col 143 Trecentis. Vide Gellium supra citatum, et Dionysium Halycarnass. lib. IV.

Trecentis ("for three hundred"). See Gellius, cited above, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book IV.

[8] ‹anchor: Capitolio refecto› · notes col 143 Capitolio refecto. Sic etiam Tacitus lib. VI Annal., cap. 12: Post exustum sociali bello Capitolium, quaesitis Samo, Ilio, Erythris, per Africam etiam et Siciliam et Italicas colonias carminibus Sibyllae, etc.

Capitolio refecto ("when the Capitol had been rebuilt"). So too Tacitus, Annals book VI, ch. 12: "After the Capitol was burned in the Social War, the Sibyl's verses were sought at Samos, Ilium, Erythrae, through Africa too and Sicily and the Italian colonies," etc.

[9] ‹anchor: Fuerint› · notes col 143 Fuerint. Mss. 17 et 15 ed., Fuerunt.

Fuerint ("were"). 17 manuscripts and 15 editions have Fuerunt.

[10] ‹anchor: Hellespontiam› · notes col 143 Hellespontiam. Ita cum Epitome cap. 5 omnes fere mss. In duobus recentioribus est Hellespontiacam. Edd., Hellesponticam.

Hellespontiam ("the Hellespontine"). So, with the Epitome ch. 5, nearly all the manuscripts. In two more recent ones there is Hellespontiacam. The editions have Hellesponticam.

[11] ‹anchor: Vico Marpesso› · notes col 144 Vico Marpesso. Sic etiam legit Pausanias ad mss. Graecos tres Regios a me collatos lib. X, ubi de Herophile fatidica loquitur. Ego in omnium fere editionum recenta lectione nihil mutare volui, siquidem Isaeus et Gallaeus asserunt legi Marpesso in maxima Lactanctianorum mss. parte: licet in omnibus quos vidi, scilicet 10 Reg., 6 Colb., Nav., 2 Sorbon., Vict., Gat., Marm., 2 Claromont., 2 Brun., necnon in 1 Bonon., Tax., Pen., Christ., Goth., Lips., Cauc., Ultr., Pal., Rostoch., Cantabrig., et in veterrimis tribus Ramanis editionibus habeatur Marmesso; apud Suidam d. l. Marmisso.

Vico Marpesso ("in the village of Marpessus"). So too Pausanias reads, by three Greek Regius manuscripts collated by me, book X, where he speaks of Herophile the prophetess. I have wished to change nothing in the received reading of nearly all the editions, since Isaeus and Gallaeus assert that Marpesso is read in the greatest part of the Lactantius manuscripts: although in all that I have seen, namely 10 Regii, 6 Colbertini, Navarre, 2 Sorbonne, St Victor, Gatianus, Marmoutier, 2 Clermont, 2 Brunswick, and also in 1 Bologna, Taxaquet, Pen., Christ's, Gotha, Leipzig, Chauci, Utrecht, Palatine, Rostock, Cambridge, and in the three very old Roman editions, Marmesso is found; in Suidas at the said place, Marmisso.

[12] ‹anchor: Gergithium› · notes col 144 Gergithium. De qua vide Stephan. Byzantinum in Γέργις; eamque sepultam esse in templo Apollinis Gergithii dicit. Gergis vero locus est in Troade. — Vico Marmesso circa oppidum Gergitium. Alii, Marpesso, quibus videtur Tibullus favere, l. II, El. 5, v. 67: Quidquid Amalthea, quidquid Marpessia dixit: nisi et ibi cum Salmasio in Solin. pag. 55, Marmessia legendum est. BUNEMAN.

Gergithium ("Gergithian"). On which see Stephen of Byzantium under Γέργις; and he says she was buried in the temple of Gergithian Apollo. Gergis is a place in the Troad. — Vico Marmesso circa oppidum Gergitium ("in the village of Marmessus near the town of Gergitium"). Others have Marpesso, whom Tibullus seems to favour, book II, Elegy 5, v. 67: "Whatever Amalthea, whatever the Marpessian said": unless there too, with Salmasius on Solinus p. 55, Marmessia should be read. BÜNEMANN.

[13] ‹anchor: Heraclides Ponticus› · notes col 144 Heraclides Ponticus. Platonis et postea Aristotelis auditor. Voss. Hist. Gr. l. I, c. 8 et 9. Diog. Laert. l. V, f. 86, sq. BUNEMAN.

Heraclides Ponticus. A hearer of Plato and afterwards of Aristotle. Vossius, Greek Historians book I, chs. 8 and 9. Diogenes Laertius book V, fol. 86 ff. BÜNEMANN.

[14] ‹anchor: Nonam Phrygiam› · notes col 144 Nonam Phrygiam. Hanc Capella eamdem cum Erythraea et Cumana facit. BETULEIUS.

Nonam Phrygiam ("the ninth, the Phrygian"). Capella makes her the same as the Erythraean and the Cuman. BETULEIUS.

[15] ‹anchor: Decimam Tiburtem› · notes col 144 Decimam Tiburtem. Albuneam Tiburi cultam religiose, indicat in agro Tiburtino mons et fons ejus nomine, de quo Virgil. Aeneid. lib. VII.

Decimam Tiburtem ("the tenth, the Tiburtine"). That Albunea was devoutly worshipped at Tibur is shown by a mountain and spring of her name in the territory of Tibur, of which Virgil speaks, Aeneid book VII.

[16] ‹anchor: Cujus sortes Senatus in Capitolium transtulerit› · notes col 144 Cujus sortes Senatus in Capitolium transtulerit. Ita restituimus ex mss. Jun., Marm., Jani Gulielmi, et 4 Regiis, quorum duo sunt eximii, nisi quod in vetustissimis habetur, in Capitolio. Mss. Gat., Cujus sortes Senatus in Capitolium attulit. Haec absunt a mss. 6 Reg., 6 Colb., 2 Sorbon., Nav., Vict., 2 Clarom., Tax., Pen., Em., Cantabrig., 2 Brun., Edit. Rom. 1470, Betul. et Walch. et Sublac. Pro sortes legitur sacra in 12 editis rec. Legendum esse sortes confirmatur ex Virgilii loco, ubi Aeneas ad Demophilem Cumanam Sibyllam ait lib. VI Aeneid., v. 72: Hic ego namque tuas sortes arcanaque fata / Dicta meae genti ponam. Sortes enim, inquit Servius ad hunc locum, Sibyllina responsa sunt. — Cujus sortes..... transtulerit. Tibullus idem eadem voce extulit l. II, el. 5, v. 67, sq. (al. el. 6): Quidquid Amalthea, quidquid Marpessia dixit, / Herophile Phoebo grata quod admonuit, / Quodque Albuna sacras Tiberis per flumina sortes / Portarit. Ipse Lactantius, l. I, c. 14, Saturno datam sortem..... elevandae sortis. In epist. c. 28, sortes et oracula junxit.

Cujus sortes Senatus in Capitolium transtulerit ("whose lots the Senate transferred to the Capitol"). So we have restored from the manuscripts of Junius, Marmoutier, Janus Gulielmus, and 4 Regii, two of which are excellent, except that in the oldest one finds in Capitolio. The Gatianus manuscript: "whose lots the Senate brought to the Capitol." These words are absent from the manuscripts 6 Regii, 6 Colbertini, 2 Sorbonne, Navarre, St Victor, 2 Clermont, Taxaquet, Pen., Emmanuel, Cambridge, 2 Brunswick, the Rome edition of 1470, Betuleius, Walch and Subiaco. For sortes ("lots"), sacra ("sacred things") is read in 12 recent editions. That sortes should be read is confirmed by the passage of Virgil where Aeneas says to Demophile, the Cuman Sibyl, Aeneid book VI, v. 72: "For here I will set your lots and the secret fates spoken to my people." "For lots," says Servius on this place, "are Sibylline responses." — Cujus sortes..... transtulerit. Tibullus expressed the same with the same word, book II, elegy 5, v. 67 ff. (otherwise elegy 6): "Whatever Amalthea, whatever the Marpessian said, what Herophile, dear to Phoebus, warned, and the sacred lots that Albuna carried through the streams of the Tiber." Lactantius himself, book I, ch. 14: "the lot given to Saturn ..... of lightening the lot." In the Epitome, ch. 28, he joined "lots and oracles."

[17] ‹anchor: Nisi a quindecim viris inspici fas habent› · notes col 144 Nisi a quindecim viris inspici fas habent. Ita reposuimus ex Mss. 4 Reg., 5 Colb., 2 Sorbon., 2 Clarom., Lips., Goth., Ultr., Cauc., Jun. aliisque. Mss. Gronov., inspectos habent, non male. In 1 Colb. et in (continues)

Nisi a quindecim viris inspici fas habent ("they hold it unlawful [for them] to be inspected except by the Fifteen"). So we have restored from the manuscripts 4 Regii, 5 Colbertini, 2 Sorbonne, 2 Clermont, Leipzig, Gotha, Utrecht, Chauci, Junius and others. The Gronovius manuscript has inspectos habent, not badly. In 1 Colbert and in (continues)

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(continued) [… text above the crop not seen …] tredecim annos, anno U. C. 388, numerus illorum auctus fuit, atque a denario numero, decemviri appellati sunt: vide Livium, IV Decade. Postea ad quindecim numerus accrevit, quod factum fuit intra annos U. C. 671, quo Capitolium conflagravit, et 675, quo Sylla se dictatura abdicavit; ut diligenter annotavit David Blondellus in opere quod Gallica lingua de Sibyllis composuit. Hoc nomen quindecim virorum illis semper mansit immutatum, etiamsi postea quadraginta fuerint numero, notante Servio. Etiam tempore christianorum, ut videre licet loco laudato. Horum quindecim virorum munus erat, sedulo asservare oracula Sibyllina, eaque exigente necessitate ex mandato senatus consulere. GALLAEUS. Mortis supplicio (juxta S. Justinum Apolog. 2 pro christianis) erat ethnicis interdictum librorum prophetarum et Sibyllarum lectione; mutuebatur enim, ne scripta illa legentes, verae fidei ac bonarum rerum notitiam perciperent, et ad christianam transirent religionem. Sibyllae autem foeminae erant, quae antiquis vates habebantur. Earum nomine hodieque supersunt libri octo, in quibus multa reperiuntur christianae religioni convenientia, a priscis Ecclesiae Patribus a S. Justini tempore prolata. Hosce octo libros, vel omnino vel partim supposititios, aut saltem depravatos esse, nunc convenit inter eruditos: non item de Sibyllarum numero. De his optime disserentem vide Blondellum. Dionysius vero Halicarnasseus haec lib. IV dicit: Romani, inquit, nihil ita custodiunt, neque sanctum neque sacrum, quemadmodum Sibyllina divinitus missa oracula. — Inspectos habent. Lactantius, l. III, c. 20, quae adspici... nefas habentur. Sublac. Ven 1471, 97, Rost., Junt., Ald. aliae, inspici fas est, quod placet Heumanno. Sic Cicero, l. V, Verr., c. 72: Simulacrum Cereris ne adspici quidem fas fuit. BUN.

[2] ‹anchor: Singuli libri› · notes col 145 Singuli libri. Libri isti non in chartaceis voluminibus descripti, sed linteis. Symmach. lib. IV, epist. 34: Et Marciorum quidem vatum divinatio caducis corticibus inculcata est, monitus Cumanos lintea texta sumpserunt: tu etiam sericis voluminibus, Achemaenio more, infundi litteras meas jubes. Fl. Vopisc. in Aurel. Inveni nuper in Ulpia Bibliotheca inter linteos libros epistolam D. Valeriani. Ausonius, ep. 23: Per licia texta querelas / Edidit et tacitis mandavit crimina telis. Hinc itaque patet, non solum libros Sibyllinos in linteis tabulis, verum etiam et alios scriptos fuisse. Plinius totam hanc rem expedit, lib. XIII, cap. 11: In Palmarum (lege Malvarum, corrigente Dalecampio) foliis primo scriptum, deinde quarumdam arborum libris: postea publica monumenta plumbeis voluminibus, mox et privata linteis confici coepta aut cereis. Ego vidi hominem in linteis egregie scribentem in carcere, custode papyrum seu cartham denegante. Lintea autem ista leviter agglutinata erant primario pane aqua diluto, farinae penuria. Haec ait Joan. Bapt. le Brun.

Singuli libri ("the single books"). These books were written not in paper volumes but in linen ones. Symmachus, book IV, letter 34: "The divination of the Marcian seers was cut into perishable bark; the Cuman warnings took up woven linen: you even bid my letters be poured into silken volumes, in the Persian manner." Flavius Vopiscus in the Aurelian: "I recently found in the Ulpian Library, among the linen books, a letter of the deified Valerian." Ausonius, letter 23: "Through woven threads she uttered her complaints and committed the crimes to the silent web." Hence it is clear that not only the Sibylline books but others too were written on linen sheets. Pliny sets out the whole matter, book XIII, ch. 11: "At first one wrote on palm leaves (read 'mallow,' as Dalechamps corrects), then on the bark of certain trees: afterwards public records began to be made on lead volumes, and soon private ones too on linen or wax." I saw a man in prison writing excellently on linen, the guard refusing him papyrus or paper. Those linens were lightly glued together with the best bread dissolved in water, for want of flour. So says Jean-Baptiste Le Brun.

[3] ‹anchor: Et Erythraeam se nominatum iri praelocuta est› · notes cols 145–146 Et Erythraeam se nominatum iri praelocuta est. Haec vera et genuina nobis visa est lectio edit. Graph. Gymnici, Betulei, manuscriptorum 4 Reg. ex quibus duo sunt veterrimi, al. duor. rec. bonae notae, nec- [… text at the top of col 146 above the crop not seen …] men suum verum ac proprium (aliud quam Erythraea) carmini inseruit; et tamen se aliquando Erythraeam nominatum iri praelocuta est, cum, id est quamvis, esset orta Babylone. Mira est et inepta varietas in aliis 13 mss. rec. et ed. Rom. 1470, in quibus est, Erythraeam se nominat, ubi praelocuta est cum esset orta Babylone; in sex aliis scriptis rec., Babyloniae; in 1 Bonon. rec., ubi perlocuta est. Ad quid enim referetur ubi? Ad Erythraeam? Sed quam incomposita locutio! — Nominat ubi praelocuta est. Codex Jani Guil. et Emmann., Tax., Pen., prolocuta est. Addit. Guil. proloqui, vaticinari et futura canere, unde prophetae, quod proloquerentur. BUNEMAN.

Et Erythraeam se nominatum iri praelocuta est ("and she foretold that she would be called the Erythraean"). This seemed to us the true and genuine reading of the editions of Grapheus, Gymnicus and Betuleius, of the manuscripts 4 Regii, two of which are very old, two other recent ones of good repute, and- [… text at the top of col 146 above the crop not seen …] [she] inserted her own true and proper name (other than Erythraea) into her poem; and yet she foretold that she would one day be called the Erythraean, cum, that is, although, she was born in Babylon. The variation in 13 other recent manuscripts and the Rome edition of 1470 is strange and foolish; in them there is: "she names herself Erythraean, where she foretold, since she was born in Babylon"; in six other recent manuscripts, Babyloniae; in 1 recent Bologna, ubi perlocuta est. For to what will ubi ("where") refer? To Erythraea? But what a disordered expression! — Nominat ubi praelocuta est. The codex of Janus Gulielmus and Emmanuel, Taxaquet, Pen. have prolocuta est. Gulielmus adds: proloqui, to prophesy and sing things to come, whence prophets, because they spoke forth. BÜNEMANN.

[4] ‹anchor: Praelocuta› · notes col 146 Praelocuta. Vel potius prolocuta, ut habetur ad oram eximiae editionis Coloniensis in-folio anni 1544.

Praelocuta ("having foretold"). Or rather prolocuta ("having spoken forth"), as is found in the margin of the excellent Cologne folio edition of 1544.

[5] ‹anchor: Abutendum› · notes col 146 Abutendum. Id est, utendum. Sic Terentius in Prologo Andr. Operam abutitur, pro utitur. Eodem sensu hoc verbum acceperunt Apul. lib. IV: Jam provecta vespera abusi beneficio tenebrarum, Trasileonis caveam Demochari cum litteris illis adulterinis offerimus. Cic., de Nat. deor., lib. II: Nos elephantorum acutissimis sensibus, nos sagacitate canum ad utilitatem nostram abutimur. Nazarius Panegyr. dicto Constantino, n. 30: O si nunc mihi facultas daretur sermonis pro rerum dignitate figurandi, adhiberem omnes flosculos, et abuterer exquisito quodam lepore ac venustate dicendi. Baldricus Noviomensis, lib. III, cap. 69: Sentiens imperator se blanditiis impetrare non posse quod petebat, coepit abuti violentia.

Abutendum ("to be used up"). That is, utendum ("to be used"). So Terence in the Prologue of the Andria: operam abutitur for utitur. In the same sense Apuleius took this word, book IV: "When evening was now well on, making full use of the kindness of the darkness, we offer Thrasyleon's cage to Demochares with those forged letters." Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book II: "We use to the full for our benefit the most acute senses of elephants, the keen scent of dogs." Nazarius, Panegyric spoken to Constantine, no. 30: "O if I were now given the power of shaping speech to the dignity of the matter, I would bring in every little flower and make full use of an exquisite charm and grace of speaking." Baldric of Noyon, book III, ch. 69: "The emperor, perceiving that he could not obtain what he sought by flattery, began to make full use of violence."

[6] ‹anchor: Curionem› · notes col 146 Curionem. Is fuit consul anno urbis Varroniano DCLXXVIII, cum Cn. Octavio. De his vide Librum de Ira Dei infra, capite 22 et 23.

Curionem ("Curio"). He was consul in the Varronian year of the City 678, with Gnaeus Octavius. On these see the book On the Anger of God below, chapters 22 and 23.

[7] ‹anchor: Sibyllae› · notes col 146 Sibyllae. Tanti olim fecerunt antiqui christiani Sibyllarum carmina, ut ex re esse crediderim de iis aliquid dicere. Numerum tamen earum non attingere visum est, quia incertus est ac diversus. Sat igitur erit earum auctoritatem ad examen hic paucis revocare. Constat olim fuisse quasdam, easque valde antiquas, mulieres fatidicas, quas Sibyllas veteres nominarunt. Sed quid praenuntiaverint, id semper in obscuro fuit; sacrum quippe erat earum secreta mysteria revelare. Solis namque datum fuit apud Romanos duumviris, qui postea ad quindecim excrevere, earum libros perscrutari: sed iis sub poena capitis fuerat prohibitum, ne detegerent ea quae legerint. Unde fit, ut scriptoribus christianis semper earum carmina fuerint penitus ignota, eaque nil nisi de gentilibus superstitionibus agebant, ut notant historici, multumque erant obscura, immo ambigua et furore quodam poetico scripta. Verum in iis carminibus, quae undique ex Graecia mendaci corraserant quidam veterum, et quae nunc habemus, nec mens emota poetarum agnoscitur, nec obscuritas ulla; cuncta more historicorum christianae religionis secreta mysteria adeo clare, adeo manifeste enarrantur, ut pateat ea fuisse tum a prophetis Judaeorum, tum a scriptoribus evangelicis desumpta, sive a Judaeis ipsis, ut opinatus est Isaac Vossius, sive a quibusdam prioribus christianis vel efficta, vel saltem interpolata sint, quod ad verum propius accedit. Quidam tamen ex antiquis Patribus iis parum fidei adhibebant. Testis est de se ipso S. Augustinus (continues)

Sibyllae ("of the Sibyls"). The ancient Christians once set such store by the verses of the Sibyls that I have thought it useful to say something about them. It seemed best, however, not to touch their number, since it is uncertain and disputed. It will be enough, then, to bring their authority briefly to examination here. It is certain that there were once certain women, and very ancient ones, who prophesied, whom the ancients named Sibyls. But what they foretold always remained obscure; for it was sacrilege to reveal their secret mysteries. For among the Romans it was given only to the Two Men, who later grew to fifteen, to search their books: but they had been forbidden on pain of death to disclose what they read. Hence their verses were always wholly unknown to the Christian writers; and they dealt with nothing but heathen superstitions, as the historians note, and were very obscure, indeed ambiguous and written in a kind of poetic frenzy. But in those verses which certain of the ancients scraped together from every side out of lying Greece, and which we now have, neither the displaced mind of the poets is recognized nor any obscurity; everything, in the manner of historians, narrates the secret mysteries of the Christian religion so clearly, so manifestly, that it is plain they were taken now from the prophets of the Jews, now from the evangelical writers, whether they were invented, or at least interpolated, by the Jews themselves, as Isaac Vossius thought, or by certain earlier Christians, which comes nearer the truth. Some of the ancient Fathers, however, gave them little credit. St Augustine is witness of himself (continues)

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> [1] ‹anchor: Sibyllae› · notes col 147

(continued) libro XVIII de Civit. Dei, capitibus 45 et 47. Ea porro carmina videntur emissa post annum aerae vulgaris 140, id est post tempora Papiae Hierapolitani, cujus opinio erronea de regno christianorum in terris millenario iis in libris legitur. At quamvis Celsus infensissimus christianorum adversarius, quosdam eorum, teste Origene, lib. V contra Celsum, sugillet, quod Sibyllarum carmina in sui defensionem adducant, non ideo tamen culpandi sunt priores religionis propugnatores, quod tam incerta, tam caduca veritatis asserendae studio adhibuerint momenta. Tunc sat erat ad Gentilium errores revincendos, ut his carminibus fidem adhibuerint, unde contra eos recte argumentarentur veteres christiani. Totum Sibyllarum negotium jam ante medium saeculi proxime elapsi in controversiam venerat; atque res summo criterio, multaque ac varia eruditione agitata fuit, non quidem a nimis credulo Crasseto Jesuitici Sodalitii alumno, sed a Ludovico Elia Dupin, doctore Parisiensi, a Nicolao le Nourry atque P. le Cellier, utroque ex ordine S. Benedicti, hoc ex S. Vitoni, illo S. Mauri Congregationibus. Non inutilem etiam hac in controversia examinanda suam extranei doctissimi operam adhibuerunt. Ii sunt Joan. Dallaeus, Isaac Vossius et Servatus Gallaeus, quos omnes adire licet.

[2] ‹anchor: Otacilium› · notes col 147 Otacilium. Sic lego cum optimo ms. Reg. Put. Martial. Epigram. l. X, c. 78. Multi, Octacilium.

Otacilium ("Otacilius"). So I read, with the excellent Regius-Puteanus manuscript. Martial, Epigrams book X, 78. Many have Octacilium.

[3] ‹anchor: Εἷς θεὸς ὃς μόνος ἐστίν› · notes col 147 Εἷς θεὸς ὃς μόνος ἐστίν. Interpret. lat. Unus Deus qui solus est excedens omnem magnitudinem, increatus. Pro ἐστίν, est, ms. Reg. antiq. habet ἄρχη, al. ἄρχει, regnat.

Εἷς θεὸς ὃς μόνος ἐστίν ("one God, who alone is"). The Latin translation: "One God, who alone is, surpassing all greatness, uncreated." For ἐστίν, "is," the old Regius manuscript has ἄρχη, another ἄρχει, "rules."

[4] ‹anchor: Ἀλλὰ θεὸς› · notes col 147 Ἀλλὰ θεὸς. Interpret. lat. vide Theophilum ad Autolic. lib. II: Sed Deus solus unus eminentissimus, qui fecit coelum, solemque, et stellas, et lunam, fructiferamque terram, et aquae maris fluctus.

Ἀλλὰ θεὸς ("but God"). For the Latin translation see Theophilus to Autolycus, book II: "But God alone, the one most high, who made the sky, and the sun, and the stars, and the moon, and the fruitful earth, and the waves of the sea's water."

[5] ‹anchor: Πανυπέρτατος› · notes col 147 Πανυπέρτατος. Commode transfert, exsuperantissimus, et illustrat docte Spanhem. ad Callimach. Jovem, v. 91, p. 42. BUNEMAN.

Πανυπέρτατος ("highest over all"). He aptly renders it exsuperantissimus, and Spanheim illustrates it learnedly on Callimachus's Hymn to Zeus, v. 91, p. 42. BÜNEMANN.

[6] ‹anchor: Αὐτὸν τὸν μόνον› · notes col 147 Αὐτὸν τὸν μόνον. Lat.: Ipsum, qui solus est, colite principem mundi, / Qui solus est in saeculum, atque a saeculo fuit.

Αὐτὸν τὸν μόνον ("him, the only one"). In Latin: "Worship him who alone is, the ruler of the world, who alone is for ever, and was from of old."

[7] ‹anchor: Ἐτύχθη› · notes col 147 Ἐτύχθη. Sic legendum ex emendatione Cl. Turnebi, et auctoritate optimorum ms. codicum Cauc., 1 Clarom. et 3, Reg. vet. in quorum altero est redditum latine permanet: in nonnullis, ἐτέχθη quod proxime accedit ad ἐτύχθη; repugnantibus licet caeteris fere ms. qui habent ἔτυχεν vel ἔτυχε, quod ferre non potest metri ratio.

Ἐτύχθη ("was brought to be"). So it should be read, by the emendation of the distinguished Turnèbe and on the authority of the best manuscript codices, Chauci, 1 Clermont and 3 old Regii, in one of which it is rendered in Latin permanet ("abides"): in some, ἐτέχθη ("was born"), which comes very close to ἐτύχθη; though nearly all the other manuscripts disagree, having ἔτυχεν or ἔτυχε, which the metre cannot bear.

[8] ‹anchor: Εἷς μόνος εἰμὶ θεός› · notes col 148 Εἷς μόνος εἰμὶ θεός. Haec sermone 3, in ms. 1 Reg. μόνος γάρ θεὸς εἰμι; latine, Unus enim Deus sum. Ranconetus legendum censebat, Ὃς μόνος ἐστὶ θεός; lat. Qui solus est Deus. Interpret. lat. Unus solus sum Deus, et non est Deus alius.

Εἷς μόνος εἰμὶ θεός ("I alone am one God"). This is in discourse 3; in 1 Regius manuscript μόνος γάρ θεὸς εἰμι, in Latin "For I am the one God." Ranconet thought one should read Ὃς μόνος ἐστὶ θεός, in Latin "Who alone is God." The Latin translation: "I alone am the one God, and there is no other God."

[9] ‹anchor: Praeter caeteros› · notes col 148 Praeter caeteros. Id est, prae caeteris. lib. I, c. 17. Ne sola praeter alias mulieres impudica... videretur. Ibidem, praeter caeteras animantes. Cic. II, Off., 7: Testis est Phalaris, cujus est praeter caeteros nobilitata crudelitas. Plura ad lib. de Ira c. 14.

Praeter caeteros ("beyond the others"). That is, prae caeteris ("above the rest"). Book I, ch. 17: "lest she alone beyond other women should seem unchaste...." In the same place, "beyond the other living creatures." Cicero, De officiis II, 7: "Phalaris is witness, whose cruelty is notorious beyond the others." More at the book On the Anger, ch. 14.

[10] ‹anchor: Colophone› · notes col 148 Colophone. Urbs Ioniae ad fluvium Halesum, circa XXXVIII, gradum Latitudinis. Vide Strabonem libro XIV, et Solinum cap. 53: Non longe Epheso, inquit. Colophon civitas, nobilis Oraculo Clarii Apollinis. Vide etiam Plinium lib. II, cap. 103.

Colophone ("at Colophon"). A city of Ionia on the river Halesus, about the 38th degree of latitude. See Strabo book XIV, and Solinus ch. 53: "Not far from Ephesus," he says, "is the city of Colophon, famous for the oracle of Clarian Apollo." See also Pliny book II, ch. 103.

[11] ‹anchor: Quod Delphis (credo) migraverat› · notes col 148 Quod Delphis (credo) migraverat. Ita ms. 3 Reg., 3 Colb., 1 Sorbon., 1 Lips., Cauc., Jun., 2 Clarom., edd. Rom. 1468, 1470, Ald. 1515, Paris. 1525, Crat., Tornes. At in editis et mss. septem est, emigraverat. Nec opus est mutatione illa quam vult Thomasius, qui legit quo Delphis, ut est in 12 ms., in duodecim vero ms. rec. est, quo a Delphis; contenditque quod nullo modo legi posse: imo sic legendum esse patet ex scopo et mente Lactantii; nam ut rationem reddat quare Apollo Colophone respondit, cum in templo suo Delphis ordinarie redderet sua oracula, hoc causatur, quod Delphis migraverat amoenitate ductus Asiae. Sic etiam supradicti priores codices optimi legunt, et illud, credo, quod in nonnullis impressis omissum, in iisdem reperitur; et quis non videt, ut recte notant Thomasius et Isaeus, hanc voculam omnino retinendam, propter elegantem ironiam; Lactantius enim sic tacite convellit gentilitios deos, quippe qui tales sunt, qui amoenitate locorum recreentur. GALLAEUS. — De oraculo Delphensi et aliis oraculis vide Theodoretum de Graecarum affectionum curatione lib. X de Oraculis; Oenomaum Cynicum, Porphyrium de electorum Philosophia, Plutarchum libro de Oraculis quae jam defecerunt, et Diogenianum. — Quo Delphis. Gallaeus sibi non constat. In Var. Lect. dixit B. T. P. G. habere, quo: contra in notis, quod codices optimos, Bon., Tax., Pen., Lips., Jun. Cauci, aliosque, habere contendit et defendit contra Thomasium. Quo est in Goth. et Lips. tertio; in Lips. secundo ductus est obscurior, quo, subscriptum, quod.

Quod Delphis (credo) migraverat ("because he had moved (I suppose) from Delphi"). So the manuscripts 3 Regii, 3 Colbertini, 1 Sorbonne, 1 Leipzig, Chauci, Junius, 2 Clermont, and the editions of Rome 1468, 1470, the Aldine 1515, Paris 1525, Cratander, Tornaesius. But in the editions and seven manuscripts there is emigraverat ("had emigrated"). Nor is there need of the change Thomasius wants, who reads quo Delphis, as it is in 12 manuscripts, while in twelve recent manuscripts there is quo a Delphis; and he contends that quod can in no way be read: on the contrary, it is plain from Lactantius's aim and meaning that it must be read so; for, to give the reason why Apollo answered at Colophon, when he ordinarily gave his oracles in his temple at Delphi, he alleges this, that he had moved from Delphi, drawn by the pleasantness of Asia. So too read the aforesaid earlier, excellent codices; and that credo, which is omitted in some printed books, is found in the same; and who does not see, as Thomasius and Isaeus rightly note, that this little word must certainly be kept, for its elegant irony? For in this way Lactantius quietly overturns the heathen gods, as being such as are refreshed by the pleasantness of places. GALLAEUS. — On the Delphic oracle and other oracles see Theodoret, On the Cure of Greek Maladies, book X, On Oracles; Oenomaus the Cynic; Porphyry, On the Philosophy of Oracles; Plutarch's book On the Oracles that Have Ceased; and Diogenianus. — Quo Delphis. Gallaeus is not consistent. In the Various Readings he said B. T. P. G. had quo: but in the notes he contends, and defends against Thomasius, that the best codices, Bologna, Taxaquet, Pen., Leipzig, Junius, Chauci and others, have quod. Quo is in the Gotha and the third Leipzig; in the second Leipzig the stroke is rather obscure, quo, with quod written beneath.

[12] ‹anchor: Amoenitate› · notes col 148 Amoenitate. Scilicet loci, quia ex Justini Histor. lib. XXIV, Delphicum fanum Parnassi rupibus horridum erat; Colophon e contra situs in Promontorio Asiae minoris, ex Mela plus delectationis habebat.

Amoenitate ("by the pleasantness"). Of the place, that is, because, according to Justin's History book XXIV, the Delphic shrine was rugged with the crags of Parnassus; Colophon, on the other hand, set on a promontory of Asia Minor, had, according to Mela, more delight.

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<!-- Series: VARIORUM NOTAE (lemma notes, no call marks); entries numbered here in print order. --> <!-- UNSURE: entry [1], the word read as μονόδικον (small Greek type). Entry [12]: col 150 opens with a row of dots before "ubi multa leges"; set as seen (it may stand for illegible words, not printed dots). --> [1] ‹anchor: Αὐτοφυής› · notes col 149 Αὐτοφυής. Sic Nonnus αὐτόφυτος, καὶ λόγος αὐτοφυτοῦ Θεοῦ. Et Sibylla Erythr. Ser. 3, Αὐτοφυής, ἀόρατος, ὁρῶν μόνος αὐτὸς ἅπαντα. Plutarch. in Placit. Ph. Platonis et Socratis sententiam aliorum sententiis subjungit, qui dicunt Deum esse τὸ ἕν, τὸ μονοφυὲς καὶ τὸ αὐτοφυές, τὸ μονόδικον, τὸ ὄντως ἀγαθὸν In ms. antiq. Regio Put. est αὐτοφυής. Interpret. Lat. Ex se ortus, non edoctus, sine matre, inconcussus, / Nomen ne verbo quidem capiendum, in igne habitans, / Hoc Deus est: modica autem Dei portio Angeli, nos.

Αὐτοφυής ("self-grown"). So Nonnus, αὐτόφυτος ("self-grown"), and "the Word of the self-grown God." And the Erythraean Sibyl, discourse 3: "Self-grown, invisible, alone seeing all things himself." Plutarch, in the Opinions of the Philosophers, adds to the opinions of others that of Plato and Socrates, who say that God is "the one, the single-natured and self-grown, the [μονόδικον], the truly good." In the old Regius-Puteanus manuscript there is αὐτοφυής. The Latin translation: "Sprung from himself, untaught, without mother, unshaken, a name not to be grasped even by a word, dwelling in fire: this is God; and we angels are a small portion of God."

[2] ‹anchor: Ἀμήτωρ› · notes col 149 Ἀμήτωρ. De hoc vide infra lib. IV, cap. 7.

Ἀμήτωρ ("motherless"). On this see below, book IV, ch. 7.

[3] ‹anchor: Ἀστυφέλικτος› · notes col 149 Ἀστυφέλικτος. Ita Callimachus Hymn. in Delum, v. 26: Θεὸς δ' αἰεὶ ἀστυφέλικτος, quam vocem egregie illustrat Spanhem., pag. 545. Ipse Lactantius lib. VI, c. 25: Ut idem (Deus) sit semper et stabilis, et immutabilis, et INCONCUSSUS. BUNEMAN.

Ἀστυφέλικτος ("unshaken"). So Callimachus, Hymn to Delos, v. 26: "But the god is ever unshaken," a word Spanheim illustrates excellently, p. 545. Lactantius himself, book VI, ch. 25: "That the same (God) is always both stable, and unchangeable, and UNSHAKEN." BÜNEMANN.

[4] ‹anchor: Ἡμεῖς› · notes col 149 Ἡμεῖς. De his Apollinis oraculis vide Augustinum Steuchum Eugubin. lib. III, de perenni Philosophia, cap. 16, ubi haec responsa refert.

Ἡμεῖς ("we"). On these oracles of Apollo see Agostino Steuco of Gubbio, On the Perennial Philosophy book III, ch. 16, where he reports these responses.

[5] ‹anchor: Num quis› · notes col 149 Num quis. Ita emendavimus ex mss. 4 Reg. quorum duo sunt vetustissimi, et Em. ac Balliol. Et ita legendum esse censent nobiscum doctissimi viri. Alii Numquid.

Num quis ("is anyone"). So we have emended from the manuscripts 4 Regii, two of which are very old, and Emmanuel and Balliol. And most learned men judge with us that it should be read so. Others have Numquid.

[6] ‹anchor: Mercurius› · notes col 149 Mercurius. Is est Trismegistus, de quo capite 6, nota 5.

Mercurius ("Mercury"). He is Trismegistus, of whom in chapter 6, note 5.

[7] ‹anchor: Ἀμήτορα ... ἀπάτορα› · notes col 149 Ἀμήτορα ... ἀπάτορα. Lat. sine matre ... sine patre.

Ἀμήτορα ... ἀπάτορα. In Latin, "without mother ... without father."

[8] ‹anchor: Aliunde› · notes col 149 Aliunde. Id est, ab alio.

Aliunde ("from elsewhere"). That is, from another.

[9] ‹anchor: Generavit› · notes col 149 Generavit. Sic restituimus ex omnibus fere mss. et sex vetustioribus editis. In 7 recentioribus, et in 3 mss. rec., 1 Reg., 1 Colb. et Brun. generaverit.

Generavit ("begot"). So we have restored from nearly all the manuscripts and six older editions. In 7 more recent ones, and in 3 recent manuscripts, 1 Regius, 1 Colbert and Brunswick, generaverit.

[10] ‹anchor: Qui unum› · notes col 149 Qui unum. Sic quoque Goth. ubi Sublac., Ven. 1471, 97. Rost. et reliquae, qui, quod Heum. ex Thom. praefert. Ab Bon., Tax., Pen. plane absunt, quia unum esse dicimus. BUNEMAN.

Qui unum ("who [say that he is] one"). So too the Gotha, where Subiaco, Venice 1471, 1497, Rostock and the rest have qui, which Heumann prefers, following Thomasius. From Bologna, Taxaquet and Pen. the words quia unum esse dicimus are wholly absent. BÜNEMANN.

[11] ‹anchor: Solitarium esse› · notes col 149 Solitarium esse, etc. Falsa est haec propositio; Personarum enim divinarum pluralitas a Deo solitudinem excludit, non associatio angelorum, qui sunt extraneae naturae. Dicitur enim aliquis solus in horto, quamvis sint ibi multae plantae et animalia. V. S. Thom. p. p. quaest. 31, art. 3. ex ISAEO. Verum hic loci Gentilium captui pauloquam par est sese accommodat Lactantius; atque ut aliquid proferret quod rudibus ingeniis arrideret, factum ait angelorum consortio ne Deus esset solitarius: cum interim solitudo non tollatur per societatem alicujus quod sit extraneae naturae. — Solitarium. Ita Deum singularem contumeliose vocabant e. g. Caecilius apud Minuc., cap. 10: Unde, vel quis ille, aut ubi Deus unicus, solitarius, destitutus. Alia de hac voce solitarius contra Haereticos habet Hilarius lib. IV de Trinit. f. 86, seq. ed. noviss. Veron. BUN.

Solitarium esse ("to be solitary"), etc. This proposition is false; for it is the plurality of the divine Persons that excludes solitude from God, not the company of angels, who are of a foreign nature. For someone is said to be alone in a garden, though there are many plants and animals there. See St Thomas, First Part, question 31, article 3. From ISAEUS. But in this place Lactantius accommodates himself to the understanding of the heathen a little more than is fitting; and to put forward something that would please untrained minds, he says it was brought about by the company of angels that God should not be solitary: whereas solitude is not removed by the society of something of a foreign nature. — Solitarium. So the heathen insultingly called the one God; for example Caecilius in Minucius, ch. 10: "Whence, or who is he, or where, that one God, solitary, forsaken?" Hilary has other things on this word solitarius against the heretics, On the Trinity book IV, fol. 86 ff., in the latest Verona edition. BÜNEMANN.

[12] ‹anchor: Ministros› · notes cols 149–150 Ministros. Hos angelos vocamus; quod nomen est officii, non dignitatis. De his vide Philonem Judaeum . . . . . ubi multa leges de angelis, eorumque ministerio et officiis.

Ministros ("ministers"). These we call angels; which is a name of office, not of rank. On them see Philo the Jew . . . . . where you will read much about the angels and their ministry and offices.

[13] ‹anchor: Genuisse› · notes col 150 Genuisse. Valet, creasse. Vid. exempla ad lib. III, cap. 14. Huc pertinet lib. VII, cap. 5. BUNEMAN.

Genuisse ("to have begotten"). It means creasse ("to have created"). See the examples at book III, ch. 14. Book VII, ch. 5 belongs here. BÜNEMANN.

[14] ‹anchor: Genuisse regni sui ministros› · notes col 150 Genuisse regni sui ministros. Sic Apostolus de Angelis in epist. ad Hebraeos cap. I, v. 14: Nonne sunt omnes administratorii spiritus in ministerium missi propter eos qui haereditatem capient salutis? Hinc etiam B. Joannes, Apocalyps. cap. V, vers. 11, vidit illos in visione κύκλοθεν τοῦ θρόνου, in circuitu throni, ut exequantur mandata. Caeterum vox genuisse improprie sumitur a Lactantio aliisque ecclesiasticis scriptoribus pro creasse.

Genuisse regni sui ministros ("to have begotten the ministers of his kingdom"). So the Apostle of the angels in the Epistle to the Hebrews ch. 1, v. 14: "Are they not all ministering spirits, sent to minister for them who shall receive the inheritance of salvation?" Hence too blessed John, Apocalypse ch. 5, verse 11, saw them in vision "round about the throne," to carry out commands. For the rest, the word genuisse is used improperly by Lactantius and other church writers for creasse.

[15] ‹anchor: Neque deos se vocari aut coli volunt› · notes col 150 Neque deos se vocari aut coli volunt. Coli, id est adorari. Hoc enim sensu accipi, cum de Deo aut de fictis diis sermo est, in multis Scripturae sacrae locis cuivis notum est. Et angeli et sancti semper prohibuerunt se adorari (Apocal., c. XIX, v. 10, et cap. XXII; Act. c. X. v. 26, et cap. XIV, v. 14 et 17). Soli enim Deo debetur adoratio.

Neque deos se vocari aut coli volunt ("nor do they wish to be called or worshipped as gods"). Coli, that is, adorari ("to be adored"). For that it is taken in this sense, when the talk is of God or of feigned gods, is known to anyone from many places of Sacred Scripture. Both angels and saints always forbade themselves to be adored (Apocalypse ch. 19, v. 10, and ch. 22; Acts ch. 10, v. 26, and ch. 14, vv. 14 and 17). For adoration is owed to God alone.

[16] ‹anchor: Quod› · notes col 150 Quod. mss. 5 rec., in quod; Em., in quo.

Quod ("which"). 5 recent manuscripts have in quod; Emmanuel, in quo.

[17] ‹anchor: Invidiam› · notes col 150 Invidiam. Mss. 2 Colb. a secunda manu, injuriam.

Invidiam ("ill will"). 2 Colbert manuscripts in the second hand have injuriam ("injury").

[18] ‹anchor: Qui unum Deum dicamus, multos negemus› · notes col 150 Qui unum Deum dicamus, multos negemus. Ita veterrimi mss. aliique optimi. In 4 veteribus editis deest Deum. In mss. vero rec. 2 Reg. 1 Colb., Vict. et Brun., Qui unum Deum dicamus, si multos negemus.

Qui unum Deum dicamus, multos negemus ("we who say there is one God, and deny many"). So the oldest manuscripts and other excellent ones. In 4 old editions Deum is missing. But in the recent manuscripts 2 Regii, 1 Colbert, St Victor and Brunswick: "we who say there is one God, if we deny many."

[19] ‹anchor: Esse arguimus› · notes col 150 Esse arguimus. Interposui plenam distinctionem, esse. Arguimus. BUNEMAN.

Esse arguimus ("to be; we convict"). I have put a full stop between: esse. Arguimus. BÜNEMANN.

[20] ‹anchor: In diversum› · notes col 150 In diversum. Habent mss. in his Reim. et utraque Ven. 1.78, et pleraeque: expono, in contrarium, ut Cicero alicubi contrarius et diversus junxit. Absunt ab Ven. 1471, et Rost. 1476. In Heuman. 1479, annus est vitiosus. Ipse scribit, esse, ac arguimus eorum errorem, qui paucos putant. BUNEMAN.

In diversum ("in the opposite direction"). The manuscripts have it, among them Reimmann, and both Venice 1478, and most: I explain it as in contrarium ("to the contrary"), as Cicero somewhere joined contrarius and diversus. The words are absent from Venice 1471 and Rostock 1476. In Heumann, 1479, the year is faulty. He himself writes: esse, ac arguimus eorum errorem, qui paucos putant ("to be, and we convict the error of those who think them few"). BÜNEMANN.

[21] ‹anchor: Cujus nomen exponunt› · notes col 150 Cujus nomen exponunt. Ita legunt mss. Vaticani, 9 Reg. 6 Colb., 1 Bonon. antiq., 1 Sorbon., 2 Clarom., Jun., 2 Brun. aliique, cum editis, praeter ed. Betul. et ms. Cauc. in quibus est exponunt; in ms. 1 Bonon., rec., tax., Lips., explodunt., Omnes hae lectiones bonae Exponunt; id est, extrudunt Dei nomen qui illud pluribus tribuunt. Dei enim nomen extruditur, et foras projicitur quando aliis tribuitur. Thomasius tamen credit legendam esse, cujus nomen explodunt, ex antiquis codicibus; quia Dei nomen dicitur explodere et ejicere, qui illud pluribus tribuit. — Nomen exponunt. Cauci, expungunt. Servo exponunt, sc. contemptui, derisui. Sic ponunt scriptores sacri: Ambrosius, l. I Abrah., c. 6, fin.: Non utique vitia Patriarcharum Scriptura exposuit, quos victos vino legimus; sed ut tu disceres, quid caveres; Sulpic. Sever. Dial. I, de Virt. Monach., c. 8, 6: Nihil omisit, quod non caperet, laceraret, exponeret; praecipue vanitatem insectatus est. BUNEMAN.

Cujus nomen exponunt ("whose name they expose"). So read the Vatican manuscripts, 9 Regii, 6 Colbertini, 1 old Bologna, 1 Sorbonne, 2 Clermont, Junius, 2 Brunswick and others, with the editions, except Betuleius's edition and the Chauci manuscript, in which there is exponunt [sic]; in the manuscripts 1 recent Bologna, Taxaquet, Leipzig, explodunt ("they hiss off"). All these readings are good. Exponunt: that is, those who attribute the name of God to many thrust it out. For the name of God is thrust out and cast forth when it is attributed to others. Thomasius, however, believes one should read cujus nomen explodunt, from old codices; because whoever attributes the name of God to many is said to hiss it off and cast it out. — Nomen exponunt. Chauci has expungunt ("they strike out"). I keep exponunt, that is, to contempt, to derision. So the sacred writers use it: Ambrose, On Abraham book I, ch. 6, end: "Scripture did not expose the vices of the patriarchs, whom we read were overcome by wine, for nothing; but that you might learn what to beware of"; Sulpicius Severus, Dialogue I, On the Virtues of the Monks, ch. 8, 6: "He left out nothing that he did not seize on, tear apart, expose; above all he attacked vanity." BÜNEMANN.

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Daemonum› · col 151 Daemonum. Daemon apud antiquos idem est ac angelus; sed Lactantius ad mentem sacrae Scripturae, Daemonis nomine intelligit gentilium deos juxta illud psalmi, omnes dii Gentilium daemonia.

"Of demons." Among the ancients a daemon is the same as an angel; but Lactantius, following the mind of sacred Scripture, understands by the name "demon" the gods of the Gentiles, according to that word of the psalm: "all the gods of the Gentiles are demons."

[2] ‹lemma: Πάνσοφε› · col 151 Πάνσοφε Interpret. lat. Omnia sapiens, omnia docte, qui circa varia versaris, exaudi daemon.

"All-wise": the Latin interpreter renders: "All-wise, all-learned, who busy yourself about many things, hear, O daemon."

[3] ‹lemma: Αἰολόστροφε› · col 151 Αἰολόστροφε. Sic mss. 1 Reg. et Guillelmi Canteri. Regii 4, πάνστροφε, et sic Goth., Clar. et Brun. legisse videntur ex latina versione, qui per multa versaris. Alter Clarom., 1 Reg., 1 Colb., ὀλοίστροφε; 2 Colb. et edd. quiddam, ἐνολοίστροφε.

"Of shifting turns": so one Royal manuscript and William Canter's. Four Royal manuscripts have "all-turning," and Goth., Clar. and Brun. seem to have read so, judging from the Latin version, "who turn about through many things." The other Clermont manuscript, one Royal, one Colbert, have "ὀλοίστροφε"; two Colbert and certain editions "ἐνολοίστροφε."

[4] ‹lemma: Precem› · col 151 Precem. Ita restituimus ex mss. estque apud Plautum. In editis est preces. — Preces. Id est diras execrationes. Vid. Davis. ad Caes. vi Gall., 31, 5: Omnibus precibus detestatus Ambiorigem. Ovid. xv Met., 505: Hostilique caput prece detestatus euntes. Sic mss. Bon., Tax., Ultr., Gron. in singulari, cum precem, cum Reimm. habent. Buneman.

"Prayer" (singular): so we have restored from the manuscripts, and it is found in Plautus. The printed editions have "preces." — "Preces": that is, dire curses. See Davies on Caesar, Gallic War VI 31.5: "having cursed Ambiorix with every imprecation." Ovid, Metamorphoses XV 505: "and with hostile prayer cursing my head as I went." So the manuscripts Bon., Tax., Ultr., Gron. have it in the singular, "cum precem," with Reimm. Bünemann.

[5] ‹lemma: Apollinem Smynthium› · col 151 Apollinem Smynthium. Ita in mss. fere cunctis et optimis, favente Romana editione 1470, in qua est Samnitium: in editis, Smyntheum. A muribus hoc epitheton ductum est, qui σμίνθοι appellantur, Auctoribus Pausania, Strabone, et Homero, Illiad. α, Τενέδοιό τε ἶφι ἀνάσσεις, Σμινθεῦ. Cum enim sacerdos quidam Apollinis, Crinis nomine, sacra dei neglexisset, atque ob hoc nihil penitus fructuum eo anno collegisset, omnibus rebus a muribus corrosis, tanto detrimento commotum sacerdotem consueta deo sacra peregisse, deumque illico mures omnes sagittis suis perdidisse, atque ex ea re Smintheum vocatum esse. Nam Cretenses, mures Smyntas vocavere. Betuleius.

"Apollo Smynthius": so in nearly all the manuscripts, and the best, with the support of the Roman edition of 1470, which has "Samnitium"; in the printed editions, "Smyntheum." This epithet is drawn from mice, which are called σμίνθοι, on the authority of Pausanias, Strabo, and Homer, Iliad I: "and you rule Tenedos with might, Smintheus." For when a certain priest of Apollo, named Crinis, had neglected the god's rites, and on that account had gathered no fruits at all that year, everything having been gnawed by mice, the priest, shaken by so great a loss, performed the customary rites to the god; and the god at once destroyed all the mice with his arrows, and from this was called Smintheus. For the Cretans called mice "smyntae." Betuleius.

[6] ‹lemma: Ἁρμονίη› · col 151 Ἁρμονίη. Interpr. Lat.: Concentus mundi, lucifer et sapiens daemon. Daemones qui ventitant circa terram, et circa mare Indefessi, domantur sub flagello Dei.

"Harmony": the Latin interpreter: "Harmony of the world, light-bearer and wise daemon." "Daemons who roam about the earth and about the sea unwearied are tamed beneath the scourge of God."

[7] ‹lemma: Honorare se vult et in coelo collocare› · col 151 Honorare se vult et in coelo collocare. Ita mss. cum omnibus editis praeter Cellar. et 7 mss. rec. in quibus est honorari et collocari; quam lectionem vetustioribus et melioribus mss. confirmari vellem.

"He wishes to honour and to set in heaven": so the manuscripts with all the editions except Cellarius and seven recent manuscripts, in which is "to be honoured and to be set"; a reading I would wish to see confirmed by older and better manuscripts.

[8] ‹lemma: Deo semper assistunt› · col 151 Deo semper assistunt. Addidimus semper ex mss 2 Bonon., 4 Reg. quorum duo sunt veterrimi, 6 Colb., Pen., 2 Clarom., Em., Cantab., Cauc., Jun., Brun. ac Lipsiensibus, et editis Rom. 1468, 1470, et Betul. in rec. editis deest, semper.—Assistunt. Ut apparitores Dei, l. ii, c. 16, Bon., Pen., Cauc., Jun., Goth., Lips. 1, 3 Emm., Reimm., Sublac., Ven. 1471, 1497, qui Deo semper assistunt. Bun.

"Always stand by God": we added "always" from two Bologna manuscripts, four Royal (two of them very old), six Colbert, Pen., two Clermont, Em., Cantab., Cauc., Jun., Brun. and the Leipzig ones, and from the Roman editions of 1468 and 1470 and Betuleius; in recent editions "always" is wanting. — "Stand by": as attendants of God, Book II, ch. 16; Bon., Pen., Cauc., Jun., Goth., Leipzig 1, 3 Emm., Reimm., Subiaco, Venice 1471, 1497: "who always stand by God." Bünemann.

[9] ‹lemma: Parentem suum dominumque› · col 151 Parentem suum dominumque. Hoc saepe urget; loca indico ad l. iv, c. 3. Buneman.

"Their parent and lord": he often presses this point; I point out the places at Book IV, ch. 3. Bünemann.

[10] ‹lemma: Consummatis omnibus viis› · col 152 Consummatis omnibus viis. Sic emendavimus ex optimo ms. Regio-Put. et 4 aliis, ex 5 Colb., 1 Clarom., Em., Cantab. et Lipsiensibus, nec non ex veteribus editis 3, Rom., Paris. 1525, Ald., Crat., Graph. 1532. In 3 Reg. 1 Colb., 1 Clarom. et 2 Brun., consumptis, in quorum posteriore est suis pro viis.

"All ways having been completed": so we have corrected from the excellent Royal-Puteanus manuscript and four others, from five Colbert, one Clermont, Em., Cantab. and the Leipzig ones, and also from three old editions, Rome, Paris 1525, Aldine, Cratander, Gryphius 1532. In three Royal, one Colbert, one Clermont and two Brun., "consumptis" (used up), and in the latter of these "suis" for "viis."

[11] ‹lemma: Aliquid ulterius› · col 152 Aliquid ulterius. Mss. 1 Bonon. antiquior., et Pen., aliud ulterius.

"Something further": the older Bologna manuscript and Pen. have "another thing further."

[12] ‹lemma: Verum quia fieri non potest quin id quod sit, aliquando esse coeperit› · col 152 Verum quia fieri non potest quin id quod sit, aliquando esse coeperit. Animadversio R. P. Jo. Mariae Brasichell., sacri palatii apost. Magistri, excerpta ex ora ms. Reg. n. 3759: Caute lege ista omnia ad finem usque capitis, nam vehementer abhorrent a more loquendi theologorum; neque enim Deus a seipso genitus est aut procreatus, cum nihil magis impossibile sit, quam aliquid seipsum generare aut producere. Nec videntur verba Lactantii in bonum aliquem sensum posse reduci, nisi negative a seipso genitus, id est, non ab alio genitus. Denique in hac causa quam illud absurdum: « Fieri non potest quin id, quod sit, aliquando esse coeperit. » Vide apparatum sacrum Possevini in Gilb. Genebrardo. —Quia fieri non potest, quin id quod sit, aliquando esse coeperit. Locus hic immunis est ab errore; debet enim de rebus quae existunt intelligi: ut l. ii, c. 10. Quoniam est apparet aliquando coepisse. Esse enim nulla res sine exordio potest. Confer. infra l. vii, c. 1 De Deo recte sensit, lib. iv, c. 12. cap. 13. Conf. Hockeri Biblioth. Heilsbronn. f. 48 (30). Buneman.

"But since it cannot be that what exists did not at some time begin to be": a comment of the Rev. Fr. Giovanni Maria of Brisighella, Master of the Sacred Apostolic Palace, taken from the margin of Royal manuscript no. 3759: "Read all this with caution to the end of the chapter, for it is utterly foreign to the theologians' way of speaking; for God is not begotten or brought forth from himself, since nothing is more impossible than that a thing should beget or produce itself. Nor does it seem that Lactantius's words can be brought to any sound sense, except negatively, 'begotten from himself,' that is, not begotten from another. Finally, in this matter, how absurd is that saying: 'It cannot be that what exists did not at some time begin to be.'" See Possevino's Apparatus sacer under Gilbert Génébrard. — "Since it cannot be that what exists did not at some time begin to be": this passage is free of error; for it must be understood of things that exist, as in Book II, ch. 10: "Since it is, it is plain that it at some time began." For nothing can be without a beginning. Compare below, Book VII, ch. 1. On God he thought rightly in Book IV, ch. 12, ch. 13. Compare Hocker's Bibliotheca Heilsbronnensis, f. 48 (30). Bünemann.

[13] ‹lemma: Quando› · col 152 Quando. Ita mss. optimi et omnes ferme editi. Et haec vox est Ciceroniana pro quandoquidem, vel quoniam. In mss. codicibus 1 Bonon., 6 Colb., Ultr., 1 Clarom. et Brun., quoniam.

"When": so the best manuscripts and almost all the editions. And this word is Ciceronian for "since" or "because." In the manuscripts one Bologna, six Colbert, Ultr., one Clermont and Brun., "quoniam" (since).

[14] ‹lemma: Ex seipso sit procreatus› · col 152 Ex seipso sit procreatus. Notandum Lactantium errare, quando dicit Deum seipsum procreasse; quem errorem repetit Lactantius, lib. ii, cap. 9. Gallaeus. —Ex seipso sit procreatus. Haud accurate: ita fere lib. ii, c. 8, ex seipso est. Notarunt Lactantii errorem Gall. et Sparck. Buneman.

"Was brought forth from himself": note that Lactantius errs when he says that God brought himself forth; an error Lactantius repeats in Book II, ch. 9. Gallaeus. — "Was brought forth from himself": not accurately put; so too roughly in Book II, ch. 8, "is from himself." Gallaeus and Sparck have noted Lactantius's error. Bünemann.

[15] ‹lemma: Αὐτοφυής› · col 152 Αὐτοφυής. Lat., Ex se ortus.

"Self-grown": in Latin, "sprung from himself."

[16] ‹lemma: A Sibylla, αὐτογενής› · col 152 A Sibylla, αὐτογενής, etc. Lat., se genitus, et ingenitus, et non factus. Minus recte mentem christianorum explicat Lactantius per has voces αὐτοφυής et αὐτογενής, quae excludunt creationem et generationem; atque melius explicarentur per hanc vocem quod ex seipso sit, ex se ipso existens; quod ex S. Athanasio probat Pearsonius.

"By the Sibyl, self-begotten," etc.: in Latin, "self-begotten, and unbegotten, and not made." Lactantius explains the mind of Christians less correctly through these words "self-grown" and "self-begotten," which exclude creation and generation; and they would be better explained by this expression, that he is from himself, existing from himself; which Pearson proves from St Athanasius.

[17] ‹lemma: Ἀγέννητος et ἀποίητος› · col 152 Ἀγέννητος et ἀποίητος. Id est, non genitus nec factus. Huc redeunt Athanasiani Symboli verba, non factus, nec creatus, nec genitus. De quo vide Theophilum Antiochenum ad Autolicum libro ii.

"Unbegotten and unmade": that is, not begotten nor made. To this come back the words of the Athanasian Creed, "not made, nor created, nor begotten." On which see Theophilus of Antioch, To Autolycus, Book II.

[18] ‹lemma: Homo acutus› · col 152 Homo acutus. Ita reposui ex omnibus mss ac ve- (continues)

"A sharp man": so I have restored from all the manuscripts and the ol- (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Homo acutus (continued)› · col 153

(continued) teribus editis Rom. estque apud Ciceronem libro iii Natur. deor., cap. 85. In cunctis fere editis est, vir acutus. — Homo acutus. Praefero scripturam Bon., Tax., Pen., Ultr., Pal., Juntar., Goth., Lips. trium, Reim., Sublac., Rost., Ven. 1471-97, homo acutus; ut de Opif. c. 1, homo disertissimus. Bun.

[2] ‹lemma: Quod est optimum in nobis debeamus› · col 153 Quod est optimum in nobis debeamus. Ita omnes editi et mss. codices, praeter unum Bonon. et 4 edit. rec. qui ex eo post in nobis addunt animam: quam vocem ut glossema expunximus.

"That we owe what is best in us": so all the editions and manuscript codices, except one Bologna and four recent editions, which following it add "soul" after "in us"; a word we have struck out as a gloss.

[3] ‹lemma: Majestatemque tantam esse dicit in Timaeo Plato› · col 153 Majestatemque tantam esse dicit in Timaeo Plato. Eadem Hermes in Poemand. et S. Justinus Paraenet. Platonem illa hausisse ex Mosis et Aegyptiorum disciplina scribit Clem., Protrept.; apud Hebraeos enim nomen Dei ἀνεκφώνητον. Basil. de S. Spiritu, cap. 18. Vide Wowerum in Minuc.

"And Plato says in the Timaeus that his majesty is so great": the same in Hermes in the Poimandres and St Justin in the Exhortation. Clement writes in the Protrepticus that Plato drew these things from the teaching of Moses and the Egyptians; for among the Hebrews the name of God is unutterable. Basil, On the Holy Spirit, ch. 18. See Wouwer on Minucius.

[4] ‹lemma: In Timaeo Plato› · col 153 In Timaeo Plato. Hunc locum, quum Celsus apud Orig. l. vii, p. 360, attulisset, Origenes examinatum plenius explicat de Platone unum Deum confitente. Conf. Athenag. pro Christianis p. 26, 27; Just. Mart. Apol. ii, sect. 11, ed. Ox., p. 27; Minuc. Felic. c. 19.

"Plato in the Timaeus": when Celsus had cited this passage in Origen, Book VII, p. 360, Origen examines it and explains it more fully, of Plato confessing one God. Compare Athenagoras, Plea for the Christians, pp. 26, 27; Justin Martyr, Apology II, sect. 11, Oxford ed., p. 27; Minucius Felix ch. 19.

[5] ‹lemma: Ob nimiam› · col 153 Ob nimiam. Mss. Jun. Cauc. et editi sex addunt ejus: quae vox in caeteris deest. Haec tamen mire hic convenit.

"On account of the excessive": the manuscripts Jun., Cauc. and six editions add "his," a word wanting in the rest. Yet it fits here wonderfully well.

[6] ‹lemma: Dubitet vero› · col 153 Dubitet vero. Recte vero a nobis immutatum ex omnibus mss. codicibus et ed. Cellar. pro ergo quod est in vulgatis.

"But let him doubt": "vero" rightly changed by us, from all the manuscript codices and Cellarius's edition, for "ergo," which is in the common editions.

[7] ‹lemma: Inexcogitabilis› · col 153 Inexcogitabilis. Id est, cujus divinam naturam infinitasque perfectiones humana mens cogitatione ac meditatione cognoscere non potest.

"Unthinkable": that is, one whose divine nature and infinite perfections the human mind cannot come to know by thought and meditation.

[8] ‹lemma: De tanta majestate› · col 153 De tanta majestate. Mss. 2 Bonon. et alii rec. habent potestate.

"Of so great majesty": two Bologna manuscripts and other recent ones have "power."

[9] ‹lemma: Incogitabiles› · col 153 Incogitabiles. Id est, incogitantes, inconsiderati. Hic Lactantius imitatus est Plautum, qui Milit. Glorios., act. ii, sc. 6, v. 63, scribit: ............ Nunc demum scio Me fuisse excordem, caecum, incogitabilem. Haec vox est affectatio vocabuli soni grandioris, cujusmodi sunt ejus formae omnia, quibus solet Maro majestatem suo carmini conciliare: ut, lacrymabile bellum: ineluctabile fatum: illaetabile murmur. Alioquin religiosiores fuisse veteres Latinos in ejusmodi vocibus, docet M. Tullius, qui καταληπτὸν cum vertisset comprehensibile, quasi magnum aliquod ausus, Feretis haec? inquit; et Seneca notat apud Moecenatem irremediabile, pro ἀνήκεστον, epist. 114. Simile apud Lucilium, Monstrificabile: apud disertissimum scriptorem Lactantium, insustentabilis dominatio, lib. vii, cap. 16, pro eo quod Graecis ἀνυπόστατος ἀρχή, etc. Isa. Casaubon.

"Unthinking": that is, thoughtless, inconsiderate. Here Lactantius has imitated Plautus, who writes in the Braggart Soldier, Act II, sc. 6, v. 63: "...Now at last I know that I was senseless, blind, unthinking." This word is an affectation of a grander-sounding vocabulary, of the kind to which all forms of this shape belong, by which Maro is wont to win majesty for his verse: as "tearful war," "inescapable fate," "joyless murmur." Otherwise, that the old Latins were more scrupulous in words of this sort, Marcus Tullius teaches, who, having rendered καταληπτόν as "comprehensibile," as though he had dared something great, says, "Will you bear with this?"; and Seneca notes in Maecenas "irremediabile" for ἀνήκεστον, Letter 114. Similar in Lucilius is "monstrificabile"; in that most eloquent writer Lactantius, "insustentabilis dominatio," Book VII, ch. 16, for what the Greeks call ἀνυπόστατος ἀρχή, etc. Isaac Casaubon.

[10] ‹lemma: Mutis animalibus differentes› · col 154 Mutis animalibus differentes. Pleraeque omnes edd. et ms. Goth., a mutis; et sic legit Heumannus. Malim cum Cellario, Reimm., Lipsienses Codd. aliosque sequi, qui dativum habent, mutis, more Horatii, Ciceronis. Vid. exempla in Vechner. Hellenol., p. 440, ubi Heusingerus nobiscum facit. Hic imitatur Cicer. v Fin., c. 15: Quid animantibus differamus. Sic Grat., Gron., Verburg. edd. Iterum Lact. l. ii, c. 5: Sol... luna luminibus astrorum... differunt.

"Differing from dumb animals": nearly all the editions and the Gotha manuscript have "a mutis"; and so Heumann reads. I would rather follow, with Cellarius, Reimm., the Leipzig codices and others, which have the dative "mutis," after the manner of Horace and Cicero. See the examples in Vechner's Hellenolexia, p. 440, where Heusinger sides with us. Here he imitates Cicero, De finibus V, ch. 15: "in what we differ from animals." So the Grat., Gron., Verburg editions. Again Lactantius, Book II, ch. 5: "The sun... the moon... differ from the lights of the stars."

[11] ‹lemma: Οὐ δύνατ.› · col 154 Οὐ δύνατ. Lat. Non potest ex viri femoribus et utero (mulieris) Deus formatus esse. Haec graeca verba leguntur apud Theophilum libro ii ad Autolicum, sed loco τεταπωμένος legendum videtur τετυπωμένος.

"He cannot...": in Latin, "God cannot have been formed from a man's loins and a (woman's) womb." These Greek words are read in Theophilus, To Autolycus Book II, but for τεταπωμένος it seems one should read τετυπωμένος ("formed").

[12] ‹lemma: Sicuti est› · col 154 Sicuti est. Mira hujus formulae elegantia. Cic. Paradox. v, c. 1: Si servitus sit, sicut est, obedientia fracti animi. Et pro S. Rosc. c. 8: Quamvis ille felix sit, sicut est. Livius vii, 35: Si nox opportuna est eruptioni, sicut est. — Sicuti est. Sic rei veritas eleganter confirmatur. Nepos in Eumene c. 1: Apud nos revera, sicut sunt, scribae mercenarii aestimantur. Bun.

"As it is": the elegance of this formula is remarkable. Cicero, Paradoxa V, ch. 1: "If slavery is, as it is, the obedience of a broken spirit." And Pro Sexto Roscio ch. 8: "Though he be fortunate, as he is." Livy VII 35: "If night is favourable for a sally, as it is." — "As it is": thus the truth of the thing is elegantly confirmed. Nepos, Eumenes ch. 1: "Among us scribes are in fact reckoned hirelings, as they are." Bünemann.

[13] ‹lemma: Quando sunt› · col 154 Quando sunt. Ita potiores mss. et vetustiores editi Rom., Ald., Crat., Graph., Fasitel., Gymnic., nec non Lactantius noster variis in locis pro quandoquidem, quod substituerunt 4 Colb., 2 Clarom. et 8 rec. editi., 5 Reg., quoniam.

"Since they are": so the better manuscripts and the older editions, Rome, Aldine, Cratander, Gryphius, Fasitelius, Gymnicus, and our Lactantius too in various places, for "quandoquidem"; for which four Colbert, two Clermont and eight recent editions, and five Royal, substituted "quoniam."

[14] ‹lemma: Dii ergo si sunt immortales et aeterni› · col 154 Dii ergo si sunt immortales et aeterni. Sic lego sine incisione cum mss. 2 Bonon., 1 Reg. vetustissimo aliisque duobus, Tax., Pen., 3 Lips., 6 Colb., 2 Clarom., 2 Brun.; et omnibus fere editis. In mss. 3 Reg. Goth et Betul., ac 2 ed. rec., Diis ergo, si sunt. Magis tamen consonans videretur oratio, si legeretur, Diis ergo, si sunt immortales et aeterni, quid opus est altero sexu.

"If the gods, then, are immortal and eternal": so I read, without a break, with two Bologna manuscripts, one very old Royal and two others, Tax., Pen., three Leipzig, six Colbert, two Clermont, two Brun.; and nearly all the editions. In three Royal manuscripts, Goth. and Betuleius, and two recent editions, "For the gods, then, if they are." Yet the sentence would seem more consistent if one read, "For the gods, then, if they are immortal and eternal, what need is there of the other sex."

[15] ‹lemma: Quid opus est altero sexu, cum successione non egeant› · col 154 Quid opus est altero sexu, cum successione non egeant. Ita mss. 1 Bonon. antiq., Navarr., 2 Brunn., et edd. Is., Thys., Gall., Spark., et 2 Lips. Post altero sexu, mss. 4 Reg. Vatic., 4 Colb., Gat., Marm., Em., Christ., Pal., Lips., Cauc., et ed. Fasitel., Betul. ac Tornes. addunt, nimirum ut generent. In aliis 4 Reg., 2 Colb., 1 Sorb., 1 Clarom., ac ed. vet. 2 Rom., Paris. 1525, Ald., Crat., Graph., Gymnic., nimirum ut generentur, quod ut glossema respuimus, velut etiam sequentia verba, Ipsa progenie quid opus est, quae absunt ab antiquiore Bononiensi, a Nav. et ab editis multis. Et quidem sententia est optima, et oratio est efficacior, brevi quodam enthymemate conclusa; ut dicat utroque sexu non opus est diis, quia successione non egent, qui semper sunt futuri. — Sexu. Post haec verba legitur in ed. Sublac. (continues)

"What need is there of the other sex, since they have no need of succession": so the old Bologna manuscript, Navarre, two Brunn., and the editions Is., Thys., Gall., Spark., and two Leipzig. After "the other sex," four Royal manuscripts, the Vatican, four Colbert, Gat., Marm., Em., Christ., Pal., Leipzig, Cauc., and the editions of Fasitelius, Betuleius and Tornaesius add "namely, so that they may beget." In four other Royal, two Colbert, one Sorbonne, one Clermont, and the old editions, two Roman, Paris 1525, Aldine, Cratander, Gryphius, Gymnicus, "namely, so that they may be begotten," which we reject as a gloss, as also the following words, "What need is there of offspring itself," which are absent from the older Bologna manuscript, from Nav. and from many editions. And indeed the thought is excellent and the sentence more forceful, closed in a kind of brief enthymeme; so that he says the gods have no need of either sex, because they need no succession, being always to be. — "Sex": after these words there is read in the Subiaco edition (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Sexu (continued)› · col 155

(continued) nimirum ut generent? Ipsa progenie quid opus est? Haec verba desunt in Gallaei editione; leguntur tamen in eximia Coloniensi editione anni 1544, et in Betuleii aliisque multis: sed absunt a mss. quae in altera parte notae superioris referuntur. Huc referri possunt verba, quae sunt in Orphicis: Ζεὺς ἄρσην γένετο, Ζεὺς ἄμβροτος ἔπλετο νύμφη; sic a Soraico reddita: Progenitor genitrixque Deum, Deus unus et omnis. Attamen opinatur Thomasius haec eradenda esse, velut glossema, quod ex margine in textum irrepserit. Sine his verbis sententia est optima et oratio efficacior; eradas igitur si velis.

[2] ‹lemma: Coitio› · col 155 Coitio. Pro coitus, concubitus; ut Solinus, desiderium coitionis. Buneman.

"Coitio": for "coitus," intercourse; as Solinus, "desire of coition." Bünemann.

[3] ‹lemma: Quando› · col 155 Quando. Sic passim Lactantius pro quandoquidem. Plures mss., quoniam.

"When": so Lactantius everywhere, for "since." Several manuscripts, "quoniam."

[4] ‹lemma: Cum Deus, qui est omnipotens, sine usu› · col 155 Cum Deus, qui est omnipotens, sine usu, etc. In nonnullis post omnipotens sequitur ut vocatur, quod inepte addi censet Thomasius, fretus auctoritate antiqui codicis Bonon. aliorumque mss. Et sane Deus non solum vocatur, verum revera est omnipotens, ut et gentiles ipsi illud divinum attributum agnoscunt. Gallaeus.

"Since God, who is almighty, without the use," etc.: in some, after "almighty" follows "as he is called," which Thomasius judges ineptly added, relying on the authority of the old Bologna codex and other manuscripts. And indeed God is not only called almighty but truly is, as even the Gentiles themselves acknowledge that divine attribute. Gallaeus.

[5] ‹lemma: Minutis animalibus› · col 155 Minutis animalibus. Apibus nempe. Vide Virg. Georg. iv, et Plinium; inter neotericos Clusium, vulgo de Lecluse de Generatione Apum. Istud vero de Apum generatione habet Quintilianus, declamatione 13: Abest inimica virtutum voluptas castis sine labe corporibus. Solae omnium non edunt foetus, sed faciunt, et ut oportet animal laboriosum, ex opere nascuntur.

"Tiny animals": bees, namely. See Virgil, Georgics IV, and Pliny; among the moderns Clusius, commonly de Lecluse, On the Generation of Bees. This on the generation of bees is in Quintilian, Declamation 13: "Pleasure, the enemy of virtues, is absent from their chaste and stainless bodies. They alone of all creatures do not give birth to their young but make them, and, as befits a laborious creature, they are born from work."

[6] ‹lemma: E foliis natos› · col 155 E foliis natos. Virgilii verba sunt de apibus, Georg. lib. iv, vers. 200.

"Born from leaves": these are Virgil's words about bees, Georgics IV, line 200.

[7] ‹lemma: Quia Reges maximi ac potentissimi fuerunt› · col 155 Quia Reges maximi ac potentissimi fuerunt. Mss. Colb. et Brun., fuerint. Maximus Tyrius, Dissertat. 38, Καὶ Ἕλληνες, etc. Et Graeci quidem bonis etiam viris sacra faciunt, quorum virtutum memoriam celebrant, calamitates vero omittunt. Et multo ante ita Persaeus Cittieus, is quem Aratus Sicyonius Acrocorintho ejecit; et Cicero lib. i de Nat. deor. Perseus (scribe Persaeus, ut Graece, Περσαῖος) Zenonis auditor, eos dicit habitos Deos, a quibus magna utilitas ad vitae cultum esset inventa, ipsasque res utiles deorum vocabulis nuncupatas, etc. Vide Doctiss. Voss. de Idolol. Suidas in Σερούχ et Damascen. lib. de Haeres., inquit Elmenhorst., auctores sunt, Seruchum, defunctos praestantes viros adorari, et quotannis eorum memoriam celebrari jussisse, et illorum nomina in sacros commentarios referri, atque deos eos judicari, tamquam benefactores; hinc primum ortam idololatriam, deorumque pluralitatem. Vide etiam lib. Sapientiae, c. xiv, v. 15; Athanasium, adversus gentes; Euseb. 1, cap. 6; Theodoret., serm. iii; Nazianz., Orat. 1, in Julianum. Quem locum, quia prolixior est, hic non describam. Sic et Cyprianus tractatu Quod idola dii non sunt: Deos non esse, quos vulgus colit, hinc notum est. Reges olim fuerunt, qui ob regalem memoriam coli apud suos postmodum etiam in morte coeperunt. Inde illis instituta templa; inde ad defunctorum vultus per imaginem detinendos expressa simulacra: nam et immolabant hostias, et dies festos dando honore celebrabant. Inde posteris facta sunt sacra, quae primis fuerant assumpta solatia. De his vide plura ad hujus lib. cap. 15. Hinc Tzetzes in varia historia, de Hercule scribens, Ptolemaeum auctorem citat, quod reges omnes θεούς, Reginas vero θεάς appellari fuerit solitum.

"Because they were very great and very powerful kings": the Colbert and Brun. manuscripts have "fuerint." Maximus of Tyre, Dissertation 38, "And the Greeks," etc.: "And the Greeks offer sacrifice even to good men, whose virtues they keep in memory, but whose misfortunes they pass over." And long before, so said Persaeus of Citium, the man whom Aratus of Sicyon drove out of Acrocorinth; and Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods I: "Perseus (write Persaeus, as in Greek) the pupil of Zeno says that those were held to be gods by whom some great benefit for the conduct of life had been discovered, and that useful things themselves were called by the names of gods," etc. See the most learned Vossius on idolatry. Suidas under "Serug" and Damascene in the book On Heresies, says Elmenhorst, are the authorities that Serug ordered that eminent men who had died be worshipped, that their memory be celebrated yearly, that their names be entered in the sacred records, and that they be judged gods, as benefactors; hence first arose idolatry and the plurality of gods. See also the book of Wisdom, ch. 14, v. 15; Athanasius, Against the Gentiles; Eusebius 1, ch. 6; Theodoret, Discourse III; Nazianzen, Oration 1 against Julian, a passage which, being rather long, I will not copy here. So too Cyprian in the treatise That Idols Are Not Gods: "That those whom the crowd worships are not gods is known from this. They were once kings, who because of the memory of their reign began afterwards to be worshipped by their people even in death. Thence temples were founded for them; thence statues were fashioned to keep the faces of the dead by an image: for they both sacrificed victims and celebrated feast days to do them honour. Thence for later generations those became sacred rites which for the first had been taken up as consolations." On these see more at chapter 15 of this book. Hence Tzetzes in his Miscellaneous History, writing of Hercules, cites Ptolemy as authority that it was customary for all kings to be called gods and queens goddesses.

[8] ‹lemma: Hercules› · col 156 Hercules. Integrum caput abunde illustrat Munkerus ad Hygin., c. 29, 30, quem toties exscribere non est meum.

"Hercules": Muncker amply illustrates the whole chapter on Hyginus, chs. 29, 30; it is not my business to copy him so often.

[9] ‹lemma: Quasi Africanus› · col 156 Quasi Africanus. Scipio videlicet Africanus tot virtutibus celebratus. Deest quasi in ms. 1 Claromont. In mss. rec. 1 Reg., 1 Colb. et Brun., gentes apud Africanas. Id est, sicut non celebratur alius inter Romanos Scipione nemo virtute praestantior: sic inter heroas nullus Hercule celebrior fuit.

"As if an Africanus": that is, Scipio Africanus, celebrated for so many virtues. "As if" is wanting in one Clermont manuscript. In recent manuscripts, one Royal, one Colbert and Brun., "the peoples among the Africans." That is, just as among the Romans no one is celebrated as more outstanding in virtue than Scipio, so among the heroes none was more celebrated than Hercules.

[10] ‹lemma: Ac expurgasse› · col 156 Ac expurgasse. Ita mss. et editi multi, faventibus mss. 2 Bonon., 1 Reg. vet., Tax., 1 Lips., 3 Colb., 1 Clarom., Brun. et ed. Rom. 1470, in quibus ac purgasse. In 1 Reg., 3 Colb., Jun., Ultr., Christ., Em., ac expugnasse: quae lectio prae caeteris arridet nonnullis. Hae duae voces Walchio superfluae esse et glossema sapere videntur. Est autem purgare, inquit Cellarius, a monstris et tyrannis liberare. De Hercule vide S. Basilium magnum, serm. 21, et S. Asterium Amasenum episc., serm. 10.

"And cleansed": so the manuscripts and many editions, with the support of two Bologna manuscripts, one old Royal, Tax., one Leipzig, three Colbert, one Clermont, Brun. and the Roman edition of 1470, in which is "ac purgasse." In one Royal, three Colbert, Jun., Ultr., Christ., Em., "and subdued": a reading that pleases some above the rest. These two words seem to Walch superfluous and to smack of a gloss. Now "to cleanse," says Cellarius, is to free from monsters and tyrants. On Hercules see St Basil the Great, Sermon 21, and St Asterius, bishop of Amasea, Sermon 10.

[11] ‹lemma: Stupris› · col 156 Stupris. Hoc argumento etiam Arnobius, lib. iv, ejus Divinitatem oppugnat: Ut Hercules, inquit, sanctus deus, natas quinquaginta de Thestio (vel potius Thespio) nocte una perdocuit, et nomen virginitatis exponere, et genitricum pondera sustinere. Pausanias Baeot. Ἡρακλέα ταῖς θυγατράσι, etc. Haec ita latine vertit Romulus Amasaeus: Herculem tradunt Thestii filias quinquaginta (tot enim erant) eadem nocte constuprasse, una excepta: eam, cum sola obsequi recusasset, sacerdotem sibi perpetuae virginitatis lege data legisse. Audivi tamen alios, qui omnes plane Thestii quinquaginta filias ab Hercule eadem una nocte vitiatas, et ei singulas mares filios peperisse narrarent; et quidem geminos, natu maximam et minimam. Tatian. contr. Graecos, Theodorin. de Martyr. contra Graec. ser. 8, Clemens Alexandrinus hoc idem Her- (continues)

"By debaucheries": with this argument Arnobius too, Book IV, assails his divinity: "How Hercules," he says, "that holy god, in one night taught the fifty daughters of Thestius (or rather Thespius) both to lay aside the name of virginity and to bear the burdens of mothers." Pausanias, Boeotia: "Hercules with the daughters," etc. Romulus Amasaeus renders this into Latin thus: "They relate that Hercules debauched the fifty daughters of Thestius (for so many there were) on the same night, one excepted; she, since she alone refused to comply, he chose as his priestess, under a law of perpetual virginity. I have heard others, however, who related that all fifty daughters of Thestius without exception were violated by Hercules on that one same night, and that each bore him male children; and indeed twins, the eldest and the youngest." Tatian against the Greeks; Theodoret On the Martyrs, against the Greeks, Discourse 8; Clement of Alexandria this same Her- (continues)

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(continued) culi objicit in Protrept. Suidas in θεσπιάδες. Epiphan. Anchorato, Nazianz. orat. i in Julian. Elmenhorst. — Et non solum has quinquaginta compressit, verum et Elienses mulieres cum exercitu suo concumbere permisit. Vide Diodorum Siculum libro iv. Chalciopen, Eurypili filiam, vitiavit: Iolem, Euryti filiam, vi abstulit: ejus concubitus cum Alcimedontis filia, etc., diversis locis Pausanias tradit. V. Betuleium.

[2] ‹lemma: Alcmenae› · col 157 Alcmenae. Amphitrionis uxoris. Arnobius lib. iv, scribit: Jovem in Alcmena novem continuis noctibus pervigilasse; atque ex illo concubitu natum Herculem, qui patris transivit exsuperavitque in hujusmodi rebus virtutes. Hoc etiam testatur Clemens Protrept., Servius in viii Aeneid. et Lucian. Dial. deor. scribunt Jovem trinoctium, Plaut. Prolog. Amphitr. unam saltem, sed longiorem; Hieron. tom. ii, advers. Vigilant., cap. 4, Ovidius lib. i Amor, Eleg. 13, et Hygin. fab. 39, duas noctes congeminasse, dum cum Alcmena cubat. Elmenhorst.

"Of Alcmena": wife of Amphitryon. Arnobius writes in Book IV that Jupiter kept vigil with Alcmena nine nights together, and that from that union was born Hercules, who in such matters passed and surpassed his father's prowess. Clement too attests this in the Protrepticus; Servius on Aeneid VIII and Lucian in the Dialogues of the Gods write that Jupiter took three nights; Plautus, in the prologue of the Amphitryon, one only, but a longer one; Jerome, vol. II, Against Vigilantius ch. 4, Ovid, Amores I, Elegy 13, and Hyginus, fable 39, that he doubled the night while he lay with Alcmena. Elmenhorst.

[3] ‹lemma: Gessit› · col 157 Gessit. Mss. 1 Colb. et Brun. addunt, ut vultis.

"He did": one Colbert manuscript and Brun. add "as you would have it."

[4] ‹lemma: Leonem› · col 157 Leonem. Nemaeum discerpsit ac dilaceravit. Ovid. Metamorph. lib. ix, fab. 3.

"The lion": the Nemean, which he tore apart and rent in pieces. Ovid, Metamorphoses IX, fable 3.

[5] ‹lemma: Aprumque› · col 157 Aprumque. Menalium, sive Erymanthium, Arcadiae vastatorem cepit vivum. Ovid. Metamorph. lib. ix, fab. 3. — Si leonem aprumque. Noti labores Herculis. Hyginum lege fab. 30; Diodor. Sic. lib. iv, c. 9, seq.

"And the boar": the Maenalian or Erymanthian, ravager of Arcadia, he took alive. Ovid, Metamorphoses IX, fable 3. — "If the lion and the boar": the labours of Hercules are well known. Read Hyginus, fable 30; Diodorus Siculus IV, ch. 9 and following.

[6] ‹lemma: Si aves sagittis dejecit?› · col 157 Si aves sagittis dejecit? Stymphalidas, a Stymphalo Arcadiae oppido et Stymphalide palude dictas. — Si aves dejecit. Infra, volucres dejecit. Verbum venatorum dejicere. Vid. Virgil. lib. v Aen., 542, et ii Aen., 580. Bun.

"If he brought down birds with arrows?": the Stymphalian birds, named from Stymphalus, a town of Arcadia, and the Stymphalian marsh. — "If he brought down birds": below, "brought down fowl." "Dejicere" is a hunters' word. See Virgil, Aeneid V 542, and Aeneid II 580. Bünemann.

[7] ‹lemma: Stabulum› · col 157 Stabulum. Scilicet Augiae, Eliensium regis, quod purgavit superinducto in stabulum Alcaeo fluvio. Pausanias in Eliacis i, c. 1; Diodor. Sicul. lib. iv, cap. 13.

"The stable": that is, of Augeas, king of the Eleans, which he cleansed by turning the river Alcaeus into the stable. Pausanias, Elis I, ch. 1; Diodorus Siculus IV, ch. 13.

[8] ‹lemma: Si viraginem vicit› · col 157 Si viraginem vicit. Vitiose in plerisque mss. et nonnullis editis, virginem. Legere malo cum 3 Reg., 1 Colb. Brun., et pluribus impressis viraginem, Hippolyten scilicet, Amazonum reginam. Justinus, qui lib. ii, Herculis cum Amazonibus bellum describit, non Balteum, vel cingulum (ζωστῆρα), sed arma habet. Varias de hac re sententias refert Isacius Tzetzes in Lycophroniano commentario. Betul. — Viraginem vicit. Volunt nonnulli, viraginem valere virginem fortem; unde infra Amazonem bellatricem vocat.

"If he conquered a heroine": wrongly in most manuscripts and some editions, "a virgin." I prefer to read, with three Royal, one Colbert, Brun., and several printed editions, "a heroine," namely Hippolyta, queen of the Amazons. Justin, who in Book II describes Hercules's war with the Amazons, has not "belt" or "girdle" but "arms." Isaac Tzetzes reports various opinions on this in his commentary on Lycophron. Betuleius. — "Conquered a heroine": some hold that "virago" means a strong maiden; whence below he calls her "the warrior Amazon."

[9] ‹lemma: Domino› · col 157 Domino. Scilicet Diomede, Rege Thraciae, de quo Ovidius Metamorph. lib. ix, fab. 3.

"The master": that is, Diomedes, king of Thrace, of whom Ovid, Metamorphoses IX, fable 3.

[10] ‹lemma: Quod ait Orator› · col 157 Quod ait Orator. Ita restituimus ex omnibus mss. Praeterquam 1 Claromont. in quo, sicut et in plerisque editis, est ut ait Orator, id est Cicero Oratione pro Marcello. — Quod ait. lib. iii, c. 19. Non dissimile illud Platonis est, quod aiebat. Lib. vi, cap. 11: Verumque est illud Ciceronis, quod ait, etc. Bun.

"As the Orator says" (quod ait): so we have restored from all the manuscripts except one Clermont, in which, as in most editions, is "ut ait Orator," that is, Cicero in the speech For Marcellus. — "Quod ait": Book III, ch. 19, "Not unlike is that saying of Plato's, quod aiebat." Book VI, ch. 11: "And true is that saying of Cicero's, quod ait," etc. Bünemann.

[11] ‹lemma: Quae non ferro› · col 157 Quae non ferro. Sic habent mss. et editi omnes quos hactenus videre licuit, et Cicero ipse, cujus est haec sententia. Bonon. tamen antiquior habet, quae ferro ac viribus debilitari frangique non possit.

"Which not by the sword": so have all the manuscripts and editions I have been able to see so far, and Cicero himself, whose saying this is. The older Bologna manuscript, however, has "which cannot be weakened and broken by the sword and by strength."

[12] ‹lemma: Cohibere› · col 158 Cohibere. De hac victoria vide Ambrosium de Officiis, et Prudentium, ubi est virtutum cum vitiis monomachiae descriptio.

"To restrain": on this victory see Ambrose, On Duties, and Prudentius, where there is a description of the single combat of the virtues with the vices.

[13] ‹lemma: Haec qui facit› · col 158 Haec qui facit. Goth. haec qui facit, sicuti Graevius ex Erfurt. cod. in Cicerone restituit. Bun.

"He who does these things": Goth. "haec qui facit," as Graevius restored in Cicero from the Erfurt codex. Bünemann.

[14] ‹lemma: Non ego eum cum summis viris comparo› · col 158 Non ego eum cum summis viris comparo. Ego excudendum curavi ut est in mss. 3 opt., Reg., Bonon. antiq., 1 Colb., 2 Brun., et apud ipsum Tullium. Illa enim tantum solummodo, eleganter ad Graecorum imitationem plerumque negationi subintellecta, quam addita malunt Latini, sequente adversativa, quamvis et aut etiam non addatur. Isaeus, qui de eo plura exempla adducit. — In aliis est, non modo ego eum, etc.

"I do not compare him with the greatest men": I have had it printed as it is in three of the best manuscripts, Royal, the old Bologna, one Colbert, two Brun., and in Tully himself. For "only" and "solely," in imitation of the Greeks, the Latins mostly prefer to leave understood with a negative rather than added, when an adversative follows, even though "and" or "also" is not added. Isaeus, who brings more examples of it. — In others is "not only do I [compare] him," etc.

[15] ‹lemma: Simillimum Deo judico› · col 158 Simillimum Deo judico. Apuleius lib. de Deo Socr. Nihil est Deo similius et gratius, quam vir animo perfecte bonus. Plinius initio Panegyr.: Quid enim est praestabilius aut pulchrius munere deorum, quam castus et sanctus et diis simillimus princeps? Idem Musonius, de re eadem apud Stobaeum, ser. 46. Aristot. etiam Polit. lib. iii, cap. 9, hominem virtute praestantem θεὸν ἐν ἀνθρώποις εἶναι, esse tanquam Deum inter homines existimat. Plura de hoc vide lib. de Ira Dei, cap. 19. Vallinus.

"I judge him most like God": Apuleius, On the God of Socrates: "Nothing is more like God and more pleasing to him than a man perfectly good in mind." Pliny at the opening of the Panegyric: "For what is more excellent or more beautiful as a gift of the gods than a chaste and holy prince, most like the gods?" The same Musonius on the same matter in Stobaeus, Discourse 46. Aristotle also, Politics III, ch. 9, holds a man outstanding in virtue to be "a god among men," as it were God among men. See more on this in On the Wrath of God, ch. 19. Vallinus.

[16] ‹lemma: Similem Deo› · col 158 Similem Deo. Julium scilicet Caesarem propter clementiam.

"Like God": that is, Julius Caesar, on account of his clemency.

[17] ‹lemma: Putandus est› · col 158 Putandus est. Sic legere malo cum omnibus pene mss. inter quos sunt optimi et vetustissimi 2 Reg. 900 annor. et 2 Bonon. quam cum Cauc., Jun. ac editis, judicandus est. Plura vide apud Lactantium lib. de Ira Dei, cap. 19.

"Is to be thought": so I prefer to read, with nearly all the manuscripts, among which are the best and oldest, two Royal of 900 years and two Bologna, rather than, with Cauc., Jun. and the editions, "is to be judged." See more in Lactantius, On the Wrath of God, ch. 19.

[18] ‹lemma: Quam qui violentam in se, etc.› · col 158 Quam qui violentam in se, etc. Plerique impressi et mss. habent violentiam; sed Isaeus post Thomasium correxit, legitque, qui leonem, quam qui violentam in se ipso inclusam feram superat iracundiam. Sic etiam habent 1 Bon. antiq., 2 Reg., 1 Clarom. et 2 Colb.; quod mihi valde probatur; nam oratio ipsa elegantior est ac gravior. Quod si legamus violentiam, non video, quae ratio reddi posset, cur iracundiam appellaverit feram in seipso inclusam, cum violentia fit acerbior quaedam iracundia; ita, cum unum uni tantum comparare, et leonem assumat, illum sine dubio cum violenta illa fera iracundia comparat.

"Than he who [overcomes] the violent [beast] within himself," etc.: most printed editions and manuscripts have "violence"; but Isaeus, after Thomasius, corrected it and reads, "who [overcomes] a lion, than he who overcomes that violent beast shut up within himself, anger." So too have the old Bologna, two Royal, one Clermont and two Colbert; which I strongly approve, for the sentence itself is more elegant and weightier. But if we read "violence," I do not see what reason could be given why he called anger a beast shut up within oneself, since violence becomes a sharper kind of anger; thus, since he compares one thing with one only, and takes up the lion, he no doubt compares it with that violent beast, anger.

[19] ‹lemma: Rapacissimas volucres dejicit› · col 158 Rapacissimas volucres dejicit. Sagittis interfecit; Hygin. Fab. 30, quod negat Apollonius lib. ii, v. 1055, aeneo crepitaculo potius et tinnitu, quam arcu, abegisse contendens. Bun.

"He brings down most rapacious birds": he killed them with arrows; Hyginus, Fable 30; which Apollonius denies, Book II, line 1055, maintaining that he drove them off with a bronze rattle and its clanging rather than with a bow. Bünemann.

[20] ‹lemma: Amazonem bellatricem› · col 158 Amazonem bellatricem. Amazonum nomen tractum est ab alterius mammae jactura: dextram quippe mammam ab infantia inurebant, ne sagittarum jactum impediret; quod fabulosum non esse prorsus colligere est ex Platone, de Legibus, lib. vii. Aliquid simile habet Hippocrates in re seria de Scythis sui temporis. Bochartus.

"The warrior Amazon": the name of the Amazons is drawn from the loss of one breast: for they seared the right breast from infancy, so that it should not hinder the shooting of arrows; that this is not altogether fabulous may be gathered from Plato, Laws VII. Hippocrates has something similar, in earnest, about the Scythians of his time. Bochart.

[21] ‹lemma: Quam qui... famae debellatricem› · col 158 Quam qui... famae debellatricem. Haec desunt in ed. Sublacensi.

"Than he who ... the conqueror of good name": these words are wanting in the Subiaco edition.

(printed under page 82)

<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Temperans est, et moderatus, et› · col 159 Temperans est, et moderatus, et. Reimm. qui temperans et moderatus est, et justus. Non male. Bun.

"Is temperate and moderate and": Reimm. "who is temperate and moderate and just." Not badly. Bünemann.

[2] ‹lemma: Eurystheo› · col 159 Eurystheo. Regi Mycenarum. V. Diodor., l. iv, c. 9, et Betul.

"To Eurystheus": king of Mycenae. See Diodorus IV, ch. 9, and Betuleius.

[3] ‹lemma: Omphalae› · col 159 Omphalae. Lydiae reginae. Vide Fulgent., Mythol., lib. ii, c. 5; Diodor. Sicul., lib. iv, c. 31; Hygin., Fab. 32; Elmenhorst. in Arnob. libro iv, apud Lucianum, Aesculapium et Statium.

"To Omphale": queen of Lydia. See Fulgentius, Mythologies II, ch. 5; Diodorus Siculus IV, ch. 31; Hyginus, Fable 32; Elmenhorst on Arnobius Book IV; in Lucian, Aesculapius, and Statius.

[4] ‹lemma: Turpitudo› · col 159 Turpitudo. Ms. Jun. legit fortitudo, sed male. Vide Ovidium in Heroicis.

"Disgrace": the Junius manuscript reads "fortitude," but wrongly. See Ovid in the Heroides.

[5] ‹lemma: Non enim ista Lucilius› · col 159 Non enim ista Lucilius. Vitiorum notator acerrimus. Videndi Juvenalis Sat. 1, de hoc Lucilio poeta, et Persius Sat. 1.

"For it is not Lucilius [who tells] these things": a most biting censor of vices. See Juvenal, Satire 1, on this poet Lucilius, and Persius, Satire 1.

[6] ‹lemma: Quod denique certius veriusque mysterium› · col 159 Quod denique certius veriusque mysterium. Sic cum reliquis Reimm. Non credit Heumannus, Lactantii esse haec verba; at mihi videntur vel maxime necessaria propter suspectos mendacii poetas, qui illa mysteria revelaverant. Hinc cap. 12, revelavimus mysterium poetarum, quibus rejectis, certius veriusque mysterium erat requirendum. Conf. c. 15, c. 21.

"What, finally, is a surer and truer mystery": so Reimm. with the rest. Heumann does not believe these words are Lactantius's; but to me they seem quite necessary, because of the poets, suspected of lying, who had revealed those mysteries. Hence ch. 12, "we have revealed the mystery of the poets"; these being rejected, a surer and truer mystery had to be sought. Compare ch. 15, ch. 21.

[7] ‹lemma: Nullos dabit› · col 159 Nullos dabit. Mss. rec., 3 Colb. et 1 Bonon. cum ed. Rom. 1470, Paris. 1525, Graph., Gymnic., Is., nullus dabit.

"He will give none": recent manuscripts, three Colbert and one Bologna, with the editions Rome 1470, Paris 1525, Gryphius, Gymnicus, Isaeus, "no one will give."

[8] ‹lemma: Argonautis› · col 159 Argonautis. Argonautarum navigatio facta fuit 83 annos ante Trojanum excidium, vel 32 annos antequam regnaret Thesaeus. Vide Apollonium et Valerium Flaccum in Argonauticis.

"With the Argonauts": the voyage of the Argonauts took place 83 years before the fall of Troy, or 32 years before Theseus reigned. See Apollonius and Valerius Flaccus in their Argonautica.

[9] ‹lemma: Trojam› · col 159 Trojam. Haec quidem obsidio 40 annis ante Trojam a Graecis direptam, in qua Laomedontem regno privavit Hercules.

"Troy": this siege was 40 years before Troy was sacked by the Greeks; in it Hercules deprived Laomedon of his kingdom.

[10] ‹lemma: Filiae› · col 159 Filiae. Hesiones, quam a monstro vorandam redemit Hercules.

"Of the daughter": of Hesione, whom Hercules rescued when she was to be devoured by a monster.

[11] ‹lemma: Insania percitus› · col 159 Insania percitus. A Junone, quae scilicet ipsi infesta erat. Vide Herculem furentem Euripidis atque etiam Senecae.

"Seized with madness": by Juno, who was hostile to him. See the Hercules Furens of Euripides and also of Seneca.

[12] ‹lemma: Uxorem› · col 159 Uxorem. Cui nomen erat Megara, Creontis Menaecei filii natam. Vide Epitomen Lactantii, cap. 7, atque Apollodorum, lib. ii.

"His wife": whose name was Megara, daughter of Creon son of Menoeceus. See Lactantius's Epitome, ch. 7, and Apollodorus, Book II.

[13] ‹lemma: Philocteta› · col 159 Philocteta. Ita restituimus ex mss.; ad hoc enim cuncti conveniunt. In editis est Philoctetes. De hoc lege Servium ad Aeneid. iii. Caeterum de Philoctetae interitu et ἀποθεώσει, lege Ovid. lib. ix Metamorph., fab. 4. Ejus historia est apud Philostratum in heroicis, cap. 6. Betuleius.

"Philocteta": so we have restored from the manuscripts, for they all agree on it. In the editions is "Philoctetes." On him read Servius on Aeneid III. As for the death and apotheosis [of Hercules] through Philoctetes, read Ovid, Metamorphoses IX, fable 4. His story is in Philostratus's Heroica, ch. 6. Betuleius.

[14] ‹lemma: Qui ossa ejus ac cineres in Oeteo monte sepelivit› · col 160 Qui ossa ejus ac cineres in Oeteo monte sepelivit. Vibius Sequester de Montibus: Oeta mons Thraciae, ubi Hercules est combustus. Cyprianus de idolis: Hercules ut hominem exuat, Oeteis ignibus concrematur. Videsis Mythologos, Hyginum, fab. 36; Servium ad Ecl. 8 et viii Aeneid.; Augustin., de Civ. Dei, lib. xviii, cap. 4. Ex Elmenhorst. — Arnobius lib. iv ex Plutarcho, ait id factum esse post comitialis morbi ruinas; unde et iste morbus ab Aristot. in Problem. Herculeus vocatur.

"Who buried his bones and ashes on Mount Oeta": Vibius Sequester, On Mountains: "Oeta, a mountain of Thrace, where Hercules was burned." Cyprian, On Idols: "Hercules, to put off the man, is consumed in the fires of Oeta." See the mythographers, Hyginus, fable 36; Servius on Eclogue 8 and Aeneid VIII; Augustine, City of God XVIII, ch. 4. From Elmenhorst. — Arnobius, Book IV, from Plutarch, says this happened after the collapses of the falling sickness; whence that disease is also called "Herculean" by Aristotle in the Problems.

[15] ‹lemma: Oeteo› · col 160 Oeteo. Praestat mss. pene omnes sequi, quam Oeta vulgatorum, et quorumdam Vaticanorum. 1 Lips. habet, in Oetaeo monte Thessaliae. Sic et apud Ciceronem lib. iii de Natura deor., c. 40, in monte Oetaeo.

"Oetean": it is better to follow nearly all the manuscripts than the "Oeta" of the common editions and of some Vatican manuscripts. One Leipzig has "on the Oetaean mountain of Thessaly." So too in Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods III, ch. 40, "on Mount Oetaeus."

[16] ‹lemma: Flagitio› · col 160 Flagitio. Id est adulterio Apollinis cum Arsinoe vel Coronide, ut Pindarus ait, atque Arnobius lib. i et vii.

"Disgrace": that is, by the adultery of Apollo with Arsinoe or Coronis, as Pindar says, and Arnobius, Books I and VII.

[17] ‹lemma: Hippolytum› · col 160 Hippolytum. Thesei filium.

"Hippolytus": the son of Theseus.

[18] ‹lemma: Quod a deo meruit fulminari› · col 160 Quod a deo meruit fulminari. Arnob. lib. iv, testatur illum fulminis telo fuisse transfixum; et Tertullian. rationem reddit quare meruerit fulminari, Apol. cap. 14: Est de Lyricis (Pindarum dico) qui Aesculapium canit avaritiae merito, quod medicinam nocenter exercebat, fulmine vindicatum. Locus ad quem respexit Tertull. est Pyth. Od. 3. De Aesculapio vide Pausaniam in Corinthiacis, ac Diodorum Siculum lib. iv, Virgil. lib. vii Aeneid.

"That he deserved to be struck by the god's lightning": Arnobius, Book IV, attests that he was pierced by the bolt of lightning; and Tertullian gives the reason why he deserved to be struck, Apology ch. 14: "There is one of the lyric poets (I mean Pindar) who sings that Aesculapius was punished with lightning, as his avarice deserved, because he practised medicine harmfully." The passage Tertullian had in view is Pythian Ode 3. On Aesculapius see Pausanias in the Corinthiaca, and Diodorus Siculus IV, Virgil, Aeneid VII.

[19] ‹lemma: Hunc Tarquitius› · col 160 Hunc Tarquitius. Ammianus Marcellinus lib. xxv, c. 6, de hoc auctore: Ex Tarquitianis libris in titulo, De rebus divinis, relatum esse. Memorat etiam Macrobius Saturn. iii, c, 7. Buneman.

"Tarquitius [says] that he": Ammianus Marcellinus XXV, ch. 6, on this author: "that it was reported from the Tarquitian books under the title On Divine Matters." Macrobius also mentions him, Saturnalia III, ch. 7. Bünemann.

[20] ‹lemma: Chironi› · col 160 Chironi. De Mort. Pers. cap. 33 Vid Apollodor. l. i p. 5, et lib. iii, § 3, pag. 198. Buneman.

"To Chiron": On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 33. See Apollodorus I, p. 5, and III, § 3, p. 198. Bünemann.

[21] ‹lemma: Epidauri moratum› · col 160 Epidauri moratum. Ita ed. et mss. ferme omnes; 1 Clarom. commoratum; mss. 1 R., 1 Colb. et 1 Brun., mortuum. Epidaurus est urbs in Achaia, Noronico quasi marmore redimita, Aesculapii delubro percelebris: hinc Epidaurius vocatur Aesculapius.

"Lived at Epidaurus": so the editions and nearly all the manuscripts; one Clermont "stayed"; one Royal, one Colbert and one Brun., "died." Epidaurus is a city in Achaea, girt as it were with Noronic marble, very famous for its shrine of Aesculapius; hence Aesculapius is called "the Epidaurian."

[22] ‹lemma: Cynosuris› · col 160 Cynosuris. Cic. Nat. deor. lib. iii, c. 22. Cynosura (continues)

"At Cynosura": Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods III, ch. 22. Cynosura (continues)

(printed under page 83)

<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Cynosuris (continued)› · col 161

(continued) urbs est in Arcadia, ubi est et promontorium ejusdem nomminis.

[2] ‹lemma: Apollo› · col 161 Apollo. Tertull. Apol. c. 14; Minuc. c. 22, et notas. Buneman.

"Apollo": Tertullian, Apology ch. 14; Minucius ch. 22, and the notes. Bünemann.

[3] ‹lemma: Flagrabat› · col 161 Flagrabat. Sic restitutum ex omnibus pene mss. ac veteribus editis. Mss. rec. 2 Reg., 1 Colb. et quidam rec. editi, flagravit.

"Was burning": so restored from nearly all the manuscripts and the old editions. Recent manuscripts, two Royal, one Colbert, and some recent editions, "flagravit" (burned).

[4] ‹lemma: Turpissime gregem pavit alienum› · col 161 Turpissime gregem pavit alienum. Nempe Admeti. Hujus pastoritii muneris meminere Orpheus, in Argonaut.; Homerus, Iliad. β; Pindarus, Pyth., Od. 9; Callimachus, Hymno in Apoll.; Euripid., in Alcestid.; Q. Smyrnaeus, lib. iii παραλ.; Apollonius Rhodius, iv Argonaut.; Coluthus, de raptu Helenae; Pausanias, lib. vii; Diodorus Siculus, lib. v; Plutarchus, in Numa; Lucianus, de Sacrificiis; Clem. Alexand., Προτρεπτ.; Virg., iii Georg.; Ovid., ii Metamorph., Tibullus, lib. ii, Eleg. 3, et lib. iii, El. 4; Lucanus, lib. vi; Hyg., fab. 50; Val. Flaccus, Argon.; Macrob., lib. i Satur., cap. 17; Tatianus, in Oratione; Arnob., lib. iv; Augustinus, de Civ. Dei, lib. xviii, c. 13; Sidonius Narbon. aliique. Fabulam sic referunt veteres, Apollinem succensuisse Jovi, ob filium interemptum, ac propterea sagittis ejus confectos Cyclopas, qui Jovi fulmina fabricarent: tum Jovem aiunt ita excanduisse, ut Apollinem coelo relegaret in terras, ubi is inopia adactus, confugerit ad Thessaliae regem Admetum, ejusque pecus paverit.

"Most shamefully he grazed another man's flock": namely Admetus's. This shepherd's service is mentioned by Orpheus in the Argonautica; Homer, Iliad II; Pindar, Pythian Ode 9; Callimachus, Hymn to Apollo; Euripides in the Alcestis; Quintus of Smyrna, Book III of the Posthomerica; Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica IV; Colluthus, On the Rape of Helen; Pausanias VII; Diodorus Siculus V; Plutarch in the Numa; Lucian, On Sacrifices; Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus; Virgil, Georgics III; Ovid, Metamorphoses II; Tibullus II, Elegy 3, and III, Elegy 4; Lucan VI; Hyginus, fable 50; Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica; Macrobius, Saturnalia I, ch. 17; Tatian in the Oration; Arnobius IV; Augustine, City of God XVIII, ch. 13; Sidonius of Narbonne, and others. The ancients tell the fable thus: Apollo was angry with Jupiter for the killing of his son, and therefore slew with his arrows the Cyclopes who forged Jupiter's thunderbolts; then, they say, Jupiter blazed up so that he banished Apollo from heaven to earth, where, driven by want, he took refuge with Admetus, king of Thessaly, and grazed his flock.

[5] ‹lemma: Neptuno› · col 161 Neptuno. Vide Tertull. Apologet. cap. 13, atque Tatianum contra Graecos, Ovidium lib. xi Metamorph. — Non est hic Neptunus Jovis frater; multo enim hunc Trojani muri conditorem, illo juniorem esse ex temporum ratione liquet. De eo, qui cum Apolline muros condidit Trojanos, placet sententia eorum, quae est in Eustath. ad. Il. φ.

"For Neptune": see Tertullian, Apology ch. 13, and Tatian against the Greeks, Ovid, Metamorphoses XI. — This Neptune is not Jupiter's brother; for it is clear from the reckoning of the times that this founder of the wall of Troy is much younger than he. On the one who built the walls of Troy with Apollo, I accept the view found in Eustathius on Iliad XXI.

[6] ‹lemma: Quae illi negari potuit impune› · col 161 Quae illi negari potuit impune. In mss. rec., 2 Colb., 2 Brun. et edit. Tornes., negare. In Jun. et 1 Colb., quae ille negare, etc. In 1 Bonon. antiq., Ultr., 1 Clarom., quam illi negavit. Negata igitur a perfido Laomedonte merces, atque ob id a Neptuno inundatio, ab Apolline pestis in urbem fuit immissa. Vide Ovidium lib. xi Metamorphos.

"Which could be denied him with impunity": in recent manuscripts, two Colbert, two Brun. and Tornaesius's edition, "to deny." In Jun. and one Colbert, "which he [could] deny," etc. In the old Bologna, Ultr., one Clermont, "which he denied him." The wage, then, having been refused by the faithless Laomedon, a flood was for that reason sent upon the city by Neptune and a plague by Apollo. See Ovid, Metamorphoses XI.

[7] ‹lemma: Ab eoque primo rex perfidus› · col 161 Ab eoque primo rex perfidus. Ab eo tempore, rex primum perfidus in deos; nam iterum mox perfidus fuit in Herculem Argonautam; Hygin. ibid. Cell.

"And from him first a faithless king": from that time, the king first faithless towards the gods; for soon he was faithless again towards Hercules the Argonaut; Hyginus, ibid. Cellarius.

[8] ‹lemma: Idem formosum puerum› · col 161 Idem formosum puerum. Hyacinthum, Amyclae et Diomedae filium, Cynorti fratrem, ab Apolline valde adamatum, sed ab eodem per imprudentiam quoque occisum, lusu disci, qui ab Apolline jactus, in Hyacinthi caput cecidit; et cum Apollo diu multumque artem suam nequicquam experiretur, Hyacinthum in florem sui nominis convertit. Vide Apollodorum lib. ii Bibliot. Betuleius.

"The same [loved] a beautiful boy": Hyacinthus, son of Amyclas and Diomede, brother of Cynortas, dearly loved by Apollo, but also killed by him through mischance in a game of quoits, when the discus thrown by Apollo fell on Hyacinthus's head; and when Apollo had long and much tried his art in vain, he turned Hyacinthus into the flower of his name. See Apollodorus, Library II. Betuleius.

[9] ‹lemma: Per gratiam› · col 161 Per gratiam. De Ira c. 20. Qui judicia eludunt per gratiam, vel potentiam, Buneman.

"Through favour": On the Wrath of God, ch. 20: "who evade judgements through favour or power." Bünemann.

[10] ‹lemma: Per gratiam caedis› · col 161 Per gratiam caedis. De hac caede et judicio legitur Epocha iii, in marmoribus Arundellianis. Id evenit 1532 annis ante vulgarem aeram; vide etiam Pausaniam et Suidam. Ab hoc judicio judices nomen Areopagi sortiti sunt; Ἄρης graece idem atque Mars latino sermone.

"Through favour, of the murder": of this murder and trial one reads in Epoch III of the Arundel Marbles. It happened 1,532 years before the common era; see also Pausanias and Suidas. From this trial the judges got the name of the Areopagus; Ares in Greek is the same as Mars in Latin.

[11] ‹lemma: Adulterium› · col 162 Adulterium. Quod describitur ab Homero Odyss. θ, Ovidio lib. iv Metamorph. a Luciano in dialogo Apollinis et Mercurii, ab Arnobio lib. v adversus Gentes.

"The adultery": which is described by Homer, Odyssey VIII, by Ovid, Metamorphoses IV, by Lucian in the dialogue of Apollo and Mercury, by Arnobius, Against the Gentiles V.

[12] ‹lemma: Castor et Pollux› · col 162 Castor et Pollux. De Castore et Polluce vide Theocritum, Idyl. 22; Joan. Tzetzen, Chiliade ii variae historiae; et Arnobium, lib. iv contra Gentes. Rapuerunt ii Phaeben et Naciram, Leucippi filias, Idae et Lyncei Apharei filiorum sponsas.

"Castor and Pollux": on Castor and Pollux see Theocritus, Idyll 22; John Tzetzes, Chiliad II of the Miscellaneous History; and Arnobius, Against the Gentiles IV. They carried off Phoebe and Naciram [Hilaira], daughters of Leucippus, the betrothed of Idas and Lynceus, sons of Aphareus.

[13] ‹lemma: Dum alienas sponsas rapiunt› · col 162 Dum alienas sponsas rapiunt. Hygin. Fab. 80. Cell.

"While they carry off other men's brides": Hyginus, Fable 80. Cellarius.

[14] ‹lemma: Livore› · col 162 Livore. Ita mss. cum veteribus editis Rom., Ald., Paris. 1525, Graph., Crat., Gymnic., favente vet. et optimo codice Regio-Puteano, in quo est labore corrupte (ut puto) pro livore, b pro v. In 5 mss. rec. et posterioribus editis, dolore.

"From spite": so the manuscripts with the old editions, Rome, Aldine, Paris 1525, Gryphius, Cratander, Gymnicus, with the support of the old and excellent Royal-Puteanus codex, in which is "labore," corruptly (I think) for "livore," b for v. In five recent manuscripts and the later editions, "dolore" (from grief).

[15] ‹lemma: Dolore injuriae› · col 162 Dolore injuriae. Sic Goth. cum Gryph., Thom. et recentioribus. At mss. Lips., Angl., Reimm., Sublac., Rost., Rom., Ven. 1471, 1515, Junt., Paris., Gymn., livore injuriae. Heumann., livore et injuria. Nihil muto. Sic Sal. Cat. 28, 4, dolore injuriae. Livius i, 40, injuriae dolor ... eos stimulabat. Phaedr. iv, 24, 17, dolens injuria. Ipse Lact. de Mort. Pers. c. 83, Constupratis uxoribus ... quum dolorem ferre non possent, sc. mariti. Boethius l. iv Consol. ineunte: Ob injuriae dolorem nuper oblita. Buneman.

"From grief at the wrong": so Goth. with Gryphius, Thomasius and the more recent editions. But the manuscripts Leipzig, English, Reimm., Subiaco, Rost., Rome, Venice 1471, 1515, Juntine, Paris, Gymnicus, "from spite at the wrong." Heumann, "from spite and wrong." I change nothing. So Sallust, Catiline 28.4, "dolore injuriae." Livy I 40, "grief at the wrong ... goaded them." Phaedrus IV 24.17, "grieving at the wrong." Lactantius himself, On the Deaths of the Persecutors ch. 83: "their wives having been debauched ... since they could not bear the grief," that is, the husbands. Boethius at the opening of Consolation IV: "forgotten of late through grief at the wrong." Bünemann.

[16] ‹lemma: Idas› · col 162 Idas. Sponsus alterius raptae. Hygin. fab. 80. Idas fulmine periit, ait Homeri commentator.

"Idas": the betrothed of one of the carried-off women. Hyginus, fable 80. Idas perished by lightning, says Homer's commentator.

[17] ‹lemma: Poetae› · col 162 Poetae. Virgilii Aeneid. lib. vi, vers. 121.

"Of the poet": Virgil, Aeneid VI, line 121.

[18] ‹lemma: Ὣς φάτο› · col 162 Ὣς φάτο. Lat ex mss. 1 Colb. et Brun. Vide Homerum in Illiad. et Ciceronem libro iii de Natura deorum. Sic ait: ast illos retinebat terra sepultos. Multi editi, Haec ait. Hunc versum in pluribus editis repertum e textu abstulimus, velut interpretationem, quae ex ora libri in textum irrepserit in postremis editionibus.

"So she spoke": the Latin, from one Colbert manuscript and Brun. See Homer in the Iliad and Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods III: "So she said; but the earth held them buried." Many editions, "These things she said." This line, found in several editions, we have removed from the text as a rendering that crept from the margin of the book into the text in the latest editions.

[19] ‹lemma: Fur ac nebulo Mercurius› · col 162 Fur ac nebulo Mercurius. Fulgent. Mythol.: Mercurium dicunt internuncium furatrinumque deum. Hunc, inquit idem Fulgentius, deum Furti et praesulem volunt, quod nihil intersit inter negotiantis rapinam atque perjurium, furantisque dejerationem et raptum. Arnob. lib. iv: Numquid furem Mercurium publicavimus. Prudentius Hamartig.: Expertes furandi homines hac imbuit arte Mercurius, Maia genitus: nunc magnus habetur Ille Deus, cujus dedit experientia fures. Hinc Mercur. ab Aristoph. in Pluto, τειχορύχος, effractor parietum, vocatur. βουκλόπον alii, boum furem, dixerunt. Ex Elmenh. et Betuleio.

"Mercury, thief and rogue": Fulgentius, Mythologies: "They call Mercury the messenger and thieving god." "Him," says the same Fulgentius, "they hold to be the god and patron of theft, because there is no difference between the plunder and perjury of a trader and the false oath and robbery of a thief." Arnobius IV: "Have we published Mercury as a thief?" Prudentius, Hamartigenia: "Men untaught in stealing Mercury, son of Maia, schooled in this art; now he is held a great god, whose skill produced thieves." Hence Mercury is called by Aristophanes in the Plutus "wall-digger," breaker of walls; others called him "cattle-thief." From Elmenhorst and Betuleius.

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma. Note [1] continues a note on Mercury whose opening ("Hora-") is not visible in the page-84 foot image. --> [1] ‹lemma: (on Mercury; continued)› · col 163

(continued) tius, lib. i, Ode 10: Mercuri facunde, nepos Atlantis, Qui feros cultus hominum recentum Voce formasti catus, et decorae More palestrae, etc. et lib. iii, Ode 2. Vide Homeri Hymnum in Mercurium. Betuleius.

[2] ‹lemma: Et lyram primus invenit› · col 163 Et lyram primus invenit. Hygin. Astron. ii, cap. 7. Cell.

"And he first invented the lyre": Hyginus, Astronomy II, ch. 7. Cellarius.

[3] ‹lemma: Primaeque esse sententiae› · col 163 Primaeque esse sententiae. Primae aut secundae sententiae esse dicebantur proprie senatores, non consules: horum erat relatio; illorum sententiae dictio. Primi sententias rogabantur Coss. designati, aut si ii nulli essent, princeps senatus: quare primae sententiae senator, et princeps senatus tantumdem valent. Trebellius Pollio in Pisone tyranno: Aurelius Fuscus consularis primae sententiae qui in locum Valeriani successerat. Valerianum autem Capitolinus in Gordianis vocat principem senatus; Trebellius, clarissimum principem civitatis. Vopiscus in Aureliano: Tunc surrexit primae sententiae Ulpius Syllanus. Ita saepe legas primae sententiae senatorem; etiam in lapide, qui honori Symmachi fuit dicatus, QUI. PRIMUS. IN. SENATU. SENTENTIAM. ROGARI SOLITUS. Huc allusit Lactantius hoc loco. Is. Casaub.

"And to be of the first vote": properly senators, not consuls, were said to be "of the first" or "second vote": the consuls' part was to put the motion, the senators' to speak their vote. The consuls-elect were asked their vote first, or, if there were none, the leader of the senate; so "senator of the first vote" and "leader of the senate" amount to the same. Trebellius Pollio in the Tyrant Piso: "Aurelius Fuscus, a consular of the first vote, who had succeeded in the place of Valerian." Valerian, again, Capitolinus in the Gordians calls leader of the senate; Trebellius, most illustrious leader of the city. Vopiscus in the Aurelian: "Then rose Ulpius Syllanus, of the first vote." So you will often read "senator of the first vote"; also on the stone dedicated in honour of Symmachus: "WHO WAS WONT TO BE ASKED HIS VOTE FIRST IN THE SENATE." To this Lactantius alluded here. Isaac Casaubon.

[4] ‹lemma: Indos debellavit› · col 163 Indos debellavit. Diodorus Siculus libro iv; Orosius, lib. i, cap. 9: Ea tempestate subactam Indiam Liber pater sanguine madefecit, caedibus opplevit, libidinibus polluit, gentem utique nulli unquam obnoxiam, vernacula tantum quiete contentam. Ejus stratagemata aliqua enumerat Polyaenus, Chil. i. Vide Arrianum, lib. viii. Ex Betuleio.

"He conquered the Indians": Diodorus Siculus, Book IV; Orosius I, ch. 9: "At that time Father Liber subdued India and drenched it with blood, filled it with slaughter, polluted it with lusts, a people never subject to anyone, content only with its native quiet." Polyaenus lists some of his stratagems, Chil. I. See Arrian, Book VIII. From Betuleius.

[5] ‹lemma: Indicus› · col 163 Indicus. Hoc cognomine scilicet more Romano donatus Bacchus ex devicta gente, sicut Imperatores dicti Parthici, Germanici, Britannici. Walchius legendum putat, Indisque maximus. In nonnullis editis rec. est Inclytus.

"Indicus": with this surname, that is, Bacchus was honoured after the Roman fashion from the conquered people, as emperors were called Parthicus, Germanicus, Britannicus. Walch thinks one should read "and greatest among the Indians." In some recent editions is "Inclytus" (renowned).

[6] ‹lemma: Ab amore ac libidine› · col 163 Ab amore ac libidine. Ita Vetustiss. et optimi mss. Bonon., Regii, Cauc., aliique multi, necnon editi. In 16 mss. rec. male, ob amorem ac libidinem. Quae ultima lectio minus arridet Thomasio, quam ab amore et libidine. Nam si diceretur Liberum ob amorem fuisse victum, innui videretur amorem et libidinem ei fuisse causam, quare ab aliquo victus fuerit; cum tamen nesciamus ab aliquo duce Liberum in illa Indica expeditione victum fuisse. A libidine tamen, qua in Ariadnen exarsit, victus fuit.

"By love and lust": so the oldest and best manuscripts, Bologna, the Royal, Cauc., and many others, and also the editions. In sixteen recent manuscripts, wrongly, "because of love and lust." This last reading pleases Thomasius less than "by love and lust." For if Liber were said to have been conquered "because of love," it would seem to be implied that love and lust were the reason why he was conquered by someone; whereas we do not know that Liber was conquered by any commander in that Indian expedition. Yet he was conquered by the lust with which he burned for Ariadne.

[7] ‹lemma: Delatus enim Cretam› · col 163 Delatus enim Cretam. Sic restituimus ex cunctis mss. codicibus, et antiquis editionibus Romanis, Tornes, et Veneta ante Aldum, cujus est Diam, quem recentes editiones secuti sunt, Diodori Siculi, lib. v, c. 51, auctoritate moti: at cum Cellario nullus dubito quin Lactantius scripserit Cretam, quia illustrior est quam parva Dia, 70 stadiis a Cretensi littore remota, ut Strabo sub finem libri x tradit; cui potius credo quam Diodoro, qui Naxum postea vocatam ait.

"For having been carried to Crete": so we have restored from all the manuscript codices and the old Roman editions, Tornaesius, and the Venetian before Aldus, whose reading is "Dia," which the recent editions followed, moved by the authority of Diodorus Siculus V, ch. 51; but with Cellarius I do not doubt that Lactantius wrote "Crete," because it is better known than little Dia, which lies 70 stades off the Cretan shore, as Strabo reports towards the end of Book X; whom I believe rather than Diodorus, who says it was afterwards called Naxos.

[8] ‹lemma: Cum semiviro comitatu› · col 163 Cum semiviro comitatu. Qui ex viris et foeminis constabat: quia Bacchus non solum viros, verum et foeminas in suo exercitu habuit. Moris enim erat apud Persas et Assyrios (verba sunt Bocharti in lib. viris adessent: sic Darius in Alexandrum dimicaturus uxorem matremque et aliarum foeminarum gregem circumducebat. Quin et Indicae mulieres viris συστρατεύουσι, omni armorum genere instructae: ita refertur a Megasthene apud Strabonem lib. xv. Hae mulieres quae Libero in expeditione Indica adhaeserunt, Bacchae, sive Bacchantes, fuerunt appellatae, sic dictae a luctu, (Ezech. VIII). quia Bacchi sacra multo cum fletu et ululatu celebrabantur. Vide Bochart. loco citato. Haec verba, cum semiviro comitatu, ex Virgilio, Aeneid. iv, vers. 215, desumpta sunt. De hoc Liberi comitatu vide S. Augustin. de Civit. Dei, lib. xviii, cap. 13.

"With his half-man retinue": which was made up of men and women, because Bacchus had not only men but women too in his army. For it was the custom among the Persians and Assyrians (the words are Bochart's in the book [the cut-off words are not visible on the page]) ... should be present with the men: so Darius, about to fight Alexander, took about with him his wife and mother and a troop of other women. Indeed the Indian women too "campaign with" the men, equipped with every kind of arms: so Megasthenes reports in Strabo, Book XV. These women who attached themselves to Liber in the Indian expedition were called Bacchae, or Bacchantes, so named from wailing (Ezek. 8), because the rites of Bacchus were celebrated with much weeping and howling. See Bochart at the place cited. These words, "with his half-man retinue," are taken from Virgil, Aeneid IV, line 215. On this retinue of Liber see St Augustine, City of God XVIII, ch. 13.

[9] ‹lemma: Impudicam mulierem in littore› · col 164 Impudicam mulierem in littore. Ms. Bonon. antiq. solus addit Arrianen, non Ariadnam, ut est inter varias lectiones edit. Gallaei. In ms. Taurin. Epitom. est, Arianam, c. 8.

"An unchaste woman on the shore": the old Bologna manuscript alone adds "Arriane," not "Ariadne," as stands among the variant readings of Gallaeus's edition. In the Turin manuscript of the Epitome, ch. 8, is "Ariana."

[10] ‹lemma: Ne nimium mollis› · col 164 Ne nimium mollis. Mss. 1 Colb., Em., Christ., nimirum: quod Cellario placet.

"Lest too soft": one Colbert manuscript, Em., Christ., "nimirum" (namely), which pleases Cellarius.

[11] ‹lemma: Patris› · col 164 Patris. Minois: fratris, Minotauri: alio, Theseo.

"Father": Minos; "brother": the Minotaur; "another": Theseus.

[12] ‹lemma: Vendicavit› · col 164 Vendicavit. Mss. 5 Reg. et 1 Clarom. a secunda manu, vindicavit: nec male.

"Claimed": five Royal manuscripts and one Clermont, in a second hand, "vindicavit"; not badly.

[13] ‹lemma: Et Liberam fecit› · col 164 Et Liberam fecit. Jocus est. Cum, inquit is, Liber esset, sibimet eam copulando Liberam fecit, et cum ea pariter in coelum ascendit. Neque enim τὸ Liberam, hic accipi potest, ut, contra servam, distinguitur, cum nusquam sit proditum, Liberi patris ope ab ulla servitute Ariadnem liberam factam; ideo contra caeteras editiones majori littera hoc nomen scripsimus. Erat autem apud gentes et dea quae Libera vocabatur, de qua Cic., ii de Nat. deor et vi Act. in Verrem; Tacit., lib. ii; Livius, i, 5 decad.; Arnob., v; August., vi de Civit., cap. 19. Hanc alii Cererem, alii Venerem, quidam Proserpinam fuisse aiunt. Sed Ovid. de Ariadne loquitur, lib. iii. Fast., vers. 512, ad quos versus procul dubio respexit Lactantius cum haec scriberet: Tu mihi juncta thoro, mihi juncta vocabula sumes; Nam tibi mutatae Libera nomen erit. Isaeus.

"And he made her Libera": it is a jest. Since he was Liber, he says, by joining her to himself he made her Libera, and ascended into heaven together with her. For "Libera" cannot be taken here as distinguished from "slave," since it is nowhere recorded that Ariadne was made free from any slavery by Father Liber's help; therefore, against the other editions, we have written this name with a capital letter. Now there was also among the Gentiles a goddess called Libera, of whom Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods II and Against Verres, Action VI; Tacitus II; Livy I of the fifth decade; Arnobius V; Augustine, City of God VI, ch. 19. Some say she was Ceres, others Venus, some Proserpina. But Ovid speaks of Ariadne, Fasti III, line 512, and Lactantius no doubt had these lines in view when he wrote this: "Joined to me in marriage, you shall take names joined to mine; for, changed, your name shall be Libera." Isaeus.

[14] ‹lemma: Adscendit in coelum› · col 164 Adscendit in coelum. Goth. ascendit ad coelos. Non male. At Ciceronis est, adscendere in coelum; item, adscendere coelum. Buneman.

"Ascended into heaven": Goth. "ascended to the heavens." Not badly. But Cicero's phrase is "adscendere in coelum"; also "adscendere coelum." Bünemann.

[15] ‹lemma: Optimus, maximus nominatur› · col 164 Optimus, maximus nominatur. Jovem Capitolinum propter beneficia Pop. Rom. optimum, propter vim, maximum nominavit, teste Cic. de Nat. deor. l. ii, et in epilogo Orationis pro Domo sua in solemni precatione. Hunc titulum gentiles semper tribuebant Jovi, ideo ut eos salvos, incolumes et opulentos redderet. Inscriptio vetus: OPTIMUS. MAXIMUS. CAELUS. AETERNUS. JUPITER.

"He is called best and greatest": the Roman people named Capitoline Jupiter "best" for his benefits and "greatest" for his power, as Cicero attests, On the Nature of the Gods II, and in the close of the speech On His House, in the solemn prayer. The Gentiles always gave Jupiter this title, so that he might keep them safe, unharmed and prosperous. An old inscription: "BEST, GREATEST, HEAVEN, ETERNAL, JUPITER."

[16] ‹lemma: Expulit› · col 164 Expulit. Huc refer Virgilii verba Aen. lib. viii: Primus ab aethereo venit Saturnus Olympo, Arma Jovis fugiens. De hac fabula vide S. Augustin., lib. vii de Civit. Dei, cap. 26. Videatur et Cicero lib. ii de Natura deor.

"He drove out": refer here Virgil's words, Aeneid VIII: "First came Saturn from heavenly Olympus, fleeing the arms of Jupiter." On this fable see St Augustine, City of God VII, ch. 26. See also Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods II.

[17] ‹lemma: Titanibus› · col 164 Titanibus. De hoc bello vide Hesiodum, in Theo- (continues)

"With the Titans": on this war see Hesiod in the Theo- (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Titanibus (continued)› · col 165

(continued) gon.; Ovidium, lib. v Metamorph.; et Claudianum, in Gigantomachia.

[2] ‹lemma: In stupris adulteriisque› · col 165 In stupris adulteriisque. Jovis adulteria et stupra lege apud Arnobium lib. iv et v, et Epiphan. in Anchorato.

"In debaucheries and adulteries": read of Jupiter's adulteries and debaucheries in Arnobius, Books IV and V, and Epiphanius in the Ancoratus.

[3] ‹lemma: Omitto› · col 165 Omitto, etc In omnibus Lactantii libris passim usitatus hic loquendi modus.

"I pass over," etc.: this manner of speaking is common throughout all Lactantius's books.

[4] ‹lemma: Virgines quas imminuit› · col 165 Virgines quas imminuit. Vide similem locutionem libro de Mort. Persec., c. 38.

"The virgins whom he defiled": see a similar expression in On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 38.

[5] ‹lemma: Id enim tolerabile› · col 165 Id enim tolerabile. Ed. Sublac. habet intolerabile, minus recte.

"For that is tolerable": the Subiaco edition has "intolerable," less correctly.

[6] ‹lemma: Amphitryonem ac Tyndarum› · col 165 Amphitryonem ac Tyndarum. Amphitryo princeps fuit Thebanus, e cujus uxore Alcmena Jupiter Herculem genuit. Tyndarus vero rex fuit Oebaliae in Peloponneso, hic Laedam uxorem habuit, Ex ea et Jove nati sunt Pollux et Helena.

"Amphitryon and Tyndarus": Amphitryon was a Theban prince, of whose wife Alcmena Jupiter begot Hercules. Tyndarus was king of Oebalia in the Peloponnese; he had Leda as wife. Of her and Jupiter were born Pollux and Helen.

[7] ‹lemma: Regium puerum rapuit ad stuprum› · col 165 Regium puerum rapuit ad stuprum. Scilicet Ganymedem Trois Trojanorum regis filium. De illo Homer. Iliad.. Virgil., Aen. v, Ovid. in Metam., Lucianus in dialogis aliquot, Caesar Germanicus in Aquario, Herodian. lib. i, Oros. l. i, c. 12.

"He carried off a royal boy for debauchery": that is, Ganymede, son of Tros, king of the Trojans. On him Homer in the Iliad, Virgil, Aeneid V, Ovid in the Metamorphoses, Lucian in several dialogues, Caesar Germanicus on Aquarius, Herodian I, Orosius I, ch. 12.

[8] ‹lemma: Maculosus› · col 165 Maculosus. Pollutus, contaminatus. Tacitus Hist. iii, cap. 38, omni dedecore maculosus. Bun.

"Stained": polluted, defiled. Tacitus, Histories III, ch. 38, "stained with every disgrace." Bünemann.

[9] ‹lemma: Adulterium, quod fit contra naturam› · col 165 Adulterium, quod fit contra naturam. Turpissimum, detestabile, et summe nefandum Paederastiae crimen, quod Plato lib. i de Leg. ut sceleratum et impurissimum execratur, appellatque ut hic Lactantius Τὸ παρὰ φύσιν τόλμημα. Christianiss. Impp. Constantinus et Constantius primi obviam iverunt huic sceleratae temeritati, et laudabili lege lata, qua infamibus hisce paediconibus, infamia et capitalia irrogant supplicia, malum hoc sustulerunt de terra. Vide lib. iii Cod. Theodos. ad L. Juliam de Adulter.; lib. iii Cod. Just. ad Legem Juliam de Adulter.; Novellam lxxi et cxli. Ex Elmenhorst.

"Adultery that is done against nature": the most shameful, detestable and supremely unspeakable crime of pederasty, which Plato in Laws I curses as wicked and most impure, and calls, as Lactantius does here, "the outrage against nature." The most Christian emperors Constantine and Constantius were the first to confront this wicked insolence, and by passing a praiseworthy law, by which they impose infamy and capital punishments on these infamous offenders, they removed this evil from the earth. See Theodosian Code III, on the Julian Law on Adultery; Justinian's Code III, on the Julian Law on Adultery; Novels 71 and 141. From Elmenhorst.

[10] ‹lemma: Verri adulteria... Clodio incestum› · col 165 Verri adulteria... Clodio incestum. Vide Ciceron. Act. II in Verrem, et Orat. pro M. Coelio.

"Adulteries to Verres ... incest to Clodius": see Cicero, Against Verres, Action II, and the speech For Marcus Caelius.

[11] ‹lemma: Et soror et conjux› · col 165 Et soror et conjux. Vide Virgilium, Aeneid. l. i; Ovidium, lib. iii Metamorph.; sicut et Horat. iii, Odar., 5; Macrobium et Plutarchum. Id in usu erat apud Orientales.

"Both sister and wife": see Virgil, Aeneid I; Ovid, Metamorphoses III; as also Horace, Odes III 5; Macrobius and Plutarch. This was customary among the Orientals.

[12] ‹lemma: Excors› · col 166 Excors. Sine corde, vel sine animo.

"Senseless": without heart, or without mind.

[13] ‹lemma: Quidam poeta triumphum Cupidinis scripsit› · col 166 Quidam poeta triumphum Cupidinis scripsit. Ignotum, qui fuerit poeta, nec liber ejus ad nostra tempora pervenit. Huc respexit auctor libri de Pudicitia apud Cypr. ubi scripsit: Impudicitia hominem sub triumphum libidinis mittit. Poetae nomen ignotum quoque confitetur Nic. Abram. ad Cic. in Pison. c. 25. Buneman.

"A certain poet wrote the Triumph of Cupid": who the poet was is unknown, nor has his book come down to our times. The author of the book On Modesty among Cyprian's works had this in view where he wrote: "Unchastity sends a man under the triumph of lust." Nicolas Abram, on Cicero Against Piso ch. 25, also admits that the poet's name is unknown. Bünemann.

[14] ‹lemma: Potestatem› · col 166 Potestatem. Sic apud Lucianum Jupiter Cupidini exprobrat, quod ipsum fecerit Satyrum, Taurum, aurum et alia, quae ipsi Jovi in dedecus verterunt.

"Power": so in Lucian Jupiter reproaches Cupid for having made him a satyr, a bull, gold and other things, which turned to Jupiter's own disgrace.

[15] ‹lemma: Cupiditate› · col 166 Cupiditate. Ita mss. codices. Editi, cupiditatibus.

"By desire": so the manuscript codices. The editions, "by desires."

[16] ‹lemma: Regnare in coelo Jovem› · col 166 Regnare in coelo Jovem. Coelo tonantem credidimus Jovem, ait Horatius iii Od., 5. Fingitur Jupiter coeli esse dominus, quia illi obtigerunt excelsa loca, praecipue vero Africa, cujus magna pars cum sit inter tropicos, solem habet et reliquos planetas supra verticem, unde est quod putatur esse coelo proxima. V. Lucanum lib. ix.

"That Jupiter reigns in heaven": "We have believed that Jupiter thunders in heaven," says Horace, Odes III 5. Jupiter is feigned to be lord of heaven because the high places fell to his lot, and above all Africa, a great part of which, lying between the tropics, has the sun and the other planets overhead; whence it is thought to be nearest to heaven. See Lucan, Book IX.

[17] ‹lemma: Hymni› · col 166 Hymni. Hymnos ad Jovem vide apud Callimachum.

"Hymns": see the hymns to Jupiter in Callimachus.

[18] ‹lemma: Delubra› · col 166 Delubra. Delubrum est locus, in quo Dei simulacrum dedicatum est. Vide Festum, Serv. et Macrob. in Saturnalibus.

"Shrines": a "delubrum" is a place in which a god's image has been dedicated. See Festus, Servius, and Macrobius in the Saturnalia.

[19] ‹lemma: Saturno et Rhea› · col 166 Saturno et Rhea. Ita frequentes mss. et omnes fere editi. Mss. decem rec., dempto uno, habent Saturno et Ope. Res eodem redit; Rhea enim alio nomine Ops vocatur, ut cuivis notum.

"Of Saturn and Rhea": so many manuscripts and nearly all editions. Ten recent manuscripts, one excepted, have "of Saturn and Ops." It comes to the same; for Rhea is called by another name Ops, as anyone knows.

[20] ‹lemma: Credi› · col 166 Credi. Hoc verbum quod est in antiquo Bononiensi codice, et in editis Thomas., Thys., Gall. et 2 Lipsiensibus, desideratur in caeteris.

"Be believed": this word, which is in the old Bologna codex and in the editions of Thomasius, Thysius, Gallaeus and two Leipzig, is missing in the rest.

[21] ‹lemma: Poeta› · col 166 Poeta. Virgil., xii Aeneid., 820.

"The poet": Virgil, Aeneid XII 820.

[22] ‹lemma: Millia fuerunt› · col 166 Millia fuerunt. Iisdem fere argumentis confutat Tertullianus Saturni divinitatem in Apologetico, capite 10.

"There were thousands": with nearly the same arguments Tertullian refutes Saturn's divinity in the Apology, chapter 10.

[23] ‹lemma: Ut alius sit› · col 166 Ut alius sit. Forte legendum, ut et alius sit.

"That another may be": perhaps read "that another too may be."

[24] ‹lemma: Mutatum est› · col 166 Mutatum est. Sic Aristoteles libello de Mundo, hanc de Jove fictionem exponit.

"Has been changed": so Aristotle, in the little book On the World, sets out this fiction about Jupiter.

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Quod› · col 167 Quod. Mss. 1 Colb. et 1 Brun. de qua. Vide Lucianum primo Dial. deorum.

"Which": one Colbert and one Brun. manuscript, "concerning which." See Lucian, first Dialogue of the Gods.

[2] ‹lemma: Non potest› · col 167 Non potest. Non male his verbis antiqua manus in Reimm. inscripsit, non potuit. Buneman.

"Cannot": not badly, an old hand in Reimm. wrote over these words "could not." Bünemann.

[3] ‹lemma: Ita plane› · col 167 Ita plane. Elegans formula, ut l. ii, c. 2, de Mort. Pers., c. 18. Est a Cicerone i Tusc., 7. Bun.

"Just so": an elegant formula, as in Book II, ch. 2, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 18. It comes from Cicero, Tusculans I 7. Bünemann.

[4] ‹lemma: Thetide› · col 167 Thetide. Vid. Appollodor. l. iii, pag. 218; Hygin. Fab. 54, Crenius Part. ix Animadv., p. 48. Buneman.

"Thetis": see Apollodorus III, p. 218; Hyginus, Fable 54; Crenius, Animadversiones part IX, p. 48. Bünemann.

[5] ‹lemma: Quod responsum fuit, majorem patre› · col 167 Quod responsum fuit, majorem patre. Id. responsum Pindarus habet Isthm. Ode ult., sect. 4. Buneman.

"Because the oracle said [her son would be] greater than his father": Pindar has the same oracle, last Isthmian Ode, sect. 4. Bünemann.

[6] ‹lemma: Et primum imprudentia in eo non Dei› · col 167 Et primum imprudentia in eo non Dei. Ita cum Isaeo et Gallaeo legimus ex mss. Regiis, Vaticanis, 3 Colb., 2 Brun. et compluribus editis. At in mss. 2 Bon., Tax., Pen., Jun., 1 Lips. et apud Aldum habetur, prudentia Deo non Dei; in 3 Colb., 1 Clarom. et vet. editis Rom. 1468 et 1470, Paris. 1525, prudentia in Deo non Dei; ita ut (inquit Walchius) prudentia fuerit in Jove, non autem divina, quia nesciret, nisi Themis praedixisset. At genuinam Lactantii lectionem, quae est in textu, patet ex eo quod hic et infra cap. 13, ab auctore nostro arguitur Jovis imprudentia, id est, inscitia et ignorantia; quae quam longissime a Deo abest. Imprudentia enim est (inquit Cicero) cum scisse aliquid is, qui arguitur, negatur. Et nobiscum ita etiam legisse Heraldum constat, ex allegatione hujus loci ad Arnobium lib. iii. Walchius legit et apponit in textu Lactantiano, Primum in eo imprudentia, non Dei providentia. De qua lectione judicent eruditi. — Edit. Sublac. legit prudentia, pro imprudentia.

"And first an imprudence in him not of a god": so with Isaeus and Gallaeus we read, from the Royal and Vatican manuscripts, three Colbert, two Brun. and very many editions. But in two Bologna manuscripts, Tax., Pen., Jun., one Leipzig and in the Aldine is found "a prudence in a god not of a god"; in three Colbert, one Clermont and the old editions Rome 1468 and 1470, Paris 1525, "a prudence in a god not of a god"; so that (says Walch) there was prudence in Jupiter, but not divine, since he would not have known had Themis not foretold it. But that the reading in the text is Lactantius's genuine one is plain from this, that here and below in ch. 13 our author charges Jupiter with imprudence, that is, lack of knowledge and ignorance, which is as far as can be from God. For imprudence, says Cicero, is when the accused is said not to have known something. And it is clear that Herald too read as we do, from his citation of this passage on Arnobius Book III. Walch reads, and puts into Lactantius's text, "First in him imprudence, not the providence of a god." On which reading let the learned judge. — The Subiaco edition reads "prudence" for "imprudence."

[7] ‹lemma: Conscientia imbecillitatis› · col 167 Conscientia imbecillitatis. Hoc est, notitia, judicium mentis quod homines convincit. Sic apud Plinium legitur litterarum conscientia, lib. vii, cap. 30, id est, notitia. Salmasius.

"Consciousness of weakness": that is, knowledge, the mind's judgement which convicts men. So in Pliny one reads "conscientia litterarum," Book VII, ch. 30, that is, knowledge. Salmasius.

[8] ‹lemma: Timuit› · col 167 Timuit. Ergo non Deus. Vid. c. 13 et de Ira c. 15. Buneman.

"He feared": therefore not God. See ch. 13 and On the Wrath of God, ch. 15. Bünemann.

[9] ‹lemma: Scit profecto› · col 167 Scit profecto. Sic Bon., Tax., Pen.; scit utique, Ultr.; scit utique profecto, Antiquiss. Cauci, Rost. utraque 1478, Paris. 1513, Parrh., Ald., Crat. 1521-24, Gymn. Nolui junctas particulas, mihi nondum observatas, praetermittere. Buneman.

"Surely knows": so Bon., Tax., Pen.; "certainly knows," Ultr.; "certainly surely knows," the very old Caucius manuscript, both Rostock editions of 1478, Paris 1513, Parrhasius, Aldine, Cratander 1521–24, Gymnicus. I did not wish to pass over these joined particles, which I had not yet observed. Bünemann.

[10] ‹lemma: Aliquid majus› · col 167 Aliquid majus. Forte leg. aliquis major. Eodem loco mss. 3 rec. habent item pro idem. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. post existere, addit: ideo nec optimus, nec maximus.

"Something greater": perhaps read "someone greater." At the same place three recent manuscripts have "item" for "idem." The old Bologna manuscript adds after "exist": "therefore neither best nor greatest."

[11] ‹lemma: Idem› · col 167 Idem, etc. Sic legunt optimi codices, atque meliores editiones, cum puncto ante voculam Idem.

"The same," etc.: so the best codices and the better editions read, with a full stop before the little word "Idem."

[12] ‹lemma: Per Stygiam paludem sanctissime jurat› · col 167 Per Stygiam paludem sanctissime jurat, etc. Stygis tanta fuit veneratio, ut per hanc solam deos jurare crederetur: notum ex Homero Il. o, Hesiod. Theog., Apollonio, lib. ii, Argon., item Marone ix et xii. Aeneid., Ovidio Met. i, Seneca Herc. Fur., et Appulei vi, Metam., Virg. vi Aeneid.: ......... Stygiamque paludem, Dii cujus jurare timent et fallere numen. Cum quique eorum pejerassent, hi annum integrum, secundum Hesiod. jacebant spiritus atque animae expertes. Orpheus tamen paulo aliter, ut Servius ad vi Aeneid. his verbis indicat: Fertur namque ab Orpheo, quod dii pejerantes per Stygiam paludem, novem millibus annorum puniuntur in Tartaro. Ex Vossio de Idol. v, Bochart. Geograp. sacrae p. 165, qui locum Stygiae paludis ex Ptolomaeo indicat. — Idem per Stygiam paludem jurat. Cellarius hic et cap. 17 putavit Lactantium hunc versum de Jove jurante sumpsisse, quum de Junone agat; at Lactantius ea verba Virgilii tamquam descriptionem Stygiae paludis jurisjurandi religione sacratae addidit. Conf. Apollod. i, c. 2, § 4, et Voss. Theol. Gentil. l. ii, c. 81. Bun.

"He swears most solemnly by the Stygian marsh," etc.: such was the reverence for the Styx that the gods were believed to swear by it alone: known from Homer, Iliad XV, Hesiod's Theogony, Apollonius, Argonautica II, likewise Maro, Aeneid IX and XII, Ovid, Metamorphoses I, Seneca's Hercules Furens, and Apuleius, Metamorphoses VI; Virgil, Aeneid VI: "...and the Stygian marsh, by whose power the gods fear to swear and to deceive." When any of them had sworn falsely, they lay a whole year, according to Hesiod, without breath and life. Orpheus, however, says something a little different, as Servius on Aeneid VI shows in these words: "For it is reported by Orpheus that gods who swear falsely by the Stygian marsh are punished for nine thousand years in Tartarus." From Vossius on Idolatry V, and Bochart's Sacred Geography p. 165, who indicates the site of the Stygian marsh from Ptolemy. — "The same swears by the Stygian marsh": Cellarius here and at ch. 17 thought that Lactantius took this line as about Jupiter swearing, whereas it concerns Juno; but Lactantius added these words of Virgil as a description of the Stygian marsh hallowed by the sanctity of the oath. Compare Apollodorus I, ch. 2, § 4, and Vossius, Gentile Theology II, ch. 81. Bünemann.

[13] ‹lemma: Vana superstitio› · col 168 Vana superstitio. Locus Virgilii Aeneid. xii, vers. 817. Ita restituimus ex codice, quo usus est editor Lactantii in fol. Coloniae anno 1544, pag. 15. Attamen in vulgatis legitur, Una superstitio. Juxta mss. fere omnes Lactantii, et vulgatos Virgilii. Posset etiam legi cum editione Gallica an. 1563 et mss. Anglicanis Christ. ac Balliolensi, Vana superstitio: siquidem apud Virgilium Aeneid. lib. viii, v. 187, cit. a Lactantio lib. iv, c. 28, legitur, Vana superstitio, veterumque ignara deorum.

"Empty superstition": the passage is Virgil, Aeneid XII, line 817. So we have restored from the codex used by the editor of Lactantius in folio at Cologne in 1544, p. 15. Yet the common editions read "the one superstition," in agreement with nearly all the manuscripts of Lactantius and the common editions of Virgil. One could also read, with the French edition of 1563 and the English manuscripts Christ Church and Balliol, "empty superstition"; since in Virgil, Aeneid VIII, line 187, cited by Lactantius in Book IV, ch. 28, one reads: "Empty superstition, and ignorant of the ancient gods."

[14] ‹lemma: Revolvuntur› · col 168 Revolvuntur. Sic veterrimi et optimi mss. Regii, 2 Bonon., 5 Colb., Tax., Jun., Ultr., 2 Claromont. Illud verbum Virgilio familiare. In 3 rec. mss., 1 Reg., 1 Colb. et Brun. ut in editis, devolvuntur.

"Are rolled back": so the oldest and best manuscripts, the Royal, two Bologna, five Colbert, Tax., Jun., Ultr., two Clermont. That word is familiar to Virgil. In three recent manuscripts, one Royal, one Colbert and Brun., as in the editions, "are rolled down."

[15] ‹lemma: Fata› · col 168 Fata. Idem quod Parcae. Hinc proverbium, necessitati (id est fato) deos ipsos non repugnare. Quid vero ἀνάγκη, quid εἱμαρμένη secundum philosophos, vide apud Plutarchum in Placitis philosophorum lib. i, c. 25, etc. Item Aristoteles, de Mundo.

"The Fates": the same as the Parcae. Hence the proverb that the gods themselves do not fight against necessity (that is, fate). What "necessity" and what "destiny" are according to the philosophers, see in Plutarch, Opinions of the Philosophers I, ch. 25, etc. Likewise Aristotle, On the World.

[16] ‹lemma: Si Parcarum tanta vis› · col 168 Si Parcarum tanta vis, etc. Mss. rec., 1 Reg., 1 Colb. et Brun., Fatorum. Parcae idem quod Fatum, ut hic loci vides, atque in aliis scriptoribus omnino liquet: pauca tantum delibabimus. Fulgentius Planciades Mythol. lib. i: Tria enim isti Plutoni destinant fata, quarum prima Clotho, secunda Lachesis, tertia Atropos. Procopius Ἔχει δὲ τὸν ναὸν, etc., Habet autem in foro templum prope curiam, paulum si supergressus sit illud trium fatorum. Sic Romani Parcas solent appellare. Ex Vossio. — Vide in Luciano dialogum, cui titulus Ζεὺς ἐλεγχόμενος, in quo Cynicus quidem (continues)

"If the Parcae have such power," etc.: recent manuscripts, one Royal, one Colbert and Brun., "of the Fates." The Parcae are the same as Fate, as you see in this place, and as is quite clear in other writers: we will sample only a few. Fulgentius Planciades, Mythologies I: "For they assign three Fates to Pluto, of whom the first is Clotho, the second Lachesis, the third Atropos." Procopius, "It has the temple," etc.: "It has in the forum a temple near the senate-house, a little beyond it, that of the three Fates. So the Romans are wont to call the Parcae." From Vossius. — See in Lucian the dialogue entitled Zeus Cross-examined, in which a certain Cynic (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma. Running foot "PATROL. VI." and signature "6" are not notes. --> [1] ‹lemma: Si Parcarum tanta vis (continued)› · col 169

(continued) propter hanc inevitabilem necessitatem, conditionem Jovis et aliorum deorum nihilo meliorem esse humana indicat conditione.

[2] ‹lemma: Itaque› · col 169 Itaque. Sic emendatum ex vet. edit. Rom. et omnibus mss. praeter 1 Brun., in quo sicut et in editis est utique; minus apte, cum mox utique sequatur.

"Therefore": so corrected from the old Roman edition and all the manuscripts except one Brun., in which, as in the editions, is "utique" (certainly); less aptly, since "utique" follows shortly.

[3] ‹lemma: Imbecillus› · col 169 Imbecillus. Ita restituimus ex vetustissimis et optimis mss. In decem rec. et in editis est imbecillis.

"Weak": so we have restored from the oldest and best manuscripts. In ten recent ones and in the editions is "imbecillis."

[4] ‹lemma: Furto servatus› · col 169 Furto servatus. Rhea igitur, Jovem enixa, metu patris infantem in Creta occultavit, nutriendum a duabus nymphis, Adrastea et Ida, Melissei filiabus. Vide Ovidium Fastor. v.

"Saved by stealth": Rhea, then, having borne Jupiter, for fear of his father hid the infant in Crete, to be nursed by two nymphs, Adrastea and Ida, daughters of Melisseus. See Ovid, Fasti V.

[5] ‹lemma: Ζῆν› · col 169 Ζῆν. Mss. 2 Colb., 82 Brun. Ζόεν, quasi vitae dator.

"Zen": two Colbert manuscripts, 82 [sic] Brun., "Zoen," as though "giver of life."

[6] ‹lemma: Non.... a fervore coelestis ignis› · col 169 Non.... a fervore coelestis ignis. Immo videtur sic derivandum hoc nomen; ζέω enim a ζεὺς, ferveo: sic etiam auctor Etymologici refert ad calorem aeris. De quo vide Platonem in Cratylo, et Aristotelem de mundo circa finem.

"Not ... from the heat of the heavenly fire": on the contrary, the name seems to be derived so; for ζέω, "I boil," [is] from Zeus: so too the author of the Etymologicum refers it to the heat of the air. On which see Plato in the Cratylus, and Aristotle On the World near the end.

[7] ‹lemma: Accepit› · col 169 Accepit. Sic reposuimus ex omnibus mss. et edit. Rom. 1470. In cunctis fere editis, accipit.

"He received": so we have restored from all the manuscripts and the Roman edition of 1470. In nearly all the editions, "receives."

[8] ‹lemma: Rectorem› · col 169 Rectorem. Ita restituimus ex antiquioribus et potioribus mss. 2 Bonon., 5 Regiis, 5 Colb., Gronov., 2 Lips., 2 Clarom., Tax., Pen., et veteribus edit. Rom. 1470, 1474, Paris. 1525, Ald., Graph., Crat., et Cellar. In 3 Reg., 1 Colb., 1 Lips., Pal., Cauc., Brun., et nonnullis editis, regem.

"Ruler": so we have restored from the older and better manuscripts, two Bologna, five Royal, five Colbert, Gronovius, two Leipzig, two Clermont, Tax., Pen., and the old editions Rome 1470, 1474, Paris 1525, Aldine, Gryphius, Cratander, and Cellarius. In three Royal, one Colbert, one Leipzig, Pal., Cauc., Brun., and some editions, "king."

[9] ‹lemma: Danaen violaturus› · col 169 Danaen violaturus. Ita cum 5 editis omnes mss. demptis rec. 2 Reg., Cauc., et Cantabrig. ac editis multis qui addunt Jupiter: quod glossema viris doctis esse videtur; et quidem abesse potest, siquidem supra de Jove est sermo. De hac fabula Jovis in aureo imbre delapsi vide Terentium in Eunucho; Ovidium vi, de Tristibus; Horatium, lib. iii Carmin.; Germanicum Caesarem in Aratum ubi de Perseo loquitur; Hyginum, in cap. 63 fabularum; lege etiam Epiphanium in Anchorato.

"About to violate Danae": so, with five editions, all the manuscripts, except two recent Royal, Cauc. and Cambridge, and many editions, which add "Jupiter": which seems to learned men a gloss; and indeed it can be absent, since the discussion above is about Jupiter. On this fable of Jupiter coming down in a golden shower see Terence in the Eunuch; Ovid, Tristia VI; Horace, Odes III; Germanicus Caesar on Aratus where he speaks of Perseus; Hyginus, ch. 63 of the Fables; read also Epiphanius in the Ancoratus.

[10] ‹lemma: Ferreos› · col 169 Ferreos. Sic Virgil. xii Aeneid., Ovid. i Trist., 9.

"Of iron": so Virgil, Aeneid XII, Ovid, Tristia I 9.

[11] ‹lemma: In aquila› · col 169 In aquila. Vid. Lucian. de Sacrif. p. 364; Athenaei Deipnos. xiii, fol. 566; Alex. ab Alex. Dier. Genial. ll. iv, c. 2, p. 865. Sex Vaticani, in aquila; quinque alii Vatic. Bon. Reimm. in aquilam figuratam. Bun.

"On an eagle": see Lucian, On Sacrifices p. 364; Athenaeus, Deipnosophists XIII, fol. 566; Alexander ab Alexandro, Genial Days IV, ch. 2, p. 865. Six Vatican manuscripts, "in aquila"; five other Vatican, Bon., Reimm., "in aquilam figuratam." Bünemann.

[12] ‹lemma: Catamitum› · col 169 Catamitum. Catamiti pueri sunt meritorii, inquit Betuleius. Glossae: Catamitus, Γανυμήδης. Festus: Catamitum pro Ganymede dixerunt, qui fuit Jovis concubinus. Ita etiam Arnobius.

"Catamite": catamites are boys for hire, says Betuleius. The Glossaries: "Catamitus, Ganymede." Festus: "They said Catamitus for Ganymede, who was Jupiter's concubine." So too Arnobius.

[13] ‹lemma: Aquila› · col 169 Aquila. Ita etiam Fulgentius de hoc Jovis facinore. Vide Platonem, lib. i de Legibus.

"Eagle": so too Fulgentius of this deed of Jupiter's. See Plato, Laws I.

[14] ‹lemma: Tutelam habuit in aquila figuratam› · col 169 Tutelam habuit in aquila figuratam. Delerem in mss. i Bonon. antiq., 5 Vatic., 2 Colb., in aquilam. Tutela, deus sive dea erat, cujus simulacrum in puppi figuratum conspiciebatur. Consueverant enim veteres diis quibusdam naves suas consecrare, eorumque tutelae committere. Sic apud Ovid. in ep. ad Hel. Paris loquitur: Addimus antennas et vela sequentia malos, Accipit et pictos puppis adunca Deos. Virg. lib. x Aeneid. Aurato fulgebat Apolline puppis. Et non solum deorum, verum etiam dearum tutelae naves committebantur; unde etiam deam Minervam pro tutela habuit navis illa, quae Ovidium in Pontum vexit. Trist. lib. i, El. 9: Est mihi, sitque precor, flavae tutela Minervae Navis, et a picta casside nomen habet. Isaeus non solum deos deasque pro tutelis fuisse habitas, verum et res alias, puta aquilam aliaque animalia, contendit; sed meo quidem judicio, errat: quodnam enim auxilium, quamve tutelam ab animali bruto sperare poterant navigantes? certe nomen ipsum tutelae satis manifeste hoc indicare videtur, non ab alio quoquam navis conservationem expectasse veteres, quam ab illo deo deave cujus tutelae eam commiserant, aut cui consecraverant, cujusque imaginem, honoris gratia, in puppi figuratam habebat navis. Errat porro idem Isaeus, cum aliis nonnullis viris doctis, quod putet tutelam fuisse navis insigne prorae impositum, atque a tutela nomen habuisse, ac Graecis tutelam, παράσημον vocari. Erroris illi ac aliis occasionem praebuit, quod gloss. dicat tutela, παράσημον τοῦ πλοίου. Non semper hoc verum; nonnunquam enim tutelam nihil cum Parasemo commune habuisse, cum Salmasio affirmo: et patet in nave illa, qua vecta fuit Europa; Jupiter enim tutela, taurus erat παράσημον. Itaque sic habe, unam eamdemque rem nonnunquam fuisse et tutelam et παράσημον, tum nempe, quando dei deaeve effigies, in cujus tutela erat navis, in prora collocaretur. Hoc saepe, non ordinarie factum fuit, ut navis illa qua vehebatur Paulus, Act. Ap. cap. xxviii, Τῶν Διοσκούρων παράσημον habuit, simulque tutelam, unde et Διόσκουροι vocabantur, et in illo casu navis a tutela nomen accipiebat, alioquin nomen habebat a Parasemo, quod erat animalis alicujus. Diligenter itaque distinguendum inter tutelam, quae in puppi, et παράσημον, quod in prora effigiabatur. Gallaeus.

"He had a guardian figured as an eagle": I would delete [the reading] "in aquilam" in the old Bologna manuscript, five Vatican, two Colbert. The "tutela" was a god or goddess whose image was seen figured on the stern. For the ancients were wont to consecrate their ships to certain gods and commit them to their guardianship. So in Ovid's letter to Helen, Paris says: "We add the yards and the sails that follow the masts, and the curved stern takes on painted gods." Virgil, Aeneid X: "The stern shone with a gilded Apollo." And ships were committed to the guardianship not only of gods but also of goddesses; whence the ship that carried Ovid to Pontus had the goddess Minerva for its guardian. Tristia I, Elegy 9: "I have, and pray I may keep, the guardianship of golden-haired Minerva; my ship takes its name from a painted helmet." Isaeus contends that not only gods and goddesses were held as guardians, but other things too, such as an eagle and other animals; but in my judgement he errs: for what help or guardianship could sailors hope for from a brute animal? Surely the very name "tutela" seems to show plainly enough that the ancients expected the preservation of a ship from no one other than the god or goddess to whose guardianship they had committed it, or to whom they had consecrated it, and whose image the ship carried figured on the stern for honour's sake. The same Isaeus errs further, with some other learned men, in thinking that the "tutela" was the ship's emblem set on the prow, and took its name from it, and that the "tutela" is called by the Greeks "parasemon." What gave him and others occasion for the error is that a glossary says "tutela, the parasemon of the ship." This is not always true; for I affirm with Salmasius that sometimes the tutela had nothing in common with the parasemon: and it is plain in the ship that carried Europa; for Jupiter was the tutela, the bull the parasemon. So hold it thus: one and the same thing was sometimes both tutela and parasemon, namely when the image of the god or goddess in whose guardianship the ship was placed was set on the prow. This was often, not ordinarily, done; as the ship in which Paul was carried, Acts 28, had "the sign of the Dioscuri" and at the same time the tutela, whence they were also called Dioscuri, and in that case the ship took its name from the tutela; otherwise it had its name from the parasemon, which was some animal. One must therefore carefully distinguish between the tutela, which was figured on the stern, and the parasemon, which was figured on the prow. Gallaeus.

[15] ‹lemma: Sicut taurum› · col 170 Sicut taurum. Ed. Sublac. addit figuratum. Nolim intelligas taurum fuisse tutelam navis illius, quae Europam vexit, sed παράσημον; Jupiter enim fuit tutela. V. Festum in voce Europa, Eusebium in Chronico, Seldenum in libello de diis Syris Syntag. ii, cap. 16. Mss. 1 Reg., 1 Colb. et Brun., Taurus. Vide infra Epitom., cap. 11, ubi haec paulo aliter. Eusebius ta- (continues)

"As a bull": the Subiaco edition adds "figured." Do not understand that the bull was the guardian of that ship which carried Europa, but its emblem; for Jupiter was the guardian. See Festus under the word "Europa," Eusebius in the Chronicle, Selden in the little book On the Syrian Gods, Syntagma II, ch. 16. One Royal, one Colbert and Brun., "Taurus." See below, Epitome ch. 11, where this is put a little differently. Eusebius, how- (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Sicut taurum (continued)› · col 171

(continued) men in Chronico ait: Europa a Cretensibus rapta est navi, cujus fuit insigne taurus. Naves enim jam ab antiquis temporibus insigne habebant, a quo denominabantur.

[2] ‹lemma: Europam› · col 171 Europam. Agenoris Regis Phoenicum filiam Jupiter rapuit, ope navis tauri picturam habentis. Vide Ovidium lib. ii Metamorph. et Lucianum de Dea Syria.

"Europa": daughter of Agenor, king of the Phoenicians; Jupiter carried her off by means of a ship bearing the picture of a bull. See Ovid, Metamorphoses II, and Lucian, On the Syrian Goddess.

[3] ‹lemma: Io› · col 171 Io. Haec fabula apud Ovidium lib. i Metamorphos. Inachus vero, Rex Argis, decimo-nono ante vulgarem aeram vixit saeculo. Hinc nota est aetas Jovis et aliorum deorum.

"Io": this fable is in Ovid, Metamorphoses I. Inachus, king at Argos, lived in the nineteenth century before the common era. Hence the age of Jupiter and the other gods is known.

[4] ‹lemma: Setis obsita› · col 171 Setis obsita. Aeneid. vii, sub fin.

"Covered with bristles": Aeneid VII, near the end.

[5] ‹lemma: Pristina specie› · col 171 Pristina specie. Ita cum edit. Tornes. et duabus Lipsiensibus habent omnes mss. praeter 2 Reg. rec. in quibus est forma, ut in caeteris edd.

"To her former appearance": so all the manuscripts have it, with Tornaesius's edition and two Leipzig, except two recent Royal, in which is "form," as in the other editions.

[6] ‹lemma: Isis› · col 171 Isis. Vide Ovid. lib. i Metamorph., sub finem. De cultu vero Isidis vide Herod. lib. ii, Diodor. Sicul. lib. i, Euseb. libro ii de Praeparat. Evangel., Epiphan. in Anchorato.

"Isis": see Ovid, Metamorphoses I, near the end. On the worship of Isis see Herodotus II, Diodorus Siculus I, Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel II, Epiphanius in the Ancoratus.

[7] ‹lemma: Navigium› · col 171 Navigium. Pro navigatione ponitur.

"Navigium": put for "navigation."

[8] ‹lemma: Ganymedeam fabulam› · col 171 Ganymedeam fabulam. Cujus auctores damnat Plato libro de Legibus primo.

"The Ganymede fable": whose authors Plato condemns in Laws I.

[9] ‹lemma: Pro falso› · col 171 Pro falso. Forte leg. pro falsa. Francius.

"For false": perhaps read "pro falsa." Francius.

[10] ‹lemma: Ac sentiunt› · col 171 Ac sentiunt. Sic legere malo cum manuscripto 1 Colbert., edit. Is. atque Gallica an. 1563, et cum Thomasio ac Francio, quam nec cum caeteris. 2 Reg. rec., non.

"And they feel": so I prefer to read, with one Colbert manuscript, Isaeus's edition and the French one of 1563, and with Thomasius and Francius, rather than "nec" with the rest. Two recent Royal, "non."

[11] ‹lemma: Ipsas res gestas› · col 171 Ipsas res gestas. Ms. Gronov., ipsa gesta.

"The deeds themselves": the Gronovius manuscript, "ipsa gesta."

[12] ‹lemma: Colorem› · col 171 Colorem. Juxta Horatium de Poetica, qui vult fabulas esse veris proximas: ita ante hunc observavit Aristoteles in Poetica.

"A colouring": according to Horace on the Art of Poetry, who wants fables to be close to the truth: so Aristotle observed before him in the Poetics.

[13] ‹lemma: Qui sit› · col 171 Qui sit. Eleganter sic meliores libri, pro vulgari, quis sit. Sic solet infra: unde, qui sit, apparet. L. vi, c. 1, Sicut enim, qui sit verus Deus, ita qui sit verus cultus, ignorant. L. vi, c. 6, Qui sit ex divitiis fructus petendus, Bun.

"What it is" (qui sit): so, elegantly, the better books, for the common "quis sit." So he is wont below: "whence it appears what it is." Book VI, ch. 1: "For as they do not know who is the true God, so they do not know what is true worship." Book VI, ch. 6: "What fruit is to be sought from riches." Bünemann.

[14] ‹lemma: Poeticae licentiae› · col 171 Poeticae licentiae. Lib. vii, c, 22. Hoc amplius Ovid. iii, Am., 12, fin. Exit in immensum foecunda licentia vatum. Obligat historica nec sua verba fide. Bun.

"Of poetic licence": Book VII, ch. 22. More fully Ovid, Amores III 12, end: "The fertile licence of poets runs out without bound, and does not bind its words to historical truth." Bünemann.

[15] ‹lemma: Cum officium poetae sit› · col 171 Cum officium poetae sit, etc. Idem fere docet Vossius de natura ac institutione Poetices lib. iii: Mediam viam epici insistunt. Nam multa quidem fingunt: sed primaria actio hauritur ab historia; vulgoque nota esse solet, quia regum ducumque gesta latere non possunt.

"Since the poet's task is," etc.: Vossius teaches nearly the same, On the Nature and Constitution of Poetics III: "Epic poets keep to a middle way. For they invent much; but the principal action is drawn from history, and is usually commonly known, because the deeds of kings and commanders cannot be hidden."

[16] ‹lemma: In alias species› · col 172 In alias species. Ita correximus ex mss. 5 Reg. quorum duo sunt vetustissimi, 5 Colb., 1 Clarom., et editis Betul., Tornes., Soubron., et Gallica an. 1563, faventibus aliis mss. 1 Reg., 1 Colb., 2 Brun. qui ferunt, in alia specie; Em. in aliis speciebus. In 2 Reg. et 1 Clarom. atque in multis editis est, in aliquas species.

"Into other forms": so we have corrected from five Royal manuscripts, two of them very old, five Colbert, one Clermont, and the editions of Betuleius, Tornaesius, Soubron, and the French of 1563, with the support of other manuscripts, one Royal, one Colbert, two Brun., which have "in another form"; Em. "in other forms" (ablative). In two Royal and one Clermont and in many editions is "into some forms."

[17] ‹lemma: Finxerint› · col 172 Finxerint. Sic emendavimus ex mss, tum vet. tum optimis 2 Bonon., 4 Reg., 1 Colb., Tax., 2 Brun., 1 Clarom. a secunda manu., et edit. Is. ac Cellar. Et quidem recte. Mss. 12 rec. cum ed. fere omnibus, finxerunt.

"They invented" (subjunctive): so we have corrected from manuscripts both old and excellent, two Bologna, four Royal, one Colbert, Tax., two Brun., one Clermont in a second hand, and the editions of Isaeus and Cellarius. And rightly. Twelve recent manuscripts with nearly all the editions, "finxerunt."

[18] ‹lemma: Sed et pictores fictoresque imaginum› · col 172 Sed et pictores fictoresque imaginum. Quum Bon., Tax., Pen., sed pictores etiam imaginum cum Cell. legant, plenius Ultr.; Pal., Goth., Lips. 1, 2, Jun., Cauc., Torn., sed et pictores etiam fictoresque imaginum. Apparet Cicero i de Nat. deor., c. 29, Jovem... reliquos deos ea facie novimus, qua pictores fictoresque voluerunt. Bun.

"But also the painters and moulders of images": while Bon., Tax., Pen. read with Cellarius "but the painters also of images," Ultr. has it more fully; Pal., Goth., Leipzig 1, 2, Jun., Cauc., Tornaesius, "but also the painters, and the moulders too, of images." Cicero shows it, On the Nature of the Gods I, ch. 29: "We know Jupiter ... and the other gods by the face that painters and sculptors chose." Bünemann.

[19] ‹lemma: Si enim hic est Jupiter, qui a vobis dicitur Deus, si non is est› · col 172 Si enim hic est Jupiter, qui a vobis dicitur Deus, si non is est. Ita reposuimus ex cunctis pene mss. et edit. Cellar. quod expressius est, quam quod habent mss. rec. 2 Reg., 1 Colb., 2 Clarom., et editi multi, Si enim hic Jupiter qui a vobis dicitur Deus non is est.

"For if this is the Jupiter whom you call God, if he is not": so we have restored from nearly all the manuscripts and Cellarius's edition, which is more expressive than what recent manuscripts, two Royal, one Colbert, two Clermont, and many editions have: "For if this Jupiter whom you call God is not he."

[20] ‹lemma: In quem si cecidit hic Jupiter› · col 172 In quem si cecidit hic Jupiter. Mss. ex praecipuis et edd. Rom. 1470 ac Is. sic ferunt. Hic deest in 4 Colb. et in editionibus novissimis. Mss. Jun. is Jupiter habet; Cauc. et edit. Fasitel., Betul., Tornes., iste Jupiter; ms. Pen. et edit. Paris. 1525 Ald., Crat. Graph., Gymnic., ipse Jupiter; mss. rec. 2 Reg., 3 Colb., 2 Brun., ceciderit.

"Upon whom, if this Jupiter fell": the leading manuscripts and the editions Rome 1470 and Isaeus have it so. "This" is wanting in four Colbert and in the latest editions. The Junius manuscript has "that Jupiter"; Cauc. and the editions of Fasitelius, Betuleius, Tornaesius, "this same Jupiter"; the Pen. manuscript and the editions Paris 1525, Aldine, Cratander, Gryphius, Gymnicus, "Jupiter himself"; recent manuscripts, two Royal, three Colbert, two Brun., "ceciderit" (subjunctive).

[21] ‹lemma: Eum vero› · col 172 Eum vero. Ita restitutum ex edit. Is. et omnibus ferme mss. inter quos sunt vetustissimi et optimi Bonon. et Regii. Doctissimus Francius legendum esse existimabat, enim vero. Deteriores editi cum mss. Cauc. tum vero, Mss. Pen., Lips., 4 Colb. cum editis multis, eum vere.

"But him": so restored from Isaeus's edition and nearly all the manuscripts, among which are the oldest and best, Bologna and the Royal. The most learned Francius thought one should read "enim vero" (but indeed). The inferior editions with the Caucius manuscript, "tum vero"; the manuscripts Pen., Leipzig, four Colbert with many editions, "eum vere."

[22] ‹lemma: Nam quod aliud argumentum› · col 172 Nam quod aliud argumentum. Additum quod ex cunctis codicibus mss. et editis, praeter Thys., Gall., Spark.; Walch.

"For what other proof": "quod" added from all the manuscript codices and editions, except Thysius, Gallaeus, Sparck; Walch.

[23] ‹lemma: Nihil igitur a poetis in totum fictum est› · col 172 Nihil igitur a poetis in totum fictum est. Sic restituimus ex optimis et vetustissimis cod. 2 Bon., Cauc., (continues)

"Nothing, then, was wholly invented by the poets": so we have restored from the best and oldest codices, two Bologna, Cauc., (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Nihil igitur a poetis in totum fictum est (continued)› · col 173

(continued) 5 Reg., 3 Colb., 2 Brun.; at in deest in quibusdam. In totum, id est omnino. V. l. ii, c. 11; et Cic. Gallice dicimus en tout. In 13 mss. rec. atque in editis habetur: Non igitur a poetis totum fictum est.

[2] ‹lemma: Regnorum› · col 173 Regnorum. Haec sortitio legitur apud Homerum, Iliad. lib. iii, sub persona Neptuni, Iridem alloquentis; quae sortitio explicatur physice in vita Homeri. Vide etiam explanationes Fulgentii mythologicas.

"Of the kingdoms": this allotment is read in Homer, Iliad III [sic], in the person of Neptune addressing Iris; the allotment is explained physically in the Life of Homer. See also the mythological explanations of Fulgentius.

[3] ‹lemma: Jovi coelum obtigisse› · col 173 Jovi coelum obtigisse. Vide quomodo, initio hujus capitis.

"That heaven fell to Jupiter": see how, at the beginning of this chapter.

[4] ‹lemma: Neptuno mare› · col 173 Neptuno mare. Neptunus non dictus a nando, ut voluit Cicero l. ii, de Natura deorum; sed a nubendo, vel a nuptu, ut volunt Lipsius et Varro, qui in quarto de L. L. ait: Neptunus, quod mare terras obnubit, ut nubes coelum, a nuptu, id est, opertione. Quod etiam ex illo notavit Arnobius lib. iii; Vossius, lib. de Idolol. Hunc Neptunum eumdem cum Japheto esse (Genes., ix, v. 27) quidam volunt, cum Japheti Hebraeo nomine sit synonymum latinum Neptuni nomen. Hunc mari praefecerunt, quia cum stirpi Semi septentrionalis et orientalis Asia obtigerit; Chami vero progenies meridionalem Asiam cum Africa obtinuerit; Japheto cesserit continens Europa cum insulis maris Mediterranei, ut hic Lactantius testatur. Quidam sic olim interpretati sunt hanc sortitionem trium fratrum; sed jam multo tempore ad interpretationes quae magis ad historiam profanam accedunt, inclinarunt eruditi. At doctiss. Bochartus et clarissimus Huetius in Demonstratione Evangelica omnes mythologiae fabulas ad familiam et posteros Noe referebant: sed, re attentius considerata, Pezeronius et Banierus aliique ex fonte historiae profanae omnem veritatem, quoad fieri potuit, derivarunt. Et hinc multum lucis fabulis istis affertur, sine ambage et metaphora.

"The sea to Neptune": Neptune is not named from swimming, as Cicero would have it, On the Nature of the Gods II, but from veiling, or from "nuptus," as Lipsius and Varro hold; Varro says in On the Latin Language IV: "Neptune, because the sea veils the lands, as clouds the sky; from 'nuptus,' that is, covering." Arnobius also noted this from him, Book III; Vossius, On Idolatry. Some hold that this Neptune is the same as Japheth (Gen. 9:27), since the Latin name Neptune is synonymous with the Hebrew name of Japheth. They set him over the sea because, while northern and eastern Asia fell to the stock of Shem, and the progeny of Ham obtained southern Asia with Africa, to Japheth went continental Europe with the islands of the Mediterranean, as Lactantius here attests. Some once interpreted this allotment of the three brothers so; but for a long time now the learned have inclined to interpretations closer to profane history. The most learned Bochart and the most illustrious Huet in the Demonstratio Evangelica referred all the fables of mythology to the family and descendants of Noah; but, the matter being more attentively considered, Pezron and Banier and others derived all the truth, so far as could be done, from the source of profane history. And hence much light is thrown on these fables, without circumlocution and metaphor.

[5] ‹lemma: Agesilao› · col 173 Agesilao. Alii legunt Agelasto, quod nomen Plutoni etiam datum est.

"To Agesilaus": others read "Agelastus," a name also given to Pluto.

[6] ‹lemma: M. Antonii› · col 173 M. Antonii. Sic habent omnes mss. codices; uno Vaticano, Bononiensi antiquiore, recentioribus 1 Reg., 1 Colbert., 1 Sorbon., exceptis, in quibus legitur Pompeii, sicut et in editis Tornes, 1579, Soubron et Genev. 1613. Pompeio siquidem lege Gabinia data est classis praefectura, ad liberandum a praedonibus mare. Caeteri tam mss. quam editi, quos Isaeo, Gallaeo, Cellario, et mihi videre licuit, legunt M. Antonii; quam lectionem, ut Lactantii genuinam, probarunt Coelius Rhodig. lib. vi, c. 18. Petrus Ciaconius, Latinus Latinius, et Isaeus. Et quidem Cicero huic lectioni bis favet: Postquam, inquit, M. Antonii infinitum illud imperium senserant; et Frumentaria: Ita se M. Antonius in illo infinito imperio gessit. Vix dubito quin ad haec loca respexerit Lactantius. Et tamen ex eodem Cicerone atque ex Plutarcho idem attributum ac delegatum Pompeio. Ergo a recepta, totque mss. et editis confirmata lectione discedere nolui. In vetustissimo Regio est quale Marci Antonini vitiose; in Regio-Puteano, quale Antonii. Attamen magis arridet Thomasio ea lectio, qua scribitur Pompeii, quem Cicero pro lege Manilia ac pro lege Agraria, ob felicem ejus successum, Neptunum appellatum fuisse docet. Quin etiam, ait Thomasius, multae antiquae imagines Pompeii reperiuntur, quae Pompeio Neptuni insignia attribuunt.

"Of Mark Antony": so all the manuscript codices have it, except one Vatican, the older Bologna, and the recent ones, one Royal, one Colbert, one Sorbonne, in which "of Pompey" is read, as also in the editions of Tornaesius 1579, Soubron and Geneva 1613. For by the Gabinian law the command of the fleet was given to Pompey, to free the sea from pirates. The rest, both manuscripts and editions, that Isaeus, Gallaeus, Cellarius and I have been able to see, read "of Mark Antony"; a reading approved as Lactantius's genuine one by Caelius Rhodiginus VI, ch. 18, Pedro Chacón, Latino Latini, and Isaeus. And indeed Cicero twice favours this reading: "After," he says, "they had felt that unlimited command of Mark Antony's"; and in the speech on the grain supply: "So did Mark Antony conduct himself in that unlimited command." I hardly doubt that Lactantius had these places in view. And yet, from the same Cicero and from Plutarch, the same [command] was assigned and delegated to Pompey. I have therefore been unwilling to depart from the received reading, confirmed by so many manuscripts and editions. In the oldest Royal is "quale Marci Antonini," corruptly; in the Royal-Puteanus, "quale Antonii." Yet the reading "of Pompey" pleases Thomasius more, since Cicero, for the Manilian law and for the agrarian law, teaches that Pompey was called Neptune for his success. Indeed, says Thomasius, many ancient images of Pompey are found that attribute to Pompey the insignia of Neptune.

[7] ‹lemma: Senatus decreverat› · col 174 Senatus decreverat. Plutarchus tamen auctor est Caesarem Aug. M. Anton. et Lepid. inter se partitos fuisse imperium Romanum anno urbis 712, injussu senatus, et rebus omnibus turbatis; quod imperium tripartitum historici vocarunt Triumviratum.

"The senate had decreed": Plutarch, however, is authority that Caesar Augustus, Mark Antony and Lepidus divided the Roman empire among themselves in the 712th year of the city, without the senate's order and with everything in turmoil; this threefold rule the historians called the Triumvirate.

[8] ‹lemma: Obvenerunt› · col 174 Obvenerunt. Frequenter hoc verbum de sorte adhibuit Cicero, quem hic imitatur; et Ambrosius l. i Off., 13: Poetae mundum in tres ferunt esse divisum; ut alii coelum, alii mare, alii inferna coercenda imperii sorte obvenerint. Ita evenire: Livius l. xxi, 17: Sortiri jussi, Cornelio Hispania..... evenit; l. xxxii, c. 8. Sortitis... Quintio Macedonia evenit. Lactantius supra obtingere, eodem sensu. Bun.

"Fell to": Cicero, whom he imitates here, often used this word of the lot; and Ambrose, On Duties I 13: "The poets say the world was divided in three, so that heaven fell to some, the sea to others, the lower regions to others, to be governed by the lot of rule." So "evenire": Livy XXI 17: "Ordered to draw lots, Spain fell to Cornelius ..."; XXXII, ch. 8: "Lots having been drawn ... Macedonia fell to Quinctius." Lactantius above "obtingere," in the same sense. Bünemann.

[9] ‹lemma: Euhemerus› · col 174 Euhemerus. Auctor Historiae deorum. Hunc Arnobius Agragantinum vocat lib. iv; Strab. vero lib. i et Plutarchus in lib. de Iside et Osiride Messenium faciunt. Vivebat ille anno post Romam conditam 438. Inter atheos ab antiquis computatur. Citatur autem et a Cicerone lib. i de Natura deorum: Quae ratio, inquit, maxime tracta est ab Euhemero, quem noster interpretatus et secutus est praeter caeteros Ennius. Hujus etiam meminere: Plinius, lib. xxxv, cap. 22; Josephus, lib. i contra Appionem; Clemens Alexandrinus Προτρεπτ; Minutius Felix, in Octavio; Eusebius, lib. ii Praeparat. Evang., cap. 4; Augustin., de Civit. Dei, lib. vi, cap. 7, et lib. vii, cap. 26; Theodoretus, Graecarum Affectionum, lib. ii in fine, et initio lib. iii. Festus, in Sus Minervam, aliique. Theophilus Antiochenus, serm. 3, hunc Euhemerum Ἀθεώτατον vocat.

"Euhemerus": author of the History of the Gods. Arnobius calls him "of Agrigentum," Book IV; but Strabo, Book I, and Plutarch in the book On Isis and Osiris make him a Messenian. He lived in the 438th year after the founding of Rome. He is counted among the atheists by the ancients. He is cited also by Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods I: "This account," he says, "was drawn chiefly from Euhemerus, whom our Ennius translated and followed above the rest." He is also mentioned by Pliny XXXV, ch. 22; Josephus, Against Apion I; Clement of Alexandria in the Protrepticus; Minucius Felix in the Octavius; Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel II, ch. 4; Augustine, City of God VI, ch. 7, and VII, ch. 26; Theodoret, Cure of Greek Maladies II at the end and the beginning of III; Festus under "Sus Minervam"; and others. Theophilus of Antioch, Discourse 3, calls this Euhemerus "most godless."

[10] ‹lemma: Messene› · col 174 Messene. Ita emendavimus ex mss. Regio-Put. aliisque 2 Reg., 1 Colb., Goth., Brun., et Epitom. cap. 13. Et recte Plutarcho enim dicitur Messenius. Reg. 1 antiq., 2 Colb., et 1 Claromont. habent Messena. Alter Clarom., 3 Colb., 1 Sorbon. et edit., Messana. — Ex civitate Messene. Isaeus, non sine errore, tamquam Messene et Messana unam urbem significent, loca Scriptorum exposuit. Optime Lactant. epist. c. 13: Euhemerus fuit Messenius. In Lips. 2 prave, Messana. In editis antiquis omnibus male, Messana. Bun.

"Messene": so we have corrected from the Royal-Puteanus manuscript and two other Royal, one Colbert, Goth., Brun., and Epitome ch. 13. And rightly, for by Plutarch he is called a Messenian. One old Royal, two Colbert, and one Clermont have "Messena." The other Clermont, three Colbert, one Sorbonne and the editions, "Messana." — "From the city of Messene": Isaeus set out the passages of the writers, not without error, as if Messene and Messana meant one city. Lactantius puts it best, Epitome ch. 13: "Euhemerus was a Messenian." In Leipzig 2, wrongly, "Messana." In all the old editions, wrongly, "Messana." Bünemann.

[11] ‹lemma: Triphylii› · col 174 Triphylii. Quod a Triphilis populis in Peloponneso habitantibus colebatur. — In fano Jovis Triphylii. Triphylia, regio inter Elidem et Messeniam; Strab. viii, pag. 232; lib. xxxii, 5; Pausan. i Eliac. p. 151. Ei urbem Lepreum Pausanias tribuit. Inde Jupiter Triphylius. Cell.

"Of Triphylian [Jupiter]": because he was worshipped by the Triphylian peoples living in the Peloponnese. — "In the temple of Triphylian Jupiter": Triphylia, a region between Elis and Messenia; Strabo VIII, p. 232; Book XXXII, 5; Pausanias, Elis I, p. 151. Pausanias assigns the city of Lepreum to it. Hence Jupiter Triphylius. Cellarius.

[12] ‹lemma: Interpretatus est Ennius› · col 174 Interpretatus est Ennius. Arnobius lib. iv, pag. 147: Euhemeri libellos Ennius, clarum ut fieret cunctis, sermonem in Italum transtulit. Cell.

"Ennius translated": Arnobius IV, p. 147: "Ennius, so that it might be clear to all, translated the little books of Euhemerus into the Italian tongue." Cellarius.

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Et secutus› · col 175 Et secutus. Sic constanter libri. Sensus est: et approbavit, et suam fecit historiam. Cell. — Et interpretatus est Ennius, et secutus. Hic expressit Ciceronem l. i de Nat. deor., c. 42: Quae ratio maxime tractata ab Euhemero est, quem noster et interpretatus et secutus est Ennius. Hinc concidit Heumanni correctio, Interpretatus est Ennius, cujus. Bun.

"And followed": so the books consistently. The sense is: he both approved it and made the history his own. Cellarius. — "And Ennius translated and followed": here he reproduced Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods I, ch. 42: "This account was treated chiefly by Euhemerus, whom our Ennius both translated and followed." Hence Heumann's correction, "Ennius translated [him], whose," falls. Bünemann.

[2] ‹lemma: Ubi Jupiter Neptuno imperium dat maris› · col 175 Ubi Jupiter Neptuno imperium dat maris. Ita mss. quamplurimi, inter quos sunt veterrimi et optimi. In 13 scriptis ac vet. editis Rom. et Is. est Ibi. Deest in omnibus fere impressis.

"Where Jupiter gives Neptune the rule of the sea": so very many manuscripts, among them the oldest and best. In thirteen written copies and the old editions, Rome and Isaeus, is "There." It is wanting in nearly all the printed editions.

[3] ‹lemma: Ut in insulis omnibus... omnibus regnaret› · col 175 Ut in insulis omnibus... omnibus regnaret. Absorptam sequente syllaba praepositionem in addidimus ex mss. 4 Colb. et 2 Brun. Omnes mss. praeter 1 rec. Regium, legunt cum editis Betul. et 2 Lips., essent. Pro secundum, quod est cunctorum fere mss. tum vet. tum optimorum, est secus in rec. 2 Reg., 3 Colbert., Cauc., Christ., Em., necnon locis in rec. 6 Reg., 1 Colbert., Christ., Em., Brun., ac in editionibus Cellarii et Walchii. Sic secundum mare apud Cicer. viii Att., 19 et xvi, 8.

"That in all the islands ... he should reign over all": we added the preposition "in," swallowed by the following syllable, from four Colbert manuscripts and two Brun. All the manuscripts except one recent Royal read, with the editions of Betuleius and two Leipzig, "essent." For "secundum" (along), which is the reading of nearly all the manuscripts, both old and best, there is "secus" in recent ones, two Royal, three Colbert, Cauc., Christ., Em., and also "locis" in recent ones, six Royal, one Colbert, Christ., Em., Brun., and in the editions of Cellarius and Walch. So "secundum mare" (along the sea) in Cicero, Letters to Atticus VIII 19 and XVI 8.

[4] ‹lemma: Mons Olympus› · col 175 Mons Olympus. Ideo Olympus et Coelum synonyma fuerunt, quod Olympus mons erat altissimus, et ad coelum usque pertingere videbatur. Vid. Apul., de Mundo, sub fin.

"Mount Olympus": Olympus and heaven were synonyms because Olympus was a very high mountain and seemed to reach right up to heaven. See Apuleius, On the World, near the end.

[5] ‹lemma: Historia› · col 175 Historia. Vide Ennium.

"The history": see Ennius.

[6] ‹lemma: Jupiter in monte Olympo› · col 175 Jupiter in monte Olympo. Multorum id montium nomen. Cujus ego hic est? In Olympo Arcadiae, τραφῆναί φασιν τὸν Δία, educatum Jovem ferebant, Pausan. Arcad. p. 268. At Thessaliae Olympus propior Gigantomachiae. Asiae et Cypri montes hinc longius absunt. Bun.

"Jupiter on Mount Olympus": that is the name of many mountains. Which is meant here? On the Arcadian Olympus "they say Zeus was reared," they reported that Jupiter was brought up; Pausanias, Arcadia p. 268. But the Thessalian Olympus is nearer to the battle of the Giants. The mountains of Asia and Cyprus lie further from this. Bünemann.

[7] ‹lemma: Maximam partem vitae colebat› · col 175 Maximam partem vitae colebat. Id est, habitabat; antiqui colere absolute dixerunt pro habitare. A. Gellius: Sauromatas qui ultra Borysthenem fluvium longe colunt. Varro: Aedes possideo et colo; unde coligo pro domo apud Arnob. ita enim correximus e libris mss. lib. ii: In penetralibus coliginis perpetuos fovetis focos. Inde et colium idem quod domus. Hinc etiam veteres dixere domicolium pro domicilium. Salmasius.

"He dwelt the greatest part of his life": that is, he lived there; the ancients used "colere" absolutely for "to dwell." Aulus Gellius: "the Sauromatae, who dwell far beyond the river Borysthenes." Varro: "I own and dwell in a house"; whence "coligo" for a house in Arnobius, for so we have corrected from the manuscript books, Book II: "In the inner parts of your dwelling you keep perpetual hearths burning." Thence also "colium," the same as house. Hence too the ancients said "domicolium" for "domicilium." Salmasius.

[8] ‹lemma: Figuris versicoloribus› · col 175 Figuris versicoloribus. Ex cunctis ferme manuscriptis et compluribus editis restitui versicoloribus, quae vox est Ciceroniana. In 3 Regg., 1 Colb., Brun., et 4 recenter editis est figuris variisque coloribus. Est et in Epitome, cap. 11, versicolore. — Figuris versicoloribus. Heumanno praeplacet, figuris variisque coloribus, sic Goth. Confirmat Epit. c. 11, ut ea figura, et quasi velamine aliquo versicolore praetexas. Bun.

"With many-coloured figures": from nearly all the manuscripts and several editions I restored "versicoloribus," a Ciceronian word. In three Royal, one Colbert, Brun., and four recent editions is "with figures and various colours." The Epitome too, ch. 11, has "versicolore." — "With many-coloured figures": Heumann much prefers "with figures and various colours," as Goth. has. Epitome ch. 11 confirms [our reading]: "that you cloak it in a figure and as it were some many-coloured veil." Bünemann.

[9] ‹lemma: Figuretur› · col 176 Figuretur. Hoc verbum ex quamplurimis mss. et omnibus editis in textu reliquimus, utpote figuris versicoloribus convenientius, quam fingatur, quod est mss. 1 Bonon. antiq., 3 Regg., 1 Colb., Gronovio, Pal., Lips., Brun.

"Is figured": this word we have left in the text from very many manuscripts and all the editions, as fitting better with "many-coloured figures" than "fingatur" (is invented), which is the reading of the old Bologna manuscript, three Royal, one Colbert, Gronovius, Pal., Leipzig, Brun.

[10] ‹lemma: Duos Joves› · col 176 Duos Joves. Imo tres potius, ac etiam plures, ut ait Plutarchus in Placitis Philosoph. lib. i, c. 6, atque post ipsum Epiphanius affirmat: sic etiam erat de aliis diis. Vide Augustin., de Civit. Dei, lib. iv, cap. 27, et lib. vi, cap. 6. Sic Plutarch. de Placitis philosoph. causam primam enumerat unam naturalem, alteram fabulosam, tertiam civilem.

"Two Jupiters": rather three, and even more, as Plutarch says in the Opinions of the Philosophers I, ch. 6, and as Epiphanius affirms after him: so it was too with the other gods. See Augustine, City of God IV, ch. 27, and VI, ch. 6. So Plutarch in the Opinions of the Philosophers lists as the first cause one natural, a second fabulous, a third civil [theology].

[11] ‹lemma: Vana... nomen Jovis... Deo tribuunt› · col 176 Vana... nomen Jovis... Deo tribuunt. Vid. Minuc. Fel. c. 18, fin.; Arnob. i, p. 19; Origenem contra Cels. l. iv, p. 196; l. v, p. 261, 262; l. i, p. 18, 20. Conf. Lact. l. iv, c. 9; Augustin. Civ. Dei, l. xix, c. 22; Seldenum, meliora tradentem de diis Syr. Synt. ii, c. 1, p. 201, sqq. Bun.

"Empty ... they give the name of Jupiter ... to God": see Minucius Felix ch. 18, end; Arnobius I, p. 19; Origen, Against Celsus IV, p. 196; V, pp. 261, 262; I, pp. 18, 20. Compare Lactantius IV, ch. 9; Augustine, City of God XIX, ch. 22; Selden, who gives better information, On the Syrian Gods, Syntagma II, ch. 1, p. 201 and following. Bünemann.

[12] ‹lemma: Sine contubernio› · col 176 Sine contubernio. Vide Macrob. lib. iii, cap. 4. — Sine contubernio conjugis filiaeque. Vid. Dionys. Halic. lib. iv exeunte. Egregie rem illustrat ex nummis antiquis Rycquius, de Capitolio Rom., c. 13, tot. p. 126. 136. Bun.

"Without the companionship": see Macrobius III, ch. 4. — "Without the companionship of his wife and daughter": see Dionysius of Halicarnassus, end of Book IV. Rycquius illustrates the matter excellently from ancient coins, On the Roman Capitol, ch. 13, the whole of pp. 126–136. Bünemann.

[13] ‹lemma: Quid sit apparet› · col 176 Quid sit apparet. Ita omnes prope mss. et vetus editio Rom. In 1 Colbert. et Brun. est qui sic. In 2 Regg. recentiorib. cunctisque fere excusis, quid sit. In 4 recentioribus scriptis quis sit. Sed qui sit eleganter, et Ciceronis imitatione.

"It appears what it is": so nearly all the manuscripts and the old Roman edition. In one Colbert and Brun. is "qui sic." In two more recent Royal and nearly all the printed copies, "quid sit." In four more recent manuscripts "quis sit." But "qui sit" is elegant, and in imitation of Cicero.

[14] ‹lemma: Jupiter quasi juvans pater› · col 176 Jupiter quasi juvans pater. De Nat. deor. l. ii, c. 25, ubi sic ait: Sed et ipse Jupiter, id est juvans pater, quem, conversis casibus, appellamus, a Juvando, Jovem, a poetis pater divumque hominumque dicitur: a majoribus autem nostris Optimus, Maximus, et quidem ante Optimus, id est beneficentissimus, quam Maximus, quia majus est certeque gratius prodesse omnibus, quam opes magnas habere. Vide et A. Gellium lib. v, cap. 12, ubi sic habet: Jovem Latini veteres a JUVANDO appellavere, eumdemque alio vocabulo juncto patrem dixerunt. Hoc etiam voluere Cicero et Cato de Re rustica; sed falluntur: Jupiter nil aliud est quam Jovis Pater, id est, Ἰαοὺ Πατὴρ, seu Ἰαὼ Πατὴρ, Jehova Pater. Antiqui dicebant Joupater pro Jovis Pater, ut Jouglans pro Jovis Glans. Gallaeus. — De Jove, Saturno, Rhea, Junone, Hercule, Aesculapio, Ap- (continues)

"Jupiter, as it were 'helping father'": On the Nature of the Gods II, ch. 25, where he says: "But Jupiter himself too, that is, 'helping father,' whom, with the cases changed, we call Jove, from helping, is called by the poets 'father of gods and men'; but by our ancestors 'Best, Greatest,' and indeed 'Best,' that is most beneficent, before 'Greatest,' because it is a greater thing, and surely more welcome, to benefit all than to have great wealth." See also Aulus Gellius V, ch. 12, where he has: "The old Latins called Jove from HELPING, and with another word joined called the same 'father'." Cicero and Cato in On Agriculture held this too; but they are mistaken: Jupiter is nothing other than Jovis Pater, that is, "Iaou Pater" or "Iao Pater," Jehovah Father. The ancients said "Joupater" for "Jovis Pater," as "Jouglans" for "Jovis glans." Gallaeus. — On Jupiter, Saturn, Rhea, Juno, Hercules, Aesculapius, Ap- (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Jupiter quasi juvans pater (continued)› · col 177

(continued) Castore et Polluce, Baccho, Venere, Ganymede, Helena, Japeto, Neptuno, Vulcano, Osiri, Isi, Selene, Marte, Cupidine, Minerva, Libero, Latona, Plutone, seu Sarapide, Priapo, Proserpina, Cerere, Eleusina, Dionysio, etc., vide S. Cyprianum, tractatu de Idolorum Vanitate, sub initium; S. Augustinum, de Civitate Dei, lib. iv, 6 et 18; S. Asterium, Serm. 10; Theodoretum, lib. viii de Martyribus, et lib. iii et viii de Graecarum Affection. Curat.; Macrob., Chartarium, Natal. Comitem, Giraldum et D. Fourmont in Sanchoniatone enucleato.

[2] ‹lemma: Et quoniam de patre loquimur, nullus pater dicitur juvare› · col 177 Et quoniam de patre loquimur, nullus pater dicitur juvare. Ed. Sublac. haec omittit.

"And since we are speaking of a father, no father is said to help": the Subiaco edition omits this.

[3] ‹lemma: Per quem sumus› · col 177 Per quem sumus. Arnob.: Nonne huic omnes debemus hoc ipsum quod sumus, quod homines esse dicimur. Apuleius in lib. de Mundo: Vetus opinio est, atque cogitationi omnium hominum penitus insedit, Deum essentiae originis haberi auctorem. Apud Euripidem, Manilium, Juvenalem. Manilius: An quoquam genitos nisi coelo credere fas est Esse homines? Juvenalis: Sensum ex coelesti demissum traximus arce. Pricaeus.

"Through whom we are": Arnobius: "Do we not all owe to him this very thing, that we are, that we are said to be men?" Apuleius in the book On the World: "It is an old opinion, and has settled deep in the thought of all men, that God is held to be the author of the origin of being." In Euripides, Manilius, Juvenal. Manilius: "Or is it right to believe that men were born of anything but heaven?" Juvenal: "We have drawn our sense sent down from the heavenly citadel." Price.

[4] ‹lemma: A quo fingimur› · col 177 A quo fingimur, etc. Irenaeus: Cujus jussu homines nascuntur. Arnob., lib. i: Num quod incedimus, quod spiramus, ab eo ad nos venit? Seneca, iv, 6, de Benef., et Act. cap. xvii, v. 25, cum ipse det omnibus vitam et inspirationem. Pric. Sic Apostolus dicit: In ipso vivimus, movemur, et sumus.

"By whom we are fashioned," etc.: Irenaeus: "By whose command men are born." Arnobius I: "Has it not come to us from him that we walk, that we breathe?" Seneca, On Benefits IV 6, and Acts 17:25, "since he himself gives to all life and breath." Price. So the Apostle says: "In him we live, and move, and are."

[5] ‹lemma: Et ex rebus gestis› · col 177 Et ex rebus gestis. Et addidi ex omnibus fere mss.

"And from his deeds": I added "and" from nearly all the manuscripts.

[6] ‹lemma: Quinquies terras circuivit› · col 177 Quinquies terras circuivit. Ita restituimus ex vet. ed. Rom. 1470 et Is. omnibusque mss. praeter 1 Colb. rec. et plerasque editiones, in quibus est, postquam terram quinquies circuivit. Sed et Lactantius infra c. 22, de Jove ait, cum terras circuiret.

"He went round the lands five times": so we have restored from the old Roman edition of 1470 and Isaeus, and all the manuscripts except one recent Colbert and most editions, in which is "after he had gone round the earth five times." But Lactantius too says of Jupiter below, ch. 22, "when he was going round the lands."

[7] ‹lemma: Imperia› · col 177 Imperia. Sic legunt omnes pene mss. edd. Betul. Spark. et Cellar. At 2 Reg. rec. multique editi, imperium; 1 Reg., dedit; in 2 aliis Reg., dividit, reliquitque; mendose: sua enim cuique pars, imperium. Cicero lib. iv, famil. epist. 1: Orbem terrarum imperiis distributis, ardere bello. Justinus, lib. ii: Novercae cognatos, quos Philippus imperiis praefecerat. Gallaeus. In Epitom. cap. 13, legitur quoque cognatis distribuisset imperia. — Imperia divisit. Ita vero solet: l. ii, c. 16: Attribui... imperia. L. iii, c. 22: Mulieres... imperia suscipere. Maxime in Epit. c. 13: Cum amicis suis atque cognatis distribuisset imperia; c. 38: Foeminis imperia permisit. Bun.

"Commands": so nearly all the manuscripts and the editions of Betuleius, Sparck and Cellarius read. But two recent Royal and many editions, "command" (singular); one Royal, "gave"; two other Royal, "divides and left"; wrongly: for each had his own part, his command. Cicero, Letters to Friends IV 1: "the world, its commands having been distributed, ablaze with war." Justin II: "his stepmother's kinsmen, whom Philip had set over commands." Gallaeus. In the Epitome ch. 13 one also reads "had distributed commands to his kinsmen." — "He divided the commands": so indeed he is wont: Book II, ch. 16: "commands ... to be assigned." Book III, ch. 22: "women ... to take up commands." Above all Epitome ch. 13: "when he had distributed commands to his friends and kinsmen"; ch. 38: "he entrusted commands to women." Bünemann.

[8] ‹lemma: Aetate pessum acta› · col 178 Aetate pessum acta. Ita mss. 4 Reg. quorum duo sunt vetustissimi, 5 Colb., Lips., Brun., et edit. Fasitel., Betul., Tornes., Thom., Spark., Is., Thys., Soubr., Gall., 2 Lipsienses; accedentibus editis Egnat., Paris. 1525, Graph., Crat., Antwerp. 1539, Gymnic., Fasit., Henr., Petri, in quibus est pessumata; in 4 Reg., 2 Colb., 1 Clarom. edit. Rom. 1470, Azul. 1490, persumata, corrupte; 1 Colb. a secunda manu perfinita; 1 Clarom., perfuncta; 2 Bononienses, Taxaq., Pen. et Bocatius lib. vii, cap. 1, pessume acta; vitiose. Nam cum Lactantius velit mortem Jovis investigare, et cum Ennius ibi totus sit in laudibus Jovis, parum apposite de vita ejus pessume acta mentionem faceret: itaque Lactant. dicit aetatem Jovis pessum actam, eo quod ad finem sui jam tum venerat. 1 Vatic. habet, consummata. Sensus igitur est, aetate pessum acta, id est, aetate in imum, vel ad ultimum et finem inclinante; sic pessum abire apud Plautum, et pessum ire apud Collumellam, est in profundum abire, in profundum ire.

"His age having run down": so four Royal manuscripts, two of them very old, five Colbert, Leipzig, Brun., and the editions of Fasitelius, Betuleius, Tornaesius, Thomasius, Sparck, Isaeus, Thysius, Soubron, Gallaeus, two Leipzig; with the support of the editions of Egnatius, Paris 1525, Gryphius, Cratander, Antwerp 1539, Gymnicus, Fasitelius, Henricpetri, which have "pessumata"; in four Royal, two Colbert, one Clermont, the Roman edition of 1470, Azul. 1490, "persumata," corruptly; one Colbert in a second hand "perfinita"; one Clermont, "perfuncta"; the two Bologna, Tax., Pen. and Boccaccio VII, ch. 1, "pessume acta" (very badly spent), corruptly. For since Lactantius means to inquire into Jupiter's death, and since Ennius in that place is wholly in praise of Jupiter, he would mention a life very badly spent with little aptness; so Lactantius says Jupiter's age had run down, because it had by then come to its end. One Vatican has "consummata." The sense, then, is "his age having run down," that is, his age sinking to the bottom, or to its last and its end; so "pessum abire" in Plautus and "pessum ire" in Columella mean to go down to the depths.

[9] ‹lemma: Vitam commutavit› · col 178 Vitam commutavit. mss. 2 Colb., Cantabrig., et 1 Clarom. et ed. Sublac., consummavit. — Vitam commutavit. Licet Heumannus ex 1472, 76, 78, consummavit, scribat, rectius tamen Reimm. et plures, commutavit. Nam in Epit. c. 13 iisdem verbis dicit: Jovem in Creta vitam commutasse, atque ad deos abiisse. Bun.

"He exchanged life": two Colbert manuscripts, Cambridge, one Clermont and the Subiaco edition, "consummavit" (completed). — "He exchanged life": though Heumann writes "consummavit" from [the editions of] 1472, '76, '78, yet Reimm. and several more correctly have "commutavit." For in the Epitome, ch. 13, he says in the same words: "that Jupiter exchanged life in Crete and departed to the gods." Bünemann.

[10] ‹lemma: Curetes› · col 178 Curetes. Triplices sunt Curetes: Aetolici, Phrygii, et Cretici. Aetolici inhabitarunt Chalcidem: de Curetibus vide Strabonem, lib. xviii, et Hyginum, fabula 139. Ii erant Cretenses ipsi ex Plinio et Solino.

"The Curetes": the Curetes are of three kinds: Aetolian, Phrygian and Cretan. The Aetolian inhabited Chalcis. On the Curetes see Strabo XVIII and Hyginus, fable 139. These were the Cretans themselves, according to Pliny and Solinus.

[11] ‹lemma: Sepulcrum ejus est in Creta› · col 178 Sepulcrum ejus est in Creta. In Creta abest a ms. 1 Reg. et edd. Thys., Gall. et Walch. et in Epitome, c. 13, et apud Arnobium, lib. iv. De Jovis sepulcro in Creta insula, vide Melam lib. ii, cap. 7, et Solinum, c. 17, quod etiam ostendebatur temporibus Theophili Antiocheni, Arnobii libro iv et Epiphanii in Anchorato.

"His tomb is in Crete": "in Crete" is absent from one Royal manuscript and the editions of Thysius, Gallaeus and Walch, and in the Epitome ch. 13, and in Arnobius IV. On Jupiter's tomb on the island of Crete see Mela II, ch. 7, and Solinus ch. 17; it was still being shown in the times of Theophilus of Antioch, of Arnobius (Book IV), and of Epiphanius in the Ancoratus.

[12] ‹lemma: In oppido Cnosso› · col 178 In oppido Cnosso. Ita scribo cum praestantioribus mss. Regio-Puteano et 1 alio Reg., 3 Colb., 1 Clarom. et ed. Rom. 1468, faventibus 1 Bonon. minus antiquo qui habet, Enosso; Bonon. antiquiore Cosso, 1 al. Reg., 2 Colb. ac edit. Walch., Cnosso; 1 Reg. Nosso; 2 Reg., Marm., et edit. Rom. 1470, Gnoso; in Epitom. c. 13, 4 Reg., Navarr., 1 Colb., Vict., Gat., Brun., edd. Ald., Paris., 1525, Graph., Crat., Gymnici, Fasitel., Cellar., Thys., Gall., Gnoso. Utraque lectio recepta. Cnossus autem est oppidum Cretae, de qua vide Strabonem libro Geographiae x.

"In the town of Cnossus": so I write with the better manuscripts, the Royal-Puteanus and one other Royal, three Colbert, one Clermont and the Roman edition of 1468, with the support of the less old Bologna, which has "Enosso"; the older Bologna "Cosso"; one other Royal, two Colbert and Walch's edition, "Cnosso"; one Royal "Nosso"; two Royal, Marm., and the Roman edition of 1470, "Gnoso"; in the Epitome ch. 13, four Royal, Navarre, one Colbert, Vict., Gat., Brun., the editions Aldine, Paris 1525, Gryphius, Cratander, Gymnicus, Fasitelius, Cellarius, Thysius, Gallaeus, "Gnoso." Both readings are accepted. Cnossus is a town of Crete, on which see Strabo, Geography X.

[13] ‹lemma: Zan› · col 178 Zan. Sic legendum esse arbitramur; idque ex au- (continues)

"Zan": so we judge it should be read; and this from the au- (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Zan (continued)› · col 179

(continued) ctoritate vet. et optimi ms. Regio-Puteani. Item alterius Reg., Gat., Marm., 1 Clarom. et 4 edit. rec. et Epitom., c. 13. In mss. 1 Reg. et 3 Colb. Ζῆνα; 1 al. Colb. et 1 Clarom., Ζῆνα; 1 Sorbon., Ζῆμα; in 3 Reg. et edit. Rom. 1468, 1470, et 7 aliis antiquis, Ζεύς. Vide Callimach. Hymn. in Jov.

[2] ‹lemma: Δαίμονας› · col 179 Δαίμονας. Latine: Daemones inanimes, cadaverum simulacra mortuorum, Quorum Creta in jactantiam sepulcra misera habet. Sibyll. carmina, serm. 8.

"Daemons": in Latin: "Lifeless daemons, images of the corpses of the dead, whose wretched tombs Crete keeps for its boasting." Sibylline Oracles, discourse 8.

[3] ‹lemma: Καύχημα τάφους› · col 179 Καύχημα τάφους. Hinc corrigendus est codex Sibyllinus qui habet, τάφου καύχημα: ibi enim scansio non constat: nec ἕξει est legendum, ut ibi; sed ut in nostro ἴσχει. Isaeus. Ms. Cauc. habet ἕξει.

"Tombs for boasting": hence the Sibylline codex must be corrected, which has "boast of the tomb": for there the scansion does not hold; nor should "will have" be read, as there, but, as in ours, "holds." Isaeus. The Caucius manuscript has "will have."

[4] ‹lemma: De Nat. deor.› · col 179 De Nat. deor. Scilicet l. iii, et post eum Arnobius lib. iii.

"On the Nature of the Gods": namely Book III, and after him Arnobius, Book III.

[5] ‹lemma: Enumerari› · col 179 Enumerari. Sic a me restitutum ex edit. Betul. et omnibus mss. praeter Pen. in quo numerari, cui lectioni adstipulatur et ipse vulgatus Ciceronis locus: Principio (inquit) Joves tres numerant. In caeteris Lactantii editionibus est nominari.

"To be enumerated": so restored by me from Betuleius's edition and all the manuscripts except Pen., in which is "numerari" (to be numbered); and the common text of Cicero's passage itself supports that reading: "First," he says, "they number three Jupiters." In the other editions of Lactantius is "nominari" (to be named).

[6] ‹lemma: Capitolium› · col 179 Capitolium. Arx Romae, in qua Jovi templum fuerat aedificatum, unde Jupiter Capitolinus; a quo vero sic dictum Capitolium vide Arnobium l. vi.

"The Capitol": the citadel of Rome, on which a temple had been built to Jupiter, whence Jupiter Capitolinus; on why it was so called "Capitolium," see Arnobius VI.

[7] ‹lemma: Tantorum elementorum› · col 179 Tantorum elementorum. Hoc est, coeli et terrae. Nam Saturnus filius fuit aetheris et terrae; Saturnus enim et Titaeae filius erat: verum Uranus, et Coelum, et Aether interpretatur, sicut Titaea idem est ac Terra.

"Of such great elements": that is, of heaven and earth. For Saturn was the son of the ether and the earth; Saturn was in fact the son [of Uranus] and Titaea: Uranus is interpreted as Heaven and Ether, just as Titaea is the same as Earth.

[8] ‹lemma: Aureum saeculum narratur habuisse› · col 179 Aureum saeculum narratur habuisse. De aureo Saturni saeculo vide infra, l. v, c. 4 et 5: Rex Saturnus, inquit Trogus apud Justin., l. xliii, tantae justitiae fuisse fertur, ut neque servierit sub illo quisquam, neque quidquam privatae rei habuerit, sed omnia communia et indivisa omnibus fuerint, veluti unum cunctis patrimonium esset. Et Virg. i, Georg.: Nec signare quidem, aut partiri limite campum Fas erat. Et Ovid., l. iii Amorum, eleg. 7: Signabat nullo limite fossor humum. Quod de eadem aetate habetur in Hesiodo: Coelorum imperium dum Rex Saturnus habebat, Dis similes summa degebant pace, nec ullus His labor aut aerumna fuit. Adde et Martialem de Saturno, l. xii, epigr. lxiii. Haec fabula hausta fuit ex Scriptura; per Saturni enim aureum saeculum, intelligendum illud tempus quo, orbe nondum diviso, Noachus in universum genus hominum, ut pater in liberos, naturale habuit imperium: atque aureum illud saeculum sumptum videtur ex Vaticinio Lamechi de Noacho, Gen. V, 29: Iste consolabitur nos ab operibus, et laboribus manuum nostrarum, in terra cui maledixit Dominus. Bochart. — Haec tamen a Samuelis Bocharti tempore, non ad historiam sacram, sed ad profanam rectius referuntur. Aurelius Victor de origine gentis romanae sic loquitur de Saturno: Is primus agriculturam edocuit, ferosque homines ex rapto vivere assuetos ad compositam vitam traduxit. Vide supra locum Justini.

"He is said to have had a golden age": on Saturn's golden age see below, Book V, chs. 4 and 5. "King Saturn," says Trogus in Justin XLIII, "is said to have been of such justice that no one was a slave under him, nor had any private property, but all things were common and undivided for all, as if there were one patrimony for everyone." And Virgil, Georgics I: "It was not even lawful to mark out or divide the field with a boundary." And Ovid, Amores III, Elegy 7: "The digger marked the ground with no boundary." What is said of the same age in Hesiod: "While King Saturn held the rule of the heavens, they lived like the gods in the deepest peace, and no toil or hardship was theirs." Add also Martial on Saturn, XII, epigram 63. This fable was drawn from Scripture; for by Saturn's golden age is to be understood that time when, the world not yet divided, Noah held a natural rule over the whole human race, as a father over his children; and that golden age seems to be taken from Lamech's prophecy about Noah, Genesis 5:29: "This one shall comfort us from the works and toils of our hands, in the earth which the Lord has cursed." Bochart. — Since the time of Samuel Bochart, however, these things are more rightly referred not to sacred but to profane history. Aurelius Victor, On the Origin of the Roman People, speaks thus of Saturn: "He first taught agriculture, and brought savage men accustomed to live by plunder to an ordered life." See the passage of Justin above.

[9] ‹lemma: Quod justitia sub eo fuerit in terra› · col 180 Quod justitia sub eo fuerit in terra. Hoc etiam commode de Noe accipi potest. Nam, non modo justus, sed et justitiae praeco sedulus fuit; cum eo vixerit saeculo quo hominum mores erant perditissimi, nihil non egit, ut illos ad verae pietatis normam verbo et exemplo reduceret. Saturnum itidem regem justissimum fuisse volunt, adeoque pro virili, Homines sui temporis ex agresti vita ad humaniorem cultum transtulisse, et propterea magnos honores consecutum, multa orbis loca peragrasse, et omnes ad justitiam et animi simplicitatem induxisse. Diodori verba sunt, l. v Biblioth., neque aliter Aurelius Victor in l. de Orig. gentis Rom: Feros homines ex rapto vivere assuetos ad compositam vitam traduxit. Virg. Aeneid. viii: Is genus indocile et dispersum montibus altis Composuit, legesque dedit.

"That justice was on earth under him": this too can fittingly be taken of Noah. For he was not only just but a zealous preacher of justice; since he lived in an age when men's ways were utterly corrupt, he left nothing undone to bring them back by word and example to the rule of true piety. They hold that Saturn likewise was a most just king, and so, as far as he could, "brought the men of his time from a rustic life to a more civilized way, and for that reason obtained great honours, travelled through many places of the world, and led all to justice and simplicity of mind." These are the words of Diodorus, Library V; and no differently Aurelius Victor in the book On the Origin of the Roman People: "He brought savage men accustomed to live by plunder to an ordered life." Virgil, Aeneid VIII: "He gathered that unteachable race, scattered over the high mountains, and gave them laws."

[10] ‹lemma: Teneo aliquid in hoc› · col 180 Teneo aliquid in hoc. Ita restitui ex mss. vet. et optimis 1 Bonon., Regiis 3, Colb. 2, Brun. In ms. Jun. deeo. In mss. rec. tribus Colb., 2 Clarom. ac editis est in eo.

"I hold something in this": so I restored from old and excellent manuscripts, one Bologna, three Royal, two Colbert, Brun. In the Junius manuscript "deeo." In three recent Colbert manuscripts, two Clermont and the editions is "in eo."

[11] ‹lemma: Quo videam esse aliquid antiquius› · col 180 Quo videam esse aliquid antiquius. Sic emendavimus ex vetustissimis et optimis mss. 2 Bonon., Regio-Puteano, nec non ex 2 aliis Reg., Taxa., 1 Colb., 2 Clarom., cum in septem aliis mss. et in editis sit quod videam; in scriptis Christ. et Balliol., cum videam.

"Whereby I see that there is something older": so we have corrected from the oldest and best manuscripts, two Bologna, the Royal-Puteanus, and also from two other Royal, Tax., one Colbert, two Clermont, whereas in seven other manuscripts and in the editions is "quod videam"; in the Christ Church and Balliol manuscripts, "cum videam."

[12] ‹lemma: Nihil sit omnino› · col 180 Nihil sit omnino. Sic restituimus ex mss. In editis autem est, nihil est omnino.

"There be nothing at all": so we have restored from the manuscripts. In the editions is "there is nothing at all."

[13] ‹lemma: Priusquam› · col 180 Priusquam. Ita reposui ex mss. In editis autem est, antequam.

"Before": so I restored from the manuscripts. In the editions is "antequam."

[14] ‹lemma: Minucius Felix› · col 180 Minucius Felix. Cujus extat libellus elegans adversus Gentes, vixit tertio saeculo.

"Minucius Felix": whose elegant little book against the Gentiles survives; he lived in the third century.

[15] ‹lemma: In Italiam› · col 180 In Italiam, etc. Mirum est quantum distant tempora inter Saturnum Urani filium et Saturnum italicum: hic enim decimo quarto ante aeram vulgarem vixit saeculo; sed Saturnus, Urani filius, vigesimo ante nostram aeram saeculo fuit. De Saturni tamen (continues)

"Into Italy," etc.: it is remarkable how far apart are the times of Saturn son of Uranus and the Italian Saturn: for the latter lived in the fourteenth century before the common era; but Saturn son of Uranus was in the twentieth century before our era. Of Saturn, however, (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: In Italiam (continued)› · col 181

(continued) in Italiam adventu, vide Diod. Sicul., l. iv, et Dionys. Halicarn., l. i. De Saturno, Urani filio, videas scriptores rerum mythologicarum. Id tamen factum est, quod omnia quae a diverso Saturno et Jove diverso gesta sunt, in unum contulerunt: hinc venit confusio quaedam, quae non nisi per temporum et locorum examen explicari queat.

[2] ‹lemma: Qui repentino advenerint, de coelo cecidisse› · col 181 Qui repentino advenerint, de coelo cecidisse. Sic Tibull.: Tunc veniam subito, nec quisquam nuntiet ante, Sed videar coelo missus adesse tibi.

"That those who arrived suddenly fell from heaven": so Tibullus: "Then may I come suddenly, with no one announcing me beforehand, and may I seem to you to be present, sent from heaven."

[3] ‹lemma: Qui repentine advenerint› · col 181 Qui repentine advenerint. Vulgo legunt recentiores repentino, quasi de repentino. At Lips. mss. et ed. Ald. et antiquiores Aldina, Rom. et Ven., repentine, adverbii forma, non multum adhuc observata. Bun.

"Who arrived suddenly" (repentine): the more recent editions commonly read "repentino," as if "de repentino." But the Leipzig manuscripts and the Aldine edition, and those older than the Aldine, Rome and Venice, "repentine," a form of the adverb not much observed so far. Bünemann.

[4] ‹lemma: Repentine› · col 181 Repentine. Mss. Angl., Lips., tert. Goth., Ultr., Cauc., et edd. Bas. 1556, Torn., Thom. et sequentes, repentino, vocali quarta. Voce Plauti Pseud. i, 1: Repente exortus sum, repentino occidi; et Cic. pro Quintio, c. 4, et moritur repentino. Bun.

"Suddenly": the English manuscripts, Leipzig, the third Gotha, Ultr., Cauc., and the editions Basel 1556, Tornaesius, Thomasius and those following, "repentino," with the fourth vowel. In the words of Plautus, Pseudolus I 1: "I rose suddenly, I set suddenly"; and Cicero, For Quinctius ch. 4, "and he dies suddenly." Bünemann.

[5] ‹lemma: De coelo cecidisse› · col 181 De coelo cecidisse. Haec abunde illustrant interpretes ad Minuc., c. 22. Savaro ad Sidon. vi, ep. 10, p. 378: Velut polo lapsa reputabitur. Bun.

"Fell from heaven": the commentators on Minucius, ch. 22, illustrate this amply. Savaron on Sidonius VI, letter 10, p. 378: "It will be reckoned as fallen from the sky." Bünemann.

[6] ‹lemma: Ignotis parentibus natos, terrae filios nominemus› · col 181 Ignotis parentibus natos, terrae filios nominemus. Sic etiam Tertullian., Apol. auctor, l. de orig. gentis Rom.: Primus in Italiam venisse creditur Saturnus. Tanta autem antiquorum hominum simplicitas, ut advenas, quod eorum originem ignorabant, coelo et terra editos non solum ipsi crederent, sed posteris affirmarent. Eadem habet Aurelius Victor de origine gentis Romanae. Omnia enim e coelo et mari orta credebant. Ita ignotorum origo ad coelum, aut mare relata, ut coeli, aut Neptuni filii crederentur. Serv. in Virgil. Scholiast. Apollonii, monstrosos terrae filios, truculentos Neptuni habitos scribit. Naev. apud Prisc., Titanes filii terrae. Et Orpheus in Hym. obscuris et ignotis parentibus orti. Idem Rhodigino Antiquar. lection., l. ii, c. 28, ac Politiano in Miscellan., c. 18. Wouwer.

"That we call those born of unknown parents sons of the earth": so too Tertullian, Apology; the author of the book On the Origin of the Roman People: "Saturn is believed to have come first into Italy. But such was the simplicity of the men of old that newcomers, because they did not know their origin, they not only themselves believed to be born of heaven and earth, but affirmed it to posterity." Aurelius Victor has the same, On the Origin of the Roman People. For they believed all things arose from heaven and the sea. So the origin of unknown men was referred to heaven or the sea, so that they were believed sons of Heaven or of Neptune. Servius on Virgil. The scholiast on Apollonius writes that monstrous men were held sons of the earth, savage ones sons of Neptune. Naevius in Priscian: "the Titans, sons of the earth." And Orpheus in the Hymns: "sprung from obscure and unknown parents." The same in Rhodiginus, Antiquae lectiones II, ch. 28, and Politian, Miscellanea ch. 18. Wouwer.

[7] ‹lemma: Coelo terraeque indidisse› · col 181 Coelo terraeque indidisse. Confusio inde orta est apud Latinos, quod οὐρανὸς et τιταία, quae nomina patronymica, transtulerunt per nomina realia. Sed paulo post in hoc ipso capite aliquid verosimilius de Urano refert Lactantius.

"Gave to heaven and earth": the confusion arose among the Latins from their rendering "Uranus" and "Titaea," which are patronymic names, by names of real things. But a little later in this very chapter Lactantius reports something more likely about Uranus.

[8] ‹lemma: Atlantis› · col 181 Atlantis. Is fuit rex Mauritaniae, qui in montem sui nominis transformatus dicitur; cujus fabulam vide apud Ovidium, l. iv Metamorph.

"Of Atlas": he was a king of Mauretania who is said to have been turned into the mountain of his name; see his fable in Ovid, Metamorphoses IV.

[9] ‹lemma: Inachi› · col 181 Inachi. Is primus fuit rex Argivorum, decimo nono ante aeram vulgarem, ut creditur, saeculo. Is erat ex genere Titanorum, et Saturni ac Jovis cognatus. Dicitur nomen suum dedisse fluvio Peloponesi, vel in eum artibus Jovis fuisse praecipitatum.

"Of Inachus": he was the first king of the Argives, in the nineteenth century, as is believed, before the common era. He was of the race of the Titans, and a kinsman of Saturn and Jupiter. He is said to have given his name to a river of the Peloponnese, or to have been hurled into it by Jupiter's arts.

[10] ‹lemma: Aegeum› · col 182 Aegeum. Ab Aegeo Thesei patre, qui ob mortem filii falso sibi annuntiatam, se in mare praecipitem dedit: hoc evenit decimo tertio ante vulgarem aeram saeculo. Vide Solinum capite 15.

"The Aegean": from Aegeus, father of Theseus, who, because of his son's death being falsely reported to him, threw himself headlong into the sea: this happened in the thirteenth century before the common era. See Solinus, chapter 15.

[11] ‹lemma: Icarium› · col 182 Icarium. Ab Icaro Daedali filio, cujus fabulam videas apud Ovidium libro viii, Metamorph. Solinus, Varronem secutus, refert, Icarum Cretensem in hoc mare naufragio periisse, et de exitu hominis nomen loco impositum fuisse; atque ita historia locum fabulae dedit: at nunc ex fabula historiam deducere cogimur. Vide Solinum capite 21.

"The Icarian": from Icarus, son of Daedalus, whose fable you may see in Ovid, Metamorphoses VIII. Solinus, following Varro, reports that Icarus the Cretan perished by shipwreck in this sea and that the place was named from the man's end; and so history gave room to fable: but now we are forced to draw the history out of the fable. See Solinus, chapter 21.

[12] ‹lemma: Hellesponticum› · col 182 Hellesponticum. Mss. 18 cum editis Rom. 1470, Soubron. et Tornes. habent Hellespontum. Fortasse legendum Hellespontium, ut supra Hellespontiam ad c. 6. Hellesponticum mare, vel Hellespontus, fretum est angustum inter mare Aegeum et Propontidem, Asiam ab Europa septem non amplius stadiorum intervallo disterminans: nomen sortitur ab Helle, Athamantis filia, vel ab Ἕλλην unde Ἕλληνες, quae fuit una Graecorum appellatio.

"The Hellespontic": eighteen manuscripts with the editions Rome 1470, Soubron and Tornaesius have "the Hellespont." Perhaps read "Hellespontium," as above "Hellespontiam" at ch. 6. The Hellespontic sea, or Hellespont, is a narrow strait between the Aegean Sea and the Propontis, separating Asia from Europe by an interval of no more than seven stades: it takes its name from Helle, daughter of Athamas, or from Hellen, whence "Hellenes," which was one name of the Greeks.

[13] ‹lemma: Aventinus› · col 182 Aventinus. Vide Tit. Liv., l. i.

"Aventinus": see Titus Livy, Book I.

[14] ‹lemma: Tiberinus› · col 182 Tiberinus. Vulgatior fama est Tiberinum, Capeti filium, decimum Albanorum regem, insignem latronem, cum in trajectu Tiberis submergeretur, nomen dedisse fluvio, qui prius Albula dicebatur.

"Tiberinus": the commoner report is that Tiberinus, son of Capetus, tenth king of the Albans, a notorious robber, when he was drowned crossing the Tiber, gave his name to the river, which was earlier called the Albula.

[15] ‹lemma: Qui reges genuerant potentissimos› · col 182 Qui reges genuerant potentissimos. Reimm. attributa essent, quos reges fuisse potentissimos legimus, qui reges genuerant potentissimos. Bun.

"Who had begotten most powerful kings": Reimm. "had been assigned, whom we read were most powerful kings, who had begotten most powerful kings." Bünemann.

[16] ‹lemma: Trismegistus› · col 182 Trismegistus. Quem vide in Pimandro, c. 10.

"Trismegistus": see him in the Pimander, ch. 10.

[17] ‹lemma: Sit hoc factum› · col 182 Sit hoc factum. Sic restituimus ex mss. Regiis, 6 Colb., Lips., Em., Goth., 2 Clarom., 2 Brun. Et lectio nostra confirmatur ex mox sequentibus: Non enim Saturnus hoc, sed Jupiter fecit. Plerique editi, hoc dictum.

"This was done": so we have restored from the Royal manuscripts, six Colbert, Leipzig, Em., Goth., two Clermont, two Brun. And our reading is confirmed by what soon follows: "For not Saturn did this, but Jupiter." Most editions, "this was said."

[18] ‹lemma: Ennius› · col 182 Ennius. Cujus tantum supersunt fragmenta.

"Ennius": of whom only fragments survive.

[19] ‹lemma: Pan eum deducit in montem› · col 182 Pan eum deducit in montem. Locus est obscurissimus, et mira tum mss. tum editorum varietas. Ex his hanc elegi lectionem, utpote eruditorum virorum consilio, majorique mss. et editorum numero ac auctoritate probatam, nempe mss. multorum Vaticanorum, 2 Bonon., 2 Reg., 1 Sorbon., Lips., Tax., Pal., Cantabr., Christ., Edit., Venet. 1490, Soubron., Tornes. 1579, Genev. 1613, et Isaeanae; faventibus quoque aliis 7 Reg. inter quos est optimus Puteanus, 4 Colb., Gat., Marm., 1 Clarom., Brun., et editt. Rom. 1468, 1470, ac Cellar., in quibus legitur Paneum; item mss. quibusdam Vaticanis et Pen. quibus (continues)

"Pan leads him to the mountain": the passage is very obscure, and the variety both of the manuscripts and of the editions is remarkable. Of these I chose this reading as approved by the counsel of learned men and by the greater number and authority of manuscripts and editions, namely the manuscripts of many Vatican copies, two Bologna, two Royal, one Sorbonne, Leipzig, Tax., Pal., Cambridge, Christ Church, the editions Venice 1490, Soubron, Tornaesius 1579, Geneva 1613, and Isaeus's; with the support also of seven other Royal, among which is the excellent Puteanus, four Colbert, Gat., Marm., one Clermont, Brun., and the editions Rome 1468, 1470, and Cellarius, in which is read "Paneum"; likewise certain Vatican manuscripts and Pen., in which (continues)

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma. The last note ends with a full stop at the foot of col 184; whether it runs on is to be checked on page 96. --> [1] ‹lemma: Pan eum deducit in montem (continued)› · col 183

(continued) est Panaeum. In ms. Reg. antiquissimo Pavenium, in Em. Paneam, plur. Vatic. et 8 edit., Pantum, 1 Colb. Pancum, 1 al. Colb., Nav., Vict., Paucum, in 1 Clarom. Panen, in edit. Cratand., Antwerp. 1539, et apud Bocatium, l. iii, Pangaeum: qui altus est Thraciae mons in Macedoniae confinio, Philippis urbi imminens. — Paneum. Una voce quoque edd. Reimm. Ven. 1471, utraque 1478, 97, Rost. Paneum; Lips., 1, Pal., Bon., Tax. et multi Vaticani divisim Pan eum; ex iisdem alii: Pan eum deducit in montem. Cretae. Bun.

[2] ‹lemma: Coeli stela› · col 183 Coeli stela. Sic prorsus legendum esse censent eruditi viri Petrus Ciaconius, Isaeus, Baluzius, Francius, Cellarius, aliique; non abludente ms. Victorino, in quo a prima manu est stelia, a στήλη. Stela est columna. Martianus Capella l. ii: Quasque librorum notas Athanasia conspiciens, quibusdam eminentibus saxis jussit adscribi, atque intra specum per Aegyptiorum abdita collocari, eademque saxa stelas appellans, deorum stemmata continere. Hunc igitur montem ob ejus altitudinem, coeli stelam, hoc est columnam, vocatum vult, tamquam qui coelum contingere atque sustinere videretur. In mss. 10 Reg., 6 Colb., Sorbon., Nav., Vict., Gat., Marm., 2 Clarom., Brun., et in editis stella.

"The pillar of heaven": so exactly, the learned Pedro Chacón, Isaeus, Baluze, Francius, Cellarius and others judge, it must be read; and the Victorine manuscript is not far off, in which the first hand has "stelia," from στήλη. A "stela" is a column. Martianus Capella II: "And Athanasia, seeing the characters of the books, ordered them to be inscribed on certain towering rocks and placed within a cave among the hidden places of the Egyptians, and, calling these rocks 'stelae,' [said] that they contained the genealogies of the gods." He means, then, that this mountain, because of its height, was called the pillar, that is the column, of heaven, as though it seemed to touch and hold up the sky. In ten Royal manuscripts, six Colbert, Sorbonne, Nav., Vict., Gat., Marm., two Clermont, Brun., and in the editions, "stella" (star).

[3] ‹lemma: Quod nunc nominamus› · col 183 Quod nunc nominamus. Ita lego cum mss. 9 Reg. (quorum unus est optimus Puteanus), 6 Colb., Nav., Vict., 1 Sorbon., Gat., Marm., 1 Bon. Lips., 2 Clarom., Brun., edit. Rom. 1468, 1470. Editi multi, quod nominatur οὐρανός; 1 Bonon. antiquior, quod nominatur, simpliciter, sine οὐρανὸς: quae vox inepte addita est, cum Lactantius ipse se mox interpretetur, quod nunc coelum nominamus, tum ita primum a Jove fuisse nominatum.

"Which we now name": so I read, with nine Royal manuscripts (one of which is the excellent Puteanus), six Colbert, Nav., Vict., one Sorbonne, Gat., Marm., one Bologna, Leipzig, two Clermont, Brun., the Roman editions of 1468 and 1470. Many editions, "which is named ouranos"; the older Bologna, "which is named," simply, without "ouranos": a word ineptly added, since Lactantius himself soon explains that what we now call heaven was then first so named by Jupiter.

[4] ‹lemma: Quod aether vocabatur› · col 183 Quod aether vocabatur. Ita mss. omnes cum editis Rom. 1468, 1470, et Tornes. 1579. Caeteri editi, vocatur.

"Which was called ether": so all the manuscripts, with the editions Rome 1468, 1470, and Tornaesius 1579. The other editions, "is called."

[5] ‹lemma: Precans› · col 183 Precans. Mss. 12 rec. multique editi, placans; quod participium abest a Lipsiensibus. In 1 Colb. est deprecans.

"Praying": twelve recent manuscripts and many editions, "placating"; a participle absent from the Leipzig ones. In one Colbert is "beseeching."

[6] ‹lemma: Sacravit› · col 183 Sacravit. Lipsienses codd., sacrificavit. Cell.

"He consecrated": the Leipzig codices, "he sacrificed." Cellarius.

[7] ‹lemma: Caesar quoque in Arato› · col 183 Caesar quoque in Arato. Ea verba nunc quoque in scholiaste Germanici supersunt; unde constat antiquitas scriptori. Fuisse vero dubius hic commentator etiam Lactantii aevo videtur: quem enim simpliciter Caesarem citat, eum germanicum Caesarem aperte vocat c. 21 ejusdem l. et claris verbis l. v, c. 5. Scholia Grammaticum sapiunt, sed et Grammaticam curabant tum primi apud Romanos proceres. Barthius.

"Caesar too in the Aratus": these words still survive in the scholiast on Germanicus; whence the writer's antiquity is established. This commentator seems to have been doubtful even in Lactantius's age: for the one he cites simply as Caesar, he openly calls Germanicus Caesar in ch. 21 of the same book, and in plain words in Book V, ch. 5. The scholia smack of a grammarian, but in those days the foremost nobles among the Romans also cultivated grammar. Barth.

[8] ‹lemma: Aglaosthenem› · col 183 Aglaosthenem. Goth. vitiose, Aglaosthen. Scripsit Aglaosthenes, historiam Rer. Naxicarum. Naxus insula in Cycladibus. Voss. Hist. Gr., l. iii, p. 318. Muncker. ad Hygin. Astron., c. 2, pr. et ipse Hygin. Poet. Astr., c. 16 et 17.

"Aglaosthenes": Goth., corruptly, "Aglaosthen." Aglaosthenes wrote a history of Naxian affairs. Naxos is an island among the Cyclades. Vossius, Greek Historians III, p. 318. Muncker on Hyginus's Astronomy, ch. 2, beginning, and Hyginus himself, Poetic Astronomy, chs. 16 and 17.

[9] ‹lemma: Aquilam ei in auspicium› · col 184 Aquilam ei in auspicium, etc. Aquila apud veteres auspiciis fuit accommodatissima. Festus. — Qua de re vide Suetonium in Octavio Augusto, ubi ob circumvolantem aquilam non semel plebs ipsi bene fuit ominata.

"An eagle [flew] to him as an omen," etc.: among the ancients the eagle was most suited to auspices. Festus. — On this see Suetonius on Octavius Augustus, where, because of an eagle flying round, the people more than once foretold good fortune for him.

[10] ‹lemma: Tutelae suae› · col 184 Tutelae suae. Quid sit tutela dictum est supra.

"To his guardianship": what a "tutela" is has been said above.

[11] ‹lemma: In Oceania› · col 184 In Oceania. Sic emendavimus ex vetustissimis et optimis 2 Reg. aliisque 4 Reg., ac editis Rom. 1470 et 1474, faventibus mss. 2 Clarom. Gat., Marm., edit. Rom. 1468, quibus est in Occeania, Lips. Occeana, 1 Reg. rec. in Octavia, corrupte; 1 Colb., Nav., Vict., 2 Brun., in Oceani, mendose; 1 Reg. rec. et multi editi, in Oceano. Oceaniam, auctore Stephano, Lybiam, ubi Uranus habitavit, esse existimant nonnulli; alii melius (ut nobis videtur) Cretam, quae a Creta nympha hoc posterius nomen nacta est. Vide Plinium Histor. natur., l. iv, c. 12. Pro hac enim ultima opinione facere videntur duo subsequentia Lactantii verba, in oppido Aulacia; nam una ex centum urbibus esse perhibetur, quae in Creta insula conditae fuerant. — In Oceania... in oppido Aulatia. Oppidi nomen aliis Aulacia, aliis Aularia. Lips. 1, Alaria. Cell.

"In Oceania": so we have corrected from the two oldest and best Royal manuscripts and four other Royal, and the Roman editions of 1470 and 1474, with the support of the manuscripts two Clermont, Gat., Marm., and the Roman edition of 1468, which have "in Occeania"; Leipzig "Occeana"; one recent Royal "in Octavia," corruptly; one Colbert, Nav., Vict., two Brun., "in Oceani," wrongly; one recent Royal and many editions, "in Oceano." Some think Oceania, on Stephanus's authority, is Libya, where Uranus lived; others better (as it seems to us) Crete, which got this later name from the nymph Creta. See Pliny, Natural History IV, ch. 12. For this last opinion the two following words of Lactantius seem to tell, "in the town of Aulacia"; for it is said to be one of the hundred cities founded on the island of Crete. — "In Oceania ... in the town of Aulatia": the town's name is in some "Aulacia," in others "Aularia." Leipzig 1, "Alaria." Cellarius.

[12] ‹lemma: Aulacia› · col 184 Aulacia. Ita mss. 1 Regio-Putaneus, Tornesianus et 1 Clarom. In 1 Reg. vetustissimo, Autlacia. In antiquis editionibus Alacia, in 2 Reg., 1 Clarom. et ed. Reg., Aulatia. 1 Lips., Alaria.

"Aulacia": so the manuscripts, the Royal-Puteanus, the Tornaesian and one Clermont. In one very old Royal, "Autlacia." In the old editions "Alacia"; in two Royal, one Clermont and the Royal edition, "Aulatia." One Leipzig, "Alaria."

[13] ‹lemma: Quod fuit› · col 184 Quod fuit. Quia de Deo non potest dici quod fuit; est enim qui est (Exodi iii): est enim sibi constans et semper idem.

"That he was": because it cannot be said of God that he was; for he is "He who is" (Exod. 3): for he is constant to himself and always the same.

[14] ‹lemma: Quos necavit› · col 184 Quos necavit. Quia dicitur eos vorasse, vel potius in carcerem eos detrusisse.

"Whom he killed": because he is said to have devoured them, or rather to have thrust them into prison.

[15] ‹lemma: Cujus dicitur abscidisse genitalia› · col 184 Cujus dicitur abscidisse genitalia. Sic restituimus ex omnibus manuscriptis, praeter 1 Colbertinum in quo est cui, sicut et in editis. Vulgo dicitur Jovem exsecuisse Saturnum. Lycophron. in Cassand. vs. 76. Alii referunt Saturnum abscidisse genitalia Coelo. Apollonius Argonautic. lib. iv, vs. 984: Hic, ubi Saturni falx abdita (parcite Musae, Invitus refero, quae nos docuere priores), Quae patris abscidit genitalia. In Apollonii scholiis Timaeus agnoscit ancipitem esse fabulam; Corcyram Drepanen vocari dicens, a falce, qua Coeli pudenda exsecuit Saturnus, aut Saturni Jupiter. Bochart. — De hac fabula vide Macrobium libro i, c. 8, qui omnia refert ad rationes physicas.

"Whose genitals he is said to have cut off": so we have restored from all the manuscripts, except one Colbert in which is "cui," as also in the editions. It is commonly said that Jupiter castrated Saturn. Lycophron, Cassandra, line 76. Others relate that Saturn cut off the genitals of Heaven. Apollonius, Argonautica IV, line 984: "Here, where Saturn's sickle lies hidden (spare me, Muses; unwillingly I tell what earlier men taught us), which cut off his father's genitals." In the scholia on Apollonius, Timaeus acknowledges that the fable is two-sided, saying that Corcyra is called Drepane from the sickle with which Saturn castrated Heaven, or Jupiter Saturn. Bochart. — On this fable see Macrobius I, ch. 8, who refers everything to physical explanations.

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma. The Hebrew word in note [9] is small and partly unclear in the scan. --> [1] ‹lemma: Abscidisse› · col 185 Abscidisse. Alii de Jove, alii de Saturno referunt. Conf. Tertull. 2, ad Nat., c. 12; Orig. l. i; Cels. p. 14, lib. iv, pag. 196; Athenag. pro Christ. p. 70, 71 et p. 85; Huetius in Demonstr Evang. ad Chamum patrem denudatum videntem, cum Bocharto applicat. Quintilianus auctor est l. i, Inst. c. 6. Modestum scripsisse, quia Coelo Saturnus genitalia absciderit, hoc nomine appellatos coelibes. Buneman.

"Cut off": some tell it of Jupiter, others of Saturn. Compare Tertullian, To the Nations II, ch. 12; Origen, [Against] Celsus I, p. 14, IV, p. 196; Athenagoras, Plea for the Christians pp. 70, 71 and p. 85; Huet in the Demonstratio Evangelica applies it, with Bochart, to Ham seeing his father uncovered. Quintilian, Institutes I, ch. 6, is authority that Modestus wrote that, because Saturn cut off Heaven's genitals, the unmarried were called "caelibes" by this name. Bünemann.

[2] ‹lemma: Ad rationem physicam› · col 185 Ad rationem physicam. Cap. 11. not. et Tertull. i adv. Marc. c. 13. Bun.

"To a physical explanation": ch. 11, note, and Tertullian, Against Marcion I, ch. 13. Bünemann.

[3] ‹lemma: Egeret› · col 185 Egeret. mss. 1 Colbert et Brun. egeat; nec male.

"Would need": one Colbert manuscript and Brun. "egeat"; not badly.

[4] ‹lemma: Putant vestam› · col 185 Putant vestam. Duplex apud antiquos fuit Vesta; una Saturni mater, quae etiam pro terra sumitur, et dicitur deorum mater et magna mater; altera autem Saturni fuit filia: huic ultimae cum Jupiter Titanas vicisset, optionem dedit, virginitatem, optavit. De hac ultima agitur in sequentibus Ovidii carminibus, quae sunt libro vi Fastorum. Hujus Vestae sacra fuerunt vetustissima apud Romanos; ab ea enim fluit ignis aeterni per Vestales custodia et cura.

"They think Vesta": among the ancients there were two Vestas: one the mother of Saturn, who is also taken for the earth and is called mother of the gods and Great Mother; the other was Saturn's daughter: to the latter, when Jupiter had conquered the Titans, he gave a choice, and she chose virginity. It is this latter who is treated in the following verses of Ovid, which are in Book VI of the Fasti. The rites of this Vesta were very ancient among the Romans; for from her flows the keeping and care of the eternal fire by the Vestals.

[5] ‹lemma: Qui quidem putatur ignis› · col 185 Qui quidem putatur ignis. Quod ignis usum Volcanus primus mortalibus indicasse putatur: in cujus beneficii memoriam solemni die, quem Lampudon appellabant Athenienses, accensis a foco Vestae facibus, per urbem discurrebant. Betuleius.

"Who indeed is thought to be fire": because Vulcan is thought to have first shown mortals the use of fire: in memory of which benefit, on a solemn day which the Athenians called Lampudon, they ran about through the city with torches lit from the hearth of Vesta. Betuleius.

[6] ‹lemma: Eum poetae non absciderunt› · col 185 Eum poetae non absciderunt. Eum correximus ex mss. et editis Rom. Soubron, Gymnic., Fasitel., Tornes. et rec. 2, Lips. In editis Thys. et Gall. eam mendose.

"The poets did not castrate him": we corrected "eum" from the manuscripts and the editions Rome, Soubron, Gymnicus, Fasitelius, Tornaesius and two recent, Leipzig. In the editions of Thysius and Gallaeus "eam," wrongly.

[7] ‹lemma: Sine Solis igneo› · col 185 Sine Solis igneo, etc. De hac Solis ad omnium generationem necessitate, vide Platonem in sexto Politicor. et alios.

"Without the fiery [heat] of the Sun," etc.: on this necessity of the Sun for the generation of all things, see Plato in the sixth book of the Republic, and others.

[8] ‹lemma: Cursum et conversionem› · col 185 Cursum et conversionem, etc. Quia Saturnus propter vetustatem est veluti temporis symbolum, de quo vide Heraclidis Pontici Allegorica, sicut et Fulgentium atque etiam Macrob. et S. Aug. de Civit. Dei, l. xvii, c. 19.

"Course and revolution," etc.: because Saturn, on account of his great age, is as it were a symbol of time; on which see the Allegories of Heraclides Ponticus, as also Fulgentius, and Macrobius too, and St Augustine, City of God XVII, ch. 19.

[9] ‹lemma: κρόνος› · col 186 κρόνος. De quo vide Macrobium lib. i Saturnal., cap. 22 et 29. — Hinc Saturni sacra Cronia dicta Accio. Conf. Savaron. ad Sidon. Carm. 15, p. 149. Huet D. E. p. 257. Bun.

"Kronos": on which see Macrobius, Saturnalia I, chs. 22 and 29. — Hence the rites of Saturn are called "Cronia" by Accius. Compare Savaron on Sidonius, Poem 15, p. 149. Huet, Demonstratio Evangelica p. 257. Bünemann.

[10] ‹lemma: Saturnus, quod saturetur› · col 186 Saturnus, quod saturetur. Huetius c. l. p. 290. a סתר, latuit, cum aliis A. Acoluthus statuit, verissime derivari ab Armenico, s. Aegyptiaco SATOR, cum N suffixo, ut Satorn sit magnus culter; habetur enim pro inventore falcis messoriae, quae genitalia coeli, id est, gramina, herbas, flores, segetes, coeli, beneficio progenitas, desecuit. Vid. Acoluthi Epist. ad B. Abb. Luccensem MOLANUM in Leibnitii Collect. Etymol. pag. 162. Bun.

"Saturn, because he is sated": Huet, at the place cited, p. 290, [derives it] from the Hebrew for "he hid," with others; A. Acoluthus holds that it is most truly derived from the Armenian or Egyptian SATOR, with the suffix N, so that "Satorn" is "great knife"; for he is held to be the inventor of the reaping-hook, which cut off the genitals of heaven, that is, the grasses, plants, flowers and crops brought forth by heaven's kindness. See Acoluthus's letter to Abbot Molanus of Loccum in Leibniz's Collectanea Etymologica, p. 162. Bünemann.

[11] ‹lemma: E coelo gigni› · col 186 E coelo gigni. Cum Goth. ex Lips. Rost. Ven. 1471, 72, utraque faciunt; sed facile apparet, inquit Heumannus, a coelo rescribi oportere. Non puto. Sic dixit c. 11, apparet non ex coelo natum esse. Latini enim haud raro dicunt, gigni, generari, nasci ex aliquo, ex aliqua. Bun.

"To be begotten from heaven": Goth. with Leipzig, Rost., Venice 1471, '72, both of them, have this; but "it is plain," says Heumann, "that it should be rewritten 'a coelo'." I do not think so. So he said in ch. 11, "it is plain that he was not born from heaven." For the Latins not seldom say "to be begotten, generated, born" from (ex) a man or a woman. Bünemann.

[12] ‹lemma: Abscidi› · col 186 Abscidi. Ita omnes fere mss. et editi codices. Et olim dictum fuisse abscidere pro abscindere, a me observatum est ad Paulin. ep. 11 novae ed. n. 7. Sic ait Joan Bapt. le Brun, cujus haec editio S. Paulini.

"To be cut off": so nearly all the manuscript and printed codices. And that "abscidere" was once said for "abscindere" I have observed on Paulinus, letter 11 of the new edition, no. 7. So says Jean-Baptiste Le Brun, whose this edition of St Paulinus is.

[13] ‹lemma: Vere› · col 186 Vere. Id est, non allegorice.

"Truly": that is, not allegorically.

[14] ‹lemma: Nisi forte aliquis existimet› · col 186 Nisi forte aliquis existimet. Sic omnes libri in conjunctivo, existimet, praeter Lips. tert. et Reimm. existimat. Heumann. Lege, inquit existimat; ita enim Latini loquuntur. Lactantius l. i, c. 3: Nisi forte arbitremur, ubi noto; de Ira, cap. 10: Nisi forte quis arbitretur. Cicero l. x, Att., 8: Nisi forte... censueris. Bun.

"Unless perhaps someone should think": so all the books, in the subjunctive, "existimet," except the third Leipzig and Reimm., "existimat." Heumann: "Read," he says, "'existimat'; for so the Latins speak." Lactantius I, ch. 3: "unless perhaps we should judge," where I note it; On the Wrath of God, ch. 10: "unless perhaps someone should judge." Cicero, To Atticus X 8: "unless perhaps ... you should have thought." Bünemann.

[15] ‹lemma: Timuit› · col 186 Timuit. Ergo Deus non erat existimandus; timor enim in deum cadere non potest.

"He feared": therefore he was not to be thought a god; for fear cannot befall a god.

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Idem› · col 187 Idem. Mss. Pal. 1, Colb., 1 Lips. et Brun. Item.

"The same": the manuscripts Pal. 1, Colbert, one Leipzig and Brun., "Item" (likewise).

[2] ‹lemma: Responso vetitus› · col 187 Responso vetitus. Responso Telluris matris. Apollodor. i, c. 1. Cell.

"Forbidden by an oracle": by the oracle of his mother Earth. Apollodorus I, ch. 1. Cellarius.

[3] ‹lemma: Sed necabat› · col 187 Sed necabat. Poetae volunt omnes liberos a Saturno devoratos, praeter tres, Jovem, Neptunum, Plutonem, qui soli superstites orbem universum inter se diviserunt. Vide Hesiodum in Theogonia.

"But he killed them": the poets would have it that all the children were devoured by Saturn except three, Jupiter, Neptune, Pluto, who alone survived and divided the whole world among themselves. See Hesiod in the Theogony.

[4] ‹lemma: Num idcirco› · col 187 Num idcirco. Ita restitui ex quamplurimis mss. et edd. Betul. et Is. Vide supra cap. 11, similem locution. ms. Em., Nam, male, pro num.; i Lips. et plures editi, nunc idcirco... mandaverit? Alii sine interrogatione. mss. 2. Colb. et 1, Clarom., non idcirco.

"Is it for this reason": so I restored from very many manuscripts and the editions of Betuleius and Isaeus. See above, ch. 11, a similar expression. The Em. manuscript, "Nam," wrongly, for "num"; one Leipzig and several editions, "now for this reason ... should have committed?" Others without a question. Two Colbert manuscripts and one Clermont, "not for this reason."

[5] ‹lemma: Num idcirco› · col 187 Num idcirco. Subaudi putemus. Bun.

"Is it for this reason": understand "should we think." Bünemann.

[6] ‹lemma: Qui extulerit, sepulturaeque mandaverit› · col 187 Qui extulerit, sepulturaeque mandaverit. Venter et os per comparationem sepulcrum appellantur: hinc David Ps. XIII, v. 6, Sepulcrum patens est guttur eorum. Ad quem locum allusum ab Optato Afro lib. ii adversus Parm.: Unde furori vestro tanta fames innata est, ut guttura vestra sepulcro patentiora feceretis? Unicuique sepulcro sufficit unum funus, et clauditur; gutturi vestro honorum funera minime sufficiunt, et adhuc patet dum aliquos quaeritis devorare. Valer. Max. de Artemisia, lib. iv, c. 6; Quintilian. Declam. 12: Aestuant adhuc intra pectus sepulcra ventribus nostris cognata viscera. Quia igitur venter et os sepulcrum appellantur, hinc Saturnus devorasse filios dictus est, quos extulerat sepelieratque. Kirchmannus.

"Who carried them out and committed them to burial": the belly and the mouth are by comparison called a tomb: hence David, Psalm 13:6 [sic]: "Their throat is an open sepulchre." To which passage Optatus the African alluded, Against Parmenian II: "Whence was so great a hunger born in your fury that you made your throats more open than a sepulchre? For each sepulchre one corpse suffices, and it is closed; for your throat the corpses of good men do not suffice at all, and it still gapes while you seek others to devour." Valerius Maximus on Artemisia, IV, ch. 6; Quintilian, Declamation 12: "Still within our breast the sepulchres seethe, flesh akin to our bellies." Since, then, the belly and the mouth are called a tomb, hence Saturn was said to have devoured his sons, whom he had carried out and buried. Kirchmann.

[7] ‹lemma: Furtim misit in Cretam› · col 187 Furtim misit in Cretam. Antea, c. 11. idem dictum, quod de Creta insula fere omnes intelligunt. Bunemanus.

"Sent him secretly to Crete": the same was said before, ch. 11, which nearly all understand of the island of Crete. Bünemann.

[8] ‹lemma: Corybantes› · col 187 Corybantes. Ii erant Cybeles sacerdotes, qui, sacro correpti furore, cymbala pulsabant. Idam primum, Phrygiae montem, ac postea Cretam habitarunt, ubi Jovem infantem aluerunt. De eorum nomine putat Diodorus Siculus, quod illud habuerint a Corybanto, Jasii et Ideae filio. — Corybantes. Liber i, cap. 21. In nummo totam fabulam oculis contrectandam dedit Minuc. c. 21, pag. 201. Spanhem. ad Callim. in Gronovius ad Jovem, p. 21, 23. Conf. Luciani dial. Vener. et Cupid. p. 206, et de Saltat. p. 78. Langbein ad Dionys. Longin. παρὰ ὕψους, sect. 39; Voss. Theol. Gentil. l. ii, c. 53. Montfaucon, Antiqu. Expliq. tom i, f. 301, sq. Bun.

"The Corybantes": they were priests of Cybele, who, seized with sacred frenzy, beat cymbals. They lived first on Ida, a mountain of Phrygia, and afterwards in Crete, where they reared the infant Jupiter. Diodorus Siculus thinks they had their name from Corybas, son of Iasius and Idaea. — "The Corybantes": Book I, ch. 21. On a coin the whole fable was given to be handled by the eyes; Minucius ch. 21, p. 201. Spanheim on Callimachus, in Gronovius, on the Hymn to Zeus, pp. 21, 23. Compare Lucian's dialogue of Venus and Cupid, p. 206, and On Dancing, p. 78. Langbein on Dionysius Longinus, On the Sublime, sect. 39; Vossius, Gentile Theology II, ch. 53. Montfaucon, L'Antiquité expliquée, vol. I, f. 301 and following. Bünemann.

[9] ‹lemma: Aliqua vis major› · col 187 Aliqua vis major. Ita mss. codices. In editis post aliqua vis, additum est potentior aut, quod est glossema. Quis etiam credat Lactantium scripsisse vis potentior, quae illius vinceret potestatem?

"Some greater force": so the manuscript codices. In the editions, after "some force," "more powerful or" is added, which is a gloss. Who would even believe that Lactantius wrote "a more powerful force, which would overcome his power"?

[10] ‹lemma: Janus› · col 188 Janus. Arnob. iii, p. 117; Cypr., Idol. Van. cap. 1, 4; Tertull. Apol. cap. 10; Plin. lib. 33, c. 3, sect. 13; caetera dant notae ad Minuc. Fel. c. 22. Crenius p. ix Animadv., p. 52, maxime Montfauc. t. i. Ant. Expl. Bun.

"Janus": Arnobius III, p. 117; Cyprian, On the Vanity of Idols, chs. 1, 4; Tertullian, Apology ch. 10; Pliny XXXIII, ch. 3, sect. 13; the notes on Minucius Felix ch. 22 give the rest. Crenius, Animadversiones part IX, p. 52; above all Montfaucon, L'Antiquité expliquée, vol. I. Bünemann.

[11] ‹lemma: Cujus rei argumenta sunt nummi veteres› · col 188 Cujus rei argumenta sunt nummi veteres, etc. Mss. 1, Colb. et Brun., Cui rei argumenta sunt. Vide Plutarchum in Ῥωμαϊκοῖς, qui tamen rationem non approbat, quia id Saturno cum multis commune fuit. Ut igitur quod mihi magis probabile videtur, proferam, puto veteres symbolo navis aliud quidpiam significasse, nempe Arcam Noe, qua cum suis ab universali diluvio fuit servatus. Per Janum multi existimant eumdem Noam intelligendum, eumque bifrontem pingi, eo quod viderit saeculum quod fuit ante et post diluvium. Ex Bocharto, qui omnia refert ad Noachicam familiam. — Videsis etiam Dickinson in diatriba de Noe nominibus ethnicis. Sed recentiores ope veterum historicorum, relicta metaphora, ad res quae magis sunt verosimiles accedunt. — Hi nummi dicuntur Jani ratiti, ratici Janicolae; de quibus vide Jobertum e Societate Jesu in eleganti libro de Notitia Rei nummariae. Hos nummos commemorant Plinius lib. 33, Historiae natur. cap. 13; Plutarchus, in Quaestionib. Romanis; Macrobius, Saturnal. lib. i, cap. 7.

"Proofs of this are the old coins," etc.: one Colbert manuscript and Brun., "Proofs for which are." See Plutarch in the Roman Questions, who, however, does not approve the explanation, because this was common to Saturn with many. To put forward, then, what seems to me more probable, I think the ancients signified something else by the symbol of the ship, namely Noah's Ark, by which he with his family was saved from the universal flood. Many think that by Janus the same Noah is to be understood, and that he is painted two-faced because he saw the age before and after the flood. From Bochart, who refers everything to the family of Noah. — See also Dickinson in the treatise On the Heathen Names of Noah. But more recent scholars, with the help of the ancient historians, leaving metaphor aside, come to things that are more probable. — These coins are called "Jani ratiti," "ratici Janicolae"; on which see Joubert of the Society of Jesus in his elegant book on the knowledge of coinage. These coins are mentioned by Pliny, Natural History XXXIII, ch. 13; Plutarch in the Roman Questions; Macrobius, Saturnalia I, ch. 7.

[12] ‹lemma: Formavit› · col 188 Formavit. Ita omnes mss. et editi codices Lactantiani: at meliores libri Ovidiani, servavit.

"Shaped": so all the manuscript and printed codices of Lactantius; but the better books of Ovid, "servavit" (preserved).

[13] ‹lemma: Prodiderunt› · col 188 Prodiderunt. Mss. i Colbert., 1 Clarom. et Brun. tradiderunt.

"Have recorded": one Colbert manuscript, one Clermont and Brun., "tradiderunt" (have handed down).

[14] ‹lemma: Diodorus et Thallus› · col 188 Diodorus et Thallus, etc. Tertull. Apol. Saturnum, neque Diodorus Graecus, aut Thallus, neque Cassius Severus, aut Cornelius Nepos, aliud quam hominem provulgarunt. Thallus Syriacam Historiam diligenter tractavit, ut auctor est Africanus apud Euseb. de Praepar. Evang., lib. x, cap. 3; item Euseb. lib. i Chronic. — Diodorus Siculus, lib. iii, cap. 61. Cell.

"Diodorus and Thallus," etc.: Tertullian, Apology: "Neither Diodorus the Greek, nor Thallus, nor Cassius Severus, nor Cornelius Nepos made Saturn out to be anything but a man." Thallus treated Syrian history diligently, as Africanus reports in Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel X, ch. 3; likewise Eusebius, Chronicle I. — Diodorus Siculus III, ch. 61. Cellarius.

[15] ‹lemma: Thallus› · col 188 Thallus. Cap. 23. Minuc. Fel. c. 22. Tertull. ii ad Nat. c. 12, rectius quam Goth. et Reimm. Thallius. Bun.

"Thallus": ch. 23. Minucius Felix ch. 22. Tertullian, To the Nations II, ch. 12; more correctly than Goth. and Reimm., "Thallius." Bünemann.

[16] ‹lemma: Thallus... Nepos, Cassius› · col 188 Thallus... Nepos, Cassius. Nepos in Chronicorum libris, qui una cum Thalli et Cassii Severi historiis interierunt. Eosdem auctores de Saturni regno terrestri Minucius Felix citat, et Tertullianus Apolog. cap. 10. Cell.

"Thallus ... Nepos, Cassius": Nepos in the books of his Chronicles, which perished together with the histories of Thallus and Cassius Severus. Minucius Felix cites the same authorities on Saturn's earthly reign, and Tertullian, Apology ch. 10. Cellarius.

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<!-- VARIORUM NOTAE: lemma notes without call marks; numbered here in print order, anchor = lemma --> [1] ‹lemma: Is genus› · col 189 Is genus, etc. Virg. viii Aeneid., 320. Haec verba citantur etiam ab Augustino lib. vii, de Civit. Dei, cap. 26.

"He [gathered] the race," etc.: Virgil, Aeneid VIII 320. These words are also quoted by Augustine, City of God VII, ch. 26.

[2] ‹lemma: His quoniam latuisset tutus in oris› · col 189 His quoniam latuisset tutus in oris. Hinc Saturni nomen deduco a verbo hebraeo SATAR, latuit, abscondit; ita ut Saturnus idem sit ac Latius, unde terra Saturnia, dicta etiam Latium. Ex Vossio.

"Since he had lain hidden safe on these shores": hence I derive the name of Saturn from the Hebrew verb SATAR, "he lay hidden, he hid"; so that Saturn is the same as "Latius," whence the Saturnian land was also called Latium. From Vossius.

[3] ‹lemma: Πρώτιστος› · col 189 Πρώτιστος, etc. Latine sic, Primus quidem regnator erat terrestrium Saturnus virorum, Ex Saturno autem genitus est ipse rex magnus, Et late cuncta intuens Jupiter.

"First of all," etc.: in Latin thus: "First, indeed, Saturn was ruler of earthly men; and of Saturn was born the great king himself, Jupiter, who looks far and wide on all things."

[4] ‹lemma: Aurea condet› · col 189 Aurea condet. Ex lib. vi, Aeneid., 793, ubi Anchises pater filio Aeneae de Augusto Caesare haec vaticinatur.

"He shall found golden [ages]": from Aeneid VI 793, where father Anchises foretells this to his son Aeneas about Augustus Caesar.

[5] ‹lemma: Saecula; qui rursus Latio› · col 189 Saecula; qui rursus Latio. Lego qui, ut apud Maronem et in cunctis Lactantii mss. codicibus, praeter Brun. et edit. in quibus est quae. Nam ibi de Augusto loquitur.

"Ages; who again in Latium": I read "qui" (who), as in Maro and in all the manuscript codices of Lactantius, except Brun. and the editions, in which is "quae" (which). For there he speaks of Augustus.

[6] ‹lemma: Coelus habuit› · col 189 Coelus habuit. Sic restitui ex omnibus mss. quorum 5 rec. habent Coelius; cuncti pene editi, Uranus.

"Caelus had": so I restored from all the manuscripts, of which five recent ones have "Coelius"; nearly all the editions, "Uranus."

[7] ‹lemma: Sacra historia› · col 189 Sacra historia. Scilicet Euhemeri quam, interpretatus est Ennius.

"The Sacred History": that is, Euhemerus's, which Ennius translated.

[8] ‹lemma: Facie deterior› · col 189 Facie deterior. Ita restitui ex omnibus fere mss. et 8. impressis. Caeteri excusi cum mss. 2, Reg. rec. et 1 Brun., facile. At facie deterior, recte: Gallice, plus laid de visage. — Facile deterior. Goth., Lips. tert., Reimm., Ven., utraque 1478, Crat., Tornes. 3, Facie deterior. Non male: deterius Ven. 1471, facie clarior. Buneman.

"Inferior in looks": so I restored from nearly all the manuscripts and eight printed editions. The other printed copies, with two manuscripts, a recent Royal and one Brun., "facile" (easily). But "facie deterior" is right: in French, "plus laid de visage." — "Facile deterior": Goth., the third Leipzig, Reimm., Venice, both of 1478, Cratander, Tornaesius 3, "facie deterior." Not badly: worse, Venice 1471, "facie clarior" (more handsome). Bünemann.

[9] ‹lemma: Sorores suas operam dare› · col 189 Sorores suas operam dare. Sic restituimus ex omnibus fere mss. et editis. In edd. Gall. et Spark, suam, quae vox abest a 2 Reg. recent. Haec verba, atque sorores suas, desunt in ed. Sublac.

"His sisters to be at pains": so we have restored from nearly all the manuscripts and editions. In the editions of Gallaeus and Sparck, "suam," a word absent from two recent Royal. These words, "and his sisters," are wanting in the Subiaco edition.

[10] ‹lemma: Concessit ei› · col 190 Concessit ei. mss. Em., Christ. et ed. Cellar., eis, scilicet matri et sororibus.

"He yielded to him": the manuscripts Em., Christ. and Cellarius's edition, "to them," namely to his mother and sisters.

[11] ‹lemma: Filius› · col 190 Filius. Per Antiptosim pro Filium, ut: Sermonem quem audistis, non est meus; Urbem quam statuo, vestra est. Isaeus.

"A son" (nominative): by antiptosis for "filium" (accusative), as: "The word which you have heard is not mine"; "The city which I found is yours." Isaeus.

[12] ‹lemma: Junonem Saturno in conspectum dedere› · col 190 Junonem Saturno in conspectum dedere. More veterum, qui prolem in conspectum patris dedere, ut eam genuinam et ejus sobolem esse agnosceret. Cum illam acciperet in gremium tolleretque, signum fuit agnitae sobolis. Walchius.

"They presented Juno to Saturn's sight": after the custom of the ancients, who presented offspring to the father's sight, so that he might acknowledge it as genuine and his own issue. When he received it into his lap and lifted it up, it was the sign that the issue was acknowledged. Walch.

[13] ‹lemma: Celantes Saturnum› · col 190 Celantes Saturnum. Goth., Sublac., Ven. 1471, secunda 1478, Rost., celantes Saturno. Bun.

"Hiding it from Saturn" (accusative): Goth., Subiaco, Venice 1471, the second of 1478, Rost., "celantes Saturno" (dative). Bünemann.

[14] ‹lemma: Pluto latine est Dispater› · col 190 Pluto latine est Dispater. Sic habent quidam mss. teste Isaeo; et sic ipse legendum esse censet. Correctioni nostrae favent vetustissimi mss. Regio-Puteanus a prima manu, et Cauc. in quibus est, Diispater, quod puto librarium scripisse pro Dispater, qui est Pluto; et 1 Clarom. in quo est Dispiter. In multis mss. et in omnibus fere editis est Diespiter: quod Jovis, non Plutonis, cognomen est, teste Macrobio Saturnal. i, cap. 15. Pluto latine sonat Dis; et sic vocatus est Aeneid. lib. vi, v. 269, id est dives. Pluto autem (ut notat Cicero lib. ii, de Nat. deorum) est Dispater, quasi dicas, pater dives, vel, Deus divitiarum: Quia Dis, ut apud Graecos, πλουτῶν. Arnob. lib. ii, in fine: Cum ex Apollinis monitu patri Diti, ac Saturno humanis capitibus supplicaretur. Qua autem ratione in caeteris Lactantii mss. et editis vocatur Diespiter non video. Nomen enim Diespitris Jovi attributum fuisse notissimum est; at Plutoni nunquam quod sciam.

"Pluto in Latin is Dispater": so certain manuscripts have it, on the witness of Isaeus; and so he himself judges it should be read. Our correction is supported by the oldest manuscripts, the Royal-Puteanus in the first hand, and Cauc., in which is "Diispater," which I think the copyist wrote for "Dispater," who is Pluto; and one Clermont, in which is "Dispiter." In many manuscripts and nearly all editions is "Diespiter": which is a surname of Jupiter, not of Pluto, on the witness of Macrobius, Saturnalia I, ch. 15. Pluto in Latin is rendered "Dis"; and so he is called in Aeneid VI, line 269, that is, "rich." Pluto, moreover (as Cicero notes, On the Nature of the Gods II), is Dispater, as if you said "rich father," or "god of riches": because Dis is, as among the Greeks, "Plouton." Arnobius II, at the end: "when, at Apollo's warning, father Dis and Saturn were propitiated with human heads." But by what reasoning he is called Diespiter in the other manuscripts and editions of Lactantius I do not see. For it is very well known that the name Diespiter was given to Jupiter; but never, so far as I know, to Pluto.

[15] ‹lemma: Orcum vocant› · col 190 Orcum vocant. Ita restitutum ex mss. codicibus, praeter duos Reg. rec. in quibus, sicut et in editis, est dicunt.

"Call him Orcus": so restored from the manuscript codices, except two recent Royal, in which, as in the editions, is "dicunt" (say).

(printed under page 98)

(1) ‹Ut scripta sunt› · call in col 191

Ut scripta sunt. Dele, inquit Heumannus; est glossema. Imo sunt verba Ennii repetita in Epitome, c. 13, non ergo delenda. Bun.

"As they are written." Delete it, says Heumann; it is a gloss. On the contrary, they are Ennius's words repeated in the Epitome, ch. 13, so they are not to be deleted. Bünemann.

(printed under page 99)

(2) ‹Haec infert› · call in col 191

Hæc infert. Sic reposuimus ex mss. codicibus, præter duos Colbert. rec. et edd. in quibus est, refert.

"He adds this." So we have restored it from the manuscripts, except two recent Colbert manuscripts and the editions, which have "refert" (he reports).

(printed under page 99)

(3) ‹Eosque muro circumegit› · call in col 191

Eosque muro circumegit. Sic cuncti pene mss. et editi omnes; ita ut nullus dubitem sic scripsisse Lactantium: Quasi dicas, muro egit circum eos. Equidem nullum auctorem latinum sic locutum invenio. Quidam malunt legere murum, ut in uno recentiore Colbertino. An mavis legere eosque muros circumegit, cum duobus Regiis, ex quibus unus est omnium vetustissimus? Vel hic circumegit est pro circumdedit, vel cinxit, seu circumduxit, ut est apud Virgilium: Stridentem fundam circum caput egit. Quod propius est latinitatis indoli, ut a circum casus pendeat. Sed verbum circumdedit Sparckio magis arridet, quam circumegit.

"And surrounded them with a wall." So almost all the manuscripts and all the editions, so that I do not doubt at all that Lactantius wrote thus: as if you said, "he drove a wall around them." For my part I find no Latin author who spoke so. Some prefer to read "murum", as in one more recent Colbert manuscript. Or would you rather read "eosque muros circumegit" with two Royal manuscripts, one of which is the oldest of all? Either "circumegit" here stands for "circumdedit" (put around), or "cinxit" (girded), or "circumduxit" (led around), as in Virgil: "He whirled the whistling sling around his head." That is nearer the genius of Latin, that the case should depend on "circum". But the verb "circumdedit" pleases Sparck more than "circumegit".

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(4) ‹Iis› · call in col 191

Iis. Sic correxi ex mss. Reimm. hiis, id est, iis. Bun.

"To them." So I have corrected from the Reimmann manuscripts, "hiis", that is, "iis". Bünemann.

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(5) ‹Sybilla› · call in col 191

Sybilla, etc. Sybyllina carmina, serm. 3: Ἤνικα δ' ἤκουσαν, etc.

"The Sibyl", etc. The Sibylline Oracles, discourse 3: "But when they heard", etc.

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(6) ‹Sustulisset› · call in col 191

Sustulisset. Id est, e terra sublatos, susceptos educasset, lib. i, cap. 16. Plura Pitisc. ad Curt. l. ix, cap. 1, 25 not. 58. Schott. ad. Senec. l. iv Controv., 26 p. 313. Barth. ad Stat. i. Silv. ii, 109, p. 66, et Bartholin. de Puerperio veterum, p. 72, sq. Bun.

"Had raised." That is, had reared them, lifted from the ground and taken up, book 1, ch. 16. More in Pitiscus on Curtius, book 9, ch. 1, 25, note 58; Schott on Seneca, Controversiae book 4, 26, p. 313; Barth on Statius, Silvae 1.2.109, p. 66; and Bartholin, On the Childbirth of the Ancients, p. 72 f. Bünemann.

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(7) ‹Audisset› · call in col 191

Audisset. Ita mss. præter tres rec. in quibus, vidisset. In editis, audivisset.

"Had heard." So the manuscripts, except three recent ones, which have "vidisset" (had seen). In the editions, "audivisset".

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(8) ‹Titanumque› · call in col 191

Titanumque. Sic in editis ac mss. si quinque vulgatos excipias, in quibus est Titanem.

"And Titan's." So in the editions and manuscripts, if you except five common ones, which have "Titanem".

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(9) ‹Filios ejus pugnando vicisse› · call in col 191

Filios ejus pugnando vicisse. Ita mss. quamplurimi et optim. In 3 Reg., 1 Colb. et Brun., filios ejus pugna vicisse; in 1 Colbert., filios ejus expugnavisse; in Christ., 2 Colb. et edit. Tornes. filios ejus expugnasse. In 1 Reg. rec., socios suos expugnasse.

"Defeated his sons by fighting." So very many and the best manuscripts. In 3 Royal, 1 Colbert and Brunswick, "defeated his sons in battle"; in 1 Colbert, "expugnavisse" (overcame his sons); in the Christina manuscript, 2 Colbert and the Tornaesius edition, "expugnasse". In 1 recent Royal, "overcame his allies".

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(10) ‹Post haec deinde› · call in col 191

Post hæc deinde. Pleonasmus. Vid. not. l. ii, c. 13, Postea deinde. l. vii, c. 5. Post deinde; posthæc deinde. Ex Colum. iii, 4, indicavit Heusinger, ad Vechner, pag. 157. Bun.

"After this, then." A pleonasm. See the note at book 2, ch. 13, "Postea deinde"; book 7, ch. 5, "Post deinde"; "posthaec deinde" Heusinger pointed out from Columella 3.4, on Vechner, p. 157. Bünemann.

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(11) ‹Sortis› · call in col 191

Sortis. Oraculi. Vid. not. l. i, cap. 6. Bun.

"Of the lot." Of the oracle. See the note at book 1, ch. 6. Bünemann.

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(12) ‹Elevandae sortis› · call in col 191

Elevandæ sortis. Id est, imminuendæ. In 1 Christ., alienandæ; 1 Colbert., allevandæ.

"Of lightening the lot." That is, of diminishing it. In 1 Christina manuscript, "alienandae" (of estranging); in 1 Colbert, "allevandae".

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(13) ‹honoribus jactare› · call in col 192

Honoribus jactare. Sic Reim. et plurimi. At Ven. 1471 et Rost. 1476, honoribus tractare. Utraque Ven. 1478, honoribus ictare. Corrupte. Insolens honoribus jactare aliquem; mallem honoribus mactare. Ita Lact. l. v., c. 9: Eos laudant et honoribus mactant. Ubi plura dant a me citati auctores. Bun.

"To extol with honours." So the Reimmann and most. But Venice 1471 and Rostock 1476, "honoribus tractare" (to treat with honours). Both Venice 1478, "honoribus ictare". Corrupt. "To extol someone with honours" is unusual; I would prefer "honoribus mactare" (to load with honours). So Lactantius, book 5, ch. 9: "They praise them and load them with honours." Where the authors I cite give more. Bünemann.

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(14) ‹ut etiam deos appellarent› · call in col 192

Ut etiam deos appellarent, sive ob, etc. Origo consecrationis est hujusmodi. Mos erat antiquissimis temporibus, ut conditoribus urbium, aut aliis de publica re et vita communi bene meritis, a morte summi honores decernerentur, qui ἡρωικαὶ τιμαὶ dicebantur. Adulatio ac postea superstitio θεοποιΐαν invenit, et paulatim pro diis haberi cœperunt, quibus antea heroici tantum honores fuerant decreti: Plutarch. in Mulier. præclaris factis. Hanc esse consecrationis originem, præter Lactant. hoc loco, etiam Athenagoras, Euseb., Theodoret., Minut. Fel. aliique diserte tradunt. Hinc igitur phrases adulationis plenissimæ, in deorum numerum referre, in deos referre, ἀποθεοῦν, vel θεὸν ποιεῖν, quibus abundant Veterum scripta. Hac adulatione reliquos mortales omnes superarunt Athenienses, ut notum omnibus iis, qui ipsorum historiam leviter tantum degustarunt. Kirchmannus.

"So that they even called them gods, whether for", etc. The origin of deification is of this kind. It was the custom in the most ancient times that the founders of cities, or others who had deserved well of the commonwealth and common life, should be decreed the highest honours after death, which were called heroic honours. Flattery and afterwards superstition invented deification, and little by little those to whom only heroic honours had before been decreed began to be held for gods: Plutarch, On the Brave Deeds of Women. That this is the origin of deification, besides Lactantius in this place, Athenagoras, Eusebius, Theodoret, Minucius Felix and others expressly relate. Hence, then, the phrases full of flattery, "to enrol among the number of the gods", "to enrol among the gods", "to deify" or "to make a god", in which the writings of the ancients abound. In this flattery the Athenians surpassed all other mortals, as is known to all who have tasted their history however lightly. Kirchmann.

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(15) ‹ut fieri solet› · call in col 192

Ut fieri solet. Sublac. et Rost., ut solet. Haud raro illud fieri Lactantius aliique omittunt. Conf. l. i, c. 6, not.; l. vi, c. 10, not. Bun.

"As usually happens." Subiaco and Rostock, "ut solet" (as is usual). Not seldom Lactantius and others omit that "fieri". Compare book 1, ch. 6, note; book 6, ch. 10, note. Bünemann.

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(16) ‹In adulationem› · call in col 192

In adulationem. Vide S. Augustin. de Civit. Dei lib. ii, cap. 15.

"In flattery." See St Augustine, The City of God, book 2, ch. 15.

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(17) ‹ex imaginum contemplatione solatium› · call in col 192

Ut haberent aliquod ex imaginum contemplatione solatium. Cyprianus in tract. quod Idola dii non sunt: Deos non esse, quos vulgus colit, hinc notum est. Reges olim fuerunt, qui ob regalem memoriam coli apud suos postmodum etiam in morte cœperunt. Inde illis instituta templa; inde ad defunctorum vultus per imaginem detinendos, expressa simulacra: nam et immolabant hostias, et dies festos dando honore celebrabant; inde posteris facta sunt sacra, quæ primis assumpta fuerant solatia. Sic etiam apud profanos auctores. Servius ad i Georg. de Sylvano. Senec. epist. 40 de imaginibus loquens: « Desiderium absentiæ falso atque inani (continues)

"That they might have some comfort from contemplating the images." Cyprian in the treatise That Idols Are Not Gods: "That those whom the common people worship are not gods is known from this. They were once kings, who for their royal memory afterwards began to be worshipped by their own people even in death. Hence temples were founded for them; hence, to hold the faces of the dead by an image, statues were fashioned: for they both sacrificed victims and kept feast days in giving them honour; hence what had been taken up by the first as comforts became sacred rites for their descendants." So too among the profane authors: Servius on Georgics 1, of Silvanus; Seneca, Letter 40, speaking of images: "the longing for one absent with a false and empty (continues)

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(2) ‹Per amorem meriti› · call in col 193

Per amorem meriti. Sic ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. et 10 editi. Abest meriti a 25 scriptis, et vet. edit. Rom., Betul., Tornes., Is.

"Through love of merit." So 1 old Bologna manuscript and 10 editions. "Meriti" is absent from 25 manuscripts and from the old Rome edition, Betuleius, Tornaesius, Isaeus.

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(3) ‹Tollerent› · call in col 193

Tollerent. Ex Cicerone de Nat. deor. lib ii, c. 62, et omnibus mss. nostris ac edit. Tornes. sic emendamus. In editis est, tolleret.

"Should raise." From Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book 2, ch. 62, and all our manuscripts and the Tornaesius edition we so correct. In the editions is "tolleret" (should raise, singular).

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(4) ‹Et alio loco› · call in col 193

Et alio loco: Atque in plerisque civitatibus. In editis Is., Gall. et Spark. erat, Atque adeo; quæ ultima vox abest a mss. Regiis, 1 Colb., 2 Brun. et ab ipso Cicerone lib. iii de Nat. deor. cap. 50. In mss. 5 Colb., 2 Clarom., Christ. et in omnibus fere edit. adhuc ineptius, Et alio loco, atque alio in plerisque civitatibus; cum verba Ciceronis quæ sequuntur, non nisi ex uno, quem signavimus loco, deprompta sint omnia. Atque satis inutile videtur: sed illud utpote Ciceronis sine necessitate conservavit Lactantius, ut Tullianum autem ex superiore loco, ex lib. ii. cap. 24. Alio frustra ex antecedente repetitum.

"And in another place: And in most cities." In the editions of Isaeus, Gallaeus and Sparck it was "Atque adeo"; the last word is absent from the Royal manuscripts, 1 Colbert, 2 Brunswick and from Cicero himself, On the Nature of the Gods, book 3, ch. 50. In 5 Colbert manuscripts, 2 Clermont, the Christina and almost all editions, still more ineptly, "And in another place, and in another in most cities"; whereas the words of Cicero that follow are all drawn from only the one place we have marked. "Atque" seems quite useless: but Lactantius kept it without need, as being Cicero's, like the Tullian "autem" from the earlier place, from book 2, ch. 24. "Alio" is repeated idly from what precedes.

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(5) ‹Acuendae› · call in col 193

Acuendæ. Ita omnes editi et mss. uno dempto. Apud Ciceronem legitur, augendæ.

"Of sharpening." So all the editions and manuscripts, one excepted. In Cicero one reads "augendae" (of increasing).

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(6) ‹Optimus quisque› · call in col 193

Optimus quisque. Id est, fortissimus quisque, ut sequitur, fortium. Conf. not. lib. iii, c. 17. Bun.

"All the best men." That is, all the bravest, as follows: "of the brave". Compare the note at book 3, ch. 17. Bünemann.

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(7) ‹Hac scilicet ratione Romani Caesares› · call in col 193

Hac scilicet ratione Romani Cæsares, etc. Post Romulum, cui, quamdiu respublica in libertate fuit, iste honos delatus sit, reperio neminem: postquam vero ad Cæsares omnia deferri cœpta, tunc reditum est ad veterem illum morem, relatique inter deos sunt plerique imperatores, quorum catalogum vide apud Onuphr. Panvin. lib. ii Fastor. Primus hoc honore Jul. Cæsar affectus est ab Augusto. Manilius: Jam facit ipse Deos, mittitque ad sidera numen Majus, et Augusto crescit sub principe cœlum. Solebat autem consecratio a Senatu decerni, penes quem, nisi sic ut tyranni regnarent, erat hujus rei auctoritas. Qua de re vide S. Athanasium adversus gentes. Hinc Æl. Spartian. in Vita Adriani: Acta ejus irrita fieri Senatus volebat; nec appellatus est Divus, nisi Antoninus rogasset: et Jul. Capitol. aliquoties hujus Senatusconsulti meminit; ut in Antonino Pio: Cum jucunditate a senatu Divus appellatus est, cunctis certatim admittentibus; et in M. Antonino philosopho: Deinde cum gratias ageret senatui, quod fratrem consecrasset; et in Pertinace: Per senatum et populum Pertinax in Deos relatus est. Ritum autem consecrationis fuse descripsit Herodianus lib. iv. Kirchmannus.—De hac Cæsarum apotheosi vide Theophilum ad Autolicum, sermone priore.

"By this reasoning, of course, the Roman Caesars", etc. After Romulus I find no one on whom this honour was conferred as long as the republic was free; but once everything began to be conferred on the Caesars, then there was a return to that old custom, and most of the emperors were enrolled among the gods; for the list of them see Onofrio Panvinio, Fasti, book 2. Julius Caesar was the first to receive this honour, from Augustus. Manilius: "Now he himself makes gods, and sends a greater deity to the stars, and heaven grows under Augustus as its prince." Deification was usually decreed by the Senate, with whom the authority in this matter lay, unless tyrants reigned. On this see St Athanasius, Against the Gentiles. Hence Aelius Spartianus in the Life of Hadrian: "The Senate wished his acts to be annulled; nor would he have been called Divus had Antoninus not asked it"; and Julius Capitolinus mentions this decree of the Senate several times, as in Antoninus Pius: "He was called Divus by the Senate with joy, all eagerly agreeing"; and in Marcus Antoninus the Philosopher: "Then, when he thanked the Senate for having deified his brother"; and in Pertinax: "Pertinax was enrolled among the gods by the Senate and people." Herodian described the rite of deification at length, book 4. Kirchmann.—On this apotheosis of the Caesars see Theophilus to Autolycus, the first book.

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(8) ‹Et Mauri reges suos› · call in col 193

Et Mauri reges suos. Tertullianus Apol. cap. xxiv; Unicuique provinciæ, et civitati suus deus est, ut Syriæ Astartes, ut Arabiæ Disares, ut Noricis Belenus, ut Africæ Cœlestis, ut Mauritaniæ reguli sui. Cyprianus de Vanitate gentium: Mauri manifeste reges colunt, nec ullo velamento prætexunt. Vossius.

"And the Moors their kings." Tertullian, Apology ch. 24: "Each province and city has its own god, as Syria has Astarte, Arabia Dusares, the Noricans Belenus, Africa Caelestis, Mauretania its own petty kings." Cyprian, On the Vanity of the Gentiles: "The Moors openly worship their kings, and do not cloak it with any veil." Vossius.

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(9) ‹Coeperunt› · call in col 193

Cœperunt. Ita reposui ex mss. In editis autem est, cœpere.

"They began." So I have restored from the manuscripts. In the editions, however, it is "coepere".

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(10) ‹Singuli populi› · call in col 194

Singuli populi. Id ait Tertullianus, quem vide nota præcedenti. Alii sunt dii provinciales, qui apud Alexandrum ab Alexandro Neapolitanum occurrunt lib. vi, cap. 4. Qua de re consulendi sunt etiam auctores, qui de diis gentium scripserunt, quales sunt Lilius Gyraldus et Vossius.

"Each people." Tertullian says this; see him in the preceding note. Others are the provincial gods, who occur in Alessandro d'Alessandro of Naples, book 6, ch. 4. On which one should also consult the authors who have written on the gods of the gentiles, such as Lilio Giraldi and Vossius.

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(11) ‹Aegyptii Isidem› · call in col 194

Ægyptii Isidem. De Iside ejusque sacris, videsis hujus libri cap. 21.

"The Egyptians Isis." On Isis and her rites, see ch. 21 of this book.

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(12) ‹Mauri Jubam› · call in col 194

Mauri Jubam. Præ aliis Juba a Mauris cultus videtur, cum nomen ejus apud auctores expressum invenitur, vel etiam forte, Jubæ nomen commune regum Maurorum fuit, ut Pharaonum, vel Ptolomæorum in Ægypto. De Juba inter deos relato vide Tertullian. in Apologetico. — Mauri Jubam. Notavit Cellarius ad Eutr. 6, 18, 2 et ad Minuc. c. 22, Jubam Numidarum, non Maurorum fuisse regem, intelligens de tempore Jubæ. At Gronovius defendit Minucium, quia ejus tempore Numidia sub Mauritania Cæsariensi continebatur, qua ratione etiam hic Lactantius, Eutropius, Sext. Rufus, Isidorus aliique defendi possunt. Davisius, ad Minuc. p. 137 putat, proprie sic dictis Mauris reges Jubarum nomine fuisse. Ipse vero Cellarius ad Eutrop. l. 5, fin. docuit, solenne Latinis Numidas appellare Mauritanos, idque de Juba ex altero civili bello constare. Bun.

"The Moors Juba." Juba seems to have been worshipped by the Moors before others, since his name is found expressly in the authors; or perhaps the name Juba was common to the kings of the Moors, like that of the Pharaohs or the Ptolemies in Egypt. On Juba's enrolment among the gods see Tertullian in the Apology. — "The Moors Juba." Cellarius noted, on Eutropius 6.18.2 and on Minucius ch. 22, that Juba was king of the Numidians, not the Moors, understanding it of Juba's time. But Gronovius defends Minucius, because in his time Numidia was included under Mauretania Caesariensis; on which reasoning Lactantius here, Eutropius, Sextus Rufus, Isidore and others can also be defended. Davies, on Minucius p. 137, thinks there were kings named Juba among the Moors properly so called. But Cellarius himself, on Eutropius book 5 at the end, showed that it was customary for the Latins to call Numidians Mauretanians, and that this is clear of Juba from the second civil war. Bünemann.

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(13) ‹Cabirum› · call in col 194

Cabirum. Ita plurimi mss. ac editi. In edit. Rom. 1468, Cabirim; Betul. et Tornes. 1579, Cabyrium, in mss. 2 Reg. et ed. Rom. 1470, Gabyrum; 1 Reg., Gabirium; 1 al. Reg. et Marm., Gabirum; 1 Reg., Sabrium: 1 alter Reg., Vict., Nav., 1 Colbert. et Brun., Scabrum. De Cabiris vide Pausaniam.

"Cabirus." So very many manuscripts and editions. In the Rome edition 1468, "Cabirim"; Betuleius and Tornaesius 1579, "Cabyrium"; in 2 Royal manuscripts and the Rome edition 1470, "Gabyrum"; 1 Royal, "Gabirium"; 1 other Royal and Marmoutier, "Gabirum"; 1 Royal, "Sabrium"; 1 other Royal, Victorine, Navarre, 1 Colbert and Brunswick, "Scabrum". On the Cabiri see Pausanias.

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(14) ‹Uranum› · call in col 194

Uranum. In antiquissimo Reg. ut et in alio Reg. recentiore a prima manu, Uranium.

"Uranus." In the oldest Royal, as also in another more recent Royal by the first hand, "Uranium".

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(15) ‹Faunum› · call in col 194

Faunum. Is erat tertius post Janum Latinorum rex. Pici filius fuit, teste Virgilio, pater Faunorum et Latinorum; hic vixit, ut creditur, 520 annos ante Romam conditam. Hunc Romani colebant nonis decembris; vide Horat. lib. iii, Ode 18. De hoc adhuc agetur infra cap. 22.

"Faunus." He was the third king of the Latins after Janus. He was the son of Picus, as Virgil witnesses, father of the Fauns and the Latins; he lived, it is believed, 520 years before the founding of Rome. The Romans worshipped him on the Nones of December; see Horace, book 3, Ode 18. He will be treated further below, ch. 22.

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(16) ‹Sabini Sancum› · call in col 194

Sabini Sancum. Hoc nomen varie scriptum reperio. In nonnullis Lactantii mss. Vaticanis, in 1 Bonon. antiq., in Vict., Nav., Marm., et 3 Reg., quorum unus est veterrimus, et in editis Gymnic., Henr., Petri, Fasit., Soubr., Tornes., Thomas., Thys., Gall., 2 Lips., Sancum; optime. Quæ lectio probatur a Josepho Scaligero ad Varronem de Lingua Latina. In ms. Brun. est Saucum pro Sancum, u pro n; 1 Sorbon. et 1 Clarom., Santum; in Regio-Puteano aliisque 4 Reg., 5 Colb., Gat., Em., Sanctum; nec male. Ovidius enim Fastor. lib. vi eum vocat Sanctum. Augustinus l. xviii de Civ. Dei, cap. 19, ait: Sabini etiam Regem suum primum Sancum, sive ut aliqui appellant Sanctum, retulerunt in deos. mss. Cantabrig. 1 Clar., ed. Rom. 1468, Xanct. mss. 1 Reg., 1 Bonon. rec. ac ed. Rom. 1470, Xantum; mss. 1 Reg. et ed. Venet. 1490, Sabum; edit. Paris. 1525, Ald. Crat., Graph., Antwerp. 1539, Sangum; ms. 1 Colb., Fautum; 1 Lips. Ratum; Ultr., Annæum. Qui autem hic Sabinis Sancus est, ille Græcis est Hercules; et Latinis Deus (continues)

"The Sabines Sancus." I find this name variously written. In some Vatican manuscripts of Lactantius, in 1 old Bologna, in the Victorine, Navarre, Marmoutier and 3 Royal, one of which is very old, and in the editions of Gymnicus, Henricpetri, Fasitelius, Soubron, Tornaesius, Thomasius, Thysius, Gallaeus, 2 Leipzig, "Sancum"; best. This reading is approved by Joseph Scaliger on Varro, On the Latin Language. In the Brunswick manuscript is "Saucum" for "Sancum", u for n; 1 Sorbonne and 1 Clermont, "Santum"; in the Royal-Dupuy and 4 other Royal, 5 Colbert, Gatianus, Emmeran, "Sanctum"; not badly, for Ovid, Fasti book 6, calls him Sanctus. Augustine, City of God book 18, ch. 19, says: "The Sabines too enrolled among the gods their first king Sancus, or, as some call him, Sanctus." Cambridge manuscripts, 1 Clermont, Rome edition 1468, "Xanct."; manuscripts 1 Royal, 1 recent Bologna and Rome edition 1470, "Xantum"; manuscripts 1 Royal and Venice edition 1490, "Sabum"; Paris edition 1525, Aldine, Cratander, Gryphius, Antwerp 1539, "Sangum"; 1 Colbert manuscript, "Fautum"; 1 Leipzig, "Ratum"; Utrecht, "Annaeum". But he who is Sancus here for the Sabines is Hercules for the Greeks; and for the Latins the god (continues)

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(2) ‹Quirinum› · call in col 195

Quirinum. Vulgata sunt quæ de Quirino dicuntur, de quo vide Livium, Dionys. Halicarn. et Plutarchum.

"Quirinus." What is said of Quirinus is commonly known; on him see Livy, Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Plutarch.

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(3) ‹Athenae Minervam› · call in col 195

Athenæ Minervam. Ab ea Athenarum urbs nomen sortita est. De hac igitur vide Pausaniam in Atticis, Plutarchum in Themistocle, Isocratem in Panathenaico, et S. Augustinum de Civitate Dei lib. xviii, cap. 9.

"Athens Minerva." From her the city of Athens took its name. On her, then, see Pausanias in the Attica, Plutarch in the Themistocles, Isocrates in the Panathenaicus, and St Augustine, City of God book 18, ch. 9.

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(4) ‹Samos Junonem› · call in col 195

Samos Junonem. Samos insula maris Ionici, olim Junoni sacra, in qua habuit templum ab Argonautis fundatum. De hac Virgilius i Æneid., Quam Juno terris fertur magis omnibus unam Posthabita coluisse Samo. De hac iterum infra cap. 17.

"Samos Juno." Samos, an island of the Ionian sea, once sacred to Juno, where she had a temple founded by the Argonauts. Of it Virgil, Aeneid 1: "which Juno is said to have cherished above all lands alone, setting Samos second." Of it again below, ch. 17.

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(5) ‹Paphos Venerem› · call in col 195

Paphos Venerem. Sic Virgilius lib. i Æneid.: Ipsa Paphum sublimis adit, sedesque revisit Læta suas, ubi templum illi, centumque Sabæo Thure calent aræ.

"Paphos Venus." So Virgil, Aeneid book 1: "She herself goes aloft to Paphos and gladly revisits her seat, where she has a temple, and a hundred altars glow with Sabaean incense."

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(6) ‹Lemnos Vulcanum› · call in col 195

Lemnos Vulcanum. Vide fabulam apud Homerum Iliad i, ubi legitur Vulcanum in Lemnum insulam fuisse præcipitatum.

"Lemnos Vulcan." See the fable in Homer, Iliad 1, where one reads that Vulcan was hurled down onto the island of Lemnos.

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(7) ‹Naxos Liberum› · call in col 195

Naxos Liberum. Naxos una ex insulis Cycladibus, Libero vel Baccho sacra, olim Dyonisia vocata, in qua vites eximiæ, ac proinde vinum generosum.

"Naxos Liber." Naxos, one of the Cyclades islands, sacred to Liber or Bacchus, once called Dionysia, in which there are excellent vines and therefore noble wine.

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(8) ‹Apollinem Delphi› · call in col 195

Apollinem Delphi. Sic legendum ex 17 editis Delphi in recto casu, ut præcedentia urbium nomina postulant. In mss. Regio-Put. et aliis 4 Reg., 5 Colb., 1 Sorbon., 2 Clarom., Gat. et Marm. a secunda manu ac vet. editis Rom. 1468 et 1470, est Delphos, mendo (ut videtur) ex præcedentibus nominativis in os nato. In cæteris mss. est Delos. Apud Virgilium Æneid. lib. vi, v. 12, Delius inspirat vates, aperitque futura.

"Delphi Apollo." So one must read from 17 editions, "Delphi" in the nominative, as the preceding names of cities require. In the Royal-Dupuy and 4 other Royal manuscripts, 5 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, 2 Clermont, Gatianus and Marmoutier by the second hand, and the old Rome editions of 1468 and 1470, it is "Delphos", an error (as it seems) arising from the preceding nominatives in -os. In the other manuscripts it is "Delos". In Virgil, Aeneid book 6, line 12: "the Delian inspires the seers and discloses the future."

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(9) ‹Sic per populos› · call in col 195

Sic per populos, etc. Hos topicos deos collegit Lilius Gregor. Giraldus syntagmate i.

"So among the peoples", etc. Lilio Gregorio Giraldi collected these local gods in Syntagma 1.

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(10) ‹Et quod alios honores, quos vita carentibus deferant› · call in col 195

Et quod alios honores, quos vita carentibus deferant. Ita restituimus ex omnibus fere mss., ex editis Paris. an. 1525, Crat., Graph., Gymnic. In mss. 1 Colb., Brun. et in editis octo, et quos alios honores vita carentibus deferant. A mss. Lips., Pal. et 1 Colb., abest, quos.

"And what other honours they would confer on the lifeless." So we have restored from almost all the manuscripts, and from the editions of Paris 1525, Cratander, Gryphius, Gymnicus. In 1 Colbert manuscript, Brunswick and eight editions, "et quos alios honores vita carentibus deferant". From the Leipzig, Palatine and 1 Colbert manuscripts "quos" is absent.

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(11) ‹Nunc pateras› · call in col 196

Nunc pateras, etc. Virgilius vii Æneid. v. 133.

"Now pour libations", etc. Virgil, Aeneid 7, line 133.

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(12) ‹Haec me sacra› · call in col 196

Hæc me sacra. Sic restituo ex cunctis ferme mss. Et sic habetur in antiquis aliquot mss. Virgilianis, et vulgatis nonnullis. In mss. 2 Colb. et 1 Clarom. a prima manu et editis, Hæc mea sacra, sed male.

"That I [may offer] these rites." So I restore from almost all the manuscripts. And so it stands in some old manuscripts of Virgil and in some printed ones. In 2 Colbert manuscripts and 1 Clermont by the first hand, and in the editions, "Haec mea sacra" (these my rites), but wrongly.

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(13) ‹Panegyricis› · call in col 196

Panegyricis. Jam a multo tempore sermones laudatorii nullam fidem meruerunt.

"In panegyrics." For a long time now speeches of praise have deserved no credit.

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(14) ‹Levitas› · call in col 196

Levitas. Græcorum levitatem aliquoties perstringit, l. i, c. 18; l. iii, c. 14, et est communis eorum nota. Vid. Lud. Vivem ad Augustini. l. i Civ. Dei, c. 4, et l. ii, c. 14, et, quem plures exscribunt, Abramum ad Cic. pro Ligar. c. 4, et Cort. ad Sall. Catil. viii, 2, p. 55. Buneman.

"Fickleness." He touches on the fickleness of the Greeks several times, book 1, ch. 18; book 3, ch. 14, and it is their common mark. See Luis Vives on Augustine, City of God book 1, ch. 4, and book 2, ch. 14, and Abram, whom many copy, on Cicero Pro Ligario ch. 4, and Cortius on Sallust, Catiline 8.2, p. 55. Bünemann.

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(15) ‹Ἑλλὰς δή› · call in col 196

Ἑλλὰς δὴ, etc. Oracula Sybillina, sermon. 3, aliter legunt: nam, præterquam quod secundum versum omiserit, qui sic habet, Θνητοῖς, οἷς οὐκ ἔστι φυγεῖν θανάτοιο τελευτήν; ubi in tertio est ἀνατίθης, oracula Sibyllina habent πορίζεις, ut et codex optimæ notæ Cl. Puteani, qui est in Bibliotheca Regia: ubi impressi habet, Τίς τοι πλάνην βάλεν ἐν νῷ, Ὥστε σε τάδε ποιεῖν μεγάλοιο θεοῖο προσώπου; in mss. veterrimis Cauc. et 3 Regiis, scriptum est, Τίς σοι πλάνον ἐν φρεσὶ θῆκε, Ταῦτα τελεῖν προλιπόντα θεοῦ μεγάλοιο πρόσωπον. Et sic legendum esse monuit doctiss. Francius. Horum autem versuum sic habet latina interpretatio: Græcia quid confidis in viros principes? Ad quid dona inania mortuis dedicas? Immolas idolis, quis tibi errorem in mente imposuit, Hæc te perficere relinquentem Dei magni faciem?

"Greece, then", etc. The Sibylline Oracles, discourse 3, read otherwise: for besides his having omitted the second line, which runs thus, "to mortals, who cannot escape the end of death?", where in the third line there is "you dedicate", the Sibylline Oracles have "you provide", as does also the manuscript of the best repute of the illustrious Dupuy, which is in the Royal Library; where the printed text has "Who cast error into your mind, so that you do these things [forsaking] the face of the great God?", in the very old Cauci manuscript and 3 Royal it is written, "Who put error in your heart, to do these things, forsaking the face of the great God?" And the most learned Franz advised that it should be read so. The Latin translation of these lines runs thus: "Greece, why do you trust in princely men? To what end do you dedicate empty gifts to the dead? You sacrifice to idols; who put error into your mind, that you should do these things, forsaking the face of the great God?"

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(16) ‹Platonis imitator› · call in col 196

Platonis imitator. Sic Quintilianus libro x Ciceronem Platonis in philosophia æmulum vocat; atque ita Platonis addictum, ut cum ipso errare, quam cum aliis bene sentire maluerit. Vide Paterculum lib. i, cap. 17, ubi præclara habet de Ciceronis eloquentia.

"Imitator of Plato." So Quintilian in book 10 calls Cicero Plato's rival in philosophy; and so devoted to Plato that he would rather err with him than think rightly with others. See Paterculus, book 1, ch. 17, where he has splendid things on Cicero's eloquence.

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(17) ‹In eo libro, quo se ipsum de morte filiae› · call in col 196

In eo libro, quo se ipsum de morte filiæ. Periit hic liber cum aliis multis. Cell.

"In the book in which [he consoled] himself on the death of his daughter." This book has perished with many others. Cellarius.

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(18) ‹Se ipse› · call in col 196

Se ipse. Mss. 2 Colb. et multi editi, se ipsum.

"He himself [consoled] himself." 2 Colbert manuscripts and many editions, "se ipsum".

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(19) ‹Dubitavit› · call in col 196

Dubitavit. Ita omnes mss. cunctique ferme editi. In ed. Gall., dubitabit.

"He hesitated." So all the manuscripts and almost all the editions. In the Gallaeus edition, "dubitabit" (will hesitate).

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(20) ‹Augurale sacerdotium› · call in col 196

Augurale sacerdotium. De quo vide Ciceronem ipsum, l. xii Epistol. ad Atticum, et l. iv Familiarium.

"The augural priesthood." On which see Cicero himself, Letters to Atticus book 12, and Letters to Friends book 4.

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(1) ‹Versiculos› · call in col 197

Versiculos. Eleganter pro vulg. lineas. Conf. l. ii, c. 8: In his decem versibus. Buneman.

"Short lines." Elegantly, for the common "lineas". Compare book 2, ch. 8: "in these ten lines". Bünemann.

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(2) ‹Imaginem filiae eodem modo se consecraturum› · call in col 197

Imaginem filiæ eodem modo se consecraturum. Hunc modum vide supra ad initium hujus capitis.

"That he would consecrate his daughter's image in the same way." For this way see above at the beginning of this chapter.

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(3) ‹Mares› · call in col 197

Mares. Verba Ciceronis in Consol.

"Males." Cicero's words in the Consolatio.

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(4) ‹Delubra› · call in col 197

Delubra. Apud Ciceronem, templa.

"Shrines." In Cicero, "templa" (temples).

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(5) ‹Adsentiamus› · call in col 197

Adsentiamus. Sublac. 1465, Rost. Ven. 1471, 97, Parrh. adsentiam. Fr. Fabritius testatur, ms. Lactantii librum habere, adsentiamus, atque eamdem vocem Ciceroni l. i Off. 6 restituit cum aliis. Certe Gothanus clare, adsentiamus. Atque hæc forma placet Lactantio, l. i, c. 5, Adsensit; c. 18, Adsensit; l. iii, c. 29, Virgilius adsentit; Epit. cap. 12, Poetæ adsentiunt. Imo ipse Cicero consensu codd. l. i Att., ep. 14, Curioni adsenserunt; l. ii, ep. 1, adsensit senatus; pro Manil. c. 26, ejus voluntatibus adsenserint. Male igitur alii de Ciceronis consensu dubitarunt. Conf. Quintil. i Inst., c. 5. Buneman.

"Let us assent." Subiaco 1465, Rostock, Venice 1471, 97, Parrhasius, "adsentiam". Fr. Fabricius attests that a manuscript book of Lactantius has "adsentiamus", and he restored the same word to Cicero, De officiis 1.6, with others. Certainly the Gotha manuscript clearly has "adsentiamus". And this form pleases Lactantius: book 1, ch. 5, "adsensit"; ch. 18, "adsensit"; book 3, ch. 29, "Virgil assents"; Epitome ch. 12, "the poets assent". Indeed Cicero himself, with the agreement of the manuscripts, Letters to Atticus 1, ep. 14, "they assented to Curio"; book 2, ep. 1, "the Senate assented"; Pro lege Manilia ch. 26, "they assented to his wishes". So others wrongly doubted about Cicero's usage. Compare Quintilian, Institutes 1, ch. 5. Bünemann.

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(6) ‹Quod si ullum unquam animal consecrandum fuit› · call in col 197

Quod si ullum unquam animal consecrandum fuit, illud profecto fuit. Ita omnes mss. et edd.: scilicet homo. Locus iste depravatus nonnullis videtur, quem desumpsit Lactantius ex Ciceronis libro de Consolatione, qui deperditus est, et cujus tantum fragmenta supersunt; sic autem se habet: Quod si ullum unquam animal consecrandum fuit, qualia multa consecraverunt Ægyptii (quod nullum profecto fuit), si Cadmi, etc.

"But if any living creature ever was to be consecrated, that one surely was." So all the manuscripts and editions: meaning, a human being. This passage seems corrupt to some; Lactantius took it from Cicero's book On Consolation, which is lost and of which only fragments survive; it runs thus: "But if any living creature ever was to be consecrated, such as the Egyptians consecrated many of (which surely none was), if Cadmus's", etc.

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(7) ‹Cadmi progenies› · call in col 197

Cadmi progenies. Ino scilicet, quæ dea marina facta est.

"Cadmus's offspring." Ino, that is, who was made a goddess of the sea.

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(8) ‹Amphitryonis› · call in col 197

Amphitryonis. Hercules, qui inter deos relatus est: si Cadmi progenies, aut Amphitryonis. Sic ex mss. et veteribus editis Rom. 1474, Venet. 1490, Florent., Tornes. 1579, Genev. 1613, ac Cellar. hæc isto ordine reposuimus; et sic corrigendum esse ipsa ratio docet. Huic lectioni adstipulantur fragmenta Ciceronis de Consolatione, quæ collegerunt Sigonius ac Patricius hunc locum ex Lactantio referentes. In 5 mss. rec. totidemque editis legitur: Si Cadmi aut Amphitryonis progenies; in octo editis Amphionis, corrupte: nullam enim Amphionis, at Amphitryonis in deos relatam novimus progeniem, Herculem nempe, Amphitryonis filium: ut eum sic vocat Euripides in Hercule insano. Partim ex Isæo.

"Amphitryon's." Hercules, who was enrolled among the gods: "if Cadmus's offspring, or Amphitryon's". So, from the manuscripts and the old editions of Rome 1474, Venice 1490, Florence, Tornaesius 1579, Geneva 1613 and Cellarius, we have restored these words in this order; and reason itself shows it must be corrected so. The fragments of Cicero's On Consolation collected by Sigonius and Patrizi, which cite this passage from Lactantius, support this reading. In 5 recent manuscripts and as many editions one reads: "If the offspring of Cadmus or Amphitryon"; in eight editions "Amphionis", corruptly: for we know of no offspring of Amphion enrolled among the gods, but of Amphitryon, namely Hercules, Amphitryon's son, as Euripides calls him in the Mad Hercules. Partly from Isaeus.

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(9) ‹Tyndari› · call in col 197

Tyndari. Castor et Pollux, qui ob id Tyndaridæ dicti sunt.

"Tyndareus's." Castor and Pollux, who for that reason were called the Tyndaridae.

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(10) ‹Prae nimio luctu› · call in col 197

Præ nimio luctu. Cic. iv Tusc., 29: Consolationis librum in medio (non enim sapientes eramus) mærore et dolore conscripsimus. Buneman.

"For excessive grief." Cicero, Tusculans 4.29: "I wrote the book of consolation in the midst of grief and pain (for I was not a wise man)." Bünemann.

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(11) ‹De Republica› · call in col 197

De Republica. Cujus quidem extat fragmentum in Somnio Scipionis.

"On the Republic." Of which indeed a fragment survives in the Dream of Scipio.

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(12) ‹De Gloria› · call in col 197

De Gloria. Jamdiu intercidit liber ille Ciceronis.

"On Glory." That book of Cicero's perished long ago.

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(13) ‹Platonem secutus› · call in col 197

Platonem secutus, etc. Sic profecto legendus hic locus, et sic habent omnes mss. et editi, præter Thys., Gall., Spark. et Walch., in quibus deest civitatem. Mirum quam ex ista omissione hic hallucinatus sit Gallæus, qui ex suppresso in editione Thysiana nomine civitatem, vocem usuram esse, quæ infinitivi modi futurum est verbi utor, usurpavit pro substantivo nomine usura; indeque occasionem sumpsit diluendi usuræ crimen, probandique ex truncato isto Lactantii loco usuram esse licitam: quod in auctoris nostri mentem nequaquam venit; quippe qui contrarium asserit infra lib. vi cap. 18, Epitom. cap. 64. Usuram damnarunt Ecclesiæ Patres, concilia, et ecclesiastici scriptores tam theologi quam canonistæ, ut ostendit Dominus Ludovicus Bulteau, in libro quem Gallica lingua contra Gallæum, in nostri Lactantii defensionem Parisiis an. 1691, data opera edidit, ad quem remittimus lectorem, et præcipue ad cap. 2 et 3. Francius videns non bonam esse editionis Gallæanæ lectionem, legendum esse censebat, usurum esse justum et sapientem. Sed potius sequendi sunt mss. codices.

"Following Plato", etc. So this passage must surely be read, and so all the manuscripts and editions have it, except Thysius, Gallaeus, Sparck and Walch, in which "civitatem" is missing. It is remarkable how Gallaeus went astray here through that omission: with the noun "civitatem" suppressed in the Thysius edition, he took the words "usuram esse", which are the future infinitive of the verb "utor", for the noun "usura" (interest); and from this he took occasion to clear usury of blame and to prove from this mutilated passage of Lactantius that interest is lawful: which never entered our author's mind, since he asserts the contrary below, book 6, ch. 18, and Epitome ch. 64. The Fathers of the Church, the councils, and the church writers, theologians as well as canonists, condemned usury, as Dom Louis Bulteau showed in the book he published expressly in French against Gallaeus, in defence of our Lactantius, at Paris in 1691, to which we refer the reader, and especially to chs. 2 and 3. Franz, seeing that the Gallaeus edition's reading was not good, judged that one should read "usurum esse justum et sapientem". But the manuscripts are rather to be followed.

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(14) ‹Usuram... justam et sapientem civitatem› · call in col 198

Usuram... justam et sapientem civitatem. Addunt civitatem mss. omnes, etiam Reimm. et edd. Sublac., Rom., Rost., Ven. 1471, 72, utraque 1478, 93, 97, Pier., Parrh., Crat., Paris., Tornes., Gryph., Junt., Ald., Gymn., Thom., Isæus, Cant., rectissime. Respexit ad Platonis institutum, qui civitatem de sapientibus voluit componere, Lact. iii, 23. Unde absona sunt h. l. omnia, quæ Gallæus et Walchius, perperam vocem civitatem omittentes, de usura hic annotarunt. Ridiculam illam Gallæi de usura commentationem ex instituto confutavit Lud. Bulteau (hic enim auctor est teste Pezii Bibliotheca Bened. Maurian. l. i p. 62) en Défense des sentimens de Lactance sur le Sujet de l'Usure, à Paris 1672, quod scriptum recenset Journal des Savants 1672, p. 16-19. Hinc non opus puto dicta a me in Misc. Lips. tom. iii, p. 140, repetere. Num vero, ut Walchius ibidem in Miscell., p. 361, regerit, sic usura sapiens, ut sapiens excusatio, moderatio, dici possit, ipse viderit. Idem, qui modus est facillimus se expediendi, probabile est, inquit, verba hæc, quo in opere, Platonem secutus, leges voluit ponere, quibus putaret usuram esse justam et sapientem, sapere glossema. Heumannus hic nullam glossam suboluit. Addidit vero hic illa, ut leges sapienti et justæ civitati positæ eo sapientius datæ crederentur, et ut huic testimonio de hominibus in cœlo ab hominibus locatis, quod hic urget, gravissimo, major fides haberetur. His gemina sunt Lact. i, cap. 5: Quem (Platonem) Cicero secutus atque imitatus in plurimis... in iis libris, quos de Legibus scripsit. Idem manifestum ex ipso Cicerone de Legibus l. ii, c. 6: Ut... fecit Plato... gravissimus... de Legibus, id mihi credo esse faciendum. Ibid. c. 7, c. 15, c. 16, c. 18, c. 27; l. iii, c. 1. Buneman.

"That he would use... a just and wise city." All the manuscripts add "civitatem", even the Reimmann, and the editions of Subiaco, Rome, Rostock, Venice 1471, 72, both of 1478, 93, 97, Pierius, Parrhasius, Cratander, Paris, Tornaesius, Gryphius, Giunta, Aldine, Gymnicus, Thomasius, Isaeus, Cambridge, most rightly. He had in view Plato's design, who wished to build a city of wise men, Lactantius 3.23. Hence everything that Gallaeus and Walch, wrongly omitting the word "civitatem", noted here on usury is out of place in this passage. Louis Bulteau expressly refuted Gallaeus's ridiculous commentary on usury (for he is the author, as Pez's Benedictine Maurist Library, book 1, p. 62, witnesses) in "Défense des sentiments de Lactance sur le sujet de l'usure", Paris 1672, a work reviewed by the Journal des Savants 1672, pp. 16–19. Hence I think there is no need to repeat what I said in the Miscellanea Lipsiensia, vol. 3, p. 140. Whether indeed, as Walch retorts in the same Miscellanea, p. 361, one may speak of "wise usury" as of a wise excuse or moderation, let him see to it himself. The same writer, taking the easiest way out, says it is probable that the words "in which work, following Plato, he wished to lay down laws by which he thought interest just and wise" smack of a gloss. Heumann smelt no gloss here. But [Lactantius] added these words here so that laws laid down for a wise and just city might be believed to have been given the more wisely, and so that greater credit might be given to this weighty testimony, which he presses here, about men placed in heaven by men. Twin to these is Lactantius 1, ch. 5: "whom (Plato) Cicero followed and imitated in most things... in the books he wrote On the Laws." The same is plain from Cicero himself, On the Laws book 2, ch. 6: "As... Plato did... most weighty... on the Laws, I think I must do that." Ibid. ch. 7, ch. 15, ch. 16, ch. 18, ch. 27; book 3, ch. 1. Bünemann.

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(1) ‹Quos in coelo merita locaverunt› · call in col 199

Quos in cœlo merita locaverunt. Mss. 2 Colb., collocaverunt. Ed. Rom. 1470, in cœlum merita locaverunt. Cicero, cujus locus est in secundo de Legibus cap. 19, habet, et illos quos cœlum merita vocaverint; vel, et illos quos in endo cœlo merita vocaverint, ut in quibusdam libris Ciceronis legi testatur, et legendum censet Muretus ad illud Catulli; Flavi, delicias tuo Catullo.

"Whom their merits have placed in heaven." 2 Colbert manuscripts, "collocaverunt". Rome edition 1470, "in coelum merita locaverunt". Cicero, whose passage is in the second book On the Laws, ch. 19, has "and those whom their merits have called to heaven"; or "and those whom their merits have called in-to heaven", as Muretus attests is read in some books of Cicero and thinks should be read, on that line of Catullus, "Flavius, to your Catullus your delights".

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(2) ‹Si vero› · call in col 199

Si vero. Ita emendavimus ex mss. et edd. Rom. 1470, Tornes. et Walch. In cæteris editis, Si voluero. Locus est apud Ciceronem Tusculanarum quæst. lib. i, cap. 29.

"But if." So we have corrected from the manuscripts and the editions of Rome 1470, Tornaesius and Walch. In the other editions, "Si voluero" (if I wish). The passage is in Cicero, Tusculan Disputations book 1, ch. 29.

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(3) ‹Quoniam es initiatus› · call in col 199

Quoniam es initiatus. In paganis sacris institutus. De initiis mysteriisque, et usu eorum inter Paganos, Ciceronem consulas Lib ii de Legib., cap. 14. Cell.

"Since you have been initiated." Instructed in pagan rites. On initiations and mysteries, and their use among the pagans, consult Cicero, On the Laws book 2, ch. 14. Cellarius.

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(4) ‹Attici conscientiam› · call in col 199

Attici conscientiam. Hinc testem habes Lactantium Atticum fuisse illum, qui per litteram A interlocutor designatur in libris Tuscul. qua de re quæstio esse solet, ut notat Turnebus ix Advers., c. 18: nam alii, ut Lambin. in annotationibus ad lib. earum Quæstionum, Lactantii opinionem refellunt, et non Atticum; sed incertam personam, puta, Adolescentem designari contendunt, sive auditorem, ut Robertellius in Annotat. ad varios auctores. Isæus.

"Atticus's knowledge." Here you have Lactantius as witness that the interlocutor marked by the letter A in the Tusculan books was Atticus, a matter usually in question, as Turnebus notes, Adversaria 9, ch. 18: for others, like Lambin in his annotations on the book of those Disputations, reject Lactantius's opinion and contend that not Atticus but an uncertain person is meant, say a young man, or a listener, as Robortello in his Annotations on various authors. Isaeus.

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(5) ‹Incunctanter› · call in col 199

Incunctanter. Aliquoties hac voce utitur, l. ii, cap. 7, cotem incunctanter secuit. Elegantius in eadem historia Livius l. i, c. 36, haud cunctanter. Conf. Lact. l. vi, cap. 12. Usus ante nostrum Cyprianus de Lapsis ed. Basil. fol. 286: Incunctanter et largiter fiat operatio. De Mortalit. prope fin., Incunctanter ac libenter. Buneman.

"Without hesitation." He uses this word several times: book 2, ch. 7, "he cut the whetstone without hesitation". More elegantly, in the same story, Livy 1.36, "haud cunctanter" (not hesitantly). Compare Lactantius book 6, ch. 12. Cyprian used it before our author, On the Lapsed, Basel edition fol. 286: "Let the work of charity be done without hesitation and generously"; On Mortality near the end, "without hesitation and willingly". Bünemann.

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(6) ‹Majorum gentium deos› · call in col 199

Majorum gentium deos, etc. Deos majorum gentium vocat, ad imitationem Reipubl. Romanæ, eos qui duodecim Consentes appellantur. Patres quos Romulus legerat, majorum gentium appellabantur. Tarquinius deinde Priscus centum Patres in curiam legit, qui minorum gentium, et Patres conscripti sunt appellati. Consentes Dii, Ennianis numerantur versibus: Juno, Vesta, Minerva, Ceres, Diana, Venus, Mars, Mercurius, Jovis, Neptunus, Vulcanus, Apollo; quibus deinde adscriptitios addiderunt octo, ut essent numero xx. Atque hæc numina propter majores in mundo administrationes selecta dicebantur, ut Augustinus ex Varrone indicat. Apud Ægyptios similes fere Deorum ordines et gradus fuerunt, sicut apud Herodotum in Euterpe legimus. Betuleius.—Ac postea innumeri promanarunt dii; ita ut Cæsares ipsi, quamvis hominum pessimi, inter deos collocarentur.

"Gods of the greater clans", etc. In imitation of the Roman republic he calls "gods of the greater clans" those named the twelve Consentes. The Fathers whom Romulus had chosen were called "of the greater clans". Then Tarquinius Priscus chose a hundred Fathers into the senate-house, who were called "of the lesser clans" and the Conscript Fathers. The Consentes gods are counted in Ennius's verses: "Juno, Vesta, Minerva, Ceres, Diana, Venus, Mars, Mercury, Jove, Neptune, Vulcan, Apollo"; to whom they afterwards added eight enrolled ones, to make twenty in number. And these deities were said to be "select" because of their greater offices in governing the world, as Augustine shows from Varro. Among the Egyptians there were almost the same orders and ranks of gods, as we read in Herodotus, in Euterpe. Betuleius.—And afterwards innumerable gods flowed forth; so that the Caesars themselves, though the worst of men, were placed among the gods.

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(7) ‹Deus Julius› · call in col 199

Deus Julius, etc. Hic primus Cæsarum fuit consecratus, idque ab Augusto, de quo Suetonius in Julio clxxxviii. Hinc in Juliani Cæsaribus, Augustum Silenus vocat κοροπλαστὴν, puparum effectorem, rationemque eo hujus ridiculi nominis poscente, respondet, uti homuli illi faciunt pupos, sic ipsum fecisse deos; quorum unus primusque esset Julius Cæsar. Similiter de eo Manilius extremo lib. iv: Jam facit ipse Deos, mittitque ad sidera numen Majus, et Augusto crescit sub principe cœlum. — Deus Julius, quia... placuit Antonio. Dignus Plinii locus Panegyr. cap. 11, qui cum hoc nostro componatur. Dicavit, inquit, cœlo Tiberius Augustum, sed ut majestatis numen induceret: Claudium Nero, sed ut irrideret: Vespasianum Titus, Domitianus Titum; sed ille, ut Dei filius, hic, ut frater videretur. Cell.

"The god Julius", etc. He was the first of the Caesars to be deified, and that by Augustus, on which Suetonius, Julius 88. Hence in Julian's Caesars Silenus calls Augustus a "doll-maker", a fashioner of puppets, and when Augustus asks the reason for this ridiculous name, he answers that as those little men make puppets, so he had made gods, of whom Julius Caesar was the one and the first. Likewise Manilius of him at the end of book 4: "Now he himself makes gods, and sends a greater deity to the stars, and heaven grows under Augustus as its prince." — "The god Julius, because... it pleased Antony." A passage of Pliny's Panegyric, ch. 11, worth setting beside this one of ours: "Tiberius," he says, "dedicated Augustus to heaven, but to bring in the deity of treason; Nero Claudius, but to mock him; Titus Vespasian, Domitian Titus; but the one that he might seem the son of a god, the other that he might seem the brother." Cellarius.

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(8) ‹Antonio› · call in col 200

Antonio. Qui, auctore Tranquillo, cum esset Consul, per præconem pronuntiavit senatusconsultum, quo Cæsari omnia simul et divina et humana decreverat. Vide Ciceron. Philippica ii.

"To Antony." Who, on Tranquillus's authority, being consul, had the herald proclaim the decree of the Senate by which it had voted Caesar all honours at once, divine and human. See Cicero, Philippic 2.

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(9) ‹Deus Quirinus› · call in col 200

Deus Quirinus, etc. Hic est Romulus, ut videre est in fine hujus capitis: nomina enim mortuis mutabantur. Si nosse velis quare pastoribus sic visum fuisse referat Lactantius, adisis Livium, caput 7 lib. ii, ibi reperies senatum a Romulo e pastoribus electum; atque hic dici pastoribus sic visum, quia Senatus (e pastoribus creatus) subornavit Proculum, ut nuntiaret plebi suæ, vidisse se regem humano habitu augustiorem, eumque mandasse ad populum ut sibi delubrum fieret, sed Deum esse et Quirinum vocari. De Quirino præter Livium, Dionysium Halicarnasseum et Plutarchum jam citatos, lege S. Cyprianum de idolorum Cultu, et S. Augustinum lib. iii de Civit. Dei, cap. 4. — Deus Quirinus. Tertull. ii Nat., 9: Romulus post mortem Deus. Sane Romulus et fratrem interfecit, et alienas virgines dolo rapuit: ideo Quirinus est, quia tunc parentibus quiritatum est per illum.

"The god Quirinus", etc. This is Romulus, as can be seen at the end of this chapter: for the names of the dead were changed. If you wish to know why Lactantius reports that "the shepherds so decided", go to Livy, book 2, ch. 7; there you will find the Senate chosen by Romulus from the shepherds; and that it is said here that the shepherds so decided because the Senate (created from the shepherds) suborned Proculus to announce to his people that he had seen the king in a form more august than human, and that he had commanded the people to make him a shrine, for he was a god and was called Quirinus. On Quirinus, besides Livy, Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Plutarch already cited, read St Cyprian, On the Worship of Idols, and St Augustine, City of God book 3, ch. 4. — "The god Quirinus." Tertullian, To the Nations 2.9: "Romulus a god after death. Romulus indeed both killed his brother and carried off other men's maidens by trickery: he is Quirinus, then, because parents then cried out for help on his account."

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(10) ‹Gemini fratris› · call in col 200

Gemini fratris. Sic legendum ex mss. 4 Reg. quorum duo sunt vetustissimi, 4 Colb., Cauc., Gronov., Lips., Ultr., Pal., 2 Clarom., Em., 2 Brun., ms. Jani Gulielmi, et ed. Betul. et 2 Lips. Sic etiam legit Augustinus de Civ. Dei, lib. iii, cap. 13: Sed quomodo et istum diu toleraret, qui fratrem geminumque non pertulit. Geminus frater vocatur, inquit Isæus, qui uno partu et uno die natus est. Virgil. de Romulo et Remo lib. viii: . . . . Geminos huic ubera circum Ludere pendentes pueros. Legitur germani in recent. 4 Reg., 1 Colb. et Cantabr. et in cæteris editis.

"Of his twin brother." So one must read from 4 Royal manuscripts, of which two are very old, 4 Colbert, Cauci, Gronovius, Leipzig, Utrecht, Palatine, 2 Clermont, Emmeran, 2 Brunswick, the manuscript of Janus Gulielmus, and the editions of Betuleius and 2 Leipzig. So too Augustine reads, City of God book 3, ch. 13: "But how could he long endure that man, who did not bear his brother, and twin at that?" He is called a twin brother, says Isaeus, who was born at one birth and on one day. Virgil of Romulus and Remus, book 8: ". . . the twin boys hanging at her teats, playing about her." "Germani" (full brother) is read in 4 recent Royal, 1 Colbert and the Cambridge manuscript, and in the other editions.

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(11) ‹Patriae parricida› · call in col 200

Patriæ parricida. Ita et Cicero l. iii Officior., cap. 3, ad finem. Ubi verba hæc sunt de Cæsare: Potest enim cuiquam esse utile fœdissimum et teterrimum parricidium patriæ, quamvis is, qui se eo obstrinxerit, ab oppressis civibus parens nominetur?

"Parricide of his country." So also Cicero, De officiis book 3, ch. 3, at the end, where these words are about Caesar: "For can the foulest and most hideous parricide of one's country be of advantage to anyone, even if he who has bound himself by it be named father by the citizens he has crushed?"

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(1) ‹Pisonis soceri, et L. Caesaris› · call in col 201

Pisonis soceri, et L. Cæsaris. L. Piso Calpurnius, Cæsaris socer, post cædem illius æque ac L. Cæsar pro libertate stetit, quod de isto Philipp. XII, cap. 6, de hoc lib. ix, epist. 14, confirmatur. Cell.

"Of Piso his father-in-law, and of L. Caesar." L. Calpurnius Piso, Caesar's father-in-law, after his murder stood for liberty just as L. Caesar did, which is confirmed of the former in Philippic 12, ch. 6, of the latter in book 9, letter 14. Cellarius.

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(2) ‹L. Caesaris› · call in col 201

L. Cæsaris. Scribit de hoc ad Dolabellam Cicero l. ix Epistolar.

"Of L. Caesar." Cicero writes of him to Dolabella, Letters book 9.

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(3) ‹Tumulum› · call in col 201

Tumulum. Sic restituimus ex omnibus pene et melioribus mss. Regiis, 4 Colb., Goth., 2 Brun. et edd. Betul. ac Cellar. In cæteris editis et in mss. rec., 2 Colb. ac 1 Clarom., titulum. Illam columnam evertit consul Dolabella: quod factum magnopere laudat Cicero Philippic. i, cap. 2, ad Atticum xiv, ep. 15.

"Mound." So we have restored from almost all and the better manuscripts, the Royal, 4 Colbert, Gotha, 2 Brunswick, and the editions of Betuleius and Cellarius. In the other editions and in recent manuscripts, 2 Colbert and 1 Clermont, "titulum" (inscription). The consul Dolabella overthrew that column: a deed Cicero greatly praises, Philippic 1, ch. 2, and To Atticus 14, letter 15.

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(4) ‹O Romule› · call in col 201

O Romule. Ita Ennius ii Annal., teste Prisciano.

"O Romulus." So Ennius, Annals 2, as Priscian witnesses.

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(5) ‹Plebi› · call in col 201

Plebi. Expunximus τὸ suæ, quod deest in mss. et perperam addunt editi, si excipias Cellar. De Romuli apotheosi vide Valerium Maximum lib. v, cap. 1; Ciceron., de Legibus lib. i, cap. 1; Dionys. Halicarnass. lib. ii Antiquit. Roman.

"To the people." We have struck out the word "suae" (his), which is missing in the manuscripts and which the editions wrongly add, except Cellarius. On the apotheosis of Romulus see Valerius Maximus book 5, ch. 1; Cicero, On the Laws book 1, ch. 1; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities book 2.

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(6) ‹Vocari› · call in col 201

Vocari. Liv. lib. i, c. 16. Flor.

"To be called." Livy book 1, ch. 16. Florus.

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(7) ‹Abiisse› · call in col 201

Abiisse. Reimm. Abisse, contracte, ut idem sæpe, et more Ciceronis et Livii. Vid. not. ad Lact. l. iii, c. 18. Buneman.

"Had gone away." Reimmann, "Abisse", contracted, as the same author often does, after the manner of Cicero and Livy. See the note on Lactantius book 3, ch. 18. Bünemann.

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(8) ‹Religionum› · call in col 201

Religionum. Notat apprime Betuleius, vocem hanc in plurali numero expressam, in malam partem semper usurpari, aliter, si in singulari explicetur.

"Of religions." Betuleius notes very well that this word, put in the plural, is always used in a bad sense; otherwise if it is expressed in the singular.

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(9) ‹Lucretius› · call in col 201

Lucretius. Qui sæpius a Lactantio citatur, poeta est elegantissimus, ac scripsit de Nat. rerum libros sex, qui supersunt. De morte ejus Hieronymus in Chronico Eusebii: T. Lucretius poeta nascitur: qui postea amatorio poculo in furorem versus, cum aliquot libros per intervalla insaniæ conscripsisset, quos postea Cicero emendavit, propria se manu interfecit anno ætatis 44. Walchius. — Hic Lucretii versus ex lib. i de Natura rerum, vers. 931. Vide infra, lib. iv, c. 28.

"Lucretius." He, often cited by Lactantius, is a most elegant poet, and wrote six books On the Nature of Things, which survive. On his death Jerome in Eusebius's Chronicle: "The poet T. Lucretius is born; who afterwards, driven mad by a love-potion, having written some books in the intervals of his madness, which Cicero later corrected, killed himself by his own hand in the forty-fourth year of his age." Walch. — This line of Lucretius is from On the Nature of Things book 1, line 931. See below, book 4, ch. 28.

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(10) ‹Deas feminas et esse credunt et colunt› · call in col 201

Deas feminas et esse credunt et colunt. Ita emendamus ex plur. mss. In editis, esse credunt.

"They both believe there are goddesses, women, and worship them." So we correct from most manuscripts. In the editions, "esse credunt" (they believe there are).

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(11) ‹Negaverant› · call in col 202

Negaverant. Sic reposuimus ex omnibus mss. et editis, præter Gal., Spark., Walch., in quibus est, negaverunt.

"Had denied." So we have restored from all the manuscripts and editions, except Gallaeus, Sparck and Walch, in which is "negaverunt" (denied).

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(12) ‹Duo sexus› · call in col 202

Duo sexus. Id explicat Lactantius a causa finali, de qua vide eumdem auctorem de Opificio hominis, cap. 12 et 13.

"Two sexes." Lactantius explains this from the final cause, on which see the same author, On the Workmanship of Man, chs. 12 and 13.

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(13) ‹Recepta vero sexuum diversitate› · call in col 202

Recepta vero sexuum diversitate. Arnobius, lib iii: Adduci enim primum hoc ut credamus, non possumus, immortalem præstantissimamque naturam divisam esse per sexus, et esse partem unam mares, partem esse alteram feminas. Vide Prudentium περὶ στεφάνων, Hymn. x, v. 176. Et propter hanc sexus diversitatem consuevere in precibus dicere: Sive tu deus es, sive dea, ut notat Arnobius, lib. iii. Elmenhorst.

"But once the difference of the sexes is admitted." Arnobius, book 3: "For first we cannot be brought to believe this, that the immortal and most excellent nature is divided by sexes, and that one part is male and the other female." See Prudentius, On the Crowns, Hymn 10, line 176. And because of this difference of sex they were accustomed to say in prayers, "Whether you are god or goddess", as Arnobius notes, book 3. Elmenhorst.

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(14) ‹Inaestimabilis› · call in col 202

Inæstimabilis. Pro innumerabilis; item in libro de Mortibus persecutorum, c. 53: Inæstimabile scatebat examen, vermiculorum scilicet.

"Inestimable." For "innumerable"; likewise in the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, ch. 53: "an inestimable swarm teemed", of worms, that is.

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(15) ‹Ea exercere› · call in col 202

Ea exercere. Facere, patrare, committere. Epitom., c. 10, exercere omnia libidinum genera; et lib. vi, c. 23. Bun.

"To practise those things." To do, perpetrate, commit. Epitome ch. 10, "to practise every kind of lust"; and book 6, ch. 23. Bünemann.

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(16) ‹Homunculos› · call in col 202

Homunculos. Cicero variis locis hac voce usus est. Vide Nizolium, p. 666. Ita Walchius.

"Mere men." Cicero used this word in various places. See Nizolius, p. 666. So Walch.

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(17) ‹Consequens... nascantur› · call in col 202

Consequens... nascantur. Idem Minuc., c. 23, Cypr. Idol. Van., c. 2. Bun.

"It follows... that they be born." The same in Minucius ch. 23, Cyprian, On the Vanity of Idols ch. 2. Bünemann.

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(18) ‹In libris moralis Philosophiae› · call in col 202

In libris moralis Philosophiæ. Ita restituimus ex mss. Reg., 3 Colb., 3 Lips., 1 Clarom., Em., ac edit. Rom. 1474, Tornes., Spark., 2 Lips. In mss. rec. 1 Reg., 2 Colb., 1 Clarom. et 9 editis est, moralibus; 1 Colb. moralium; ed. Rom. 1468, morali. —Moralis Philosophiæ. Sic recte Reimm., Ven. 1493, 97, Par. 1513, Tornes. 1 et 4, et ipse Lactant., l. vi, c. 17. Bun.

"In the books of Moral Philosophy." So we have restored from the Royal manuscripts, 3 Colbert, 3 Leipzig, 1 Clermont, Emmeran, and the editions of Rome 1474, Tornaesius, Sparck, 2 Leipzig. In recent manuscripts, 1 Royal, 2 Colbert, 1 Clermont, and in 9 editions it is "moralibus"; 1 Colbert "moralium"; Rome edition 1468, "morali". —"Of Moral Philosophy." So rightly the Reimmann, Venice 1493, 97, Paris 1513, Tornaesius 1 and 4, and Lactantius himself, book 6, ch. 17. Bünemann.

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(19) ‹Salacissimus› · call in col 202

Salacissimus. Est libidinosissimus.

"Most lecherous." That is, most lustful.

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(20) ‹Liberos tollere› · call in col 202

Liberos tollere. Hoc est suos agnoscere, alere in spem familiæ et hæredes habere. Hoc enim moris erat apud antiquos, ut obstetrix infantem adhuc de (continues)

"To raise children." That is, to acknowledge them as his own, to rear them in the hope of the family and to have them as heirs. For it was the custom among the ancients that the midwife [should lay] the infant still (continues)

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(2) ‹Et illi lex Papia fibulam imposuit› · call in col 203

Et illi lex Papia fibulam imposuit. Respexit orator christianus ad illud Juvenalis, Sat. 6: Quis tamen affirmat, nil actum in montibus, aut in Speluncis? adeo senuerunt Jupiter et Mars. Fibulam imponere, hic metaphorice est, ob ætatem ingravescentem nuptias vetare, quemadmodum Tertulliano, supremam carni fibulam imponere, libidinem compescere. Joh. Rhodius. — Lex Papia Poppea sexagenarios infibulabat, id est vetabat uxorem ducere, tanquam effœta jam virtute essent ad generandum... Cuti quæ super penis glandem extenditur superaddebatur circulus æneus, quem fibulam vocabant. Unde Martiali refibulare, et fibulam solvere. Isæus. — Lex autem Papia caverat, ne mulier quinquaginta annis minor sexagenario nuberet; neque vir minor sexaginta quinquagenariam duceret: meminit item ejus Apul. Apol., lib. i. Sustulerat olim hoc caput Claudius Cæsar (Suet., xiii; Ulpianus in fragmentis, tit. vi); repositam ab aliis imperatoribus, iterum sustulit aut Justinus aut Justinianus. Eustathius sensum hujus legis sic exprimit: Mulier major sexagenaria viro minori quinquagenario potest nubere. Nam recte credidit Senatus mulieres ad quinquaginta annos concipere posse, viros plerumque generare ad sexagesimum; et noluit fecundos fecundasve cum infecundis copulari. Grotius. — Et tamen ultra sexagesimum viros generare notum est. Vide Plinium, lib. vii, c. 14; Solinum, c. 4; Tertullian., in Apologetico, c. 4.

"And the Papian law put a clasp on him." The Christian orator had in view that line of Juvenal, Satire 6: "Yet who affirms that nothing was done on the mountains or in caves? So old have Jupiter and Mars grown." "To put on a clasp" is here metaphorical: to forbid marriage because of advancing age, as in Tertullian "to put a final clasp on the flesh" is to restrain lust. Johann Rhode. — The Papian-Poppaean law "clasped" men of sixty, that is, forbade them to take a wife, as though they were already spent in power to beget... A bronze ring, which they called a clasp, was added to the skin drawn over the head of the penis. Hence in Martial "to unclasp" and "to undo the clasp". Isaeus. — The Papian law had provided that a woman under fifty should not marry a man of sixty, nor a man under sixty marry a woman of fifty; Apuleius also mentions it, Apology book 1. Claudius Caesar had once repealed this head (Suetonius 13; Ulpian in the Fragments, title 6); when it had been restored by other emperors, either Justin or Justinian repealed it again. Eustathius expresses the sense of this law thus: "A woman over sixty can marry a man under fifty." For the Senate rightly believed that women can conceive up to fifty years, and men generally beget up to sixty; and did not wish the fruitful of either sex to be joined with the unfruitful. Grotius. — And yet it is known that men beget beyond sixty. See Pliny book 7, ch. 14; Solinus ch. 4; Tertullian, in the Apology, ch. 4.

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(3) ‹An impetravit jus trium liberorum› · call in col 203

An impetravit jus trium liberorum. Erant privilegia, et immunitates, quæ favore propagationis dabantur parentibus tres filios habentibus, de quibus in L. prima Cod. qui num. lib. se excus. L. i. Cod. de jure liber. et § Sed hæ juris instit. ad S. C. Tertullian. Plutarch. de Amor. prol. Sed interdum ex principis indulgentia iis quoque qui pauciores, ac etiam nullos habebant filios, hæc privilegia dabantur: id jus qui assecuti fuissent, præter alias ea quoque utilitate fruebantur, quod cum populo aliquid viritim dividebatur, ii pro tribus liberis accipiebant. Vide Duaren., lib. i Disp., c. 40; Alexand. ab Alex. Genial. dier., lib. iv, c. 8; Beroald. et Sabellic. ad Suet. in Galba, c. 14. Isæus.

"Or did he obtain the right of three children?" These were privileges and immunities granted, to favour propagation, to parents having three children, on which see the first law of the Code title "Who are excused by number of children", law 1 of the Code title "On the right of children", and the section "Sed hae" of the Institutes, on the Tertullianum decree of the Senate; Plutarch, On Love of Offspring. But sometimes by the emperor's indulgence these privileges were granted also to those who had fewer children or even none: those who had obtained that right enjoyed, among others, this benefit too, that when something was distributed to the people man by man, they received for three children. See Duaren, Disputations book 1, ch. 40; Alessandro d'Alessandro, Genial Days book 4, ch. 8; Beroaldo and Sabellico on Suetonius, Galba ch. 14. Isaeus.

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(4) ‹Ab alio› · call in col 203

Ab alio. Publius Syrus in Collect.

"From another." Publilius Syrus in the Collection.

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(5) ‹Plebs› · call in col 203

Plebs, etc. Ovid. initio i Metamorph., vers. 173. Plebs. Id est, minores dii, quos Augustinus L. i de Civ. Dei cap. 4, vocat deos gregales et de turba plebis; Seneca ep. 110, deos inferioris notæ; Ovidius, de plebe deos. Buneman.

"The commons", etc. Ovid at the beginning of Metamorphoses 1, line 173. "The commons": that is, the lesser gods, whom Augustine, City of God book 1, ch. 4, calls "gods of the herd and of the crowd of the commons"; Seneca, letter 110, "gods of lower rank"; Ovid, "gods of the commons". Bünemann.

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(6) ‹Infirmior› · call in col 203

Infirmior. Sic Plato de Republica lib. v, ait: Mulieres ad res omnes obeundas, æque ut viros idoneas, nisi quod viribus sunt infirmiores.

"Weaker." So Plato says, Republic book 5: "Women are fit to undertake all things, just as men are, except that they are weaker in strength."

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(7) ‹Robustiores mares› · call in col 203

Robustiores mares. Physici causam assignant, quia calor in viro, quam in muliere major est.

"Males stronger." The natural philosophers assign as the cause that heat is greater in a man than in a woman.

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(8) ‹Alioversus› · call in col 204

Alioversus. Vox antiqua, quæ idem est ac si dicas, in aliam partem, in aliam sententiam.

"Otherwise." An ancient word, the same as if you said "in another direction", "in another sense".

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(9) ‹Non pervident› · call in col 204

Non pervident. Utraque 1478, non vident, quia. Reimm., provident. At cum mss. Gryph., Thom., pervident, rectum, et Lactantianæ elegantiæ. L. ii, c. 3, ex factis et moribus pervidetur. L. ii, c. 8, non potest pervideri. L. iv, c. 30, nec vim rationemque penitus pervidebant. L. v, c. 8, Deus ipsas cogitationes pervidet. Buneman.

"They do not see through." Both 1478, "non vident, quia". Reimmann, "provident". But with the manuscripts Gryphius and Thomasius have "pervident", which is right and of Lactantius's elegance. Book 2, ch. 3, "it is seen through from deeds and conduct". Book 2, ch. 8, "cannot be seen through". Book 4, ch. 30, "nor did they see through its force and reason thoroughly". Book 5, ch. 8, "God sees through the very thoughts". Bünemann.

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(10) ‹Quid sit in vero› · call in col 204

Quid sit in vero. Lib. i, cap. 11: Illud in vero est. Tertull. de Resurr.: Non enim hanc (mortem) esse in vero, quæ sit in medio. Cypr. ep. 9, fin., ed. Oxon., Quid sit in vero, rescribite. Buneman.

"What is in truth." Book 1, ch. 11: "That is in truth." Tertullian, On the Resurrection: "For this (death) that is before us is not death in truth." Cyprian, letter 9, end, Oxford edition: "Write back what is in truth." Bünemann.

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(11) ‹Cicero› · call in col 204

Cicero. Lib. ii de Nat. deor., cap. 28, ubi auguria irridet: vide etiam S. Augustin. de Civitate Dei, lib. iv, cap. 30.

"Cicero." On the Nature of the Gods book 2, ch. 28, where he mocks auguries: see also St Augustine, City of God book 4, ch. 30.

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(1) ‹Pene aniles› · call in col 205

Pene aniles. Hic et infra perperam Lips. 2, pene viles. Vid. præter Ciceronem, Epit. Taur. cap. 22, et Augustin. Civit. Dei, lib. iv, cap. 30. Buneman.

"Almost old-wives' [tales]." Here and below the second Leipzig edition wrongly has "pene viles" (almost worthless). See, besides Cicero, the Turin Epitome ch. 22, and Augustine, City of God book 4, ch. 30. Bünemann.

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(2) ‹Formae deorum› · call in col 205

Formæ deorum. Unusquisque eorum notam quamdam habebat, cujus ope dignoscebatur olim, ac etiamnum dignoscitur in monumentis antiquis. Has notas quæras apud mythographos.

"The shapes of the gods." Each of them had a certain mark, by the help of which he was once recognized, and is still recognized on ancient monuments. Look for these marks in the mythographers.

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(3) ‹Sacerdotio› · call in col 205

Sacerdotio. Scilicet auguratu; ut supra c. 15, augurale habuit sacerdotium. — Sacerdotio. Cujus dignitatem ipse Cicero describit lib. ii Leg., cap. 12. Bun.

"By the priesthood." The augurate, that is; as above, ch. 15, "he held the augural priesthood". — "By the priesthood." Whose dignity Cicero himself describes, On the Laws book 2, ch. 12. Bünemann.

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(4) ‹Arguit› · call in col 205

Arguit. Sic reposuimus ex mss. Regiis, 4 Colb., Cauc., 2 Brun. et editis Torn. et Walch. In multis est, redarguit.

"He refutes." So we have restored from the Royal manuscripts, 4 Colbert, Cauci, 2 Brunswick and the editions of Tornaesius and Walch. In many it is "redarguit".

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(5) ‹Liber tertius› · call in col 205

Liber tertius. Cotta Pontifex in eo libro loquitur.

"The third book." Cotta the pontiff speaks in that book.

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(6) ‹Ait enim facilius› · call in col 205

Ait enim facilius. Credo respexisse ad Cic. i Nat. deor., cap. 21, fin.: Quid non sit citius, quam quid sit, dixerim; et in princip. ibid.: Mihi non tam facile in mentem venire solet, quare verum sit aliquid, quam quare falsum. Conf. Cic. ii Nat. deor. cap. i, et Lact. lib. ii, cap. 3. De Ira, cap. 11. Buneman.

"For he says that more easily." I believe he had in view Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 1, ch. 21, end: "I could say sooner what is not than what is"; and at the beginning of the same: "It does not come to my mind so easily why something is true as why it is false." Compare Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 2, ch. 1, and Lactantius book 2, ch. 3; On the Anger of God, ch. 11. Bünemann.

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(7) ‹Se posse› · call in col 205

Se posse. Reimm. posse se, grato Ciceroni et nostro sono. Buneman.

"That he could." Reimmann, "posse se", a cadence pleasing to Cicero and to our author. Bünemann.

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(8) ‹Vera nescire› · call in col 205

Vera nescire. Ita Cic. i de Natura deorum circa finem.

"Not to know the truth." So Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 1, near the end.

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(9) ‹Certae imagines singulorum› · call in col 205

Certæ imagines singulorum. Ita restituimus ex antiquis mss. et cunctis pene editis. In nonnullis recentioribus est certe.

"Fixed images of each." So we have restored from the old manuscripts and almost all the editions. In some more recent ones it is "certe" (certainly).

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(10) ‹Simulacra eorum› · call in col 205

Simulacra eorum. Sic reposui ex omnibus fere mss. et 3 editis. In cæteris impressis, et 8 manu exaratis rec. pro eorum est singulorum, quod mox præcessit.

"Their statues." So I have restored from almost all the manuscripts and 3 editions. In the other printed copies and in 8 recent handwritten ones, instead of "eorum" there is "singulorum", which came just before.

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(11) ‹Configurata› · call in col 205

Configurata. Lact. lib. vii, cap. 4. Hac forma etiam Tertull. de Anima, cap. 34; Gell., Noct. Att. xii, c. 1. Buneman.

"Shaped." Lactantius book 7, ch. 4. This form also in Tertullian, On the Soul ch. 34; Gellius, Attic Nights 12, ch. 1. Bünemann.

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(12) ‹Mors› · call in col 205

Mors, etc. Quintus Curt. lib. viii, cap. 4, 14.

"Death", etc. Quintus Curtius book 8, ch. 4, 14.

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(13) ‹Isis filium perdidit› · call in col 205

Isis filium perdidit. Osirim. Vide postea ad cap. 21 hujus libri.

"Isis lost her son." Osiris. See later, at ch. 21 of this book.

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(14) ‹Ceres filiam› · call in col 205

Ceres filiam. Proserpinam. Vide ibidem. De qua videatur et Claudianus.

"Ceres her daughter." Proserpina. See the same place. On her see also Claudian.

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(15) ‹Deum mater› · call in col 205

Deum mater. Possem exponere, inquit Arnobius lib. iv, cujus matrimonium magna mater tenuerit, quid spei, quid voluptatis specioso ab Attide conceperit, etc., quem vide. Legatur etiam Ovidius lib. iv Fastorum: Cujus erat species in qua materque paterque Cognosci possent.

"The mother of the gods." "I could set out," says Arnobius, book 4, "whose marriage the Great Mother held, what hope, what pleasure she conceived from the handsome Attis", etc.; see him. Read also Ovid, Fasti book 4: "whose beauty was such that mother and father could be recognized in it."

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(16) ‹Formosum adolescentem› · call in col 205

Formosum adolescentem. Atyn Phrygium, quem ea amabat iis conditionibus, ne alieno frueretur amore: complexus ille Sangaridem Nympham; de qua cum ipsa sumpsisset supplicium, adolescens sibi virilia amputavit. Rem tamen paulo aliter narrant Arnobius lib. v, Diodorus Sicul. lib. iv, Herodianus lib. i, Lucianus in Dialogo Veneris et Cupidinis, S. Augustin. de Civit. Dei, lib. vi, cap. 7, et alii, quos vide.—Formosum adolescentem. Atyn de quo extat Catulli carmen. Cell.

"A handsome young man." Attis the Phrygian, whom she loved on condition that he should not enjoy another's love: he embraced the nymph Sagaritis; when she herself had punished her, the young man cut off his genitals. Yet Arnobius book 5, Diodorus Siculus book 4, Herodian book 1, Lucian in the Dialogue of Venus and Cupid, St Augustine, City of God book 6, ch. 7, and others, whom see, tell the story a little differently.—"A handsome young man." Attis, on whom there is a poem of Catullus. Cellarius.

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(17) ‹Sacra ejus a Gallis sacerdotibus› · call in col 205

Sacra ejus a Gallis sacerdotibus, etc. Augustinus de Civit. Dei lib. i, cap. 7: Sacra sunt matris deum, ubi Atis pulcher adolescens ab ea dilectus, et muliebri zelo abscissus, etiam hominum abscissorum, quos Gallos vocant, infelicitate deploratur. Videndi Lucianus in Deor. dial. Οἱ Κορύβαντες δὲ, etc. Corybantum alius suum ipse penem ense desecat, alius dimissa coma per montes fertur insanus, alius cornu canit, alius tympano tonat, alius cymbalo strepit. Breviter omnis undequaque Idæ tumultus atque insaniæ plena est. Sextus Aurelius Victor in Heliogab.: Vestalem virginem quasi matrimonio jungens suo, abscissisque genitalibus, Magnæ se matri sacravit. Firmicus Astron. lib. iv, cap. 29, 31, et lib. i, cap. 6: Archigallos faciet, qui virilia sibi propriis amputent manibus. Arnob. passim eos appellat evirates, abscissos, semiviros, effœminatos. Lampridius in Heliogab., Hieronym. lib. i, in Oseam cap. 4, Valerius Flaccus, lib. vii Argonaut. Vide etiam insignem hac de re locum, apud Lucian. de Dea Syria. Sed quia prolixior est, non describo. Locus incipit: Γάλλοι δὲ πολλοί, etc. Ex Elmenhorst. — Betuleius, Vossius aliique putant a flumine Gallo Gallos vocari. Sic etiam Ovid. Fast. lib. iv.

"Her rites by the Gallic priests", etc. Augustine, City of God book 1, ch. 7: "These are the rites of the mother of the gods, in which Attis, a beautiful young man loved by her and castrated through a woman's jealousy, is mourned also by the misfortune of castrated men, whom they call Galli." See Lucian in the Dialogues of the Gods: "And the Corybantes", etc. "Of the Corybants, one cuts off his own penis with a sword, another with hair let loose rushes mad over the mountains, another blows a horn, another thunders on a drum, another clashes a cymbal. In short, all Ida on every side is full of uproar and madness." Sextus Aurelius Victor on Heliogabalus: "joining a Vestal virgin to himself as if in marriage, and having cut off his genitals, he consecrated himself to the Great Mother." Firmicus, Astronomica book 4, chs. 29, 31, and book 1, ch. 6: "It will make archigalli, who cut off their genitals with their own hands." Arnobius everywhere calls them unmanned, castrated, half-men, effeminate. Lampridius on Heliogabalus; Jerome, book 1 on Hosea ch. 4; Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica book 7. See also a notable passage on this in Lucian, On the Syrian Goddess. But because it is rather long, I do not copy it. The passage begins: "And many Galli", etc. From Elmenhorst. — Betuleius, Vossius and others think they are called Galli from the river Gallus. So too Ovid, Fasti book 4.

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(18) ‹Pellices› · call in col 206

Pellices. Latonam, Io, Europam, Danaen et alias.

"Concubines." Latona, Io, Europa, Danae and others.

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(19) ‹Ex fratre› · call in col 206

Ex fratre. Mss. 2 Colbert. et 1 Brun., ex patre. Melius igitur ex fratre, id est ex Jove, cujus erat et soror et conjux, juxta Virgilium.

"By her brother." 2 Colbert manuscripts and 1 Brunswick, "ex patre" (by her father). "Ex fratre" is therefore better, that is, by Jove, whose sister and wife she was, according to Virgil.

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(20) ‹Samum... Juno› · call in col 206

Samum... Juno. Lib. i, cap. 15. Strabo ed. nov. lib. xiv, fol. 637. De ejus templo et sacris Savaro ad Sidon. Apollin. carm. 9, pag. 122. Add. Spanhem. ad Callim. Dian. v. 228, pag. 283, et ad Delum, v. 48, de Samo Parthenia dicta, pag. 358-360, et Muncker. ad Hygin., Fab. 14, pag. 41. Buneman.

"Samos... Juno." Book 1, ch. 15. Strabo, new edition, book 14, fol. 637. On her temple and rites, Savaron on Sidonius Apollinaris, poem 9, p. 122. Add Spanheim on Callimachus's Artemis, line 228, p. 283, and on the Delos, line 48, on Samos called Parthenia, pp. 358–360, and Muncker on Hyginus, Fable 14, p. 41. Bünemann.

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(21) ‹Scribit Varro› · call in col 206

Scribit Varro. De quo vide S. Augustinum, de Civit. Dei, lib. vi, cap. 7.

"Varro writes." On which see St Augustine, City of God book 6, ch. 7.

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(22) ‹Partheniam› · call in col 206

Partheniam. Partheniam nominatam esse a fluvio Parthenio, ut scribit Strabo. Sed inde diversa sortita est nomina.

"Parthenia." It was named Parthenia from the river Parthenius, as Strabo writes. But afterwards it acquired various names.

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(23) ‹Sacra ejus anniversaria nuptiarum ritu celebrantur› · call in col 206

Sacra ejus anniversaria nuptiarum ritu celebrantur. Ut bene hoc intelligatur, sciendum quomodo nuptiæ (continues)

"Her yearly rites are celebrated with the ritual of a wedding." For this to be well understood, one must know how weddings (continues)

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(2) ‹Virgo... postea mulier› · call in col 207

Virgo... postea mulier. De Opif. cap. 12. Sic mulieres virginibus opponit de Mort. persec. cap. 27. Conf. lib. vi, cap. 23. Hieron. in Oseam, cap. 2. Homo quum uxorem accepit, de virgine mulierem facit. Buneman.

"A virgin... afterwards a woman." On the Workmanship [of Man] ch. 12. So he sets women against virgins in On the Deaths of the Persecutors ch. 27. Compare book 6, ch. 23. Jerome on Hosea ch. 2: "A man, when he has taken a wife, makes a woman of a virgin." Bünemann.

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(3) ‹Deorum et hominum› · call in col 207

Deorum et hominum. Deorum scilicet cum Marte, Mercurio et Jove: hominum cum Anchise et Bute, etc.

"Of gods and men." Of gods, that is, with Mars, Mercury and Jove; of men, with Anchises and Butes, etc.

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(4) ‹Haec... genuit› · call in col 207

Hæc... genuit. Id est, peperit. Nam feminæ etiam gignere dicuntur. Vid. Heins. ad Ovid. viii Met., 49: Si quæ te genuit. Sic Venus Cupidini minatur Apul. v Metam. pag. 172: Scias, multo te meliorem filium alium genituram. Add. Burm., ad Phædr. iii, cap, 15, pag. 153, et Davis. ad Cicer. i Tusc., 42. Buneman.

"She begot." That is, she bore. For women too are said to beget. See Heinsius on Ovid, Metamorphoses 8.49: "if she who begot you". So Venus threatens Cupid in Apuleius, Metamorphoses 5, p. 172: "Know that I shall beget another son much better than you." Add Burman on Phaedrus 3, ch. 15, p. 153, and Davies on Cicero, Tusculans 1.42. Bünemann.

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(5) ‹Harmoniam› · call in col 207

Harmoniam. Hanc tamen Diodor. Sicul., lib. v, filiam Jovis et Electræ facit. De adulterio Veneris et Martis, vide Homerum Odyss. v, et Ovid. lib. iv Metamorph.

"Harmonia." Diodorus Siculus, book 5, however, makes her the daughter of Jove and Electra. On the adultery of Venus and Mars see Homer, Odyssey 5, and Ovid, Metamorphoses book 4.

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(6) ‹Hermaphroditum› · call in col 207

Hermaphroditum. Sic Ovidius de eo, lib. iv Metamorph.: Mercurio puerum, et diva Cythereide natum, Naiades Ideis enutrivere sub antris; Cujus erat species, in qua materque paterque Cognosci possent, nomen quoque traxit ab illis. Vide etiam Plinium lib. vii, cap. 3. Gignuntur aliquando et utriusque sexus infantes, hermaphroditi dicti; et ii in prodigiis annumerantur. Ii antea nominabantur androgyni, quod ex viro et muliere habebant aliquid. — Hermaphroditum. Hygin. Fab. 271, Euseb. Præpar. ii, cap. 2. Cell.

"Hermaphroditus." So Ovid of him, Metamorphoses book 4: "The Naiads nursed under the caves of Ida a boy born of Mercury and the Cytherean goddess, whose beauty was such that mother and father could be recognized in it; he took his name too from them." See also Pliny book 7, ch. 3. Infants of both sexes are also sometimes born, called hermaphrodites; and they are counted among portents. They were formerly called androgynes, because they had something of man and of woman. — "Hermaphroditus." Hyginus, Fable 271; Eusebius, Preparation [for the Gospel] 2, ch. 2. Cellarius.

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(7) ‹Cupidinem› · call in col 207

Cupidinem. Attamen Cicero de Natura deor., eum Martis et Veneris filium facit.

"Cupid." Cicero, however, On the Nature of the Gods, makes him the son of Mars and Venus.

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(8) ‹Ex Anchise Aeneam› · call in col 207

Ex Anchise Æneam. Æneas ipse apud Homer. suam genesim edisserit.

"Aeneas by Anchises." Aeneas himself sets out his descent in Homer.

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(9) ‹Erycen› · call in col 207

Erycen. Vide Hyginum cap. 260 fabularum. Vide etiam Servium ad v Æneid., qui tamen aliter opinatur.

"Eryx." See Hyginus, Fables ch. 260. See also Servius on Aeneid 5, who however thinks otherwise.

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(10) ‹Ex Adonio› · call in col 207

Ex Adonio. Ita restituimus ex 5 Reg. quorum duo sunt veterrimi et optimi, 2 Colb., 2 Brun., Nav., Vict., Gat., Marm. In duodecim recentioribus mss. et editis est, ex Adone. Ed. Thomas. et Franc., Ex Adonide.—Ex Adone. Contendit Witsius lib. ii Ægypt., cap. 2, n. 15, pag. 66, Adonem Phœnicium numen idem esse ac Osirim, atque exponit mysterium. Witsius Vossium de Idolol. lib. ii, cap. 4, secutus est. Buneman.

"By Adonius." So we have restored from 5 Royal manuscripts, of which two are very old and best, 2 Colbert, 2 Brunswick, Navarre, Victorine, Gatianus, Marmoutier. In twelve more recent manuscripts and in the editions it is "ex Adone". The editions of Thomasius and Franz, "Ex Adonide".—"By Adonis." Witsius, Aegyptiaca book 2, ch. 2, no. 15, p. 66, contends that Adonis, the Phoenician deity, is the same as Osiris, and explains the mystery. Witsius followed Vossius, On Idolatry book 2, ch. 4. Bünemann.

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(11) ‹Ab apro ictus occisus est› · call in col 207

Ab apro ictus occisus est. Conjunctionem et, quæ est in recentioribus mss. sex et editis, delevi ex cæteris mss. et ed. Rom. 1468, 1470, et Tornes. 1579. Legitur, aprio ictu in mss. Nav., 1 Colb., Brun. et Vict. a prima manu. Adonii fabula recitatur ab Aphthonio rhetore. Vide et Ovidium lib. x Metamorph. circa finem. — Ab apro ictus. Id est, percussus ab apro, Ovid. iii Metamor., 215. Proprie de morsu aprorum ictus dicitur. Vid. interpretes ad Phædr. i, fab. 11, 6: Aper vindicavit ictu veterem injuriam.

"He was killed, struck by a boar." The conjunction "et", which is in six more recent manuscripts and the editions, I have deleted on the strength of the other manuscripts and the Rome editions of 1468, 1470 and Tornaesius 1579. "Aprio ictu" (by a boar's blow) is read in the Navarre manuscript, 1 Colbert, Brunswick and the Victorine by the first hand. The fable of Adonius is told by the rhetor Aphthonius. See also Ovid, Metamorphoses book 10, near the end. — "Struck by a boar." That is, smitten by a boar, Ovid, Metamorphoses 3.215. "Ictus" is said properly of the bite of boars. See the commentators on Phaedrus 1, fable 11, 6 [21, 6]: "The boar avenged an old wrong with a blow."

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(12) ‹In Historia Sacra› · call in col 207

In Historia Sacra. Scilicet Euhemeri.

"In the Sacred History." Euhemerus's, that is.

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(13) ‹Meretriciam instituit› · call in col 207

Meretriciam instituit. Vide Theodoret. in Therapeut.

"She instituted harlotry." See Theodoret in the Therapeutics.

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(14) ‹Auctorque› · call in col 207

Auctorque. Hic feminino genere, ut auctor optima apud Ovidium et apud Servium, quando derivatur a nomine auctoritas; dicitur autem auctrix, quando venit ab augeo.

"And author." Here in the feminine gender, as "auctor optima" (best authoress) in Ovid and in Servius, when it is derived from the noun "auctoritas"; but "auctrix" is said when it comes from "augeo" (to increase).

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(15) ‹In Cypro fuit› · call in col 207

In Cypro fuit. Sic mss. 8 Reg., 6 Colb., 2 Clarom., Lips., 2 Brun. et editi: quod præferendum est mss. Christ., Em. et Cantabrig., ubi legitur, in stupro.

"Was in Cyprus." So 8 Royal manuscripts, 6 Colbert, 2 Clermont, Leipzig, 2 Brunswick and the editions: which is to be preferred to the Christina, Emmeran and Cambridge manuscripts, where one reads "in stupro" (in debauchery).

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(16) ‹Vulgato corpore quaestum facerent› · call in col 207

Vulgato corpore quæstum facerent. Sic emendavimus ex mss. 2 Brun. Quæ lectio Lactantiana est. Vide infra eodem libro cap. 20, vulgati corporis vilitatem; et lib. vi, cap. 23, publicis vulgatisque corporibus abstinendum. Et apud Plautum, corpus suum vulgare, id est prostituere. 1 Reg. rec. habet, in vulgo. Cæteri, vulgo.

"That they should make gain by a body made common." So we have corrected from 2 Brunswick manuscripts. This reading is Lactantian. See below in the same book, ch. 20, "the cheapness of a body made common"; and book 6, ch. 23, "one must abstain from public and common bodies". And in Plautus, "to make one's body common", that is, to prostitute it. 1 recent Royal has "in vulgo". The others, "vulgo".

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(17) ‹Sed ne illae quidem virgines› · call in col 207

Sed ne illæ quidem virgines. Minerva et Diana. Cell.

"But not even those [were] virgins." Minerva and Diana. Cellarius.

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(18) ‹Erichthonium› · call in col 208

Erichthonium. Is fuit quartus Athenarum rex, de quo vide S. Augustin. de Civitate Dei lib. xviii, cap. 12; Pausaniam in Atticis, Hygin. cap. 166; Servium in iii Georg.

"Erichthonius." He was the fourth king of Athens, on whom see St Augustine, City of God book 18, ch. 12; Pausanias in the Attica; Hyginus ch. 166; Servius on Georgics 3.

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(19) ‹Poetae› · call in col 208

Poetæ. Homer. ii Iliad., Eurip., Ovid. ii Metamorph.

"The poets." Homer, Iliad 2; Euripides; Ovid, Metamorphoses 2.

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(20) ‹Ut solebat› · call in col 208

Ut solebat. Virgil. vi Æneid.

"As he was wont." Virgil, Aeneid 6.

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(21) ‹Semen› · call in col 208

Semen. Ita mss. et editi, præter Gal. ubi est semel.

"Seed." So the manuscripts and editions, except Gallaeus, where it is "semel" (once).

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(22) ‹Unde sit Erichthonius natus› · call in col 208

Unde sit Erichthonius natus. Paus. Attic.: Πατέρα δὲ Ἐριχθονίῳ λέγουσιν ἀνθρώπων μὲν οὐδένα εἶναι, γονέας δὲ Ἥφαιστον καὶ Γῆν. Hom. in Catal. Apollod. lib. iii, de Deorum origine, Lucian. in Philopseud., Origen. contra Celsum lib. viii, sed præcipue Augustin. lib. xviii de Civ. Dei, cap. 12, Hieronym. contra Jovinian. cap. 4, Tertull. de Spectac. cap. 9. Lindenbrogius.

"From which Erichthonius was born." Pausanias, Attica: "They say that Erichthonius had no human father, but that his parents were Hephaestus and Earth." Homer in the Catalogue; Apollodorus book 3, On the Origin of the Gods; Lucian in the Lover of Lies; Origen, Against Celsus book 8; but especially Augustine, City of God book 18, ch. 12; Jerome, Against Jovinian ch. 4; Tertullian, On the Spectacles ch. 9. Lindenbrog.

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(23) ‹Virgo› · call in col 208

Virgo. De qua vide Ovid., ii Metamorph.

"The virgin." On whom see Ovid, Metamorphoses 2.

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(24) ‹Tribus Virginibus› · call in col 208

Tribus Virginibus. Ovid. lib. ii Metamorph.: Pallas Erichtonium prolem sine matre creatam Clauserat Actæo texta de vimine cista, Virginibusque tribus gemino de Cecrope natis Servandum dederat. Alii dicunt tantum duabus commisisse, nempe Aglauro et Pandroso. Germanici interpres: Natus est Erichthonius, quem Minerva in cista abscondidit, draconeque custode apposito, duabus sororibus, Aglauro et (continues)

"To three virgins." Ovid, Metamorphoses book 2: "Pallas had shut Erichthonius, offspring born without a mother, in a chest woven of Attic osier, and had given him to the three virgins born of two-formed Cecrops to keep." Others say she entrusted him to only two, namely Aglauros and Pandrosos. The commentator on Germanicus: "Erichthonius was born, whom Minerva hid in a chest and, setting a serpent as guard, [entrusted] to two sisters, Aglauros and (continues)

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(2) ‹Commendavit› · call in col 209

Commendavit. Eleganter, pro deposuit, sive, ut Hygin., fab. 166, dedit in cistula servandum. Apul. Apolog., pag. 308, Alienæ custodiæ commendatam. Paulo post pag. 309, explicat, deponere; et Grævius ad Cicer. pro Cluentio, cap. 12: Spem in alvo commendatam a viro continebat. De differentia verborum commendare et deponere, consule Burmann. ad Phædr. i, fab. 173, p. 43. Bun.

"Entrusted." Elegantly, for "deposuit" (deposited), or, as Hyginus, fable 166, "gave him to be kept in a little chest". Apuleius, Apology p. 308, "entrusted to another's keeping". A little later, p. 309, he explains it as "to deposit"; and Graevius on Cicero, Pro Cluentio ch. 12: "she carried in her womb the hope entrusted to her by her husband." On the difference between the verbs "commendare" and "deponere", consult Burman on Phaedrus 1, fable 17[3], p. 43. Bünemann.

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(3) ‹Incestum› · call in col 209

Incestum. Neutro genere, ut Minuc. Fel. xxxi, 3: Incestum penes vos sæpe deprehenditur, semper admittitur; add. infra. Conf. Lact. l. vi, cap. 20, Incesta Liv. ii: Ut virgo Vestalis damnata incesti pœnas dederit; add. Plin. lib. iv, epist. 11. Buneman.

"Incest." In the neuter gender, as Minucius Felix 31.3: "Among you incest is often detected, always committed"; add below. Compare Lactantius book 6, ch. 20, "incesta"; Livy 2: "that a Vestal virgin, condemned, paid the penalty of incest"; add Pliny book 4, letter 11. Bünemann.

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(4) ‹Altera› · call in col 209

Altera. Scilicet Diana. Lactantius videtur mendacii arguere narrationem, et significare periculum modo mortis, non ipsam mortem passum fuisse Hippolytum. Ideo etiam curando, ait non in vitam revocando. Hæc igitur vox et sententia me cogit spernere quod in mss. est, plane. Hippolyti historiam vide apud Ovid., lib. xii Metamorph.

"The other." Diana, that is. Lactantius seems to convict the story of falsehood, and to indicate that Hippolytus suffered only the danger of death, not death itself. That is also why he says "by healing", not "by calling back to life". This word and sense, then, compel me to reject what is in the manuscripts, "plane". For the story of Hippolytus see Ovid, Metamorphoses book 12.

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(5) ‹Turbatis› · call in col 209

Turbatis. Id ex Virg., vii Æneid., v. 774.

"Scattered." This is from Virgil, Aeneid 7, line 774.

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(6) ‹Asclepium› · call in col 209

Asclepium. Recte Lactantius in Græca fabula Græculum nomen Asclepium dat medico, juxta antiquiores et meliores codices, 4 Reg., 2 Colb., Gronov., Nav., Gat., Marm., 2 Brun., et ed. Cellar. non Æsculapium, ut in recentioribus mss. et editis.

"Asclepius." Rightly Lactantius, in a Greek fable, gives the physician the Greekish name Asclepius, according to the older and better manuscripts, 4 Royal, 2 Colbert, Gronovius, Navarre, Gatianus, Marmoutier, 2 Brunswick, and the Cellarius edition; not Aesculapius, as in the more recent manuscripts and the editions.

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(7) ‹Secretis› · call in col 209

Secretis. Locus ex eodem Virgilii libro.

"In secret places." The passage is from the same book of Virgil.

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(8) ‹Tam longe› · call in col 209

Tam longe. Ita reposuimus ex mss. et editis, præter Gall., Spark., in quibus est tum longa.

"So far." So we have restored from the manuscripts and editions, except Gallaeus and Sparck, in which is "tum longa".

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(9) ‹Amanti novercae› · call in col 209

Amanti novercæ. Phædræ, Thesei uxori, cui Hippolyti fatum in fabulis imputatur. Vide Ovidii epist. 4, quæ hujus Phædræ est ad Hippolytum. Cell.

"To his loving stepmother." Phaedra, wife of Theseus, to whom the fables impute Hippolytus's fate. See Ovid's Epistle 4, which is from this Phaedra to Hippolytus. Cellarius.

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(10) ‹Pernegarat› · call in col 209

Pernegarat. Sic restituimus ex mss. codicibus et edit. Tornes. In 1 Clarom. denegarat; in 3 rec. et pluribus ed., pernegaret.

"Had flatly refused." So we have restored from the manuscripts and the Tornaesius edition. In 1 Clermont "denegarat"; in 3 recent ones and most editions, "pernegaret".

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(11) ‹Hoc loco refellendi› · call in col 209

Hoc loco refellendi. Ita passim loqui solet Lactantius; et sic habent mss., præter 2 Reg. recentiores et edit. in quibus est, Hoc in loco.

"In this place [are] to be refuted." So Lactantius is wont to speak everywhere; and so the manuscripts have it, except 2 more recent Royal and the editions, in which is "Hoc in loco".

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(12) ‹Cererem ac Liberum› · call in col 209

Cererem ac Liberum. Sic Virgilius libros orditur Georgicorum, Liber et alma Ceres.

"Ceres and Liber." So Virgil begins the books of the Georgics, "Liber and kindly Ceres."

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(13) ‹Minervam› · call in col 209

Minervam. Quam Horatius operosam, Ovidius ingeniosam vocant.

"Minerva." Whom Horace calls industrious, Ovid ingenious.

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(14) ‹Homines inexpiabili sese scelere contaminent› · call in col 209

Homines inexpiabili sese scelere contaminent. Res eodem recidet, si corrigas: homines inexpiabili scelere contaminentur; ut lib. v, cap. 1, inexpiabili scelere contaminari atque adstringi. Buneman.

"That men should defile themselves with inexpiable crime." It will come to the same thing if you correct: "that men should be defiled with inexpiable crime"; as in book 5, ch. 1, "to be defiled and bound by inexpiable crime". Bünemann.

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(15) ‹Disserunt› · call in col 209

Disserunt. Est ex mss. vetustissimis 1 Bonon., 3 Reg., 1 Colb., Lips., 2 Clarom., Em., 2 Brun. aliisque, et ed. Is. ac Cellar. In mss. 1 Reg., 5 Colb., Cauc., Jun. et editis, dixerunt.

"They argue." It is from the very old manuscripts 1 Bologna, 3 Royal, 1 Colbert, Leipzig, 2 Clermont, Emmeran, 2 Brunswick and others, and the editions of Isaeus and Cellarius. In the manuscripts 1 Royal, 5 Colbert, Cauci, Junius and the editions, "dixerunt" (they said).

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(16) ‹Vel ipsa senectute minuantur› · call in col 210

Vel ipsa senectute minuantur. At in quibusdam mss., senectute ipsa minuantur, ad extremum morte terminentur et corruant. Quod cur Lactantii esse negem, causam non video, præsertim cum reprehendat opinionem, viribus corporis Herculem meruisse immortalitatem; ergo bene ipsius mortis jus adhibetur: qui enim per hoc pariatur immortalitas, in quod tantum jus morti? quod totum morte finitur. Gronovius. — In hanc additionem, ad extremum morte terminentur, sic habet Bunemannus: — « Hæc, inquit quippe ex solo Gronovii codice, Heumanno suspecta diversis typis imprimenda curavi; quæ tamen Gronovius satis bene tuetur, quem lege in Obs. in Eccl. cap. 17, pag. 182. Certe Lactantius amat verbum terminare. Lib. iii, cap. 12: Quæ (vita) cum corpore terminatur. Conf. l. vii, cap. 15. »

"Or are diminished by old age itself." But in some manuscripts, "are diminished by old age itself, at last are ended by death and collapse". I see no reason why I should deny this is Lactantius's, especially since he is censuring the opinion that Hercules earned immortality by bodily strength; so the right of death itself is fittingly brought in: for how could immortality be won by that over which death has such right? which is wholly ended by death. Gronovius. — On this addition, "at last are ended by death", Bünemann has this: "These words, coming as they do only from Gronovius's manuscript and suspect to Heumann, I have had printed in different type; Gronovius, however, defends them well enough; read him in the Observations on Ecclesiastical Writers, ch. 17, p. 182. Certainly Lactantius loves the verb 'terminare'. Book 3, ch. 12: 'which (life) is ended with the body.' Compare book 7, ch. 15."

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(17) ‹Nec sanari se voluit› · call in col 210

Nec sanari se voluit, etc. Codex antiquus Bon. habet, nec sanum se voluit, nec senem fieri; quod mihi probatur, quia illa similitudo dictionum, sanum et senem efficit quamdam orationis venustatem. Alter codex Bon.: Nec sanari se voluit, ne senex aut deformior videretur. Quæ etiam oratio non est inepta, neque inconcinna; sed quia lectioni vulgatæ quæ est 30 mss. et omnium edit. optimus est sensus, eam retinuimus. Id ex Thomasio.

"Nor did he wish to be healed", etc. An old Bologna manuscript has "nor did he wish to become sound, nor old"; which I approve, because that likeness of words, "sanum" and "senem", gives the sentence a certain charm. The other Bologna manuscript: "Nor did he wish to be healed, lest he should seem old or more deformed." This wording too is not inept nor inelegant; but because the common reading, which is that of 30 manuscripts and all editions, gives the best sense, we have kept it. This from Thomasius.

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(18) ‹Seipso minor› · call in col 210

Seipso minor. In senibus enim ossa macerantur, et caro caloris acrimonia tabescit. Vander Linden.

"Less than himself." For in old men the bones waste, and the flesh wastes away through the sharpness of heat. Van der Linden.

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(19) ‹E rogo› · call in col 210

E rogo. Ita reposuimus ex mss. Regio-Puteano, 2 Colb., Ultr. et ed. Paris. 1525, ad id conspirantibus 3 Colb., Jun., 1 Clarom. et edit. Rom. 1468, 1470, et Egnat. in quibus est ergo pro e rogo. In mss. Cauc., 3 Reg., 1 Bonon., Pen., 1 Colb., 1 Clarom. et editis multis rec. a rogo.

"From the pyre." So we have restored from the Royal-Dupuy manuscript, 2 Colbert, Utrecht and the Paris edition of 1525, with which agree 3 Colbert, Junius, 1 Clermont and the Rome editions of 1468, 1470 and Egnazio, in which is "ergo" for "e rogo". In the Cauci manuscript, 3 Royal, 1 Bologna, Peniarum, 1 Colbert, 1 Clermont and many recent editions, "a rogo".

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(20) ‹Se ipse combusserat› · call in col 210

Se ipse combusserat. Manuscriptorum est; se ipsum, editorum recentiorum.

"He had burned himself." This is the manuscripts' reading; "se ipsum" is that of the more recent editions.

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(1) ‹In deorum coetu› · call in col 211

In deorum cœtu. Plerique editi, cœtum.

"In the assembly of the gods." Most editions, "coetum".

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(2) ‹Oppida excidere› · call in col 211

Oppida excidere. In sex mss., excindere, in septem, exscindere.

"To destroy towns." In six manuscripts, "excindere"; in seven, "exscindere".

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(3) ‹Si quis unum... jugulaverit› · call in col 211

Si quis unum...jugulaverit. Cypr. l. ii, ep. 2, fol. 33, ed. Bas.: Homicidium quum admittunt singuli, crimen est: virtus vocatur, quum publice geritur. Buneman.

"If anyone has slain one man." Cyprian, book 2, letter 2, fol. 33, Basel edition: "When individuals commit homicide, it is a crime; it is called virtue when it is done publicly." Bünemann.

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(4) ‹Ad terrenum hoc domicilium deorum› · call in col 211

Ad terrenum hoc domicilium deorum. Non quadrat hic Cellarii explicatio. Vult Lactantius homicidas non admitti ad templum, a templis excludi. Vid. l. iii, c. 17: Terrestre illud domicilium Jovis.

"To this earthly dwelling of the gods." Cellarius's explanation does not fit here. Lactantius means that murderers are not admitted to the temple, are shut out of the temples. See book 3, ch. 17: "that earthly dwelling of Jove".

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(5) ‹Ennium› · call in col 211

Ennium. Epigram. et apud Cic. de Rep. teste Senec. epist. 109.

"Ennius." Epigrams; and in Cicero, On the Republic, as Seneca witnesses, letter 109.

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(6) ‹Si fas endo plagas coelestum› · call in col 211

Si fas endo plagas cœlestum. Ita correximus ex Cicerone lib. iii de Republica, et ex Lactantianis mss. Salmas., 1 Lips., Pal., Ultr. et Regio-Puteano, in quo est cœlestium pro cœlestum; ad id conspirantibus 3 Reg., 3 Colb., Nav., Vict., Gat., 2 Brun., Em., Balliol., in quibus est, Si faciendo plagas. Correctioni nostræ adstipulantur doctissimi viri Salmasius, Pithæus, Isæus, Gronovius, Baluzius, et Cellarius. In undecim mss. recentioribus et in editis legitur: Si fas cædendo cœlestia scandere cuiquam est. In quo quis non videt librariorum fraude et inscitia factum esse cædendo ἀντὶ τοῦ endo? deinde accessisse partim aliorum librariorum, partim editorum pravum judicium; qui quasi verba proxime sequentia, Scilicet quia magnam partem generis humani exstinxit ac perdidit, necessario aliquid in Enniano carmine positum interpretarentur, fecerunt, cædendo, deleverunt plagas, cœlestia vicem cœlestium vel cœlestum subjecere; hoc est, vere mapalia fecerunt. Et quia gloria Africani omnibus ex rebus bello gestis adeo nota sit, ut ipsi soli cœlum patere velit poeta, non apparere demonstrat aliam causam cur id velit, nisi quod Πολλὰς ἰφθίμους ψυχὰς Ἄϊδι προΐαψεν, versus Homeri initio Iliad., quasi dicas: Multas illustres animas ad orcum præmiserit. Ipse ergo Lactant. interpretatur, etsi nullum ea de re verbum in epitaphio inveniret, cædes et sanguinem multorum hominum opinione locasse Africanum inter sidera; utpote quem non aliunde, quam ex cædibus et sanguine, hoc est, ex bello, celebrem norimus. Sed a multis ante Lactantium similiter explicatur. Seneca epistol. 95: Ex senatusconsultis plebisque scitis scelera exercentur, et publice jubentur vetita privatim. Quæ clam commissa capite luerent, eadem quia paludati fecere, laudantur. Non pudet homines, mitissimum genus, gaudere sanguine alterno, bella gerere, gerendaque liberis tradere. Gronov. — Endo antiqui dixere pro in, iis credo rationibus nixi, quod endo deductum a græco ἔνδον passim apud Ennium legatur pro in, uti et apud Lucretium indogredi pro ingredi, et id genus plura; in suæ sententiæ confirmationem illud etiam afferunt, quod cum nullam causam, quæ ad immortalitatem iter aperuisset Africano, ab Ennio expressam videret Lactantius, hanc ipse adjecerit.

"If it is lawful to climb into the regions of the heavenly ones." So we have corrected from Cicero, On the Republic book 3, and from the Lactantian manuscripts of Saumaise, 1 Leipzig, Palatine, Utrecht and the Royal-Dupuy, in which is "coelestium" for "coelestum"; with which agree 3 Royal, 3 Colbert, Navarre, Victorine, Gatianus, 2 Brunswick, Emmeran, Balliol, in which is "Si faciendo plagas". Our correction is supported by those most learned men Saumaise, Pithou, Isaeus, Gronovius, Baluze and Cellarius. In eleven more recent manuscripts and in the editions one reads: "If it is lawful for anyone to climb to heaven by slaughter." In which who does not see that "caedendo" was made in place of "endo" by the copyists' fraud and ignorance? and that then was added the perverse judgement partly of other copyists, partly of editors; who, as though the words immediately following, "namely because he destroyed and ruined a great part of the human race", necessarily interpreted something set in Ennius's poem, made "caedendo", deleted "plagas", and put "coelestia" in place of "coelestium" or "coelestum"; that is, they truly made a hash of it. And since the glory of Africanus from all his deeds in war is so well known that the poet would have heaven open to him alone, [Lactantius] shows that no other reason appears why he should want it, except that "he sent many mighty souls to Hades", the line of Homer at the beginning of the Iliad, as if you said: "he sent many illustrious souls ahead to the underworld." So Lactantius himself interprets, even if he found no word on that matter in the epitaph, that slaughter and blood placed Africanus among the stars in the opinion of many men; since we know him as famous from nothing else than slaughter and blood, that is, from war. But it is explained similarly by many before Lactantius. Seneca, letter 95: "By decrees of the Senate and votes of the people crimes are carried out, and things forbidden to private men are commanded publicly. Deeds that would be paid for with the head if committed secretly are praised because men in generals' cloaks have done them. Men, the gentlest kind, are not ashamed to rejoice in one another's blood, to wage wars and hand them on to their children to be waged." Gronovius. — The ancients said "endo" for "in", relying, I believe, on these reasons: that "endo", derived from the Greek "endon", is read everywhere in Ennius for "in", as also in Lucretius "indogredi" for "ingredi", and more of that kind; in confirmation of their view they also bring this, that since Lactantius saw no reason expressed by Ennius that had opened the way to immortality for Africanus, he added this one himself.

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(7) ‹In tenebris, Africane, versatus es?› · call in col 212

In tenebris, Africane, versatus es? vel potius, o Poeta. Africanus hic est ipse Scipio, et Poeta est Ennius. Buneman.

"Have you dwelt in darkness, Africanus? or rather, O poet." Africanus here is Scipio himself, and the poet is Ennius. Bünemann.

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(8) ‹Est vero, inquit, Africane› · call in col 212

Est vero, inquit, Africane. Ita Cicero, lib. iii de Republica; ita cum editis manuscripti, præter 3 Colb. et 1 Reg. in quibus legitur, Et vero, inquit, Africane. Andreas Patricius in Scholiis ad fragmenta Ciceronis e iii de Repub. putat legendum, est vero ita, Aphricane; vel simpliciter, et vero, Aphricane. Ego vero ubi unanimes codices reperio, non facile quidquam immuto.

"'It is indeed so,' he says, 'Africanus.'" So Cicero, On the Republic book 3; so the manuscripts with the editions, except 3 Colbert and 1 Royal, in which one reads "Et vero, inquit, Africane". Andrea Patrizi, in his scholia on the fragments of Cicero from On the Republic 3, thinks one should read "est vero ita, Aphricane", or simply "et vero, Aphricane". But where I find the manuscripts unanimous, I do not readily change anything.

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(9) ‹Eadem ista› · call in col 212

Eadem ista. Locutio Lactantiana, quæ passim occurrit; mss. 3, rec. et 9 edit. rec., eadem ipsa.

"That same." A Lactantian expression, which occurs everywhere; 3 recent manuscripts and 9 recent editions, "eadem ipsa".

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(10) ‹Mori quidem› · call in col 212

Mori quidem. Sic mss. At editi cum 4 mss. rec., mori equidem.

"To die indeed." So the manuscripts. But the editions with 4 recent manuscripts, "mori equidem".

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(11) ‹In concordiam consenserint› · call in col 212

In concordiam consenserint. Nihil muto, pro recepta Lact. l. v, c. 7, infra; In eam multitudo universa consenserit. Ubi plura. Buneman.

"Should agree in concord." I change nothing, given the accepted reading of Lactantius, book 5, ch. 7, below: "should the whole multitude agree in it." More there. Bünemann.

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(12) ‹Otium publicum› · call in col 212

Otium publicum. Id est pacem.

"Public quiet." That is, peace.

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(13) ‹Foedus irrumpent› · call in col 212

Fœdus irrumpent. Ita omnes editi ac manuscripti, præter 1 Clarom. qui habet, fœdus rumpent. At observo verbis compositis pro simplicibus, et simplicibus pro compositis Lactantium non semel uti.

"They will break through the bond." So all the editions and manuscripts, except 1 Clermont, which has "foedus rumpent" (will break the bond). But I observe that Lactantius more than once uses compound verbs for simple ones, and simple for compound.

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(14) ‹Nomen deorum Cereri› · call in col 212

Nomen deorum Cereri. Cererem Eleusinii maxime colebant, quia cum in Atticam venisset ad filiam quærendam, primum eos frugum sationem legesque do- (continues)

"The name of gods to Ceres." The Eleusinians worshipped Ceres most of all, because when she had come into Attica to seek her daughter, she first [taught] them the sowing of grain and laws (continues)

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(2) ‹Traditio› · call in col 213

Traditio. Mss. 1 Colb. et Brun., tributio.

"Handing down." 1 Colbert manuscript and Brunswick, "tributio" (bestowal).

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(3) ‹Possum divinis docere litteris› · call in col 213

Possum divinis docere litteris. Genes. iv, ubi frugum et vitium inventio atque cultura Adamo et Noæ tribuitur; de quo disserit rursus ipse Lactantius infra lib. ii, cap. 4, et S. Augustinus lib. viii, super Gen. ad litter. Plinius igitur, ad finem, l. vii, et cæteri ethnicorum nugantur, qui hæc Cereri et Eumolpo Atheniensi attribuunt, vel Dionysio, sive Osiridi, ut scribit Diodorus, lib. i, c. 2. Isæus.

"I can show from the divine Scriptures." Genesis 4, where the discovery and cultivation of grain and vines is ascribed to Adam and Noah; on which Lactantius himself discourses again below, book 2, ch. 4, and St Augustine, On Genesis according to the Letter, book 8. So Pliny, at the end of book 7, and the rest of the heathen talk nonsense who ascribe these things to Ceres and Eumolpus the Athenian, or to Dionysus or Osiris, as Diodorus writes, book 1, ch. 2. Isaeus.

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(4) ‹Quin ipsius sint omnia› · call in col 213

Quin ipsius sint omnia, etc. Antiquus codex habet, et illa ipsa quæ possent inveniri, artes quoque, etc. ita ut expungantur verba illa, primus invenit, quæ sane expungenda sunt: nam de Deo ante et hic loquitur, declarans homines, quamvis aliquem usum humano generi utilem multarum rerum invenerint, tamen omnia in Deum esse referenda, qui et prudentiam hominibus ad inveniendum ea tribuerit, et res ipsas effecerit, in quibus prudentia hæc posset apparere. Thomasius.

"Rather, all things are his", etc. An old manuscript has "and those very things that could be discovered, the arts too", etc., so that the words "first discovered" are struck out, which certainly should be struck out: for he is speaking of God both before and here, declaring that although men have discovered some use of many things profitable to the human race, yet all things are to be referred to God, who both gave men the wisdom to discover them and made the things themselves in which this wisdom could appear. Thomasius.

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(5) ‹Possent inveniri› · call in col 213

Possent inveniri. Post inveniri, adsunt multi scripti, et Sublac. 1465, Ven. 1471-97, Pier., Parrh., Crat., Gymn., Junt., Ald., Paris., Gryph., Tornes., Primus invenit, quæ ab antiquiss. Bon. et Emman. aliena, et jure a Thomasio expuncta. Bun.

"Could be discovered." After "inveniri" many manuscripts, and Subiaco 1465, Venice 1471–97, Pierius, Parrhasius, Cratander, Gymnicus, Giunta, Aldine, Paris, Gryphius, Tornaesius, have "Primus invenit" (first discovered), words foreign to the very old Bologna and Emmeran manuscripts, and rightly struck out by Thomasius. Bünemann.

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(6) ‹Aesculapio Medicina› · call in col 213

Æsculapio Medicina. Homerus Odyss. δ; Pæoni cuidam medicinæ inventionem tribuit, Plato et Ovidius Apollini, Galenus Asclepio: Pindarus vero, Od. 3, Pyth., item 3 Nemeor., Chironem Æsculapii in medicinis præceptorem facit. Sorano medicinam invenit quidam Apollo, amplificavit Æsculapius, perfecit Hippocrates. Plura hujus generis nugamenta reperies apud Polydorum Virgil. de rerum inventoribus lib. i, cap. 20, de Invent. Med. Quæstum suum Æsculapio exprobrat Tertullianus Apolog. cap. 13. Lege ad hæc quæ de hoc Theodoretus lib. iii θεραπευτικῆς, qui est de diis secundariis inscriptus, ex quarto Biblioth. Diod. Sicul. refert. Betul.

"Medicine to Aesculapius." Homer, Odyssey 4, ascribes the discovery of medicine to one Paeon; Plato and Ovid to Apollo, Galen to Asclepius; but Pindar, Pythian Ode 3, and likewise Nemean 3, makes Chiron Aesculapius's teacher in medicine. According to Soranus, a certain Apollo discovered medicine, Aesculapius enlarged it, Hippocrates perfected it. You will find more trifles of this kind in Polydore Vergil, On the Discoverers of Things, book 1, ch. 20, On the Discovery of Medicine. Tertullian reproaches Aesculapius with his gain, Apology ch. 13. Read besides what Theodoret relates of him in book 3 of the Therapeutics, which is entitled On the Secondary Gods, from the fourth book of Diodorus Siculus's Library. Betuleius.

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(7) ‹Vulcano fabrica› · call in col 213

Vulcano fabrica. Vulcanus inventor ignis et artificiorum quæ igne parantur, Tzetzes in Hist. 335, Chil. x, habet: Ἥφαιστός τις Αἰγύπτιος, etc. Hunc Vulcanum, Tubalcaïnum fuisse putant multi, de quo Geneseos cap. iv, 22. Arma bellica, ærariam, ferramentariam invenit.

"Smithcraft to Vulcan." Vulcan, discoverer of fire and of the crafts carried on with fire; Tzetzes, History 335, Chiliad 10, has: "A certain Egyptian Hephaestus", etc. Many think this Vulcan was Tubal-cain, of whom Genesis ch. 4:22. He discovered weapons of war, bronze-working and iron-working.

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(8) ‹Vasa Samia› · call in col 213

Vasa Samia. Plin., lib. xxxv, c. 12, quo de plastices inventoribus scribit, ex quorumdam opinione tradit, Rhœcum et Theodorum primos omnium plasticen invenisse. Atque rursus eod. cap. Major, inquit, pars hominum terrenis utitur vasis. Samia etiamnum in esculentis laudantur. De Samia terra lege eumdem Plinium cap. 16 ejusdem lib. Betuleius.

"Samian vessels." Pliny, book 35, ch. 12, where he writes of the discoverers of modelling, relates on the opinion of some that Rhoecus and Theodorus first of all discovered modelling. And again in the same chapter: "The greater part of mankind," he says, "uses earthen vessels. Samian ware is still praised for food." On Samian earth read the same Pliny, ch. 16 of the same book. Betuleius.

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(9) ‹Cur non et illis› · call in col 213

Cur non et illis. Et ex mss. reposui: etiam editorum est.

"Why not to those too." "Et" I have restored from the manuscripts: "etiam" is the editions' reading.

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(10) ‹Minerva est› · call in col 213

Minerva est. Minervæ autem, apud Martianum Capellam, Vulcanus cooperator est: et apud S. Augustinum de Civit. Dei lib. iv, cap. 10.

"It is Minerva." In Martianus Capella, Vulcan is Minerva's fellow-worker; and in St Augustine, City of God book 4, ch. 10.

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(11) ‹Ab his sordibus› · call in col 213

Ab his sordibus. Id est, inventis et opificiis sordidis, vilibus, more Ciceronis et veterum. Cic. i de Off. cap. 42, Opifices omnes in sordida arte versantur. Buneman.

"From these sordid things." That is, from sordid, cheap inventions and handicrafts, after the manner of Cicero and the ancients. Cicero, De officiis 1, ch. 42: "All craftsmen are engaged in a sordid art." Bünemann.

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(12) ‹Est vero cur quisquam› · call in col 213

Est vero cur quisquam. In plerisque editis, Est vero causa: quam vocem mss. et editi Plant., Is., Thys., Gall., Spark., et 2 Lips. elegantius extrudunt. Plautus Aulul., Est quod revisam. Demum Ovid., ii Metam.: Est vero cur quis Junonem lædere nollit? Lactantius supra in fine cap. 17: Erat plane cur tantum laborem, etc. Et infra lib. ii, c. 7, ad finem., est vero cur illorum auctoritas. Hinc nonnulli maluere simpliciter sic scribi, est cur, vel est quod. Ex Isæo. — Hæc ironice a Lactantio dicta sunt. — Est vero, cur quisquam. Lips. i et vet. edd., est vero causa, cur quisquam: sed reliqui duo Lips. et alii codd. illud causa elegantius extrudunt. Sic paulo ante cap. 17, extr. Erat plane, cur tantum laborem, etc. Ironia. Buneman.

"There is indeed a reason why anyone." In most editions, "Est vero causa": a word which the manuscripts and the editions of Plantin, Isaeus, Thysius, Gallaeus, Sparck and 2 Leipzig more elegantly thrust out. Plautus, Aulularia, "there is something I must go back to see". Then Ovid, Metamorphoses 2: "Is there indeed a reason why anyone should not wish to wound Juno?" Lactantius above at the end of ch. 17: "There was plainly reason why he should [undertake] so much labour", etc. And below, book 2, ch. 7, at the end, "there is indeed reason why their authority". Hence some have preferred it written simply "est cur" or "est quod". From Isaeus. — This is said ironically by Lactantius. — "There is indeed a reason why anyone." Leipzig 1 and the old editions, "est vero causa, cur quisquam": but the other two Leipzig and other manuscripts more elegantly thrust out that "causa". So a little before, ch. 17, at the end, "There was plainly reason why he should [undertake] so much labour", etc. Irony. Bünemann.

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(13) ‹Quae telam docuit ordiri› · call in col 213

Quæ telam docuit ordiri. Ed. Sublac. addit causa. Est hæc Minerva Saitica, Ægyptiis Neith vocata, ut ait Plato in Timæo: est hæc textrinæ artis repertrix. Diod. inter varia ejus inventa refert et τὴν τῆς ἐσθῆτος κατασκευήν. Quibusdam eadem est ac Noema sive Naama, filia Lamechi, Mosi memorata Gen. IV, 23, si verum est quod apud Genebrardum in Chronicis, et in Lipomani Catena legas, eam lanificium ac texturam reperisse, ac propter hoc inventum memorari præter morem Scripturæ, quæ non solet in genealogiis referre feminas, nisi ob virtutem eximiam, aut mysterii causa; idque magis hinc elucere, eo quod jungatur tribus præclaræ rei inventoribus, Jabel, Jubal ac Tubalcaïn. Vossius.

"Who taught how to set up the loom." The Subiaco edition adds "causa". This is the Minerva of Sais, called Neith by the Egyptians, as Plato says in the Timaeus: she is the discoverer of the weaver's art. Diodorus reports among her various inventions also "the making of clothing". To some she is the same as Noema or Naamah, daughter of Lamech, mentioned by Moses, Genesis 4:23 [22], if it is true, as you may read in Génébrard's Chronicles and in Lippomano's Catena, that she discovered wool-working and weaving, and that for this invention she is mentioned contrary to the custom of Scripture, which is not wont to record women in genealogies except for outstanding virtue or for the sake of a mystery; and that this shines out the more from her being joined with three discoverers of a notable thing, Jabal, Jubal and Tubal-cain. Vossius.

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(14) ‹Quid ille› · call in col 213

Quid ille: Æsculapius. Bun.

"What of him": Aesculapius. Bünemann.

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(15) ‹Qui partim profuerunt› · call in col 214

Qui partim profuerunt. Sic libri plures et Reimm. Rescribo, inquit Heumannus, per artem profuerunt, quia edd. 1472, 76, 78 (addatur et prior. 1478), exhibent partem, quasi p artem. Conf. c. 18. Ingeniose, nisi quia partim profuerunt, hic opponantur verbis: summo, qui fecit omnia. Coluerunt enim plures, quam qui modo per artem profuerunt. Vide hoc caput a n. 1 ad n. 21 et lib. v, c. 14. Bun.

"Who were in part of service." So most books and the Reimmann. "I rewrite," says Heumann, "'were of service through an art', because the editions of 1472, 76, 78 (add also the first 1478) show 'partem', as if 'p artem'." Compare ch. 18. Ingenious, except that "were in part of service" is here set against the words "the Supreme, who made all things". For they worshipped more than those who were of service only through an art. See this chapter from no. 1 to no. 21, and book 5, ch. 14. Bünemann.

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(1) ‹Coluit› · call in col 215

Coluit. Sic ex editis Tornes., Is., Spark. et manuscriptis restituimus, præter 1 Colb. et Brun., in quibus est coluerint; in cæteris editis, colit.

"Worshipped." So we have restored from the editions of Tornaesius, Isaeus, Sparck and the manuscripts, except 1 Colbert and Brunswick, in which is "coluerint"; in the other editions, "colit" (worships).

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(2) ‹Repertorem medicinae talis et artis› · call in col 215

Repertorem medicinæ talis et artis. Ita cum Virgilio mss. 10 Reg., 6 Colbert., Cauc., Jun., Sorbon., Ultr., 2 Lips., 2 Clarom., 2 Brun., 13 vet. impressi. At in ms. Bonon. et edit. Thomas., Is., Spark., legitur, medicinæ artis repertorem.

"The discoverer of such medicine and art." So, with Virgil, 10 Royal manuscripts, 6 Colbert, Cauci, Junius, Sorbonne, Utrecht, 2 Leipzig, 2 Clermont, 2 Brunswick, and 13 old printed copies. But in the Bologna manuscript and the editions of Thomasius, Isaeus, Sparck one reads "the discoverer of the art of medicine".

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(3) ‹Et deos fulminibus extinguat› · call in col 215

Et deos fulminibus extinguat. Sed fulmine ictus demum deus factus Æsculapius. Minucius cap. 21 et ex eo Cypr., de Idol. Van., cap. 1: Æsculapius ut in deum surgat, fulminatur. Arnob., i. pag. 24: Nonne Æsculapium medicaminum repertorem post pœnas et supplicia fulminis custodem nuncupastis, et præsidem sanitatis, valetudinis et salutis? In Reimm., qui etiam deos. Bun.

"And should destroy gods with thunderbolts." But Aesculapius was made a god only after being struck by a thunderbolt. Minucius ch. 21, and from him Cyprian, On the Vanity of Idols ch. 1: "Aesculapius is struck by lightning so that he may rise to be a god." Arnobius 1, p. 24: "Did you not, after the penalties and punishment of the thunderbolt, name Aesculapius, the discoverer of remedies, guardian and protector of soundness, health and well-being?" In the Reimmann, "who also [destroys] gods". Bünemann.

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(4) ‹Metuebant enim malum› · call in col 215

Metuebant enim malum. Isocrates in Laud. Busirid. impias poetarum de diis fabulas perstringit, ac nonnullos eorum idcirco meritas, ait, dedisse pœnas. Nam Orpheus a Threissis discerptus est, insimulatis Liberi Patris sacris. Homerus et errare et mendicare est coactus; immo etiam excæcatus fuit: alii aliis affecti fuere suppliciis. Plura apud eum vide. Tullius quoque illum hanc ipsam ob causam reprehendit. Homerus, inquit, humana ad deos retulit, mallem divina ad nos. Philostratus in Heroicis de eodem ait, πρῶτον μὲν θεοὺς, etc. Primum quidem, cum hominibus deos miscuisset, de hominibus ingentia, de diis vero exilia dixit, ac vilia. Ex Vossio.

"For they feared trouble." Isocrates, in the Praise of Busiris, censures the poets' impious fables about the gods, and says some of them paid a deserved penalty for it. For Orpheus was torn to pieces by the Thracian women, being charged over the rites of Father Liber. Homer was forced both to wander and to beg; indeed he was even blinded: others were visited with other punishments. See more in him. Tully too censures him for this very reason. "Homer," he says, "transferred human things to the gods; I would rather he had transferred divine things to us." Philostratus in the Heroica says of the same, "First, the gods", etc.: "First, having mixed gods with men, he said great things of men, but small and mean things of the gods." From Vossius.

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(5) ‹Si quando illorum fugas, et vulnera› · call in col 215

Si quando illorum fugas, et vulnera, etc. Cic., lib. i de Nat. deor.: Poetæ ira inflammatos et libidine furentes induxerunt deos, feceruntque ut eorum bella, pugnas, prælia, vulnera videremus; odia præterea, dissidia, discordias, ortus, interitus, querelas, lamentationes, effusas in omni intemperantia libidines, adulteria, vincula, cum humano genere concubitus, mortalesque ex immortali procreatos. Isocrates in Laud. Busir., Theodoret., Serm. 3 contra Græcos, de angelis, de diis et dæmonibus; August., de Civit. Dei lib. iv, c. 27. Ex Elmenhorst., in Arnob.— Inter omnes poetas nullus tam fœde loquitur de diis quam Homerus, de quo Jul. Scaliger, lib. iv de re Poet., cap. 1, hæc dicit: Homerus, de diis suis, tamquam suibus loquitur. Tertull. contra Gentes cap. 14: Quis non poeta dedecorator invenitur deorum? Pythagoras Homerum apud inferos torqueri dicebat, quod ejusmodi fabulas poematibus suis intexuerit. Plato item in lib. de Legg. hoc nomine insimulat Homerum. Vossius.

"If ever their flights and wounds", etc. Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book 1: "The poets have brought in gods inflamed with anger and raging with lust, and made us see their wars, fights, battles, wounds; their hatreds besides, quarrels, discords, births, deaths, complaints, laments, lusts poured out in every excess, adulteries, chains, couplings with the human race, and mortals begotten of an immortal." Isocrates in the Praise of Busiris; Theodoret, Discourse 3 against the Greeks, on angels, gods and demons; Augustine, City of God book 4, ch. 27. From Elmenhorst, on Arnobius.— Among all the poets none speaks so foully of the gods as Homer, of whom Julius Scaliger, On Poetics book 4, ch. 1, says this: "Homer speaks of his gods as of swine." Tertullian, Against the Gentiles ch. 14: "What poet is not found to be a disgracer of the gods?" Pythagoras used to say that Homer was tormented in the underworld because he had woven fables of this kind into his poems. Plato too, in the book of the Laws, accuses Homer on this count. Vossius.

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(6) ‹Fugas› · call in col 215

Fugas, etc. Objecit eadem pluribus Athenag. Legat. pro christianis, ed. Oxon. pag. 74-77. Adde doctas ll. Stephani ex Sexto philos. et Dechairii, ex Longino et Cicerone notas. Bun.

"Flights", etc. Athenagoras raised the same objections at greater length, Plea for the Christians, Oxford edition pp. 74–77. Add the learned notes on these places by Estienne from Sextus the philosopher and by Dechair from Longinus and Cicero. Bünemann.

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(7) ‹Mortes› · call in col 215

Mortes. De plurali vid. not. ad l. vii, cap. 10 et ad lib. de Mortib. persec. princ. Bun.

"Deaths." On the plural see the note at book 7, ch. 10, and at the beginning of the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors. Bünemann.

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(8) ‹Quibus de rebus› · call in col 215

Quibus de rebus. Sic cum ed. Cellar. mss. omnes, demptis 2 recentioribus a quibus abest præpositio. In editis est, Quibus ex rebus. Sed et alibi præpositione de pro ab vel ex usum fuisse Lactantium jam supra observavi ad caput 5.

"From which things." So, with the Cellarius edition, all the manuscripts, except 2 more recent ones from which the preposition is absent. In the editions it is "Quibus ex rebus". But I have already observed above, at ch. 5, that elsewhere too Lactantius used the preposition "de" for "ab" or "ex".

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(9) ‹Romuli› · call in col 216

Romuli. Romulum et Remum a virtute, hoc est robore, appellatos fuisse, putat Festus: nec immerito, si observemus Ῥώμην Latinis valentiam esse, nam ἐῤῥῶσθαι est valere. Glossæ: Ῥώμη. valentia. Ita vocatur robur corporis, quod et ipsum ex eadem origine venit. Ῥῶμος et fortitudo et vir fortis. Salmasius. — Romulum a ruma, hoc est, mamma, alii deducunt. Blanckardus.

"Of Romulus." Festus thinks Romulus and Remus were named from strength, that is, vigour: and not without reason, if we observe that "rhōmē" is to the Latins "valentia", for "errhōsthai" is "to be strong". The Glossaries: "rhōmē: strength." So bodily vigour is called, which itself also comes from the same origin. "Rhōmos" is both fortitude and a strong man. Saumaise. — Others derive Romulus from "ruma", that is, the breast. Blankaart.

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(10) ‹Lupa› · call in col 216

Lupa. Notarunt docti ad Minuc. c. 25; adde Livium lib. x, c. 23; Tertull. 2 ad Nat., c. 9 fin.; Arnob., l. iv, p. 128. Bun.

"She-wolf." The learned have noted it on Minucius ch. 25; add Livy book 10, ch. 23; Tertullian, To the Nations 2, ch. 9, end; Arnobius book 4, p. 128. Bünemann.

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(11) ‹Si animal ipsum fuisset› · call in col 216

Si animal ipsum fuisset. Ms. Jon., ipsa; ms. Cauc. et editi fere, si id animal ipsum fuisset. Euseb. Chron., propter pulchritudinem et rapacitatem corporis quæstuosi, lupa a vicinis appellabatur. Unde ad nostram usque memoriam, meretricum cellulæ lupanaria dicuntur. Idem etiam extat apud Isidorum Etym. lib. xviii, cap. 42. Prudentius: Ruricolas vexare lupas. Quas Prudent. lupas vocat, dicuntur a Tertulliano lib. de Pallio, Lupæ popularium libidinum nundinæ; et ab eodem auctore, lib. de Spectaculis, cap. de Munere: Prostibula, publicæ libidinis hostiæ et pudoris sui interemptrices. D. Hieron. ad Gerantiam: Ut in eo, ait, se putet esse laudabilem, si scortis melior sit, si publicarum libidinum victimas superet. Senec. Nat. quæst. lib. i: Corpora publico objecta ludibrio nuncupat. Juretus. — Non desunt tamen, qui veram belluam Romuli nutricem velint fuisse, non autem prostitutam Larentinam. In his et Strabo, qui Tiberii temporibus, e Ponti regibus oriundus, clarissimus fuit, libro v Geograph. Justinus, lib. xxxviii,: Ipsi ferunt conditores suos lupæ uberibus, sic omnem illum populum, luporum animos habere, inexplebiles sanguinis atque imperii. Jul. Hygin. Augusti libertus fab. cap. 252: Romulus et Remus, Martis et Iliæ filii, a lupa nutriti sunt. Hoc idem scribit Virgilius l. viii, Æneidos: Fecerat et viridi fœtam Mavortis in antro Procubuisse lupam, etc. Juvenalis, Sat. 11, vers. 104, et Vet. Schol. ibid.: Romuleæ simulacra feræ mansuescere jussæ. Ovid. lib. ii Fast.: Lacte quis infantes nescit crevisse ferino? Sext. Propert. lib. xi, Eleg. 6: (continues)

"If it had been the animal itself." The Jon[as] manuscript, "ipsa"; the Cauci manuscript and almost all editions, "if it had been that animal itself". Eusebius's Chronicle: "Because of the beauty and the rapacity of her body, which she made gain of, she was called 'she-wolf' by her neighbours. Hence, down to our own memory, the cells of harlots are called 'lupanaria'." The same is found also in Isidore, Etymologies book 18, ch. 42. Prudentius: "to harass the country she-wolves". Those whom Prudentius calls she-wolves are called by Tertullian, On the Mantle, "she-wolves, markets of the people's lusts"; and by the same author, On the Spectacles, ch. On the Gladiatorial Show: "prostitutes, victims of public lust and destroyers of their own modesty". St Jerome to Geruchia: "so that she thinks herself praiseworthy in this," he says, "if she is better than harlots, if she surpasses the victims of public lusts." Seneca, Natural Questions book 1, calls them "bodies exposed to public sport". Juret. — Yet there are those who would have Romulus's nurse a real beast, not the prostitute Larentina. Among them is Strabo, who in the times of Tiberius, sprung from the kings of Pontus, was most illustrious, Geography book 5. Justin, book 38: "They themselves say their founders [were nursed] at a she-wolf's teats; so that whole people has the spirit of wolves, insatiable of blood and of empire." Julius Hyginus, freedman of Augustus, Fables ch. 252: "Romulus and Remus, sons of Mars and Ilia, were nursed by a she-wolf." Virgil writes the same, Aeneid book 8: "He had made, too, the she-wolf that had whelped lying in the green cave of Mars", etc. Juvenal, Satire 11, line 104, and the old scholiast there: "images of the Romulean beast bidden to grow tame". Ovid, Fasti book 2: "Who does not know the infants grew on a wild beast's milk?" Sextus Propertius, book 11 [4], Elegy 6: (continues)

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(2) ‹Auctor est Livius› · call in col 217

Auctor est Livius. Lib. i, c. 4, præter quem de Laurentia Macrobius Saturn. lib. i, cap. 10, consulatur. Alii scribunt Larentia. Vide Gronov. ad d. l. Livii. Cell.

"Livy is the authority." Book 1, ch. 4; besides whom Macrobius, Saturnalia book 1, ch. 10, may be consulted on Laurentia. Others write Larentia. See Gronovius on the said place of Livy. Cellarius.

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(3) ‹Larentinae› · call in col 217

Larentinæ. Sic restituimus ex veterrimis et optimis mss. 2 Bonon., 3 Reg., 2 Colb., Tax., Pen., 1 Clarom. a secunda manu, 2 Brun. et edit. Is., accedentibus mss. Regio-Puteano et 3 aliis Reg., 4 Colbert., 1 Sorbon., Gat., Marm., Cauc., Ultr., 1 Clarom. et alt. Clarom. a prima manu, in quibus est Tarentinæ; ed. Rom. 1468, Jarantinæ. Sed et infra Larentinalia constituta, sic dicta a Larentina. Nec aliter Tertullianus Apolog. cap. 25. In mss. rec. 2 Reg., Vict., Nav., Cantab., Em., et editis 12, Larentiæ; in edit. Crat. et Gymnic., Laurentiæ; in 1 Reg, Tarentiæ. Laurentinæ nomen est apud Livium Decade i, cap. 4.

"Of Larentina." So we have restored from the very old and best manuscripts, 2 Bologna, 3 Royal, 2 Colbert, Taxaquet, Peniarum, 1 Clermont by the second hand, 2 Brunswick and the Isaeus edition, with the support of the Royal-Dupuy manuscript and 3 other Royal, 4 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, Gatianus, Marmoutier, Cauci, Utrecht, 1 Clermont and the other Clermont by the first hand, in which is "Tarentinae"; Rome edition 1468, "Jarantinae". But also below, "the Larentinalia established", so called from Larentina. Nor otherwise Tertullian, Apology ch. 25. In recent manuscripts, 2 Royal, Victorine, Navarre, Cambridge, Emmeran, and 12 editions, "Larentiae"; in the editions of Cratander and Gymnicus, "Laurentiae"; in 1 Royal, "Tarentiae". The name Laurentina is in Livy, Decade 1, ch. 4.

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(4) ‹Vulgati corporis› · call in col 217

Vulgati corporis. Id est, prostituti corporis. Vide not. supra ad cap. 17. In mss. 1 Reg. a prima manu, Nav., Vict., 1 Colb. vulgatiorem corporis vilitatem.— Vulgati corporis vilitatem. Pessime Ven. 1493: Vulcani nominis vilitatem. Sublac., Rost., Ven., 1471, 78, 93, Pier., Parrh., Paris.: vulgati nominis vilitatem. Buneman.

"Of a body made common." That is, of a prostituted body. See the note above at ch. 17. In the manuscripts 1 Royal by the first hand, Navarre, Victorine, 1 Colbert, "vulgatiorem corporis vilitatem".— "The cheapness of a body made common." Venice 1493 very badly: "the cheapness of the name of Vulcan". Subiaco, Rostock, Venice 1471, 78, 93, Pierius, Parrhasius, Paris: "the cheapness of a name made common". Bünemann.

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(5) ‹Lupa› · call in col 217

Lupa. Ita Cicero in Philippicis Antonii scorta lupas vocat.

"She-wolf." So Cicero in the Philippics calls Antony's whores she-wolves.

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(6) ‹Id est, meretrix› · call in col 217

Id est, meretrix. Hæc delent Ven. 1471 et Sublac. et non habet Livius i, c. 4. Possunt abesse. Bun.

"That is, a harlot." Venice 1471 and Subiaco delete these words, and Livy 1, ch. 4, does not have them. They can be left out. Bünemann.

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(7) ‹Lupanar› · call in col 217

Lupanar. De quo adhuc infra, lib. vi, cap. 23.

"Brothel." On which further below, book 6, ch. 23.

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(8) ‹Exemplum scilicet Atheniensium› · call in col 217

Exemplum scilicet Atheniensium. Apud Athenienses vetitum erat meretricibus ingredi templa, ut videtur apud Demosthenem contra Androtionem. Barthius.

"The example, of course, of the Athenians." Among the Athenians harlots were forbidden to enter temples, as appears in Demosthenes, Against Androtion. Barth.

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(9) ‹Leaena› · call in col 217

Leæna. Apud Thucydidem lib. vi, legitur, quomodo Hipparchus, Pisistrati filius, per Harmodium et Aristogitonem fuerit interfectus. Quibus Pausanias adjicit, Hippiam cum Hipparchi fratris necem ulcisci vellet, mulierem nomine Leænam ad necem usque excruciasse, quam noverat scortum esse Aristogitonis. In cujus rei monumentum Athenienses post extinctum Pisistrati genus, ob cruciatus quos passa fuerat, Leænam æream posuerunt. Hujus Leænæ tolerantia celebratur a Plinio lib. vii, cap. 23, ab Athenæo lib. xiii Deipnosophist. et ab Eusebio in Chronicis. Quod cum actum fuerit Olympiad. lxvii, regnante Tarquinio Superbo, fieri non potuit ut Romani in effingenda Lupa imitati sint Athenienses in exprimenda Leæna. Lupa enim sculpta fuit ab Anco Martio triginta fere Olympiades ante effigiatam ab Atheniensibus Leænam; erratum igitur est historicum Lactantii. Tertullianus sub finem Apologetici, patientiam miratur Leænæ, quæ, Eusebio teste, linguam suam mordicus amputavit, ne proderet arcanum amicorum et sociorum: vide quæ in casu simili de Anaxarcho refert Valer. Maximus lib. iii, cap. 3.

"Leaena." In Thucydides, book 6, one reads how Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, was killed by Harmodius and Aristogiton. To which Pausanias adds that Hippias, wishing to avenge the murder of his brother Hipparchus, tortured to death a woman named Leaena, whom he knew to be Aristogiton's mistress. In memory of this the Athenians, after the line of Pisistratus was extinct, set up a bronze lioness, for the tortures she had suffered. The endurance of this Leaena is celebrated by Pliny, book 7, ch. 23, by Athenaeus, Deipnosophists book 13, and by Eusebius in the Chronicle. Since this took place in the 67th Olympiad, in the reign of Tarquinius Superbus, it cannot be that the Romans in fashioning the She-wolf imitated the Athenians in portraying the Lioness. For the She-wolf was sculpted by Ancus Martius about thirty Olympiads before the Lioness was made by the Athenians; Lactantius's history is therefore in error. Tertullian, near the end of the Apology, marvels at the endurance of Leaena, who, as Eusebius witnesses, bit off her own tongue so as not to betray the secret of her friends and companions: see what Valerius Maximus relates of Anaxarchus in a like case, book 3, ch. 3.

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(10) ‹Larentinalia› · call in col 217

Larentinalia. Celebrantur decimo kal. jan. Vide Macrob. Saturnal. lib. i, c. 10. — Larentinalia. Sic plures scripti et Rost. et Ven. prima 1478. Parrh., Ald., Gryph., Crat., Tornes., Thom. eumque sequentes. Optime. Bun.

"The Larentinalia." They are celebrated on the tenth day before the Kalends of January. See Macrobius, Saturnalia book 1, ch. 10. — "Larentinalia." So most manuscripts, and Rostock and the first Venice 1478, Parrhasius, Aldine, Gryphius, Cratander, Tornaesius, Thomasius and those who follow him. Best. Bünemann.

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(11) ‹Nec hanc solam Romani meretricem colunt› · call in col 217

Nec hanc solam Romani meretricem colunt. Ita restituimus [?] eam. In mss. 1 Reg. et Jun. et plerisque vulgatis est, hanc solum.

"Nor do the Romans worship this harlot alone." So we have restored [?] her. In the manuscripts 1 Royal and Junius and most printed copies it is "hanc solum".

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(12) ‹Sed Faulam quoque› · call in col 217

Sed Faulam quoque, etc. Doctiss. Vossius existimat Lactantium prisco more scripsisse Flauram, id est, Floram. Quæ deinde subjungit auctor noster de Flora illa, cum eodem Vossio parum verosimilia arbitror; neque enim ejus nominis meretrix fuit, quæ sua populo legarit: si Lactantius indicasset auctores, quos esset secutus, tutius illi fides haberi posset; verum de hoc apud illum altum est silentium. Sed ut magis pateat hæc esse conficta, nota quod Flora illa a Varrone in 4 L. L. inter deos deasque ponatur, quos Romani temporibus Romuli a Sabinis acceperint, quique a Tatio inducti fuerint. Ex Varrone patet Floram jamdudum ante cultam, quam a Lactantio memoratur: et ut plane constet quam antiquus ejus cultus fuerit Romæ, lege Varr. de L. L., vi, ubi ex Ennio inquit, Numam flamines fecisse cognomine Florales. Verba ejus: Eumdem Pompilium Numam ait (Ennius) fecisse flamines, qui omnes sint a singulis diis cognominati: in quibusdam apparet etyma; ut cur sit Martialis, Quirinalis. Sunt in quibus flaminum cognominibus latent origines: ut qui sunt in versibus plerique Volturnalis, Palatualis, Furinalis, Floralis, Falacer, Pomonalis. Nec quia jam Romuli, et Numæ temporibus, Floræ sacra ac Flamines erant, eo etiam Florales fuerint ludi. Hi demum celebrati anno U. C. dxiii. C. Claudio Centhone, et M. Sempronio Tuditano coss., idque non ex Floræ, vel meretricis cujusdam hæreditate, sed ex pecunia multaticia eorum, qui peculatus damnati forent, quia publicum pop. Romani agrum occupassent, ut narrat Ovid. in v Fastor. quem vide. Ac illa quidem exordia fuere Floralium; exinde non celebrata, nisi anni ratio posceret vel Sibyllinis libris ita præceptum diceretur. Sed ut annua hæc essent, decretum demum anno urbis dlxxx. L., Posthumio Albino, et M. Popilio Lænate coss. Occasio erat ejusmodi. Magna fuerat sæpius verni temporis intemperies, indeque nata annorum plurium sterilitas. Placitum igitur Senatui, ut Floræ instituerentur ludi annui, quo favore deæ, tanto jam honore auctioris, deinceps arbores plantæque omnes melius florescerent. Ex Vossio.

"But Faula too", etc. The most learned Vossius thinks Lactantius wrote in the old manner "Flaura", that is, "Flora". What our author then adds about that Flora I think, with the same Vossius, hardly likely; for there was no harlot of that name who left her property to the people: had Lactantius named the authors he followed, more confidence could safely be placed in him; but on this he keeps deep silence. But to make it plainer that this is invented, note that that Flora is placed by Varro, On the Latin Language 4, among the gods and goddesses whom the Romans received from the Sabines in the times of Romulus and who were brought in by Tatius. From Varro it is clear that Flora was worshipped long before the time Lactantius mentions: and to make it quite plain how ancient her cult at Rome was, read Varro, On the Latin Language 6, where he says from Ennius that Numa made flamens surnamed Florales. His words: "He (Ennius) says that the same Numa Pompilius made flamens, who are all surnamed from individual gods: in some the etymology is plain, as why one is Martialis, Quirinalis. There are some in whose surnames the origins lie hidden, as most of those in the verses: Volturnalis, Palatualis, Furinalis, Floralis, Falacer, Pomonalis." Nor, because there were already in the times of Romulus and Numa rites and flamens of Flora, were there therefore also Floral games. These were first celebrated in the year of the City 513 [?], in the consulship of C. Claudius Cento and M. Sempronius Tuditanus, and that not from the inheritance of Flora or of some harlot, but from the fines of those condemned for embezzlement for having occupied the public land of the Roman people, as Ovid tells in Fasti 5, whom see. And those were the beginnings of the Floralia; thereafter they were not celebrated unless the state of the year required it or it was said to be so prescribed in the Sibylline books. But that they should be annual was decreed only in the year of the City 580, in the consulship of L. Postumius Albinus and M. Popilius Laenas. The occasion was this. There had often been great unseasonableness in springtime, and from it barrenness for several years. So the Senate resolved that annual games should be instituted for Flora, so that by the favour of the goddess, now increased by so great an honour, all trees and plants might thereafter blossom better. From Vossius.

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(13) ‹Putanda est› · call in col 218

Putanda est. Ita restitutum ex mss. codicibus et editis sex. Est desideratur in Cauc. et 1 Clarom. et in ed. Gymnic. Cæteri editi habent, putanda sit. — Quanta ista immortalitas putanda. Heumannus scribit, quanti... putanda. Sic Cicero l. v Tusc. quæst. 37: Quanti vero ista civitas æstimanda est, ex qua boni sapientesque pelluntur? At, quia omnes, in his Reimm. habent, quanta, nihil est mutandum. Ita l. v, c. 20. Quanta majestas putanda est, quæ adoratur in templis, illuditur in theatris? Bun.

"Must be thought." So restored from the manuscripts and six editions. "Est" is missing in the Cauci and 1 Clermont and in the Gymnicus edition. The other editions have "putanda sit". — "How great must that immortality be thought?" Heumann writes "quanti... putanda". So Cicero, Tusculan Disputations 5.37: "Of how much worth must that city be reckoned, from which the good and wise are driven out?" But since all, the Reimmann among them, have "quanta", nothing should be changed. So book 5, ch. 20: "How great must that majesty be thought, which is adored in the temples and mocked in the theatres?" Bünemann.

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(14) ‹Assequuntur› · call in col 218

Assequuntur. Sic mss. cum editis Paris. 1525, Graph. et Gymnic. Cæteri editi, assequantur.

"They attain." So the manuscripts with the editions of Paris 1525, Gryphius and Gymnicus. The other editions, "assequantur".

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(15) ‹Flora› · call in col 218

Flora. Hæc non eadem est cum Faula, de qua supra. Flora apud omnes habetur scorti nomine famosa; vocaturque ab aliis Acca Larentina, ab aliis Melibæa Niobes filia, quæ colore ob metum Apollinis et Dianæ (continues)

"Flora." She is not the same as Faula, of whom above. Flora is held by all to be notorious under the name of a harlot; and she is called by some Acca Larentina, by others Meliboea, daughter of Niobe, who in colour, from fear of Apollo and Diana, (continues)

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(2) ‹Quaesivisset› · call in col 219

Quæsivisset. Istud verbum Lactantio familiare pro acquirere, ut inferius monstrabitur.

"Had gained." This verb is familiar to Lactantius for "to acquire", as will be shown further on.

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(3) ‹Populum› · call in col 219

Populum. Edit. plures addunt, Romanum: sed abest quoque ab Epitome cap. 20.—Populum scripsit hæredem. Aliter Varro, lib. iv de L. L. cap. 10 antiquam Sabinorum deam fuisse Floram, Romæ ex Tatii regis voto cum aliis dedicatam. Cell.

"The people." Most editions add "Romanum": but it is absent also from the Epitome, ch. 20.—"She wrote the people as heir." Otherwise Varro, On the Latin Language book 4, ch. 10: that Flora was an ancient goddess of the Sabines, dedicated at Rome with others by the vow of King Tatius. Cellarius.

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(4) ‹Floralia› · call in col 219

Floralia. Id Romanis exprobrat S. Augustinus, de Civit. Dei, lib. iv, cap. 8. Celebrabantur Floralia quarto kalend. aprilis. De Flora vide Plinium l. xviii, cap. 29, et lib. xxxvi, cap. 5, ubi scribit Floram Praxitelis opus Romæ fuisse. Tatianus multa scorta numerat quorum imagines a variis artificibus fuerunt efficiæ. Cæterum insignium meretricum catalogum invenies apud Athenæum libro xiii.—Quos appellant Floralia. Recte etiam dicuntur Ludi Floralia, ut iterum ms. taur. cap. 20. Habent, inquit Quintil., lib. i Inst., cap. 5, quædam faciem solœcismi, et dici vitiosa non possunt: ut Ludi Floralia ac Megalesia, quanquam hæc sequenti tempore interciderint, nunquam aliter a veteribus dicta. Ad rem Conf. Tertull. 1 Spectac., cap. 17, Pitisc. L. A. R. T. 1 fol. 793. Bun.

"The Floralia." St Augustine reproaches the Romans with this, City of God book 4, ch. 8. The Floralia were celebrated on the fourth day before the Kalends of April. On Flora see Pliny book 18, ch. 29, and book 36, ch. 5, where he writes that there was a Flora by Praxiteles at Rome. Tatian lists many harlots whose images were made by various artists. But you will find a catalogue of notable harlots in Athenaeus, book 13.—"Which they call the Floralia." They are also rightly called "Ludi Floralia", as again the Turin manuscript, ch. 20. "Certain things," says Quintilian, Institutes book 1, ch. 5, "have the look of a solecism, and yet cannot be called faulty: as 'Ludi Floralia' and 'Megalesia', although these fell out of use in later times, they were never called otherwise by the ancients." On the matter compare Tertullian, On the Spectacles ch. 17; Pitiscus, Lexicon of Roman Antiquities 1, fol. 793. Bünemann.

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(5) ‹Aut vitibus› · call in col 219

Aut vitibus. Sic libri plerique; at Reimm., et vitibus. Censeo, inquit Heumannus, hoc esse glossema. Mihi secus videtur, moto Ovidii verbis (quem citat infra), lib. v Fast., 261-270. Huc pertinent illa de Flora dicta v. 264: Si bene floruerit vinea, Bacchus erit; et v. 269, vina quoque florent. Bun.

"Or for vines." So most books; but the Reimmann, "et vitibus". "I judge," says Heumann, "that this is a gloss." It seems otherwise to me, moved by the words of Ovid (whom he cites below), Fasti book 5, 261–270. Here belong those words said of Flora, line 264: "If the vineyard has blossomed well, there will be Bacchus"; and line 269, "the wines too blossom". Bünemann.

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(6) ‹Non ignobilem› · call in col 219

Non ignobilem. Ven. 1493, 97. Pier., non ignorabilem. Non inscite, si addicerent mss. ex quibus et Ven. 1471-78., Parrh., Paris., aliis præfero, non ignobilis. Sic lib. v, cap. 1: Non ignobilis loci. Bun.

"Not undistinguished." Venice 1493, 97, Pierius, "non ignorabilem". Not unskilfully, if the manuscripts agreed; from them and Venice 1471–78, Parrhasius, Paris, I prefer to others "non ignobilis". So book 5, ch. 1: "of no undistinguished rank". Bünemann.

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(7) ‹Chloris vocitata› · call in col 219

Chloris vocitata. Ovid., lib. v Fastor., v. 195: Chloris eram quæ Flora vocor.

"Called Chloris." Ovid, Fasti book 5, line 195: "I who am called Flora was Chloris."

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(8) ‹Celebrantur ergo illi ludi› · call in col 219

Celebrantur ergo illi ludi, etc. Hi ludi, cum primum celebrarentur mense Aprili, postea in Maium translati sunt, Ovidio teste: Mater, ades, florum ludis celebranda jocosis: Distuleram partes mense priore tuas. Incipis Aprili, transis in tempora Maii; Alter te fugiens, cum venit alter, habet. Alexander ab Alexandro lib. vi genial. Dier., cap. 8, his ludis feminas, quæ vulgato corpore quæstum faciebant denudari, et pudendis obscœnisque invelatis, per lusum et lasciviam currere, et impudicos jocos agere, moris erat: quibus etiam Ædiles cicer, fabas, et alia missilia plebi spargere, leporesque et capreas, aliaque mitia animalia ludis admittere consueverant. Hos in vico Patricio, aut proximo, celebrabant; noctuque accensis facibus, cum multa obscœnitate verborum per urbem currebant, et ad tubæ sonitum conveniebant. Atque hinc est, quod auctor noster dixerit ludos hosce celebrari, convenienter memoriæ meretricis. Introducebantur etiam hisce ludis funambuli elephantes, uti ex Suetonio in Galba, et ex Flavii Vopisci Carino apparet. Ovid., lib. v Fast., explicationem amplam horum ludorum reliquit: quem adi. Rosinus. — Contra hanc obscœnitatem scribit S. Augustinus de Civit. Dei, lib. iv, cap. 26. — Ergo illi ludi cum omni lascivia. Ludi florales, sive floralia, supra, de quorum licentia et obscœnitate legi possunt Seneca epist. 97; Valer. Max. ii, c. 10, n. 1; Martial., lib. i, Epigr. 1. Cell.

"So those games are celebrated", etc. These games, when first celebrated in the month of April, were afterwards moved to May, as Ovid witnesses: "Mother of flowers, be present, to be honoured with merry games: I had put off your part in the previous month. You begin in April, you pass into the season of May; one has you as you flee it, the other when it comes." Alessandro d'Alessandro, Genial Days book 6, ch. 8: at these games it was the custom for the women who made gain by a body made common to strip, and with their private and obscene parts uncovered to run about in play and wantonness and perform shameless jests; at which the aediles too used to scatter chickpeas, beans and other things thrown to the people, and to let hares, roes and other gentle animals into the games. They celebrated them in the Vicus Patricius or the next street; and at night, with torches lit, they ran through the city with much obscenity of words, and gathered at the sound of the trumpet. And hence our author said these games are celebrated "in a manner befitting the memory of a harlot". Elephants walking the tightrope were also brought into these games, as appears from Suetonius in the Galba and from Flavius Vopiscus's Carinus. Ovid, Fasti book 5, left a full explanation of these games: go to him. Rosinus. — Against this obscenity St Augustine writes, City of God book 4, ch. 26. — "So those games with every wantonness." The Floral games or Floralia, above; on their licence and obscenity one may read Seneca, letter 97; Valerius Maximus 2, ch. 10, no. 1; Martial book 1, Epigram 1. Cellarius.

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(9) ‹Convenienter› · call in col 219

Convenienter. Ita reposuimus ex vetustissimis et optimis mss. 17. At in recentioribus octo atque in vulgatis legitur convenientes. De his videndi Tertullianus, pagg. 697, 3, 216, 6, et Joan. Chrysostomus, Homil. 6 et 7 in Matthæum.

"Befittingly." So we have restored from 17 very old and best manuscripts. But in eight more recent ones and in the printed copies one reads "convenientes". On these see Tertullian, pp. 697, 3, 216, 6, and John Chrysostom, Homilies 6 and 7 on Matthew.

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(10) ‹Quae tunc mimarum funguntur officio› · call in col 219

Quæ tunc mimarum funguntur officio. Sic legas cum omnibus prope mss. Licet enim hæc vox admodum rara sit feminino genere, legitur tamen apud Ciceronem Philippica ii: Inter quos aperta lectica mima portabatur; et apud Valer. Max. lib. ii, c. 10, de Catone loquentem: Ludos Florales spectante, populus ut mimæ nudarentur postulare erubuit. At mimus est histrio, et imitator dictorum et morum hominum, aut potius scurra facetus.

"Who then perform the part of mime-actresses." So read, with almost all the manuscripts. For although this word is quite rare in the feminine gender, it is read in Cicero, Philippic 2: "among whom a mime-actress was carried in an open litter"; and in Valerius Maximus book 2, ch. 10, speaking of Cato: "While he watched the Floral games, the people were ashamed to demand that the mime-actresses be stripped." But a mime is a stage-player and imitator of men's words and ways, or rather a witty buffoon.

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(11) ‹Pudendis motibus› · call in col 219

Pudendis motibus. Juvenalis depingit illos motus, Sat. 11: Ut Gaditana canoro Incipiat prurire choro, plausuque probatæ Ad terram tremulo descendant clune puellæ: Spectant hoc nuptæ juxta recubante marito. Vide et Arnobium lib. ii. — Cum pudendis motibus. Sublac., Ven. 1471, Rost., Ven., 1493, 97, Paris.: cum impudentis motibus. Walch., vitiose, cum pudentibus moribus. Pudendos illos motus graphice descripsit Arnob. l. ii, pag. 73, ubi plura, p. 90. Elmenhorstius.

"With shameful movements." Juvenal depicts those movements, Satire 11: "that a Gaditanian [girl] should begin to wanton with a tuneful troupe, and girls, approved with applause, sink to the ground with quivering haunches: married women watch this with their husbands reclining beside them." See also Arnobius book 2. — "With shameful movements." Subiaco, Venice 1471, Rostock, Venice 1493, 97, Paris: "cum impudentis motibus". Walch, faultily, "cum pudentibus moribus". Arnobius described those shameful movements vividly, book 2, p. 73, with more at p. 90. Elmenhorst.

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(12) ‹Cloacinae simulacrum› · call in col 220

Cloacinæ simulacrum. Festive ad hujus deæ nomen alludit Tertullianus in lib. de Pallio, cap. 4. Meminit et ejus lib. i advers. Marcionem, c. 18. Meminit et Cyprianus de Idolorum vanitate, S. August. de Civ. Dei, lib. iv, ac Minucius Felix cap. 25.

"The image of Cloacina." Tertullian alludes wittily to this goddess's name in the book On the Mantle, ch. 4. He mentions her also in Against Marcion book 1, ch. 18. Cyprian mentions her too, On the Vanity of Idols; St Augustine, City of God book 4; and Minucius Felix ch. 25.

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(13) ‹Pavorem Palloremque› · call in col 220

Pavorem Palloremque. Livius, lib. i, cap. 27: Tullus Hostilius in re trepida vovit Salios, fanaque Pavori et Pallori, equitem clara increpans voce, ut hostes exaudirent, redire in prœlium jubet. Vide August. de Civit. Dei, lib. iv, cap. 2, 15, 23, et lib. vi, cap. 10; Cic., lib. iii de Nat. deor. Sed non in Urbe, verum extra Urbis pomærium Pallori structam ædem loquitur Plutarchus in Cleomene; et recte Pallorem communi cum Pavore fano coluerunt, quia ex timore seu pavore nascitur pallor. Servius ad vers. 30, lib. iii Æneid.: Pallor nascitur, cum se, ad præcordia fugiens, contrahit sanguis. Cic., l. v, de Finib.: Quis (continues)

"Fear and Pallor." Livy, book 1, ch. 27: "Tullus Hostilius in the crisis vowed Salii, and shrines to Fear and Pallor; rebuking the cavalryman in a loud voice, so that the enemy could hear, he orders him back into the battle." See Augustine, City of God book 4, chs. 2, 15, 23, and book 6, ch. 10; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book 3. But Plutarch, in the Cleomenes, speaks of a temple built to Pallor not in the City but outside the City's pomerium; and they rightly worshipped Pallor in a shrine shared with Fear, because pallor is born of fear or fright. Servius on line 30 of Aeneid book 3: "Pallor arises when the blood, fleeing to the heart, contracts." Cicero, On Ends book 5: "Who (continues)

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(2) ‹Praesentes haberet› · call in col 221

Præsentes haberet. Hæc est recepta lectio a mss. et excusis; nec temere rejicienda, quidquid dicat Thomasius: præsentem haberi, vel præsentem esse, pro adesse, norunt omnes creberrimam locutionem esse omnibus Latinis scriptoribus, præsertim Lactantio ipsi lib. ii, 1. 2, in fine lib. de Ira Dei, et alibi. In ms. Bonon. antiq. est, secum haberet. Isæus.

"Should have them present." This is the reading received from the manuscripts and the printed copies; not to be rashly rejected, whatever Thomasius says: all know that "praesentem haberi" or "praesentem esse", for "adesse" (to be at hand), is a very frequent expression in all Latin writers, especially in Lactantius himself, book 2, 1, 2, at the end of the book On the Anger of God, and elsewhere. In the old Bologna manuscript it is "secum haberet" (should have with him). Isaeus.

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(3) ‹De consecratione Honoris atque Virtutis› · call in col 221

De consecratione Honoris atque Virtutis. Hinc August. de Civ. Dei, lib. iv, cap. 21, Dei Honorini mentionem facit. Symmach. lib. i, epist. 20: Bene ac sapienter majores nostri, ut sunt aliæ ætatis illius, ædes Honori atque Virtuti gemellas junctim locarunt, commenti quod in te vidimus, ibi esse præmia honoris, ubi sunt merita virtutis. Valer. Max. lib. i, cap. 1: Cum Marcellus quintum consulatum gerens, templum Honori atque Virtuti, Clastidio prius, deinde Syracusis potitus, nuncupatis debitum votis consecrare vellet, a collegio pontificum impeditus est. Et in nummo Vitellii apud Gruterum, p. 10, Inscript. n. 4, legitur: VIRTUTI ET HONORI. Vetus Marmor. C. POLICIO. L. F. BIBULO. ÆD. PL. HONORIS. VIRTUTISQUE. CAUSA. SENATUS. CONSULTO. POPULIQUE. JUSSU. LOCUS. MONIMENTO. QUO. IPSE. POSTERIQUE. EJUS. INFERRENTUR. PUBLICE. DATUS. EST. Aurel. Prudent. lib. i, in Symmach. — Ædem hanc anno ab U. C. 545, M. Marcellus vovit (Liv. lib. vii, decad. 3). Sacrificia honoris peragebantur aperto capite, cum sacerdotes in omnibus aliis deorum sacris tecto essent capite. Rationes varias pete a Plutarcho, Probl. Rom. cap. 12. Solemnitas ejus et festum in Maio, ut opinor. Ex. Dempstero.

"On the consecration of Honour and Virtue." Hence Augustine, City of God book 4, ch. 21, mentions the god Honorinus. Symmachus, book 1, letter 20: "Well and wisely did our ancestors, like the other men of that age, set twin temples to Honour and Virtue side by side, devising what we have seen in you: that the rewards of honour are where the merits of virtue are." Valerius Maximus, book 1, ch. 1: "When Marcellus, holding his fifth consulship, wished to consecrate the temple to Honour and Virtue due by the vows he had made, having first taken Clastidium and then Syracuse, he was prevented by the college of pontiffs." And on a coin of Vitellius in Gruter, p. 10, Inscription no. 4, one reads: "TO VIRTUE AND HONOUR." An old marble: "To C. Policius Bibulus, son of Lucius, plebeian aedile, for the sake of honour and virtue, by decree of the Senate and command of the people, a place for a monument, into which he himself and his descendants should be borne, was given at public expense." Aurelius Prudentius, Against Symmachus book 1. — M. Marcellus vowed this temple in the year of the City 545 (Livy, Decade 3, book 7). The sacrifices of Honour were performed with the head uncovered, whereas in all the other rites of the gods the priests had their heads covered. Seek the various reasons in Plutarch, Roman Questions ch. 12. Its solemnity and feast were in May, I think. From Dempster.

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(4) ‹Mentem quoque› · call in col 221

Mentem quoque. Cicero, iii de Nat. deor., Plin. lib. ii, cap. 7; Ovid., Fastor. vi: Mens quoque numen habet, Menti delubra videmus, Vota metu belli, perfide Pœne, tui. Sic Propertius lib. iii, Elegia 24. Mens bona, si qua dea es, tua me in sacraria dono. Et Attillus prætor menti ædem vovit an. 537, quo scilicet Qu. Fabius Max. Veneri Errucinæ. Liv. lib. ii, decad. 3, et Gruter. p. 99, n. 7.

"Mind also." Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 3; Pliny book 2, ch. 7; Ovid, Fasti 6: "Mind too has divinity; we see shrines to Mind, vowed in fear of your war, faithless Carthaginian." So Propertius, book 3, Elegy 24: "Good Mind, if you are a goddess, I give myself to your sanctuary." And the praetor Atilius vowed a temple to Mind in the year 537, the year, that is, in which Q. Fabius Maximus [vowed one] to Venus Erycina. Livy, Decade 3, book 2, and Gruter p. 99, no. 7.

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(5) ‹Magnum Cicero› · call in col 221

Magnum Cicero. Perditum hunc Ciceronis locum dicit Cellarius. Si h. c. sect. 17 cum his jungas, vix dubium est, quin ad Cic. lib. ii de Legib. cap. 11 respexerit: ita quoque Turnebo ad Cic. locum fol. 147 visum. Buneman.

"Cicero, a great [man]." Cellarius says this passage of Cicero is lost. If you join section 17 of this chapter with these words, there is hardly any doubt that he had in view Cicero, On the Laws book 2, ch. 11: so it seemed also to Turnebus on the passage of Cicero, fol. 147. Bünemann.

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(6) ‹Quod Cupidinum et Amorum› · call in col 221

Quod Cupidinum et Amorum. Ita Cicero inter Fragmenta libri ii de Legibus, et mss. nostri et ed. Scripti 4 rec. habent Cupidinis et Amoris. Cum locus iste non legatur in libris quos de Legibus a Cicerone habemus, sed in horum librorum fragmentis, autumant eruditi, mancos esse Ciceronis libros de Legibus.

"That [shrines] of the Cupids and Loves." So Cicero among the fragments of book 2 On the Laws, and our manuscripts and the editions. 4 recent manuscripts have "of Cupid and of Love". Since this passage is not read in the books On the Laws that we have from Cicero, but in the fragments of these books, the learned hold that Cicero's books On the Laws are defective.

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(7) ‹Ad honesta deberent› · call in col 221

Ad honesta deberent. Mss. undecim et editi nonnulli, ad honestatem. In mss. Pen., 2 Colb. et ed. Is., debuerunt.

"They ought [to train] to honourable things." Eleven manuscripts and some editions, "ad honestatem" (to honour). In the Peniarum manuscript, 2 Colbert and the Isaeus edition, "debuerunt".

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(8) ‹Corruptorum› · call in col 221

Corruptorum. Corruptores, adulteros, junxit, lib. i, cap. 10, exemplo Ciceronis lib. iii in Verr, cap. 2. Bun.

"Of seducers." He joined "seducers, adulterers", book 1, ch. 10, after the example of Cicero, Against Verres book 3, ch. 2. Bünemann.

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(9) ‹Et in illa› · call in col 221

Et in illa. Præpositio in addita ex mss. et editis plurimis.

"And in that." The preposition "in" is added from the manuscripts and most editions.

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(10) ‹Virtutes enim oportere› · call in col 222

Virtutes enim oportere. Ciceronis verba sunt lib. ii de Legibus. Ideoque infinitivo modo efferenda cum omnibus mss. et veteribus editis 4, Rom. et Venet. 1490, ac Cellar. In cæteris editis est oportet.

"For [he says] the virtues ought." They are Cicero's words, On the Laws book 2. And therefore they must be put in the infinitive mood, with all the manuscripts and 4 old editions, Rome and Venice 1490, and Cellarius. In the other editions it is "oportet".

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(11) ‹Non vides fore ut irrumpant vitia› · call in col 222

Non vides fore ut irrumpant vitia. Sic habent omnes fere ms. et editi codices. In recentioribus mss. 4 et editis sex est, forte ut.

"Do you not see that the vices will burst in?" So almost all the manuscripts and printed copies have it. In 4 more recent manuscripts and six editions it is "forte ut".

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(12) ‹Romani Rubiginem› · call in col 222

Romani Rubiginem. Dicitur Rubigus, lib. i, in Numæ regno. Servius ad lib. i Georg.: Rubigo genus vitii est quo culmi pereunt, quod a rusticanis calamitas dicitur: hoc autem genus vitii ex nebula nasci solet, cum nigrescunt et consumunt frumenta; inde et Rubigus deus: sacra ejus x kalend. Maias Rubiginalia appellantur. Festus Pomp. lib. xvi: Robigalia dies festus vii kalend. Maias, quo Robigo deo, quem putabant rubiginem avertere, sacrificabant. Concors ei Plin. lib. xviii, cap. 29, qui ait Robigalia fuisse a Numa anno regni sui undecimo constituta. Vid. Columellam de Re rust. lib. x, et Ovid. lib. iv, Fastor. Ex Dempstero. — Varro lib. i, de Re rustica, Robigum deum facit, eumque Floræ conjungit.

"The Romans Rust." He is called Rubigus, book 1, in the reign of Numa. Servius on Georgics book 1: "Rust is a kind of blight by which the stalks perish, which country people call 'calamity': this kind of blight usually arises from mist, when the grain blackens and is consumed; hence also the god Rubigus: his rites on the tenth day before the Kalends of May are called the Rubiginalia." Pompeius Festus, book 16: "The Robigalia, a feast day on the seventh day before the Kalends of May, on which they sacrificed to the god Robigus, who they thought averted rust." Pliny agrees with him, book 18, ch. 29, who says the Robigalia were established by Numa in the eleventh year of his reign. See Columella, On Agriculture book 10, and Ovid, Fasti book 4. From Dempster. — Varro, On Agriculture book 1, makes Robigus a god and joins him with Flora.

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(13) ‹Febrem› · call in col 222

Febrem. Vide Prudentium in Hamartigenia: Par furor illorum, quos tradit fama dicatis Consecrasse deas, Febrem, Scabiemque sacellis. Febris quasi dea culta a Romanis, fanum habuit in Capitolio, aram in Esquiliis fabricatam. Clemens Alexand., Protrept.; Plin., lib. ii, cap. 7; Cicer., iii de Nat. deor.; Seneca, de morte Claudii; Epictet., lib. i, cap. 19; Aug. de Civ. Dei lib. iii, cap. 12; Minuc. Felix.; Arnob., lib. iv. Jon. Weitsius.—Febris etiam, ut deæ, ea legitur inscriptio: FEBRI. DIVÆ. FE- (continues)

"Fever." See Prudentius in the Hamartigenia: "Like is the madness of those whom report says consecrated goddesses, Fever and Scab, in dedicated shrines." Fever, worshipped by the Romans as a goddess, had a shrine on the Capitol and an altar built on the Esquiline. Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus; Pliny book 2, ch. 7; Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 3; Seneca, On the Death of Claudius; Epictetus book 1, ch. 19; Augustine, City of God book 3, ch. 12; Minucius Felix; Arnobius book 4. Jonas Weitz.—Of Fever too, as of a goddess, this inscription is read: "TO THE DIVINE FEVER, [TO HOLY] FE- (continues)

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(2) ‹Ne sint falsae› · call in col 223

Ne sint falsæ. Emman., Ven. 1471, 93, 97, et Rost., ne sint fabulæ. Buneman.

"Lest they be false." Emmeran, Venice 1471, 93, 97 and Rostock, "lest they be fables". Bünemann.

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(3) ‹Illa› · call in col 223

Illa. Bun. habet olla, in quam vocem notam sequentem exhibuit. — Olla. Sic libri plerique mss. et edd. vetustæ. At Lips. 2, Reimm, Tornes, Spark., Walch., illa. Est vero olla vera scriptura. In legibus veteres antiqua vocabula amabant. Sæpius repetitur vox antiqua in Cicer., lib. ii de Leg. cap. 8.

"Those." Bünemann has "olla", on which word he gave the following note. — "Olla." So most manuscript books and the old editions. But Leipzig 2, Reimmann, Tornaesius, Sparck, Walch, "illa". "Olla" is indeed the true reading. In laws the ancients loved old words. The old word is repeated often in Cicero, On the Laws book 2, ch. 8.

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(4) ‹Laudum› · call in col 223

Laudum. Id est, rerum laudandarum et virtutum, secundum Turnebum ad Cic. c. 1, f. 139. Buneman.

"Of praises." That is, of praiseworthy things and virtues, according to Turnebus on Cicero, ch. 1, fol. 139. Bünemann.

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(5) ‹Sunto› · call in col 223

Sunto. Quod vide apud Cicer., lib. ii de Legib., cap. 8.

"Let there be." See it in Cicero, On the Laws book 2, ch. 8.

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(6) ‹Quibus careas? Virtus enim colenda est› · call in col 223

Quibus careas? Virtus enim colenda est. Sic restituimus ex mss. pene omnibus. In tribus recentioribus et in editis, si Cellar. excipias, est, careamus? Virtus colenda est.

"Which you may lack? For virtue is to be cultivated." So we have restored from almost all the manuscripts. In three more recent ones and in the editions, if you except Cellarius, it is "careamus? Virtus colenda est."

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(7) ‹Virtus› · call in col 223

Virtus. Inquit Augustinus, non deus, sed Dei donum est.

"Virtue." It is, says Augustine, not a god, but the gift of God.

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(8) ‹Et colenda est› · call in col 223

Et colenda est. In mss. 2 Bonon. et Tax. ac nonnullis editis desideratur est: legitur in cæteris.

"And is to be cultivated." In 2 Bologna manuscripts and Taxaquet and some editions "est" is missing: it is read in the others.

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(9) ‹Simul ac coepit velle› · call in col 223

Simul ac cœpit velle. Sic restituimus ex mss. 2 Clarom. et Colb. et editis Rom. 1470, Fasitel., Is., Cellar., faventibus mss. 12, ac pluribus editis in quibus est, simul accepit velle. In Bonon. antiq., simul ut occœpit; in Jun. et 1 Colb. ac editis 5, simul occœpit, pro simul ac cœpit.

"As soon as he has begun to will." So we have restored from 2 Clermont manuscripts and Colbert and the editions of Rome 1470, Fasitelius, Isaeus, Cellarius, with the support of 12 manuscripts and most editions, in which is "simul accepit velle". In the old Bologna, "simul ut occoepit"; in Junius and 1 Colbert and 5 editions, "simul occoepit", for "simul ac coepit".

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(10) ‹Templum est pectus› · call in col 223

Templum est pectus. Idem habet Apostolus I ad Corinthios, cap. vi, vers. 19.

"The temple is the heart." The Apostle has the same, 1 Corinthians ch. 6, verse 19.

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(11) ‹Hoc veris illis nominibus impleatur› · call in col 223

Hoc veris illis nominibus impleatur. Vera et optima lectio, quæ est manuscriptorum Regiorum, 3 Colb. et 1 Clarom. Male omnino in cæteris qui habent, veris illis nominibus; immo falsis. In alio Claramont. hoc verius illis nominibus. Nominibus, scilicet illis virtutibus quas supra nominavit.

"Let this be filled with those true names." The true and best reading, which is that of the Royal manuscripts, 3 Colbert and 1 Clermont. Altogether wrongly in the others, which have "with those true names; nay, false ones". In another Clermont, "hoc verius illis nominibus". "Names", that is, those virtues which he named above.

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(12) ‹In venena et in ferrum ruente› · call in col 224

In venena et in ferrum ruente. Sic habent omnes mss. Vulgati autem, in venenum et ferrum.

"Rushing into poisons and onto the sword." So all the manuscripts have it. But the printed copies, "in venenum et ferrum".

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(13) ‹Privatim› · call in col 224

Privatim. Ex mss. et pluribus editis optime respondet præcedenti adverbio publice. Mss. Jun., 3 Colb. et 1 Clarom. a prima manu, et editi nonnulli legunt, privatis.

"Privately." From the manuscripts and most editions; it answers excellently to the preceding adverb "publicly". The manuscripts Junius, 3 Colbert and 1 Clermont by the first hand, and some editions, read "privatis".

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(14) ‹Summis digitis› · call in col 224

Summis digitis. Jocatur in morem illum ethnicorum, qui res ad sacrificandum paratas duobus aut tribus digitis accipere solebant. Thus quidem eo modo in aræ flammam jaciebant. Hieronym. epist. 1: Non est tantum in eo servitus idoli, si quis duobus digitulis thura comprehensa in bustum aræ jaciat. Porphyr. περὶ ἀποχῆς ἐμψύχων, inquit, Pythia Ermionea lætatum, dum sacrificaret, placentæ frustis acceptis e pera tribus digitis. Ovid., ii Fast. Et digitis tria thura tribus sub lumine ponit. Videsis etiam Lactant. lib. iv, cap. 3, et lib. v, cap. 19 et 20, Ex Isæo —Thure, ac summis digitis. Id est, extremis. Sæpe ita cum optimis quibusque, ut notamus ad lib. v, cap. 10. Quorum... summam figuram gerunt. Bun.

"With the fingertips." He jests at that custom of the heathen, who used to take the things prepared for sacrifice with two or three fingers. Incense in particular they threw thus into the altar's flame. Jerome, letter 1: "The service of an idol does not consist only in this, that someone throws incense held in two little fingers onto the altar's hearth." Porphyry, On Abstinence from Animal Food, says that the Pythia was pleased with the Hermionean who, when sacrificing, took pieces of cake from his bag with three fingers. Ovid, Fasti 2: "and with three fingers she places three grains of incense under the light." See also Lactantius book 4, ch. 3, and book 5, chs. 19 and 20. From Isaeus. —"With incense and the fingertips." That is, the extreme ones. Often so with all the best writers, as we note at book 5, ch. 10: "Of which... they bear the outermost shape." Bünemann.

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(15) ‹Horrere› · call in col 224

Horrere. Sic corrigendum esse statuo cum Thomasio ex mss. ab illo citatis. His adde Cauc., 3 Colb., Cantab., Goth., Ultr., editionem Genevensem 1615 et 1579; sic etiam legunt Betuleius et Isæus. Sic legendum esse textus ipse docet; Lactantius enim redarguit illos quod colant vitia, quæ potius vitare et horrere debeant. Mss. Em., horrescere. Alii, colere, male.

"To shudder at." So I judge it must be corrected, with Thomasius, from the manuscripts cited by him. To these add Cauci, 3 Colbert, Cambridge, Gotha, Utrecht, the Geneva edition of 1615 and that of 1579; so too read Betuleius and Isaeus. The text itself shows that one must read so; for Lactantius rebukes them because they worship vices, which they ought rather to shun and shudder at. The Emmeran manuscript, "horrescere". Others, "colere" (to worship), wrongly.

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(16) ‹Error principalis› · call in col 224

Error principalis. De hoc plenius agetur libro ii, qui est de Origine erroris.

"The chief error." This will be treated more fully in book 2, which is On the Origin of Error.

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(17) ‹Cum ex mulierum capillis tormenta fecissent› · call in col 224

Cum ex mulierum capillis tormenta fecissent, etc. Eo tempore hoc evenisse statuit Schedius, quo Roma a Suevis Senonibus seu Gallis incensa fuit, Capitolio aspera obsidione cincto, cum nervi in arcubus deficerent, matronæ superstites comam absciderunt: ex ea nervi arcubus additi, hostesque demum depulsi. Hinc libertate denuo potiti, in gratam rei memoriam, statuam Veneri erexere, cui cognomen Calvæ indiderunt, ob abscissas a matronis comas. Hanc historiam refert Vegetius lib. iv, cap. 9, de Re militari; Servius ad i Æneid. Sæpe hoc usu venit olim in bellis, inquit Is. Casaubonus in Notis ad Capitolin. pag. 188. Cæsar Belli Civilis lib. iii, de iis qui obsessi erant Salonis, præsectis omnium mulierum crinibus tormenta effecerunt. Narrat et Dio in Severo, in obsessa urbe Byzantio rudentes de crinibus mulierum factos. Vide Aristidem in Rhodiaca. De hac re nil legitur apud Livium, neque apud Plutarchum. Attamen templum Veneris Calvæ irridetur a S. Cypriano his verbis: Est, inquit, et Venus Calva. Multo hic turpius Calva, quam apud Homerum vulnerata. De eadem et loquitur Augustinus, et Vegetius libro iv.

"When they had made engines from the women's hair", etc. Schedius holds that this happened at the time when Rome was burned by the Senonian Suevi, or Gauls; when the Capitol was ringed by a harsh siege and the strings of the bows gave out, the surviving matrons cut off their hair: from it strings were fitted to the bows, and the enemy was at last driven off. Hence, having regained their liberty, in grateful memory of the deed they set up a statue to Venus, to whom they gave the surname Calva (Bald), because of the hair cut off by the matrons. Vegetius relates this story, On Military Matters book 4, ch. 9; Servius on Aeneid 1. "This often happened in wars of old," says Isaac Casaubon in the Notes on Capitolinus, p. 188. Caesar, Civil War book 3, of those besieged at Salonae: "having cut off the hair of all the women, they made engines." Dio too relates, in the Severus, that in the besieged city of Byzantium ropes were made of women's hair. See Aristides in the Rhodiacus. Nothing is read on this matter in Livy or in Plutarch. Yet the temple of Venus Calva is mocked by St Cyprian in these words: "There is also," he says, "a bald Venus. Here she is far more shamefully bald than she was wounded in Homer." Augustine also speaks of her, and Vegetius in book 4.

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(1) ‹Dolis hostium› · call in col 225

Dolis hostium. Ita restituimus ex omnibus mss. et pluribus editis. Cæteri vulgati habent, hostium insidiis.

"By the enemy's tricks." So we have restored from all the manuscripts and most editions. The other printed copies have "hostium insidiis" (by the enemy's ambushes).

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(2) ‹Sicut erant› · call in col 225

Sicut erant. Supra lib. i, cap. 8. Hæ voculæ rei veritatem hic, non mutatam rei conditionem notant. Cic. in Bruto cap. 14: Ut erat lana amictus, ita venit in concionem. Ovid., v Metam., Fab. 10: Sicut eram, fugio sine vestibus. Val. Max., lib. iv, cap. 6: Quem (Plautium) amici, sicut erat, togatum et calceatum corpori conjugis junxerunt: et lib. v, cap. 6, extr. 4: Gladio cinctus, sicut erat, processit. Buneman.

"Just as they were." Above, book 1, ch. 8. These little words mark here the reality of the thing, not an altered state of it. Cicero in the Brutus ch. 14: "Just as he was, wrapped in wool, he came into the assembly." Ovid, Metamorphoses 5, Fable 10: "Just as I was, I flee without my clothes." Valerius Maximus book 4, ch. 6: "whom (Plautius) his friends, just as he was, in toga and shoes, laid beside his wife's body"; and book 5, ch. 6, external 4: "girded with his sword, just as he was, he went forth." Bünemann.

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(3) ‹Juvenes ab iisdem antea missi, misti cum virginibus› · call in col 225

Juvenes ab iisdem antea missi, misti cum virginibus. Collatis inter se variis tum mss. tum editorum codicum lectionibus, sic legendum censeo. In tribus enim mss. Reg., 1 Colb., Cantabrig., 2 Brun. est, antea missi, admisti cum virginibus; in 6 Reg., 2 Bonon., 5 Colb., 1 Sorbon., 2 Clarom. et vet. edit. 3 Rom., Venet., 1490, Egnat. seu Ald., Paris. 1525, Florent., Crat., Graph., antea missi cum virginibus; scilicet vox misti male scripta a librariis mutata fuerit in missi, et deinde ab aliis omissa, velut duplicata. In editis Gymnic., Fasitel. et Thys. est, ante admissi cum virginibus. Ms. Em. et edd. Gall. et Spark., ante missi cum virginibus, sensu prorsus imperfecto. Hujus rei historia refertur a Strabone. Lacedæmonii enim Messeniis bellum intulerunt, eo quod Teleclum regem sacrificandi causa profectum occidissent anno 813, ante vulgarem æram (propter virgines stupratas, ait Justinus,) juramento facto, se non prius reversuros, quam Messenam cepissent. Uxoribus vero tam diuturnas moras ægre ferentibus, Lacedæmonii sui jurisjurandi memores, et uxorum rationem habentes, robustissimos ac ætate juniores e castris Lacedæmoniem mittunt, quos noverant sacramenti religione non teneri. Iis præcipiunt, ut cum omnibus virginibus rem omnes haberent, eo pacto rati sobolem copiosiorem futuram. Hi ergo, qui sic geniti erant, Parthenæi dicti sunt, seu Virginum filii. Vide Justinum lib. iii, cap. 4.

"The young men sent earlier by the same, mingled with the virgins." Having compared the various readings both of the manuscripts and of the printed copies, I judge it should be read thus. For in three Royal manuscripts, 1 Colbert, Cambridge, 2 Brunswick it is "antea missi, admisti cum virginibus"; in 6 Royal, 2 Bologna, 5 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, 2 Clermont and the old editions, 3 Rome, Venice 1490, Egnazio or Aldine, Paris 1525, Florence, Cratander, Gryphius, "antea missi cum virginibus"; that is, the word "misti", badly written, was changed by the copyists into "missi", and then omitted by others as if doubled. In the editions of Gymnicus, Fasitelius and Thysius it is "ante admissi cum virginibus". The Emmeran manuscript and the editions of Gallaeus and Sparck, "ante missi cum virginibus", with the sense wholly incomplete. The story of this is told by Strabo. For the Lacedaemonians made war on the Messenians because they had killed King Teleclus when he had set out to sacrifice, in the year 813 before the common era (on account of the virgins violated, says Justin), having sworn an oath that they would not return before they had taken Messene. But as their wives bore such long delays ill, the Lacedaemonians, mindful of their oath and taking thought for their wives, send from the camp to Lacedaemon the strongest and youngest men, whom they knew were not bound by the sanctity of the oath. They instruct them that they should all have intercourse with all the virgins, thinking that in this way offspring would be more plentiful. Those who were begotten so were called Partheniae, or Sons of the Virgins. See Justin, book 3, ch. 4.

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(4) ‹Partheniae› · call in col 225

Parthenia. Sic lego cum antiquissimis mss. 1 Reg., 1 Bonon. et 2 al. Reg., 1 Colb., 2 Brun., 2 aliis Colb. a prima manu. Nec aliter legunt Aristoteles lib. v Politic., cap. 7; Justin., Hist. lib. iii, cap. 4. At 9 mss. rec. habent, ut et editi, Parthenii; Reg. Put., Partheni a prima manu. Videndi Pollux et Strabo lib. vi.

"Partheniae." So I read with the very old manuscripts, 1 Royal, 1 Bologna and 2 other Royal, 1 Colbert, 2 Brunswick, 2 other Colbert by the first hand. Nor do Aristotle, Politics book 5, ch. 7, and Justin, History book 3, ch. 4, read otherwise. But 9 recent manuscripts have, like the editions, "Parthenii"; Royal-Dupuy, "Partheni" by the first hand. See Pollux and Strabo book 6.

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(5) ‹Veneri armatae› · call in col 225

Veneri armatæ. Vide Pausan. lib. iii, in Lacon.; Nonnum lib. xxxv Dionysiacor. Romæ autem Cluacina, id est, armata dicta est, a verbo cluere, quod antiquis fuit pugnare. Ex Schedio.

"To armed Venus." See Pausanias book 3, in the Laconica; Nonnus, Dionysiaca book 35. At Rome she was called Cluacina, that is, armed, from the verb "cluere", which to the ancients meant to fight. From Schedius.

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(6) ‹Pistori› · call in col 225

Pistori. Vide Ovid. vi Fastor.

"To the Baker." See Ovid, Fasti 6.

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(7) ‹In quiete monuisset› · call in col 225

In quiete monuisset. De somnio hoc silent historiæ; de jactatis panibus, Livius v, c. 48, Flor. i, c. 13, consulatur. Cell.

"Had warned in sleep." The histories are silent about this dream; on the loaves thrown, consult Livy 5, ch. 48, Florus 1, ch. 13. Cellarius.

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(8) ‹In quiete› · call in col 225

In quiete. Eleganter pro somnio, ut sæpe Cicero in lib. i Divin., c. 24; Valer. Maxim., lib. i, cap. 7, extern. 1, 6 et 10; Lact. lib. ii, c. 7, not. Buneman.

"In sleep." Elegantly for "in a dream", as often Cicero in On Divination book 1, ch. 24; Valerius Maximus book 1, ch. 7, external 1, 6 and 10; Lactantius book 2, ch. 7, note. Bünemann.

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(9) ‹Monuisset› · call in col 225

Monuisset. Solemne de talibus somniis verbum, Epit. c. 20. Vid. Broukhus. ad Tibull. 3, 4, 11, p. 314. Bun.

"Had warned." The customary word for such dreams, Epitome ch. 20. See Broekhuizen on Tibullus 3.4.11, p. 314. Bünemann.

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(10) ‹Quod habebant› · call in col 225

Quod habebant. Ita restitui ex mss. In editis, haberent.

"Which they had." So I have restored from the manuscripts. In the editions, "haberent".

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(11) ‹Soluta esset› · call in col 225

Soluta esset. Sic reposui ex mss. Editi habent, soluta est.

"Had been raised." So I have restored from the manuscripts. The editions have "soluta est".

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(12) ‹Religionum derisio› · call in col 225

Religionum derisio. Sic recte omnes, præter Goth. qui, Religionum diversitas: male. Bun.

"The mockery of religions." So rightly all, except the Gotha, which has "the diversity of religions": wrongly. Bünemann.

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(13) ‹Nomen› · call in col 225

Nomen. Manuscriptorum et 5 vet. editorum est. Recentiores mss. duo Reg. et editi octo legunt, numen.

"Name." It is the reading of the manuscripts and 5 old editions. Two more recent Royal manuscripts and eight editions read "numen" (deity).

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(14) ‹Fornacem deam› · call in col 225

Fornacem deam. Fornacalia, eorumque ritus explicantur a Plutarcho Problem. Rom. cap. 89. Ovid. lib. ii et vi Fastor.: Facta dea est Fornax, læti fornace coloni Orant ut fruges temperet illa suas. Olim Romani sola pulte victitabant, ignoto usu panis; panem pinsendi postea edocti artem, deam fornacibus præfecerunt. Dempsterus.

"The goddess Oven." The Fornacalia and their rites are explained by Plutarch, Roman Questions ch. 89; Ovid, Fasti books 2 and 6: "Fornax was made a goddess; the glad farmers pray to the Oven that she may temper their grain." The Romans once lived on porridge alone, the use of bread being unknown; afterwards, taught the art of baking bread, they set a goddess over the ovens. Dempster.

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(15) ‹Fornacalibus› · call in col 225

Fornacalibus. Mss. 2 Colb. et 1 Brun, Furnacalibus; alter Brun. et 3 Colb. cum edit. Rom. 1470, fornacibus. Vide Ovid. Fast. lib. ii.—Celebrandis Fornacalibus. Mense Februario. Ovidius, Fast. ii, v. 527: Curio legitimis nunc fornacalia verbis Maximus indicit, nec stata sacra facit. Cell.

"For the Fornacalia." 2 Colbert manuscripts and 1 Brunswick, "Furnacalibus"; the other Brunswick and 3 Colbert with the Rome edition 1470, "fornacibus". See Ovid, Fasti book 2.—"For celebrating the Fornacalia." In the month of February. Ovid, Fasti 2, line 527: "The chief curio now proclaims the Fornacalia in the lawful words, and does not hold the rites on a fixed day." Cellarius.

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(16) ‹Operari› · call in col 225

Operari. Sensu sacro, ut Livius, lib. i, cap. 31, Operatum his sacris se addidisse. Buneman.

"To perform rites." In the sacred sense, as Livy book 1, ch. 31, "that he had devoted himself to performing these rites". Bünemann.

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(17) ‹Cum audiat deam Mutam› · call in col 226

Cum audiat deam Mutam. Ovidio Fast. ii, 572, dicta Tacita. Buneman.

"Since he hears of a goddess Muta." In Ovid, Fasti 2.572, called Tacita. Bünemann.

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(18) ‹Laram› · call in col 226

Laram. Ejus fabulam vide apud Ovid. lib. ii Fastor.

"Lara." See her fable in Ovid, Fasti book 2.

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(19) ‹Caca› · call in col 226

Caca. Ita mss. 2 Reg. veterrimi aliique cum editis fere omnibus. Plurimi mss. et duo editi, Cœca, vel Ceca; duo Colb., Ceta. Virg. Æneid. et Ovid., lib. i Fastor. — Caca, quæ Herculi fecit indicium. Virgilius lib. viii, ex aversis vestigiis bonum indicium Herculem invenisse tradit: at etiam proditionem sororis Cacæ accessisse. Serv. in Æneid. viii, v. 190 memoravit. Buneman.

"Caca." So 2 very old Royal manuscripts and others, with almost all the editions. Very many manuscripts and two editions, "Coeca" or "Ceca"; two Colbert, "Ceta". Virgil, Aeneid, and Ovid, Fasti book 1. — "Caca, who informed Hercules." Virgil, book 8, relates that Hercules found the cattle by the backward tracks; but [Servius says] that the betrayal by his sister Caca was added. Servius mentioned it on Aeneid 8, line 190. Bünemann.

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(20) ‹Cunina› · call in col 226

Cunina. Sic legunt editi et cuncti pene mss. Varro, et S. Aug. de Civit. Dei, lib. iv, cap. 8 et 11. At mss. 2 Bonon., Cunia; 3 Colb. et Pen., Cuna; 1 Colb., Cuna; 1 al. Colb., Cunena. De Junone Cunina vide Plinium lib. vii, cap. 2, et Gruterum in Inscriptionibus, pag. 96.

"Cunina." So read the editions and almost all the manuscripts, Varro, and St Augustine, City of God book 4, chs. 8 and 11. But the manuscripts 2 Bologna, "Cunia"; 3 Colbert and Peniarum, "Cuna"; 1 Colbert, "Cuna"; 1 other Colbert, "Cunena". On Juno Cunina see Pliny book 7, ch. 2, and Gruter in the Inscriptions, p. 96.

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(21) ‹Et Sterculus› · call in col 226

Et Sterculus. Tribus syllabis Sterculus habet Ter- (continues)

"And Sterculus." Ter[tullian] has Sterculus in three syllables (continues)

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(2) ‹Tutinus› · call in col 227

Tutinus. Mirum quam hic, sicut et in præcedenti, mss. codices variant. Tutinus reposui ex 9 mss. Regiis, inter quos sunt duo vetustissimi, 1 Bonon. antiq., 6 Colb., 1 Sorb., Nav., Vict., Marm., 3 Lips., Em., Cantabrig., 2 Clarom., Pen., Tornes., 2 Brun., ac edit. Rom. 1470, et Crat. in marg. In mss. 1 Reg. et Gat. est, Futinus; in Bonon. rec., Cutinus, mendose, pro Tutinus: facilis enim mutatio C et F in T. In edit. Rom. 1468, Titinus. Apud Arnobium Lactantii præceptorem lib. iv adv. Gentes, Tutunus, juxta vetustissimum cod. ms. Regium. Apud Augustinum, Muttunus et Tutunus, qui idem est ac Priapus. Hinc Arnob. lib. iv: Cujus immanibus pudendis, horrentique fascino, vestras inequitare matronas, et auspicabile ducitis et optatis. Lib. vi, Civ. Dei, c. 11. In ms. Cauc. et edit. Tornes., Spark., Walch., et apud Tertull. Apolog. cap. 25, et in decem vulgatis, Mutinus. Sed quoquomodo legas, Tutinus, seu Tutunus, vel Mutunus, parum refert: nam deus hic utrumque habuit nomen ab utroque obscœno: sexus enim utriusque habuit pudendum, μυττὸς, Siculum vel Æolicum, pro μυστὸς, de pudendo muliebri: inde μυττὼν μυττῶνος, et Romanum Muttonus. πόσθη et ποσθὼν, qui ingens habet virile, Æolice ποθθὼν ποθθῶνος: inde Latinum Puttunus et Tuttunus; nam T et P invicem permutabant tam Æoles quam veteres Latini. Ex Salmasio. — Ipse, inquit Aug. ubi supra, est apud Græcos Priapus, si non pudet. Tetinus etiam vocabatur.

"Tutinus." It is remarkable how the manuscripts vary here, as in the preceding. I have restored "Tutinus" from 9 Royal manuscripts, among which are two very old ones, 1 old Bologna, 6 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, Navarre, Victorine, Marmoutier, 3 Leipzig, Emmeran, Cambridge, 2 Clermont, Peniarum, Tornaesius, 2 Brunswick, and the Rome edition 1470, and Cratander in the margin. In the manuscripts 1 Royal and Gatianus it is "Futinus"; in the recent Bologna, "Cutinus", wrongly, for "Tutinus": for the change of C and F into T is easy. In the Rome edition 1468, "Titinus". In Arnobius, Lactantius's teacher, Against the Gentiles book 4, "Tutunus", according to a very old Royal manuscript. In Augustine, "Muttunus" and "Tutunus", who is the same as Priapus. Hence Arnobius book 4: "on whose monstrous private parts and bristling member you think it auspicious, and desire, that your matrons should ride." City of God book 6, ch. 11. In the Cauci manuscript and the editions of Tornaesius, Sparck, Walch, and in Tertullian, Apology ch. 25, and in ten printed copies, "Mutinus". But however you read, Tutinus or Tutunus or Mutunus, it matters little: for this god had both names from both obscene parts: for each sex had its private part: "myttos", Sicilian or Aeolic for "mystos", of the female part: hence "myttōn, myttōnos", and the Roman Muttonus. "Posthē" and "posthōn", one who has a huge male member, in Aeolic "potthōn, potthōnos": hence the Latin Puttunus and Tuttunus; for both the Aeolians and the old Latins interchanged T and P. From Saumaise. — "He himself," says Augustine in the place above, "is among the Greeks Priapus, if one is not ashamed [to say it]." He was also called Tetinus.

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(3) ‹In cujus sinu pudendo› · call in col 227

In cujus sinu pudendo, etc. In hujus Dei sinu nova nupta præsidebat, ne sterile conjugium haberet. August. de Civ. Dei lib. vi, cap. 9: Sed quid hoc dicam, cum et ibi sit Priapus nimis masculus, super cujus immanissimum et turpissimum fascinum, sedere nova nupta jubebatur more honestissimo et religiosissimo matronarum. Meursius.

"In whose shameful lap", etc. The new bride sat in this god's lap, so that she might not have a barren marriage. Augustine, City of God book 6, ch. 9: "But why should I say this, when Priapus too is there, all too male, on whose most monstrous and foulest member the new bride was bidden to sit, after the most honourable and religious custom of matrons?" Meursius.

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(4) ‹Praesident› · call in col 227

Præsident. Recte est in Lactantio præsident; præsidere enim verbum in casto operantium proprium. Janus Gulielm. — Præsident. Heuman. legit, resident, vel prius sedent. At omnes libri, præsident, quod tuetur Gulielm. c. 1, ut rectum, et verbum in casto operantium proprium. De re Arnob. c. 1: Etiamne Mutunus, cujus immanibus pudendis horrentique fascino vestras inequitare matronas, et auspicabile duci- […] piturum super Priapi scapum nova nupta sedere jubebatur. Bun. [a line between the foot of col 227 and the head of col 228 is cut off at the image's upper edge]

"They preside." "Praesident" is right in Lactantius; for "praesidere" is the proper verb of those performing rites in chastity. Janus Gulielmus. — "They preside." Heumann reads "resident" (they sit back) or "prius sedent" (sit first). But all the books have "praesident", which Gulielmus defends, ch. 1, as right, and the proper verb of those performing rites in chastity. On the matter, Arnobius ch. 1: "Even Mutunus, on whose monstrous private parts and bristling member [you think it] auspicious [that] your matrons [should ride]..." […] the new bride was bidden to sit on the shaft of Priapus. Bünemann.

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(5) ‹Portenta› · call in col 227

Portenta. De his portentis vide Minucium Felicem, cap. 25.

"Monstrosities." On these monstrosities see Minucius Felix, ch. 25.

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(6) ‹Venerantur› · call in col 227

Venerantur. Ms. Jun. et nonnulli editi addunt, et colunt. — Venerantur. Sic Bon., Tax., Pen., Canc., Ult., Pal., Lips., Goth., ubi edd. Ven. 1471, 97, Rost., Paris., Parrhas., Crat., Ald., Gymn., Gryph., Tornes., venerantur et colunt. Nec hoc male. Senec. I Clem., c. 19: (deos) intueamur venerantes colentesque. Ipse Lactantius jungit lib. ii, c. 5, lib. iii, c. 9, Venerari et colere; et Epitom. cap. 25: Colenda ac veneranda. Conf. lib. i, cap. 15, lib. ii, cap. 5. Ipse Cicero i, de Nat. deor., cap. 42: deos colere, precari, venerari; et lib. ii de Nat. deor., cap. 28: deos et venerari, et colere. Bun.

"They revere." The Junius manuscript and some editions add "et colunt" (and worship). — "They revere." So Bologna, Taxaquet, Peniarum, Cauci, Utrecht, Palatine, Leipzig, Gotha, where the editions Venice 1471, 97, Rostock, Paris, Parrhasius, Cratander, Aldine, Gymnicus, Gryphius, Tornaesius have "venerantur et colunt". Nor is this bad. Seneca, On Clemency 1, ch. 19: "let us look upon (the gods), revering and worshipping them." Lactantius himself joins "to revere and to worship", book 2, ch. 5, book 3, ch. 9; and Epitome ch. 25: "to be worshipped and revered". Compare book 1, ch. 15, book 2, ch. 5. Cicero himself, On the Nature of the Gods 1, ch. 42: "to worship, pray to, revere the gods"; and book 2 On the Nature of the Gods, ch. 28: "both to revere and to worship the gods". Bünemann.

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(7) ‹Quid? qui lapidem› · call in col 228

Quid? qui lapidem. Mss. est pene omnium, et veterum ac potiorum editionum. In Christ., 2 Colb. et editis quinque, Quid? quod lapidem.

"What of those who [worship] a stone?" It is the reading of almost all the manuscripts and of the old and better editions. In the Christina, 2 Colbert and five editions, "Quid? quod lapidem."

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(8) ‹Terminus› · call in col 228

Terminus. Olim in limitandis agris lapis collocabatur. Virg. lib. xii Æneid.: Saxum antiquum, ingens, campo quod forte jacebat Limes agro positus, litem ut discerneret arvis. Papinius lib. v Theb.: Rapit ingenti conamine saxum Quo discretus ager. Et non solum lapis erat, verum etiam quandoque stipes, ut subdit postea Lactantius, et refertur a poeta, lib. xi Fastor.: Termine, sive lapis, sive es desertus in agro Stipes, ab antiquis tu quoque nomen habes. Statua huic deo erecta erat quadrato lapide vel stipite dedolato, uncto, coronato. Vide L. Sen., in Hippolyto, act. ii, sc. 1. Terminalia, huic Deo sacra, magna rusticorum solemnitate celebrantur, mense Februario; sed vario pro sæculorum ratione cultu: quippe, Numa nihil animatum ei immolari volebat deo, ut est apud Plutarchum in Vita ejus, et cap. 14 Problem. Rom. Postea tamen mutata ea fuit sacrificandi ratio, et Termino animata, ut cæteris diis, cæsa hostia. M. Cicero Phil. XII et alii, quæ vel porca, Ovid. Fast., lib. ii. Dempsterus. — Vide Florum lib. i, cap. 7, et Ovid. lib. ii Fastor., 690. — Solus Terminus. Imo et dea Juventus cum Termino fuit contumax, testantibus aliis, quos indicat Ryckquius de Capitol. Rom., cap. 9, pag. 81 et cap. 14, pr. de Termino. Conf. Livium lib. i, cap. 55. Bun.

"Terminus." Of old a stone was set in marking out the bounds of fields. Virgil, Aeneid book 12: "an ancient stone, huge, which happened to lie on the plain, set as a boundary for the land, to settle disputes over the fields." Papinius, Thebaid book 5: "He seizes with a mighty effort the stone by which the field was divided." And it was not only a stone but sometimes also a stake, as Lactantius adds later, and as is reported by the poet, Fasti book 11 [2]: "Terminus, whether you are a stone or a stake sunk in the field, you too have had divinity from the ancients." The statue raised to this god was a squared stone or a hewn stake, anointed and garlanded. See L. Seneca, Hippolytus act 2, scene 1. The Terminalia, sacred to this god, are celebrated with a great solemnity of country people in the month of February; but with worship varying with the times: for Numa did not wish anything living to be sacrificed to this god, as in Plutarch in his Life, and ch. 14 of the Roman Questions. Afterwards, however, this manner of sacrificing was changed, and a living victim was slain to Terminus as to the other gods. M. Cicero, Philippic 12, and others; even a sow, Ovid, Fasti book 2. Dempster. — See Florus book 1, ch. 7, and Ovid, Fasti book 2, 690. — "Terminus alone." Indeed the goddess Juventas too was stubborn along with Terminus, as others attest, whom Ryck points out, On the Roman Capitol, ch. 9, p. 81, and ch. 14 at the beginning, on Terminus. Compare Livy book 1, ch. 55. Bünemann.

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(9) ‹Capitolium› · call in col 228

Capitolium. Hist. est apud Livium lib. i, et sub finem quinti. Dionys. Halicarn., lib. ii, et Plutarch. in Numa.

"The Capitol." The story is in Livy book 1, and near the end of the fifth; Dionysius of Halicarnassus book 2, and Plutarch in the Numa.

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(10) ‹Atque eo in loco› · call in col 228

Atque eo in loco. Manuscriptorum est: eoque in loco, editorum.

"And in that place." It is the manuscripts' reading: "eoque in loco" is the editions'.

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(11) ‹Cederent› · call in col 228

Cederent. Ita mss. præter 3 rec. in quibus est, cedere vellent. In nonnullis rec. editis, credere, et credentibus.

"Should give way." So the manuscripts, except 3 recent ones, in which is "cedere vellent" (would be willing to give way). In some recent editions, "credere" and "credentibus".

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(12) ‹Poeta› · call in col 228

Poeta. Æneid. ix, v. 448, Capitoli immobile saxum.

"The poet." Aeneid 9, line 448: "the immovable rock of the Capitol".

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(13) ‹Jam... quam magnus› · call in col 228

Jam... quam magnus. Similis ironia lib. i, cap. 20, jam quanta ista immortalitas putanda sit, etc. Bun.

"Now... how great." A similar irony in book 1, ch. 20: "now how great must that immortality be thought", etc. Bünemann.

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(1) ‹Libero coelo frueretur› · call in col 229

Libero cœlo frueretur. Sic Cicero v Tuscul. 13, Volucres cœlo frui libero. Senec. ad Polyb. cap. 28, extr. Fruitur nunc aperto et libero cœlo. Bun.

"Might enjoy the open sky." So Cicero, Tusculans 5.13: "that birds enjoy the open sky". Seneca, To Polybius ch. 28, end: "He now enjoys the open and free sky." Bünemann.

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(2) ‹De sacris› · call in col 229

De sacris. Lege Alex. ab Alexand. l. vi, cap. ult. et Tiraquellum, Voss. l. i Idol., cap 35, et lib. ii, et Cren. p. ix Animad., p. 77 sqq. Bun.

"Of the rites." Read Alessandro d'Alessandro, book 6, last chapter, and Tiraqueau; Vossius, On Idolatry book 1, ch. 35, and book 2; and Crenius, Animadversions part 9, p. 77 ff. Bünemann.

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(3) ‹Apud Cyprios humanam hostiam› · call in col 229

Apud Cyprios humanam hostiam. Ita restituimus ex omnibus manuscriptis vetustissimis duobus, scilicet, 1 Bonon., 1 Reg., et 6 aliis Reg., 2 Brun., Cauc., 1 Colb., Nav., Pal., Lips., Jun., Vict., Pen., Ultr., 1 Clarom., Marm., et edit. Rom. 1470, ac Cellar. Addunt autem mss. Regio-Puteanus, 4 Colb., 2 Lips., 1 Clarom., 1 Sorbon., Gat., et edit. Rom. 1468. In multis editis est, Apud Cypri Salaminem. —Apud Cyprios humanam. Epit. c. 23: Jovi Cyprio, sicut Teucrus instituerat, humana hostia mactari solebat. Rem illustrat Betuleius. Bun.

"Among the Cypriots a human victim." So we have restored from all the manuscripts, from the two very old ones, namely 1 Bologna and 1 Royal, and 6 other Royal, 2 Brunswick, Cauci, 1 Colbert, Navarre, Palatine, Leipzig, Junius, Victorine, Peniarum, Utrecht, 1 Clermont, Marmoutier, and the Rome edition 1470, and Cellarius. The manuscripts Royal-Dupuy, 4 Colbert, 2 Leipzig, 1 Clermont, 1 Sorbonne, Gatianus and the Rome edition 1468 add "autem". In many editions it is "At Salamis in Cyprus". —"Among the Cypriots a human [victim]." Epitome ch. 23: "To the Cyprian Jupiter, as Teucer had instituted, a human victim used to be sacrificed." Betuleius illustrates the matter. Bünemann.

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(4) ‹Teucrus› · call in col 229

Teucrus. Testatur Strabo, lib. xiv, Salaminem Cypri a Teucro profugo esse conditam. Teucer autem, Telamonis filius, profugus erat, quod Teucer mortem fratris sui Ajacis, qui insidiis Ulyssis interierat, ultus non esset, ac sine ipso rediisset. Cæterum hæc humana Salaminiorum sacrificia antiquata fuerunt sub Adriano, teste Marcellino, lib. xiv.

"Teucer." Strabo, book 14, attests that Salamis in Cyprus was founded by Teucer as an exile. Teucer, son of Telamon, was an exile because he had not avenged the death of his brother Ajax, who had perished through the plots of Ulysses, and had returned without him. But these human sacrifices of the Salaminians were abolished under Hadrian, as Marcellinus witnesses, book 14.

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(5) ‹Hadriano imperante› · call in col 229

Hadriano imperante. mss. 4 rec., ab Hadriano imperatore.—Hadriano... sublatum. Hadrianum hæc sacra antiquasse, neque apud Dionem, neque apud Spartianum, nec Eutropium legitur. Eusebius scribit, Adriani temporibus has impii erroris nebulas Evangelici solis splendore fuisse discussas. Eutropius vero Trajani temporibus Salaminiam (sic enim ipsam cum Plinio vocat) a Judæis deletam fuisse, ait Spartianus, quidem auctor est, Adrianum Romana sacrificia diligenter curasse, cæterum externa neglexisse. Ex Actis Apost. cap. xiii, certum est Paulum et Barnabam Salamine Cypri in Synagogis Jud. verbum Dei annuntiasse. Hæc a Constantio Constantia fuit postea appellata. Betul.

"In the reign of Hadrian." 4 recent manuscripts, "by the emperor Hadrian".—"Under Hadrian... abolished." That Hadrian abolished these rites is read neither in Dio, nor in Spartianus, nor in Eutropius. Eusebius writes that in Hadrian's times these mists of impious error were scattered by the splendour of the Gospel sun. Eutropius indeed says that in Trajan's times Salaminia (for so he calls it, with Pliny) was destroyed by the Jews; Spartianus does report that Hadrian carefully attended to the Roman rites, but neglected foreign ones. From the Acts of the Apostles ch. 13 it is certain that Paul and Barnabas proclaimed the word of God at Salamis in Cyprus in the synagogues of the Jews. This city was afterwards called Constantia, after Constantius. Betuleius.

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(6) ‹Erat lex apud Tauros› · call in col 229

Erat lex apud Tauros. Hujus sacra refert Prudentius lib. contra Symmachum; et Juvenalis, satir. 15. Incassum arguere jam Taurica sacra solemus, Funditur humanus Latiari in munere sanguis. Hæc Prudentius. Hujus sacrificii Thoas rex auctor fuit; unde a Silio italico Diana Thoantea vocatur. Vide et Pomponium Melam. lib. ii, capite de Scythia Europæa.—Erat lex apud Tauros. Populum supra Pontum Euxinum. Ovidius exsul lib. iv Trist., Eleg. 4, v. 63: Nec procul a nobis locus est, ubi et Taurica dira Cæde pharetratæ pascitur ara deæ. Cell.

"There was a law among the Taurians." Prudentius reports her rites, in the book against Symmachus; and Juvenal, Satire 15. "In vain do we now reproach the Taurian rites: human blood is shed at the Latiar festival." So Prudentius. King Thoas was the author of this sacrifice; hence Diana is called Thoantea by Silius Italicus. See also Pomponius Mela book 2, the chapter on European Scythia.—"There was a law among the Taurians." A people above the Euxine Sea. Ovid in exile, Tristia book 4, Elegy 4, line 63: "Not far from us is a place where the Taurian altar of the quivered goddess is fed with dire slaughter." Cellarius.

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(7) ‹Galli Hesum› · call in col 229

Galli Hesum. Lucan. l. i. Pharsal. Hesus hic Mars est. Significat fortem in Hebræo idiomate. Hesus enim robur est. Mars autem secundum ethnicos bello præsidet: consequens igitur est ut fortis sit. Edessæ in Mesopotamia in Solis templo a vetustissimis sæculis colebatur Belus, sive Sol: juxta eum Mercurius, quem Monimum, et Mars, quem Æzizum nuncupabant, simul adorabantur. Schedius.

"The Gauls Hesus." Lucan, Pharsalia book 1. Hesus here is Mars. It means "strong" in the Hebrew idiom; for Hesus is strength. And Mars according to the heathen presides over war: it follows, then, that he is strong. At Edessa in Mesopotamia, in the temple of the Sun, Belus, or the Sun, was worshipped from the most ancient ages: beside him Mercury, whom they called Monimus, and Mars, whom they called Azizus, were adored together. Schedius.

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(8) ‹Teutatem humano cruore placabant› · call in col 229

Teutatem humano cruore placabant. Hic Teutates est Mercurius. Livius, lib. xxvi: Scipio in tumulum obversus, quem Mercurium Teutatem appellant. Teutates itaque Gallis idem, qui Phœnicibus Τάαυτος, et Ægyptiis Thouth, vel Theuth et Thoth, de quo fusius ante. Minucius Felix refert Gallos Mercurio humanas victimas cædere. Tertull.: Major ætas apud Gallos Mercurio prosecatur. De Gallis Cæsar lib vi de bello Gallico: Deum maxime colunt Mercurium... pro victimis homines immolant. Per Druidas illa sacra fiebant; idem ibidem: Illi (Druidæ) rebus divinis intersunt, sacrificia publica ac privata procurant, religiones interpretantur. Suetonius, a Claudio diram hanc immanitatem penitus sublatam scribit: nec sub Tiberio, sed sub Augusto civibus interdictum, ne hominem immolarent. Plinius, dclvii anno U. C. Corn. Lentulo, P. Licinio Crasso coss. senatusconsultum factum esse tradit, ne homo immolaretur. Vide Betul. et Tertullianum Apologetici cap. 8, atque Melam. lib iii. De hisce diis loquitur Lucanus libro primo his verbis: Et quibus immitis placatur sanguine cæso Teutates, horrensque feris altaribus Hesus. Betul.

"They appeased Teutates with human blood." This Teutates is Mercury. Livy, book 26: "Scipio, turned towards the mound, whom they call Mercury Teutates." Teutates, then, is to the Gauls the same as Taautos to the Phoenicians, and Thouth, or Theuth and Thoth, to the Egyptians, of whom more at length before. Minucius Felix reports that the Gauls slaughter human victims to Mercury. Tertullian: "Among the Gauls the older [men] are sacrificed to Mercury." Of the Gauls Caesar, Gallic War book 6: "Of the gods they worship Mercury most... instead of victims they sacrifice men." Those rites were performed through the Druids; the same author in the same place: "They (the Druids) attend to divine things, take charge of public and private sacrifices, interpret religious questions." Suetonius writes that this dire monstrosity was wholly abolished by Claudius: and that not under Tiberius but under Augustus the citizens were forbidden to sacrifice a man. Pliny relates that in the year of the City 657 [?], in the consulship of Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and P. Licinius Crassus, a decree of the Senate was passed that no man should be sacrificed. See Betuleius and Tertullian, Apology ch. 8, and Mela book 3. Lucan speaks of these gods in his first book in these words: "and those by whom pitiless Teutates is appeased with shed blood, and Hesus, dreadful at his savage altars." Betuleius.

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(9) ‹Latialis Jupiter› · call in col 230

Latialis Jupiter. Mss. septem, Latiaris. Utraque lectio bona. Notum enim est in Latinis libris et Latialis et Latiaris Jovis cognomen scribi: quare etiam Græci quidam in hac voce r retinuerunt, ut Porphyr. περὶ ἀποχῆς. Is. Casaubonus. In hanc abominandam ἀνθρωποκτονίαν etiam Clemens Alexand. invehitur in προτρεπτικῷ. Inhumanum illud sacrificium a Tarquinio Superbo in monte Albano constitutum fuerat; vide Dionysium Halicarnass. lib i. Infamis hac credulitate ara Dianæ Tauricæ: Pellæ etiam Achilli et Chironi homo immolabatur; Lesbii eodem genere victimarum Baccho sacrificabant. Quin et Erechteus Atticus, et Marius Romanus, filias ipsi suas mactaverunt, ille Proserpinæ, hic diis Averruncis. Arnobius lib. ii adversus Gentes: Ante adventum in Italiam Herculis, cum ex Apollinis monitu patri Diti ac Saturno humanis capitibus supplicaretur. De hac ipsa immanitate merito conquerentem vide etiam Athenagoram Orat. ὑπὲρ χριστιανῶν. Multa quoque de his Euseb. Præparat. Evangel. lib. iv, cap. 17. Ex Porphyrio narrat Dionys. Halicarnass., l. i Rom. Antiq., Herculem in Italia, et alibi, hanc plus quam belluinam feritatem sustulisse. Petrus Pantinus. — Bunemannus legit Latiaris, eumque sic locum annotat: « Correxi, inquit, ex Goth. et Cauci mss., Latiaris. Sic quoque Cl. Puteani mss. Lact. h. l. teste Lambino ad Cic. pro Milone c. 31. ubi cum Grut. et Grævio ex ms. defenditur ea vox. Etiam in Taurin epit. c. 23. —Latialis Jupiter etiamnunc sanguine. Idem objiciunt Tertullianus Apolog. c. 9, et in Scorpiace cap. 7. Minuc. Felix pag. 297 (ubi Elmenhorst. vide) et Prudentius adv. Symmach. l. i, v. 396. Ritus non satis notus. Videtur in amphitheatrali munere, auspicandi causa, noxius seu damnatus mactari pro victima solitus. Bun.

"Latian Jupiter." Seven manuscripts, "Latiaris". Both readings are good. For it is known that in Latin books Jupiter's surname is written both Latialis and Latiaris: which is why some Greeks too kept the r in this word, as Porphyry, On Abstinence. Isaac Casaubon. Clement of Alexandria also inveighs against this abominable man-slaughter in the Protrepticus. That inhuman sacrifice had been established by Tarquinius Superbus on the Alban Mount; see Dionysius of Halicarnassus book 1. The altar of the Taurian Diana is infamous for this credulity: at Pella too a man was sacrificed to Achilles and Chiron; the Lesbians sacrificed to Bacchus with the same kind of victims. Indeed Erechtheus the Athenian and Marius the Roman slew their own daughters, the former to Proserpina, the latter to the Averting Gods. Arnobius, Against the Gentiles book 2: "Before the coming of Hercules into Italy, when, at Apollo's warning, Father Dis and Saturn were supplicated with human heads." See also Athenagoras, Plea for the Christians, rightly complaining of this very monstrosity. Eusebius too has much on these things, Preparation for the Gospel book 4, ch. 17. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities book 1, relates from Porphyry that Hercules abolished this more than bestial savagery in Italy and elsewhere. Pierre Pantin. — Bünemann reads "Latiaris", and annotates the passage thus: "I have corrected," he says, "from the Gotha and Cauci manuscripts, 'Latiaris'. So too the illustrious Dupuy's manuscripts of Lactantius in this place, as Lambin witnesses on Cicero's Pro Milone ch. 31, where, with Gruter and Graevius, that word is defended from a manuscript. Also in the Turin Epitome, ch. 23. —'Latian Jupiter even now with blood.' Tertullian raises the same objection, Apology ch. 9, and in the Scorpiace ch. 7; Minucius Felix p. 297 (where see Elmenhorst), and Prudentius, Against Symmachus book 1, line 396. The rite is not well enough known. It seems that at the amphitheatre show, to take the auspices, a criminal or condemned man was customarily slain as a victim." Bünemann.

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(1) ‹anchor: Quid a diis boni precantur› · lemma note in col 231

Quid a diis boni precantur, qui sic sacrificant? Mss. undecim cum multis editis, Quid ab his. 1 Reg., 1 Colb., Nav., Vict., Brun., Quid talibus a diis. 1 Reg., 1 Colb. et 4 edd., Quid ab his boni precatur qui sic sacrificant, mendose. Ms. Jun. et editio Gallica 1563, quibus sic sacrificant. — Quid ab his boni. Sic omnes scripti et editi, quos sequi aequius, quam unum Gothanum non plane sanum; hic enim habet: Quid a diis bonis. Sensus facilis: Quid boni precantur ab his, sc. diis? BUN.

What good do they pray for from the gods, who sacrifice thus? Eleven manuscripts with many printed editions: "What from these." One Regius, one Colbertinus, the Navarre, Victorine and Brunswick manuscripts: "What from such gods." One Regius, one Colbertinus and four editions: "What good does he pray for from these who sacrifice thus", wrongly. The Junius manuscript and the French edition of 1563: "to whom they thus sacrifice." — "What good from these": so all the manuscripts and editions, which it is fairer to follow than the single Gotha manuscript, not quite sound; for it has "What from the gods, of goods." The sense is easy: What good do they pray for from these, that is, from the gods? Bünemann.

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(2) ‹anchor: Precantur› · lemma note in col 231

Precantur. Sic recte Goth., tres Lips., Reimm., Rost., Ven. 1471, secunda 1478, Paris. 1513, Tornes., Betul., Cell. ubi perperam prima 1478, 93, 97, Parrh., Ald., Gymn., Gryph., Crat., Thomas., Isaeus, Gall., ed. Cantabr., precatur in singul. cum sequatur in omnibus, sacrificant. Hinc cognoscas incuriam editorum. BUN.

They pray. So rightly the Gotha manuscript, three Leipzig manuscripts, Reimmann's, the Rostock manuscript, the Venice edition of 1471, the second of 1478, Paris 1513, Tornesius, Betuleius, Cellarius; whereas wrongly the first of 1478, those of 93 and 97, Parrhasius, Aldus, Gymnicus, Gryphius, Cratander, Thomasius, Isaeus, the French and the Cambridge edition have "precatur" in the singular, though "sacrificant" follows in all. From this you may learn the carelessness of editors. Bünemann.

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(3) ‹anchor: Desciscunt› · lemma note in col 231

Desciscunt. Justin. de Scyth. lib. II, cap. 2. — Ab humanitate desciscunt. Lips. 2 et Reimm. perperam, Ab humanitate desistunt. l. IV, cap. 11, A lege desciscerent. De Ira cap. 23, A pietate desciscere, restituimus. BUN.

They fall away. Justin, on the Scythians, book II, ch. 2. — "They fall away from humanity": the second Leipzig manuscript and Reimmann's wrongly have "they desist from humanity." Book IV, ch. 11: "that they should fall away from the law." De Ira ch. 23: "to fall away from piety", as we have restored it. Bünemann.

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(4) ‹anchor: Ad facinora... labuntur› · lemma note in col 231

Ad facinora... labuntur. « Suspicor, » inquit Heumannus, « Lactantium scripsisse, delabuntur. » At rectum simplex. Lact. l. IV, cap 1, Ad hos... fragiles deos lapsi. Lib. VI, cap. 13, Qui ad peccatum labuntur. Ibid. cap. 24, Ad injustitiae viam lapsus est. Ipse Cicero pro Sextio cap. 55, Ad insolitum genus dicendi labi. BUN.

They slip into crimes. "I suspect," says Heumann, "that Lactantius wrote 'delabuntur' (slip down)." But the simple verb is right. Lactantius, book IV, ch. 1: "having slipped to these frail gods." Book VI, ch. 13: "who slip into sin." Ibid. ch. 24: "he has slipped into the way of injustice." Cicero himself, Pro Sestio ch. 55: "to slip into an unaccustomed manner of speaking." Bünemann.

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(5) ‹anchor: In Latio› · lemma note in col 231

In Latio. De hoc S. Augustinus et S. Athanasius.

In Latium. On this, St Augustine and St Athanasius.

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(6) ‹anchor: Milvio› · lemma note in col 231

Milvio. Mss. Brun., Molbio. Hic hodie dicitur Ponte-Mole.

Milvian. The Brunswick manuscripts: "Molbio." This is today called Ponte Molle.

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(7) ‹anchor: Responsi› · lemma note in col 231

Responsi. Hoc responsum apud Macrobium legitur libro I Saturn., cap. 7.

Of the oracle. This oracle is read in Macrobius, Saturnalia book I, ch. 7.

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(8) ‹anchor: Καὶ κεφαλὰς Α'ίδῃ› · lemma note in col 231

Καὶ κεφαλὰς Α'ίδῃ. Sic restituimus ex mss. 2 vetustissimis Reg., itemque alio Reg. rec., 1 Colb., Cauc., Nav., Vict., Marm., 2. Brun., accedente 1 Sorbonico, in quo καὶ κεφαλὰς Αι καὶ, pro Αιδη, et uno Claromont., cui est Καὶ κεφαλὰς Δῖ. In novem recentissimis et in editis, καὶ Κεφαλὰς κρονίδῃ. In pluribus Graeca desunt. Sed et Αἴδῃ est apud Macrobium, Saturnal. lib. I, c. 7, et sic legendum esse contendit Pontanus in notis ad Macrobium, et ita censent doctissimi viri Baluzius ac Francius. Latine: Et capita Saturno, et patri mittite lumina, seu hominem.

"And heads to Hades." So we have restored it from two very old Regius manuscripts, likewise another recent Regius, one Colbertinus, the Cauc., Navarre, Victorine, Marmoutier and two Brunswick manuscripts, with one Sorbonne manuscript agreeing, which has "καὶ κεφαλὰς Αι καὶ" for "Αιδη", and one Clermont manuscript, which has "Καὶ κεφαλὰς Δῖ". In nine very recent manuscripts and in the printed editions: "and heads to the son of Kronos." In several the Greek is missing. But "Αἴδῃ" is also in Macrobius, Saturnalia book I, ch. 7, and Pontanus in his notes on Macrobius contends that it should be read so, and the very learned Baluze and Francius judge likewise. In Latin: "And send heads to Saturn, and to the father lights (or, a man)."

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(9) ‹anchor: φῶτα› · lemma note in col 231, continued in col 232

Φωτα. Omnem accentum sustulimus, ut ambiguitas servetur oraculi, quam data opera versus continet; et semper haec vox sine accentu scribenda est, quando est ambigua, ut significet et hominem et lumen. Cum accentu gravi hominem, cum circumflexo lumen denotat. Is. — Imo vero accentum circumflexum, illaesa ambiguitate, restitui potest: siquidem τὸ ΦΩ͂ΤΑ referre licebit vel ad ΦΩ͂Σ, ΦΩ͂ΤΟΣ, homo, in accusativo casu numeri singularis, vel ad ΦΩ͂Σ, ΦΩ͂ΤΟΣ, lumen in accusativo casu numeri pluralis. Nec convenienter grammaticae asserit doctissimus Isaeus, vocem ΦΩΤΑ, omni accentu destitutam, hominem aeque ac lumen significare posse: ΦΩΣ enim pro lumine acceptum, neutri generis est, masculini vero si pro homine sumatur: cum autem omnis substantivus neutri generis idem sonet in accusativo quam in nominativo casu utriusque numeri, consequens est ut τὸ ΦΩΤΑ vel hominem, vel, lumina significet. — Post ΦΩ͂ΤΑ mss. duo Bonon. addunt, hominem; 2 Brun. lumina interpretati sunt. Ob hanc autem nominis amphibologiam, et fax illi, inquit Lactantius, et homo jaci solet.

Φωτα. We have removed every accent so as to keep the ambiguity of the oracle, which the verse contains on purpose; and this word must always be written without an accent when it is ambiguous, so as to mean both "man" and "light." With the grave accent it denotes "man," with the circumflex "light." Isaeus. — But in fact the circumflex accent can be restored without harm to the ambiguity: for ΦΩ͂ΤΑ may be referred either to ΦΩ͂Σ, ΦΩ͂ΤΟΣ, "man," in the accusative singular, or to ΦΩ͂Σ, ΦΩ͂ΤΟΣ, "light," in the accusative plural. Nor does the most learned Isaeus assert in keeping with grammar that the word ΦΩΤΑ, stripped of every accent, can mean "man" as well as "light": for ΦΩΣ taken as "light" is neuter, but masculine if taken as "man"; and since every neuter noun sounds the same in the accusative as in the nominative of both numbers, it follows that ΦΩΤΑ means either "man" or "lights." — After ΦΩ͂ΤΑ two Bologna manuscripts add "a man"; two Brunswick manuscripts have rendered it "lights." Because of this double sense of the noun, says Lactantius, both a torch and a man are customarily thrown to him.

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(10) ‹anchor: In aquam misisse› · lemma note in col 232

In aquam misisse. Goth. auferendi casu, in aqua; ut de M. P. c. 21 extr., jactabantur in flumine. At Ovidius et ipse Lact. infra, in Tiberim... mitteretur. BUN.

To have sent into the water. The Gotha manuscript has the ablative, "in the water"; as in De mortibus persecutorum ch. 21 at the end, "they were thrown in the river." But Ovid, and Lactantius himself below: "that he should be sent into the Tiber." Bünemann.

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(11) ‹anchor: Corpora falsa jace› · lemma note in col 232

Corpora falsa jace. Est jaci apud Ovidium, et in edit. Lactantiana. Is. — Jaci. Omnes scripti et editi jace, praeter Isaeum, qui ex Ovidio jaci hic edidit quod, ut rectius, recepi; praecessit, misisse. BUN.

Throw false bodies. Ovid has "jaci" (to be thrown), and so the edition of Lactantius. Isaeus. — "Jaci": all the manuscripts and editions have "jace", except Isaeus, who printed "jaci" here from Ovid; I have adopted it as more correct; "misisse" preceded. Bünemann.

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(12) ‹anchor: Nam de infantibus qui eidem Saturno› · lemma note in col 232

Nam de infantibus qui eidem Saturno, etc. De hoc immani sacrificio etiam paulo post hoc eodem capite mentionem facit auctor; quare duo loca illa simul explicabimus. Saturnus, qui Graecis Κρόνος plerumque censetur Moloch: infantes sive pueri utrisque erant hostiae communes. Et nefanda illa sacra e Syria in Europam videntur migrasse, ac in Africam. Ad Ovidii Fastos, Macrobium, alios perquam obvios, relegandus, qui de Europaei Saturni hostiis humanis disquirit. De Poenis, qui Syrorum colonia, Ennius: Ille suos divis mos sacrificare puellos. Versus est apud Nonium Marcellum, verbo puellis. Qui liberis carebant, ii a pauperibus emebant, ut mactarent; quod a Plutarcho docemur. D. Athanasius Orat. advers. Graec., Φοίνικες καὶ Κρῆτες τὸν Κρόνον ἐν ταῖς τεκνοθυσίαις ἐθρήσκευον. Ad Tiberii usque tempora durasse impium illum morem in Africa scribit Tertullianus Apolog. cap. 9: Infantes, inquit, penes Africam Saturno immolabantur palam usque ad proconsulatum Tiberii. Similia leguntur in Minucio Felice. SELDENUS.

For of the infants who were sacrificed to the same Saturn, etc. The author mentions this monstrous sacrifice again a little later in this same chapter; so we shall explain the two places together. Saturn, who among the Greeks is Kronos, is generally held to be Moloch: infants or boys were victims common to both. And those unspeakable rites seem to have passed from Syria into Europe, and into Africa. Whoever inquires into the human victims of the European Saturn is to be referred to Ovid's Fasti, Macrobius, and others readily to hand. Of the Carthaginians, who were a colony of the Syrians, Ennius says: "Theirs is the custom to sacrifice their little boys to the gods." The verse is in Nonius Marcellus, under the word "puellis." Those who had no children bought them from the poor in order to slaughter them, as Plutarch teaches us. St Athanasius, Oration against the Greeks: "The Phoenicians and Cretans worshipped Kronos with the sacrifice of children." Tertullian writes in Apology ch. 9 that this impious custom lasted in Africa until the time of Tiberius: "Infants," he says, "were sacrificed to Saturn openly in Africa until the proconsulship of Tiberius." Similar things are read in Minucius Felix. Selden.

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(13) ‹anchor: Quid dicam, non invenio; tam barbaros› · lemma note in col 232

Quid dicam, non invenio; tam barbaros. Sic incidunt et legunt vetustissimi mss. Bonon. Regii, 1 Clarom. aliique cum omnibus fere editis. In mss. 8 rec. et edd. Rom. ac Venet. est haec interpunctio: Quid dicam? Non invenio tam barbaros, etc. Nota admirantis est: Miror seu stupeo tam barbaros, etc. Quod secuta est gallica versio. an. 1563.

What to say I do not find; so barbarous. So the very old Bologna and Regius manuscripts, one Clermont manuscript and others divide and read, with almost all the editions. In eight recent manuscripts and the Rome and Venice editions there is this punctuation: "What shall I say? I do not find men so barbarous," etc. It is a mark of wonder: "I marvel, or I am astounded, that men were so barbarous," etc. The French version of 1563 followed this.

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(14) ‹anchor: Sacrificium vocarent... extinguerent› · lemma note in col 232

Sacrificium vocarent... extinguerent. Quae hostia misericordiam provocat, inquiebat Justinus, XVIII, 6; Curtius lib. IV, cap. 3 et 23.

That they called it a sacrifice... extinguished. "A victim which calls forth pity," said Justin, XVIII, 6; Curtius book IV, ch. 3 and 23.

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(15) ‹anchor: Innocentes› · lemma note in col 232

Innocentes. Vim hujus vocis eximie illustrat Gronov. ad Minuc. 2, p. 9, 10, ad verba: Annis adhuc innocentibus. BUN.

Innocent. Gronovius on Minucius 2, pp. 9, 10, finely illustrates the force of this word, at the words "at an age still innocent." Bünemann.

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(1) ‹anchor: Maxime... dulcior› · lemma note in col 233

Maxime... dulcior. Singularis constructio, pro maxime dulcis, aut dulcissima. Vid. Heusinger. ad Vechner. Hellenol., p. 171. BUN.

Most... sweeter. A singular construction, for "most sweet" or "sweetest." See Heusinger on Vechner's Hellenolexia, p. 171. Bünemann.

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(2) ‹anchor: Pietatis› · lemma note in col 233

Pietatis. Amoris parentum adversus liberos, l. IV, c. 17; de Mort. Persecut. c. 32. BUN.

Of piety. Of the love of parents towards their children, book IV, ch. 17; De mortibus persecutorum ch. 32. Bünemann.

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(3) ‹anchor: Inter aras... scelera› · lemma note in col 233

Inter aras... scelera. Cypr. ed. Oxon., f. 17, ad Donatum, l. II, epist. 2, ed. Bas. Inter leges ipsas delinquitur, inter jura peccatur. BUN.

Crimes... among the altars. Cyprian, Oxford edition, fol. 17, To Donatus (book II, letter 2 in the Basel edition): "Wrong is done amid the very laws, sin is committed amid the statutes." Bünemann.

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(4) ‹anchor: Festus› · lemma note in col 233

Festus. De hoc nil legitur apud auctores ne quidem apud Gregor. Gyraldum. Unde lectio haec apud multos habetur suspecta.

Festus. Nothing is read of him in the authors, not even in Gregorius Gyraldus. Hence this reading is held suspect by many.

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(5) ‹anchor: Per Satyram refert› · lemma note in col 233

Per Satyram refert. Satyra, seu satura, hic loci significat, interprete Vossio, mixtim, varie, sine distinctione gentis, aut ordine temporis; vel juxta alios, promiscue, vel magna varietate et copia refertis libris; quod diceremus, varia historia.

Relates in his Satura. "Satyra", or "satura", in this place means, as Vossius explains it, mixed together, variously, without distinction of nation or order of time; or according to others, indiscriminately, or in books crammed with great variety and abundance; what we would call a miscellany.

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(6) ‹anchor: Carthaginenses Saturno› · lemma note in col 233

Carthaginenses Saturno. Hujus sacrificii meminerunt Tertullianus, Eusebius, S. Augustinus, praeter Justinum et Curtium jam citatos; nec ignoravit Plato in dialogo qui Minos inscribitur.

The Carthaginians to Saturn. Tertullian, Eusebius and St Augustine mention this sacrifice, besides Justin and Curtius, already cited; nor was Plato unaware of it, in the dialogue entitled Minos.

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(7) ‹anchor: Ab Agathocle› · lemma note in col 233

Ab Agathocle. De Rebus gestis Agathoclis in Africa vide Justinum, lib. XXI; Diodor. Siculum, lib. XI et XVII, atque Plutarchum in Pyrrho.

By Agathocles. On the deeds of Agathocles in Africa see Justin, book XXI; Diodorus Siculus, books XI and XVII; and Plutarch's Pyrrhus.

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(8) ‹anchor: Tantum› · lemma note in col 233

Tantum, etc. Hi duo versus diversis locis a Lucretio scripti sunt, scilicet lib. I de rerum Natura, vers. 102; et lib. V, v. 84. Sed hic ultimus aliquantulum immutatus.

So much, etc. These two verses were written by Lucretius in different places, namely De rerum natura book I, verse 102, and book V, verse 84. But this last is somewhat altered.

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(9) ‹anchor: Occiderat› · lemma note in col 233

Occiderat. Dicuntur tria millia Poenorum tunc cecidisse. Hujus sacrilegi sacrificii exempla collegit Alexander ab Alexandro in Genialibus Diebus.

Had fallen. Three thousand Carthaginians are said to have fallen then. Alexander ab Alexandro collected examples of this sacrilegious sacrifice in his Dies geniales.

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(10) ‹anchor: Matris Deum› · lemma note in col 233, continued in col 234

Matris Deum, etc. Habuit et alia nomina; proprie enim Rhea, aut Cybele vocabatur. Tatianus Assyrius Oratione contra gentes: Rhea, quam in Phrygiis montibus Cybelem vocant, exsectionem virilium lege instituit propter adamatum sibi Attin. Vide Prudentium Hymno in Romanum: Ast hic metenda dedicat genitalia, / Numen reciso mitigans ab inguine: / Offert pudendum semivir donum deae; / Illam revulsa masculini germinis / Vena, effluenti pascit auctam sanguine. Vide et Augustin. lib. VII de Civ. Dei, c. 6. Ea eviratio fiebat ad tibiae cantum: quae res et furenti rabie stimulabat ad exsectionem, et castratis mox dolorem minuebat. Quas causas affert Elias Cretensis in Orat. Nazianz. advers. Jul. Hanc enim vim habet cantus Phrygius, ut homines accendat, et quodam quasi furore animet. Unde Lucretius lib. II: Et Phrygio stimulat numero cava tibia mentes. Item Ovidius libro IV Fastor. et in Ibin. Sic eviratos constat Gallos vocatos. Ad cap. 7 hujus libri ex Betuleio notavimus ita eos vocatos a Gallo flumine, quod etiam probat Vossius, qui putat etiam sic dictos a viro nomine Gallo, qui primus forte Cybeles sacerdos fuit. Sane et apud Stephanum legitur: Et Gallum et Attin abscidisse genitalia. At Gallum venisse ad Tyriam fluvium, atque istic habitasse, et vocasse eum Gallum: ab illo enim eos quibus praecisum veretrum, Gallos appellant. Galli isti, in sacris Cybeles et Attidis, imitabantur lugentem Cybelem ob Attin: itaque et ejulabant, et pectus caedebant palmis. Pinus etiam statuebatur in memoriam pinus sub qua se castrarat Attis. Rami pinus coronis ornabantur, quia Cybele sic honorasset pinum. Stipes ejus velabatur lana, quia Cybele exanimati Attidis pectus velasset lana, ad teporem conciliandum. Pane abstinebatur, quia Cybele eo abstinuisset ob moerorem. Vide Arnob., lib. V. VOSSIUS.

The Mother of the Gods, etc. She had other names too; for properly she was called Rhea, or Cybele. Tatian the Assyrian, in his Oration against the Gentiles: "Rhea, whom they call Cybele in the Phrygian mountains, established by law the cutting off of the male parts on account of Attis, whom she loved." See Prudentius in the hymn on Romanus: "But here he dedicates his parts to be reaped, appeasing the godhead with the groin cut away: the half-man offers his shame as a gift to the goddess; with the vein of the male seed torn out he feeds her, swollen, with the flowing blood." See also Augustine, City of God book VII, ch. 6. This emasculation was done to the music of the pipe, which both goaded them in raging frenzy to the cutting and soon lessened the pain of the castrated. Elias of Crete gives these reasons on Nazianzen's Oration against Julian. For Phrygian music has this power, that it inflames men and stirs them as if with a kind of madness. Hence Lucretius, book II: "And the hollow pipe goads minds with the Phrygian measure." Likewise Ovid, Fasti book IV, and in the Ibis. It is agreed that the emasculated were thus called Galli. On ch. 7 of this book we noted from Betuleius that they were so called from the river Gallus, which Vossius also approves, who thinks they were also so named from a man called Gallus, who was perhaps the first priest of Cybele. Indeed in Stephanus one reads: "That both Gallus and Attis cut off their genitals. And that Gallus came to the Tyrian river and lived there, and called it the Gallus: for after him they call Galli those whose member has been cut off." These Galli, in the rites of Cybele and Attis, imitated Cybele mourning for Attis: so they both wailed and beat their breasts with their palms. A pine was also set up in memory of the pine under which Attis had castrated himself. The branches of the pine were adorned with garlands, because Cybele had so honoured the pine. Its trunk was wrapped in wool, because Cybele had wrapped the breast of the dead Attis in wool to bring it warmth. They abstained from bread, because Cybele had abstained from it for grief. See Arnobius, book V. Vossius.

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(11) ‹anchor: Bellonam› · lemma note in col 234

Bellonam. Lib. V, c. 10, et interpretes ad Minuc., cap. 30. Egregie illustrat hanc lectionem Seneca apud August. de Civ. Dei, l. VI, c. 10; explicant Lipsius l. II Elect. cap. 18, et Nic. Abram. ad Cic. in Pison., c. 20; Broeckhus. ad Tibull. I. c. 7, pag. 132. Conf. Pitisci L. A. R. tom. I, fol. 270. BUN.

Bellona. Book V, ch. 10, and the commentators on Minucius, ch. 30. Seneca, quoted in Augustine's City of God book VI, ch. 10, illustrates this reading excellently; it is explained by Lipsius, Electa book II, ch. 18, and Nicolas Abram on Cicero's In Pisonem, ch. 20; Broukhusius on Tibullus I, ch. 7, p. 132. Compare Pitiscus, Lexicon antiquitatum Romanarum, vol. I, fol. 270. Bünemann.

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(12) ‹anchor: In quibus ipsi sacerdotes› · lemma note in col 234

In quibus ipsi sacerdotes, etc. Tertull. Apol., cap. 9 ac 24: Hodie isthic Bellonae sacratus sanguis de femore proscisso in parmulam (sic legendum esse puto) exceptus suis datur signatis. Min. Fel.: Bellona servum suum haustu cruoris humani imbuit. Lucanus lib. I: . . . . . Quos sectis Bellona lacertis / Saeva monet. Gallos sic eviratos sugillat etiam S. Augustinus, de Civit. Dei, lib. VII, cap. 25. Mutata fuit postea illa consuetudo, et simulata tantummodo sectio membrorum aut detruncatio retenta, vera abolita. Colligo ex Aelio Lamprid. in Commodo: Bellonae servientes vere exsecare brachium praecepit, studio crudelitatis. DEMPST. — Hunc morem illos a Bahalitis accepisse verisimile est: in Dei enim illius Bahalis cultu sacerdotes se cultellis incidebant, ut videre est I Reg. cap. XVIII, v. 28. GALLAEUS.

In which the priests themselves, etc. Tertullian, Apology ch. 9 and 24: "Today there the blood consecrated to Bellona, caught from a gashed thigh in a little shield (so I think it should be read), is given to her own sealed ones." Minucius Felix: "Bellona steeps her servant with a draught of human gore." Lucan, book I: "...whom savage Bellona, with arms gashed, urges on." St Augustine too taunts the Galli thus emasculated, City of God book VII, ch. 25. That custom was later changed, and only a feigned cutting or lopping of the limbs was kept, the real one abolished. I gather this from Aelius Lampridius on Commodus: "He ordered the servants of Bellona really to cut off an arm, out of a zeal for cruelty." Dempster. — It is likely that they received this custom from the worshippers of Baal: for in the worship of that god Baal the priests cut themselves with knives, as may be seen in 1 Kings ch. XVIII, v. 28. Gallaeus.

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(13) ‹anchor: Efferuntur, insaniunt› · lemma note in col 234

Efferuntur, insaniunt. Quicquid dicant Dempsterus et Gallaeus, contra fidem cunctorum tum mss. tum editorum codicum, nihil immutare voluimus. Et quidem ipse Lactantius lib. IV, cap. 27, circa medium, habet, effertur, insanit. Videtur Tullium pro Coelio imitatus, cap. 9 dicentem: Laesi dolent, irati efferuntur, pugnant lacessiti.

They are carried away, they rave. Whatever Dempster and Gallaeus may say, we have chosen to change nothing against the testimony of all the copies, manuscript and printed alike. And indeed Lactantius himself, book IV, ch. 27, about the middle, has "he is carried away, he raves." He seems to have imitated Cicero, Pro Caelio ch. 9, who says: "When hurt they grieve, when angered they are carried away, when provoked they fight."

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(14) ‹anchor: Quintilianus in Fanatico› · lemma note in col 234

Quintilianus in Fanatico. Non apparet. CELL.

Quintilian in the Fanaticus. It is not extant. Cellarius.

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(1) ‹anchor: Eligere pejora› · lemma note in col 235

Eligere pejora. Rectius sic mss. et utraque 1478, 93, 97, aliae, quam Sublac., Ven. 1471, et Rost. eligere potiora. Expressit Cyprian. lib. II, ep. 2, fol. 34: Ne nos videamur eligere forte pejora, et studio destruendi per ea oculos tuos ducere. BUN.

To choose the worse. So, more correctly, the manuscripts and both editions of 1478, those of 93 and 97, and others, than the Subiaco edition, Venice 1471 and the Rostock manuscript, "to choose the better." Cyprian expressed it, book II, letter 2, fol. 34: "Lest we seem perhaps to choose the worse, and in eagerness to destroy to lead your eyes through them." Bünemann.

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(2) ‹anchor: Isidis› · lemma note in col 235

Isidis. Diod. Sicul. in I Biblioth. ait Isidem juxta linguam Aegyptiacam significare antiquam. Aegyptii sub Isidis nomine lunam colebant; unde et cornua ipsi fuere attributa, quia talis lunae aspectus et quando crescit ac decrescit. Hanc primum omnium in Aegypto triticum ac hordeum invenisse ferunt; unde mos fuit Aegyptiis, ut messores spicas maturas ad manipulum excerperent, et Isidem invocantes diis offerrent. Hinc liquet, Isidem cum Graecorum Cerere eamdem fuisse. Ex VOSSIO et SCHEDIO. — Isidis. Vid. Plutarch., lib. de Iside Witsii Aegypt.! l. II cap. 3; l. III cap. 4; Tertull. I, Marc. XIII. BUN.

Of Isis. Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca I, says that "Isis" in the Egyptian tongue means "the ancient one." The Egyptians worshipped the moon under the name of Isis; hence horns were attributed to her, because that is how the moon looks both when it waxes and when it wanes. They say she first of all found wheat and barley in Egypt; hence it was the Egyptians' custom that the reapers picked ripe ears for a sheaf and offered them to the gods, calling on Isis. From this it is plain that Isis was the same as the Greeks' Ceres. From Vossius and Schedius. — Of Isis. See Plutarch's book On Isis; Witsius, Aegyptiaca, book II, ch. 3; book III, ch. 4; Tertullian, Against Marcion I, 13. Bünemann.

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(3) ‹anchor: Isidis Aegyptia sacra› · lemma note in col 235

Isidis Aegyptia sacra. Itemque apud Minutium Felicem in Octavio, pag. 6. In mss. 5 Reg., 4 Colb. et Brun. est Aegyptiae. Utraque lectio bona. Apud Augustinum, lib. VI de Civit. Dei., cap. 10, legitur: In sacris Aegyptiis Osirim lugeri perditum; et ante S. Augustinum hanc elevat vanitatem Theophilus ad Autolicum sermone 1. Vide etiam Diodor. Sicul. lib. IV, et Euseb., lib. II Praeparat. Evangel., cap. 1, de Osiride et Iside.

The Egyptian rites of Isis. So also in Minucius Felix, Octavius, p. 6. In five Regius manuscripts, four Colbertini and the Brunswick manuscript it is "Aegyptiae" (of the Egyptian Isis). Either reading is good. In Augustine, City of God book VI, ch. 10, one reads: "In the Egyptian rites Osiris is mourned as lost"; and before St Augustine, Theophilus, To Autolycus, discourse 1, makes light of this folly. See also Diodorus Siculus, book IV, and Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica book II, ch. 1, on Osiris and Isis.

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(4) ‹anchor: Sacerdotes ejus deglabrato corpore› · lemma note in col 235

Sacerdotes ejus deglabrato corpore, etc. Herodotus testatur (in Euterpe) sacerdotes Aegyptios totum corpus radere solitos, et tertio quoque die tondere, ne pilorum sordibus, inter sacrificandum piaculum committerent, neve inter deorum cultum quidquam pediculorum, aut alterius excrementitiae sordis ipsos pollueret: eodem sensu Martialis sacrificulorum istam turbam, pilatam cohortem vocat lib. X, hoc est, calvam vel glabram, cui omnes undique pili erant exstirpati. HENRIC. SALMUTH. — Si quis plura velit, adeat Herald. in Martial., lib. XII, epigr. 29.

Its priests, with body shaved smooth, etc. Herodotus testifies (in Euterpe) that the Egyptian priests used to shave the whole body, and to clip it every third day, lest through the filth of hair they commit an offence while sacrificing, or lest any lice or other excremental filth defile them during the worship of the gods. In the same sense Martial, book X, calls that crowd of petty priests a "plucked cohort," that is, bald or smooth, with every hair rooted out everywhere. Heinrich Salmuth. — If anyone wants more, let him go to Herald on Martial, book XII, epigram 29.

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(5) ‹anchor: Pectora sua› · lemma note in col 235

Pectora sua. Mss. 1 Colb. et 2 Brun. addunt, nuda.

Their breasts. One Colbertinus and two Brunswick manuscripts add "bare."

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(6) ‹anchor: Lucanus› · lemma note in col 235

Lucanus. Hallucinatur Lactantius: non apud Lucanum, sed apud Ovid. reperitur, Metamorph. l. IX, v. 793.

Lucan. Lactantius is mistaken: it is found not in Lucan but in Ovid, Metamorphoses book IX, v. 793.

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(7) ‹anchor: Vere gesta est› · lemma note in col 235

Vere gesta est. Sic restituimus ex omnibus fere mss. et editis. In mss. 4 Reg., 2 Colb. et 4 editis, vera.

Was truly done. So we have restored it from almost all the manuscripts and editions. In four Regius manuscripts, two Colbertini and four editions: "true."

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(8) ‹anchor: Tectum ligno› · lemma note in col 235

Tectum ligno. In Lactantianis mss. 5 Reg. et Balliol. et apud Lucanum est tectum lino; in caeteris Lactantii mss. et omnibus editis est ligno.

Covered with wood. In five Regius manuscripts of Lactantius and the Balliol manuscript, and in Lucan, it is "covered with linen"; in the other manuscripts of Lactantius and all the editions it is "with wood."

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(9) ‹anchor: Quem Serapim› · lemma note in col 235

Quem Serapim. Ita mss. novem cum editis Tornes., Is., Cellar. Caeteri editi cum mss. 4, Serapin. In 15 mss. et edit. Rom. 1468, Serapem. Serapis, vel Sarapis, ut Graeci vocant, idem ac Apis Aegyptiorum deus, ut tradunt Clemens Alex. lib. I Strom.; August. de Civ. Dei, lib. XVIII, cap. 5. Plerique per Serapim ab Aegyptiis cultum volunt Josephum, Jacobi filium, eo quod Aegyptiis in maxima penuria de frumento prospexerit. Firmic. manifeste ait Apim fuisse symbolum Josephi. Vide Ruffinum, l. II, c. 23. De Iside et Serapi est apud Plutarchum liber.

Whom [they call] Serapis. So nine manuscripts, with the editions of Tornesius, Isaeus and Cellarius. The other editions, with four manuscripts: "Serapin." In fifteen manuscripts and the Rome edition of 1468: "Serapem." Serapis, or Sarapis as the Greeks call him, is the same as Apis, the god of the Egyptians, as Clement of Alexandria relates, Stromata book I, and Augustine, City of God book XVIII, ch. 5. Most hold that by the Serapis worshipped by the Egyptians is meant Joseph, son of Jacob, because he provided grain for the Egyptians in a very great famine. Firmicus says plainly that Apis was a symbol of Joseph. See Rufinus, book II, ch. 23. There is a book of Plutarch on Isis and Serapis.

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(10) ‹anchor: Vel Serapidem› · lemma note in col 235, continued in col 236

Vel Serapidem. Sic omnes mss. Editi plures, et Serapidem.

Or Serapidem. So all the manuscripts. Several editions: "and Serapidem."

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(11) ‹anchor: Quirinus factus est› · lemma note in col 236

Quirinus factus est. Ita restituimus ex editis Tornes. et 2 Lips. ac omnibus mss. praeter 2 rec. Reg.; in caeteris editis, dictus est. De hujus mutato nomine vide Dionys. Halicarn., Livium et Plutarchum.

Became Quirinus. So we have restored it from the Tornesius edition and two Leipzig manuscripts and all the manuscripts except two recent Regii; in the other editions: "was called." On the change of his name see Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Livy and Plutarch.

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(12) ‹anchor: Et Leda, Nemesis› · lemma note in col 236

Et Leda, Nemesis. Sic et Ariadnem immortalitate donatam Liberam fuisse dictam annotat Probus Grammaticus; et Melicertem a morte Glaucum transnominatum fuisse scribit Nicanor Cyrenaeus: neque vero mortuis solis id tributum fuisse, sed vivorum quoque nomina mutata, et cognomentis obscurata legimus; siquidem constat Alexandri Macedonis matrem Polyxenam, postea Myrtalem et Olympiada, item Stratonicem fuisse appellatam. HADR. JUNIUS. — De Leda Nemesi vide Germanicum Caesarem in Arato de Cygno, et Pausaniam in Atticis.

And Leda, Nemesis. So too Probus the grammarian notes that Ariadne, when granted immortality, was called Libera; and Nicanor of Cyrene writes that Melicertes after death was renamed Glaucus. Nor was this given to the dead alone; we read that the names of the living too were changed and obscured by surnames: for it is agreed that the mother of Alexander of Macedon, Polyxena, was afterwards called Myrtale and Olympias, and also Stratonice. Hadrianus Junius. — On Leda as Nemesis see Germanicus Caesar on Aratus, on the Swan, and Pausanias in the Attica.

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(13) ‹anchor: Circe Marica› · lemma note in col 236

Circe Marica. Vide Hesiodum in Theogonia; Virgil. in septimo Aeneid.: Hunc (scilicet Latinum) Fauno et Nympha genitum Laurente Marica, Accipimus. Horat. III, Od. 17, Marica littora.

Circe, Marica. See Hesiod in the Theogony; Virgil in the seventh Aeneid: "Him (that is, Latinus) we have heard begotten by Faunus and the Laurentine nymph Marica." Horace III, Ode 17: "the shores of Marica."

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(14) ‹anchor: Ino› · lemma note in col 236

Ino. Haec Cadmi filia, cujus fabula est apud Ovidium, lib. IV Metamorph. Hyginum cap. 20; Pausaniam in Atticis; et praecipue de hac nominum mutatione sic Ovidius in Fastis: Leucothea Grails: Matuta vocabere nostris. Vide et Ciceron. Tusculan. quaest. I, de Nat. deor. lib. II.

Ino. She was the daughter of Cadmus, whose story is in Ovid, Metamorphoses book IV; Hyginus ch. 20; Pausanias in the Attica; and especially on this change of names Ovid in the Fasti: "Leucothea to the Greeks, you will be called Matuta by ours." See also Cicero, Tusculan Disputations I, and De natura deorum book II.

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(15) ‹anchor: Se praecipitavit› · lemma note in col 236

Se praecipitavit. mss. 12 et editi tres addunt in mare: quod est glossema.

Threw herself down. Twelve manuscripts and three editions add "into the sea," which is a gloss.

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(16) ‹anchor: Leucothea› · lemma note in col 236

Leucothea. Ita restituimus ex omnibus mss. praeter 1 Colb. et editis praeter Thys., Gall. et Cellar., in quibus est Leucothoa. At Leucothea scribendum esse pluribus docet Munkerus ad Hygin. fabell., p. 15.

Leucothea. So we have restored it from all the manuscripts except one Colbertinus, and from the editions except Thysius, the French edition and Cellarius, in which it is "Leucothoa." But Munker on Hyginus's Fables, p. 15, shows at length that "Leucothea" should be written.

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(17) ‹anchor: Melicertes› · lemma note in col 236

Melicertes. Qui et Palaemon et Portumnus, fuit ipse Deus marinus, ut mater. Sic Plautus in Rudent. Sed, o Palaemon, sancte Neptuni comes.

Melicertes. He, also Palaemon and Portumnus, was himself a sea god, like his mother. So Plautus in the Rudens: "But, O Palaemon, holy companion of Neptune."

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(18) ‹anchor: Portumnus› · lemma note in col 236

Portumnus. Hic a Portubus dictus est, quibus praeesse credebatur. Hujus aedes apud Romanos erat in portu Tiberino. Varro l. III de L. L.: Portumnalia dicta a Portumno, cui eo die aedes in portu Tiberino facta, et feriae institutae. Nempe quia Portumnus vulgo praeesse portubus, et navigantes securos praestare credebatur. Arnob. lib. III: Per maria tutissimas praestat Portumnus commeantibus navigationes. Graeci Palaemonem vocarunt, inque honorem ejus ludos Isthmicos instituere. Priapus etiam portubus se praeesse dicit, in Epigr. veteri: Ταῦθ' ὁ Πρίηπος ἐγὼν ἐπιτέλλομαι ὁ λιμενίτης. Fuit et Venus, cognomento Limnesia, quae praeesse portubus credebatur: ei primus Caesar, somnio monitus, sacravit templum, si vera sunt quae legimus apud Servium, lib. I Aen.: Est, ait, et Limnesia Ve- (continues)

Portumnus. He was named from the harbours (portus), over which he was believed to preside. His temple among the Romans was at the Tiber harbour. Varro, De lingua Latina book III: "The Portumnalia are named from Portumnus, to whom on that day a temple was built at the Tiber harbour and a holiday instituted." That is, because Portumnus was commonly believed to preside over harbours and to keep sailors safe. Arnobius, book III: "Portumnus grants the safest voyages over the seas to those who travel." The Greeks called him Palaemon, and instituted the Isthmian games in his honour. Priapus too says he presides over harbours, in an old epigram: "This I, Priapus of the harbour, enjoin." There was also Venus, surnamed Limnesia, who was believed to preside over harbours: to her Caesar, warned in a dream, first consecrated a temple, if what we read in Servius on Aeneid book I is true: "There is," he says, "also a Limnesian Ve- (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Portumnus (from p. 121)› · lemma note in col 237

(continued) nus, quae portubus, ipsa et victima, et nutrix, et Caesaris somnio sacrata. Hujus meminit etiam Pausanias in Corinthiacis: sed ibi non Limnesia, verum Limenia vocatur, quod rectius existimo; planeque apud Serv. Limnesia scribendum puto. Item inter cognomenta Dianae est Λιμνᾶτις apud Artemidorum lib. II, cap. 42, pro quo Cornarius habet Λιμνῆτις, unde facile fieret Limnesia, quia alias non quadrat somnii expositio, cum non inventum videatur, quod latitat in stagno, sed quod est in portu. Dianam autem esse inter nautarum numina, patet in veteri inscriptione apud Gruterum, pag. 37, ubi vocatur: REGINA UNDARUM. SCHEFFERUS.

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(2) ‹anchor: Sacra vero Cereris Eleusinae› · lemma note in col 237

Sacra vero Cereris Eleusinae. Quae de Cerere supra diximus ad cap. 18 vide: haec sacra vocabantur Eleusinia, sic dicta ab Eleusi, Atticae oppido, ubi, juxta Strabonem, Eleusinae Cereris templum extabat. Vide Arnobium, lib. V; et Augustinum, de Civit. Dei, lib. VII, cap. 20. Ejus sacra novem dies durasse autumat Meursius: in occulto fiebant, nihilque divulgare licebat. Si quis secus fecisset, secundum legem morte debebat mulctari. Ex MEURSII ELEUSINIIS.

But the rites of Eleusinian Ceres. See what we said above about Ceres at ch. 18: these rites were called the Eleusinia, named from Eleusis, a town of Attica, where, according to Strabo, the temple of Eleusinian Ceres stood. See Arnobius, book V, and Augustine, City of God book VII, ch. 20. Meursius reckons that her rites lasted nine days: they were done in secret, and nothing might be divulged. If anyone did otherwise, by law he had to be punished with death. From Meursius's Eleusinia.

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(3) ‹anchor: Idcirco sacra ejus› · lemma note in col 237

Idcirco sacra ejus, etc. Seneca in Herc. fur.: Longas Eleusi tacita jactabo faces. Et in Hippol. act. I, sc. 2, et Statius lib. IV, Syl. 8. Cum istis facibus luto et furfure obliti currebant, atque currentes sibi mutuo tradebant, ut notat vetus Schol. Juvenal. Sat. 15, v. 141. Ex DEMPSTERO. — Phurnutus quoque similitudinem facit inter utramque inquisitionem Cereris filiae, et inquisitum Osiridem ab Iside et tandem repertum. Vide Diodor. Siculum, lib. IV; Ovid., lib. V Metamorph. et IV Fastorum, atque Claudianum de Raptu Proserpinae.

Therefore her rites, etc. Seneca in Hercules furens: "Silent at Eleusis I shall toss long torches." And in the Hippolytus, act I, scene 2, and Statius, Silvae book IV, 8. With these torches they ran smeared with mud and bran, and as they ran handed them to one another, as the old scholiast on Juvenal notes, Satire 15, v. 141. From Dempster. — Phurnutus too draws a likeness between the two searches, that for Ceres's daughter, and that for Osiris, sought by Isis and at last found. See Diodorus Siculus, book IV; Ovid, Metamorphoses book V and Fasti IV; and Claudian, De raptu Proserpinae.

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(4) ‹anchor: Lampsacum› · lemma note in col 237

Lampsacum. Urbs est insignis Hellesponti, teste Strabone, in qua est templum matris deorum: ex hac urbe nomen Lampsaceni sortitus est Priapus. Vide Ovid. lib. VI Fastorum.

Lampsacus. It is a notable city of the Hellespont, as Strabo attests, in which there is a temple of the mother of the gods: from this city Priapus got the name "the Lampsacene." See Ovid, Fasti book VI.

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(5) ‹anchor: Priapo litabilis victima› · lemma note in col 237, continued in col 238

Priapo litabilis victima. Recte ex mss. 2 vetustissimis Reg. aliisque 3 recentioribus, 3 Colb., 1 Sorbon., 1 Clarom., Brun. et octo editis. Sic et Lactantius Epitom. cap. 65, ante finem: Haec litabilior victima est apud Deum. In mss. 3 Reg., 1 Colb., 1 Sorbon. et 5 editis est letabilis; in 1 Reg. lectabilis, 2 Bonon. litalis; 1 Clarom. letalis; ms. Gronov., habilis victima. Hic Priapus erat spurcitiei praeses. Litabilis victima ea est quae grata et justa est, qua litatur et placatur. Eodem sensu apud Minucium Felicem, cap. 32. leges, litabilem hostiam.

A victim acceptable to Priapus. Rightly, from two very old Regius manuscripts and three other more recent ones, three Colbertini, one Sorbonne, one Clermont, the Brunswick manuscript and eight editions. So too Lactantius, Epitome ch. 65, before the end: "This is the more acceptable victim before God." In three Regius manuscripts, one Colbertinus, one Sorbonne and five editions it is "letabilis"; in one Regius "lectabilis," two Bologna manuscripts "litalis"; one Clermont "letalis"; Gronovius's manuscript "habilis victima." This Priapus was the patron of filth. A "litabilis" victim is one that is pleasing and proper, by which favour is won and the god appeased. In the same sense in Minucius Felix, ch. 32, you will read "litabilem hostiam."

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(6) ‹anchor: Silenus vehebatur› · lemma note in col 238

Silenus vehebatur. Alumnus Bacchi fuit ac unus e regulis Cariae, qui Nisae imperavit. Aiunt Silenum asino plerumque vectum, et Baccho, Deo vinearum, comitem indivulsum adhaerentem. Ideo calcandis uvis Silenum addicunt. Sed nihil tam impium quam quod Silenum semper ebrium esse fingunt. Vide Pausaniam in Eliacis.

Silenus was riding. He was the foster-father of Bacchus and one of the petty kings of Caria, who ruled Nysa. They say Silenus generally rode an ass, and clung to Bacchus, the god of vineyards, as his inseparable companion. So they assign Silenus to the treading of grapes. But nothing is so impious as their pretending that Silenus is always drunk. See Pausanias in the Eliaca.

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(7) ‹anchor: Deceptam› · lemma note in col 238

Deceptam. Lectio quam hic restituimus, omnium ferme mss. et antiquissimarum editionum est. In caeteris editis et rec. mss. 2 Reg., 1 Colb., 1 Sorbon., legitur detectam.

Deceived. The reading we restore here is that of nearly all the manuscripts and the oldest editions. In the other editions and the recent manuscripts, two Regii, one Colbertinus and one Sorbonne, one reads "detected."

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(8) ‹anchor: Panibus coronari› · lemma note in col 238

Panibus coronari. Panes varia figura fingebantur; panes hi coronae speciem referebant: Is. CASAUBON.

To be crowned with loaves. Loaves were shaped in various forms; these loaves had the look of a crown. Isaac Casaubon.

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(9) ‹anchor: Conscripserunt› · lemma note in col 238

Conscripserunt. Hic non ipse Aratus, sed apud Aratum Theon Alexandrinus. Vide et Hyginum libro II de Signis coelestibus, in cap. de Cancro, ubi cum Lactantio convenit. Φαινόμενα vero sunt ea quae in coelis conspiciuntur, quae ad Astronomos pertinent.

Have written. Here not Aratus himself, but Theon of Alexandria on Aratus. See also Hyginus, book II on the celestial signs, in the chapter on Cancer, where he agrees with Lactantius. "Phainomena" are the things seen in the heavens, which belong to the astronomers.

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(10) ‹anchor: De duabus Cancri stellis... quas ὄνους› · lemma note in col 238

De duabus Cancri stellis... quas ὄνους. Hyginum lege Poet. Astr. lib. II, cap. 23. CELL.

Of the two stars of Cancer... which [they call] "asses." Read Hyginus, Poetica astronomica book II, ch. 23. Cellarius.

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(11) ‹anchor: De obscoeni magnitudine› · lemma note in col 238

De obscoeni magnitudine. Mss. rec., 3 Reg., 3 Vatic., 1 Clarom. et plerique editi addunt, membri. Sed rectius est hanc vocem delere, quia verecundius: praesertim cum infra dicat Lactantius: Non excutio tum deforme mysterium, nec Priapum denudo. Mss. 1 Reg. et 1 Colb., de obscoenorum magnitudine; ms. Jun., de obscoenorum imagine; 1 Colb., ob obscoenorum magnitudinem.

On the size of the obscene [part]. The recent manuscripts, three Regii, three Vaticani, one Clermont and most editions add "member." But it is more correct to delete this word, as more modest: especially since Lactantius says below, "I do not then shake out the ugly mystery, nor strip Priapus bare." One Regius and one Colbertinus: "on the size of the obscene parts"; the Junius manuscript: "on the image of the obscene parts"; one Colbertinus: "because of the size of the obscene parts."

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(12) ‹anchor: Risu dignum› · lemma note in col 238

Risu dignum. Francius legendum esse conjiciebat, visu indignum.

Worthy of laughter. Francius conjectured that one should read "unworthy to be seen."

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(13) ‹anchor: Quae sit ergo› · lemma note in col 238

Quae sit ergo. Ita restitui ex mss. ac editis Tornes., Is., Cellar., In caeteris editis, Quae sint ergo; male. Vide praeced. et seq. — Quae sit. Ita Bon., Tax., Pen., Cauc., optime. Subaudi: Turpitudo. BUNEMAN.

What then is it. So I have restored it from the manuscripts and the editions of Tornesius, Isaeus and Cellarius. In the other editions, "What then are they"; wrongly. See what precedes and follows. — "What is it": so the Bologna, Tax., Pen. and Cauc. manuscripts, very well. Understand "turpitude." Bünemann.

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(14) ‹anchor: Habet cornua› · lemma note in col 238

Habet cornua. Vide Claudianum lib. I de Raptu Proserpinae.

Has horns. See Claudian, De raptu Proserpinae book I.

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(15) ‹anchor: Placat› · lemma note in col 238

Placat. Ex Ovid. I Fastor., 385; Justin. lib. X.

Appeases. From Ovid, Fasti I, 385; Justin, book X.

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(16) ‹anchor: Persis› · lemma note in col 238

Persis. Est Persis regio pro incolis posita; Graece Περσὶς ἴδος.

Persis. Persis is the country, put for its inhabitants; in Greek Περσίς, -ίδος.

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(17) ‹anchor: Lindum› · lemma note in col 238

Lindum. Vide Philostratum in Imaginibus libro II.

Lindus. See Philostratus, Imagines book II.

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(18) ‹anchor: εὐφημίᾳ› · lemma note in col 238

Εὐφημία. Vel ex Lactantio apparet, hoc sacrorum verbum esse: nam non simpliciter laudem significat; (continues)

Euphemia. It appears even from Lactantius that this is a word of the rites: for it does not mean simply praise; (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: εὐφημίᾳ (from p. 122)› · lemma note in col 239

(continued) sed enthousiasmum aliquem in se continet: sic legitur Ammon oraculo preces Lacedaemoniorum sacrificiis Graecorum praetulisse. BETULEIUS. Vel sunt bona verba quae in sacris dicenda erant, juxta Ovidium Fastor. I, v. 72. Nunc dicenda bono sunt bona verba die. Εὐφημία. Εὐφημεῖν Latinis est, linguis favere, quas voces docte illustrat Spanheim. in Callim. Apoll., v. 17, p. 58, sq., et in Cerer., v. 18, pag. 676. BUN.

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(2) ‹anchor: Imprudenti... exciderit› · lemma note in col 239

Imprudenti... exciderit. Ven. 1471, utraque 78. Rost., impudenti; male. Incogitanter prolata eleganter dicuntur excidere: Tantumque nefas patrio excidit ore. (Virgil. Aen. II, v. 658). Ubi Emmeness. ex Ovid. VII, Metamorph. 171: Quod, inquit, excidit ore pro scelus? BUNEMAN.

Should have slipped from one unawares. Venice 1471, both editions of 78 and the Rostock manuscript have "from a shameless one"; wrongly. Things said without thought are elegantly said to "slip out": "And did such wickedness slip from a father's lips?" (Virgil, Aeneid II, v. 658). Where Emmenessius cites Ovid, Metamorphoses VII, 171: "What wickedness," she says, "has slipped from your lips?" Bünemann.

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(3) ‹anchor: Si tamen ulla esse› · lemma note in col 239

Si tamen ulla esse. Mss. 1 Bon. antiq., 1 Colb., edit. Thys. et Gall. perperam addunt, ratio: quae vox proxime praecessit. In mss. Regio-Put., Cauc., Jun., Lips., Ultr., Brun., est nisi.

If yet there can be any. One old Bologna manuscript, one Colbertinus and the Thysius and French editions wrongly add "reason," a word that has just preceded. In the Regio-Puteanus, Cauc., Junius, Leipzig, Utrecht and Brunswick manuscripts it is "unless."

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(4) ‹anchor: Enimvero ille negavit› · lemma note in col 239

Enimvero ille negavit. Manuscriptorum et editorum est. In ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. et edit. Thomas., Is., Spark., Gall., deest Enimvero. Recentiores mss. 1 Reg. et Cantabrig. habent, Cui vero.

But indeed he refused. This is the reading of the manuscripts and editions. In one old Bologna manuscript and the editions of Thomasius, Isaeus, Sparke and the French, "Enimvero" is missing. The more recent manuscripts, one Regius and the Cambridge, have "But to whom."

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(5) ‹anchor: Juvencis› · lemma note in col 239

Juvencis. Sic restitui ex veteribus editis et omnibus ferme mss. inter quos sunt antiquissimi et optimi. At 6 scripti cum 16 vulgatis habent jumentis. Vide supra et infra. — Juvencis. Martial. IV, Epigr. 55, Fortibus excolit juvencis arva. BUNEMAN.

With bullocks. So I have restored it from the old editions and nearly all the manuscripts, among which are the oldest and best. But six manuscripts with sixteen printed editions have "with beasts of burden." See above and below. — With bullocks. Martial IV, epigram 55: "He tills the fields with strong bullocks." Bünemann.

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(6) ‹anchor: Hercules› · lemma note in col 239

Hercules. Vide Appollod., l. II, pag. 218, et not. Gal., p. 50. Origen. contra Cels., l. VII, 368. Erasmi. Adag. Chil. 2, cent. 5, n. 19. Hadr. Junii Animad., l. IV, c. 2. BUNEMAN.

Hercules. See Apollodorus, book II, p. 218, and Gale's notes, p. 50; Origen, Against Celsus, book VII, 368; Erasmus, Adages, chiliad 2, century 5, no. 19; Hadrianus Junius, Animadversa, book IV, ch. 2. Bünemann.

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(7) ‹anchor: βούζυγον› · lemma note in col 239

βούζυγον. Ms. 1 Reg., βούζουγον; al. Reg., βούζηγον; edit. Ald., Paris. 1525, Fasitel., βουζιγον; mss. 3 Reg., 1 Colb. et editi multi addunt, id est, bovis jugum; quod est graecae vocis latina interpretatio, quae ex margine in textum irrepsit.

Bouzygon. One Regius manuscript: "bouzougon"; another Regius: "bouzēgon"; the Aldine edition, Paris 1525 and Fasitelius: "bouzigon"; three Regius manuscripts, one Colbertinus and many editions add "that is, the ox-yoke," which is a Latin rendering of the Greek word that crept into the text from the margin.

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(8) ‹anchor: Juncti boves› · lemma note in col 239, continued in col 240

Juncti boves. Sic rectius cum mss. Ven. 1493, 97, Parrh., Crat., Paris., Ald., quam Sublac., Ven. 1471 et Rost., victi: utraque 1478, vincti. BUNEMAN.

Yoked oxen. So, more correctly, with the manuscripts, Venice 1493 and 97, Parrhasius, Cratander, the Paris edition and Aldus, than the Subiaco edition, Venice 1471 and the Rostock manuscript, "conquered"; both editions of 1478: "bound." Bünemann.

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(9) ‹anchor: Quod negaret, se unquam epulatum... jucundius› · lemma note in col 240

Quod negaret, se unquam epulatum... jucundius. Eleganter imitatur illa Ciceronis V Tuscul. 34: Negavit, unquam se bibisse jucundius ... nihil ... ille pane jucundius; c. 35, coenae jucundae.

Because he denied that he had ever feasted... more pleasantly. He elegantly imitates those words of Cicero, Tusculans V, 34: "He said he had never drunk more pleasantly... nothing... more pleasant than that bread"; ch. 35: "of a pleasant supper."

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(10) ‹anchor: Dicitur› · lemma note in col 240

Dicitur. Ita 6 vet. edit. cum omnibus mss. praeter tres in quibus est ducitur, ut in 14 edd. BUNEMAN.

Is called. So six old editions with all the manuscripts except three, in which it is "is reckoned," as in fourteen editions. Bünemann.

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(11) ‹anchor: Amaltheae› · lemma note in col 240

Amaltheae. Alii Amaltheam ipsam capram faciunt; alii unam ex Melissi filiabus, quae Jovem nutrivit lacte cujusdam Caprae, cui nomen fuit Amalthea: vide Ovid. l. V Fast.

Of Amalthea. Some make Amalthea the she-goat herself; others one of the daughters of Melissus, who nursed Jupiter with the milk of a certain she-goat, whose name was Amalthea: see Ovid, Fasti book V.

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(12) ‹anchor: Musaeus auctor est› · lemma note in col 240

Musaeus auctor est. Clariss. Vossius in libro de artis poeticae natura ac constitut. putat, nunquam Musaeum extitisse, sed esse nomen ab antiqua Phoenicum lingua, qua usi Cadmus et aliquandiu posteri. Deducit Musaei nomen a Musa, sive Μῶσα. Opinatur tamen Borrichius de Poetis, pag. 8, tres Musaeos fuisse juxta Suidam. Verum Musaeus ille, cujus carmen habemus de amore Herus et Leandri, Grammaticus fuit, qui vixit post quintum saeculum christianum, nec ejus dictio vetustatem olet.

Musaeus is the authority. The most distinguished Vossius, in his book on the nature and constitution of the poetic art, thinks that Musaeus never existed, but that the name comes from the ancient language of the Phoenicians, which Cadmus and for some while his descendants used. He derives the name Musaeus from Musa, or Mōsa. Borrichius, however, On the Poets, p. 8, holds that there were three Musaei, following the Suda. But that Musaeus whose poem on the love of Hero and Leander we have was a grammarian who lived after the fifth Christian century, nor does his diction smell of antiquity.

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(13) ‹anchor: Αἰγιόχος› · lemma note in col 240

Αἰγιόχος. Latine, habens scutum. Vide Pindar. in Nem., Nicand., in Theriac., Homer. Iliad. I. — Αἰγιόχος. Exhibet Spanhem. in Callim. Jovem, v. 49, p. 19, nummum, ubi infans Jupiter capra vehitur. Adde Montfauc. tom. I Antiq. Explic. ubi plura. BUNEMAN.

Aigiochos. In Latin, "holding the shield." See Pindar in the Nemeans, Nicander in the Theriaca, Homer, Iliad I. — Aigiochos. Spanheim on Callimachus's Hymn to Zeus, v. 49, p. 19, shows a coin on which the infant Jupiter rides a goat. Add Montfaucon, L'Antiquité expliquée, vol. I, where there is more. Bünemann.

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(14) ‹anchor: Sallustius› · lemma note in col 240

Sallustius. Hic locus hodie non legitur apud Sallustium.

Sallust. This passage is not read in Sallust today.

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(15) ‹anchor: Principes intelligendi divini› · lemma note in col 240

Principes intelligendi divini. Cum doctissimo Cellario sic lego bis ex omnibus mss. et edit. Rom. 1470, utrobique. In caeteris editis, divina. — Principes intelligendi divini. Ita Bon., Tax., Pen., Cauc., Palat., cum Lips., Emman., Cant., Sublac., Ven. 1471, 72, utraque 78-97. Rost., Paris., Parrh. At Goth. peccat in numero, princeps intelligendi fuerit. Significant vero principes intelligendi divini, ex c. 22, colendorum deorum primi auctores. BUNEMAN.

The first to understand the divine. With the most learned Cellarius I read so in both places, from all the manuscripts and the Rome edition of 1470, in each place. In the other editions, "divine things." — "The first to understand the divine": so the Bologna, Tax., Pen., Cauc. and Palatine manuscripts, with the Leipzig, Emmanuel and Cambridge manuscripts, the Subiaco edition, Venice 1471 and 72, both of 78, 97, the Rostock manuscript, Paris, Parrhasius. But the Gotha manuscript errs in the number, "was the first to understand." "The first to understand the divine" means, from ch. 22, the first authors of the worship of the gods. Bünemann.

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(16) ‹anchor: In majus componentem› · lemma note in col 240

In majus componentem. Ita editi et mss. codices, praeter 1 Colb. et edit. sex, in quibus est componentes.

Composing on a larger scale. So the editions and manuscript copies, except one Colbertinus and six editions, in which it is "componentes."

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(17) ‹anchor: Altores Jovis› · lemma note in col 240

Altores Jovis. Edit. Thomas. et Cellar., Jovi. Hic (continues)

Nurturers of Jupiter. The editions of Thomasius and Cellarius: "to Jupiter." Here (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Altores Jovis (from p. 123)› · lemma note in col 241

(continued) componentem, non componentes, Jovis, non Jovi scribendum esse res ipsa clamat; non enim voluit Sallustius a Curetibus vetustatem, sed potius Curetum illud et inventae et intellectae religionis factum, ab ipsa vetustate in majus fuisse compositum; qua eadem prope loquendi ratione alibi Sallustius, eumque, ni fallor, imitatus doctus poeta Claudianus, usi, in majus celebrare dixerunt. Sallust. Jugurth., Claudianus Pagyr. Ex ISAEO.

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(2) ‹anchor: Curetes› · lemma note in col 241

Curetes. Mss. 2 Reg., 1 Colb. et Brun., Curetas.

Curetes. Two Regius manuscripts, one Colbertinus and the Brunswick manuscript: "Curetas."

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(3) ‹anchor: Principes fuisse divini non intelligendi› · lemma note in col 241

Principes fuisse divini non intelligendi. Dicti codices iterum h. l., divini, id est, non dedisse intellectum, notitiamque Dei cultusque divini, sed errorem induxisse. BUNEMAN.

To have been the first not to understand the divine. The said copies again have "divini" here, that is, they did not impart understanding and knowledge of God and of divine worship, but brought in error. Bünemann.

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(4) ‹anchor: Illos dico› · lemma note in col 241

Illos dico. Mss. 1 Colb., Brun. et edit. Tornes., Cellar., Soubr., Walch., illorum dico.

I mean those. One Colbertinus, the Brunswick manuscript and the editions of Tornesius, Cellarius, Soubron and Walch: "I speak of those."

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(5) ‹anchor: Saltatu tripudiant› · lemma note in col 241

Saltatu tripudiant. Salios innuit Martis sacerdotes. Isaeus in Goth., saltu. BUNEMAN.

Leap in the dance. He means the Salii, priests of Mars. Isaeus, and the Gotha manuscript: "saltu" (with a leap). Bünemann.

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(6) ‹anchor: Nudi› · lemma note in col 241

Nudi, etc. Ii sunt Luperci, juxta illud Virgilii, libro VIII: Hinc exultantes Salios, nudosque Lupercos, / Lanigerosque apices, et lapsa ancilia coelo.

Naked, etc. These are the Luperci, according to that line of Virgil, book VIII: "Here the leaping Salii and the naked Luperci, the woolly caps, and the shields fallen from heaven."

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(7) ‹anchor: Aut luto obliti› · lemma note in col 241

Aut luto obliti. Mss. 4 rec., oblinili. Salios et Lupercos hic designat. BUNEMAN.

Or smeared with mud. Four recent manuscripts: "oblinili." He here indicates the Salii and the Luperci. Bünemann.

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(8) ‹anchor: Quid de scutis› · lemma note in col 241

Quid de scutis, etc. Haec erant Anoplia. Virgil. in fine VIII Aeneid. Erant illa scuta ad formam scuti brevis, seu ancilis illius e coelo, ut fertur, Numae temporibus delapsi, ab eoque consecrati, efformata. Vide Festum et Plutarchum in Numa.

What of the shields, etc. These were the Anoplia. Virgil, at the end of Aeneid VIII. Those shields were shaped after the form of a short shield, or of that ancile which, it is said, fell from heaven in Numa's time and was consecrated by him. See Festus, and Plutarch's Numa.

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(9) ‹anchor: Deos ipsos se gestare humeris suis arbitrantur› · lemma note in col 241, continued in col 242

Deos ipsos se gestare humeris suis arbitrantur. Sicut Judaei Arcam foederis gestare solebant, ita Gentiles eorum sacra quae noverant sunt imitati, atque deorum suorum insignia, arma, vel praecipua instrumenta olim ferebant in pompis et supplicationibus, eorumque simulacra humeris bajulabant, cum lustratione, quandoque cum litaniis, jejunio vel abstinentia, nonnunquam cum lotione simulacrorum in lacu, omnibus coronatis, et lauream in manu gestantibus. Hornnce ethnicorum rituum, praeter Lactantium, testes sunt: Ovidius Fastor. lib. IV, a v. 292 ad 355; Tit. Liv., Decad. I, lib. X, an. 458; III, lib. II, an. 537; IV, lib. X, pag. 339; Lucian., pag. 1074; Trebell. Pollio, p. 178; et Dionys. Halicarn., lib. II pag. 91, lib. VIII pag. 510, lib. IX pag. 597, 599, et lib. VII pag. 475, ubi ait: Viri penes quos erat summa potestas, pompam diis a Capitolio per forum deducebant in Circum maximum, in qua praeibant illorum filii pubertati proximi. Et infra, pag. 478: Extremum pompae agmen claudebant deorum simulacra, quae humeris bajulabantur a viris; eamque praeferebant formam, qua finguntur apud Graecos, eumdem etiam habitum, eademque insignia, munera item quae singuli invenisse atque hominibus donasse traduntur.... Peracta pompa confestim sacrificabant consules sacerdotesque. Eustath. ad Homeri Iliad. I, v. 422. Christiani pariter, ad Hebraeorum exemplum, et supplicationes et alia sacra fecerunt. Multa in hunc modum lege in epistola 5 Vigilii, episcopi Tridentini, ad S. Joannem Chrysostomum, de Martyrio SS. Sisinni, Martyrii, et Alexandri, Anagniensium martyrum.

They think they carry the gods themselves on their shoulders. As the Jews used to carry the Ark of the Covenant, so the Gentiles imitated those rites of theirs which they knew, and once bore the insignia, arms or chief implements of their gods in processions and supplications, and carried their images on their shoulders, with a lustration, sometimes with litanies, fasting or abstinence, now and then with a washing of the images in a lake, all wearing garlands and carrying laurel in the hand. Witnesses to these heathen rites, besides Lactantius, are: Ovid, Fasti book IV, from v. 292 to 355; Livy, decade I, book X, year 458; III, book II, year 537; IV, book X, p. 339; Lucian, p. 1074; Trebellius Pollio, p. 178; and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book II p. 91, book VIII p. 510, book IX pp. 597, 599, and book VII p. 475, where he says: "The men in whom the highest power lay led a procession for the gods from the Capitol through the forum into the Circus Maximus, in which their sons near the age of puberty went in front." And below, p. 478: "The images of the gods closed the last rank of the procession, carried on men's shoulders; and they showed the form in which they are represented among the Greeks, the same dress too, and the same insignia, and likewise the gifts which each is said to have discovered and given to men... The procession over, the consuls and priests at once sacrificed." Eustathius on Homer's Iliad I, v. 422. Christians likewise, after the example of the Hebrews, held both supplications and other rites. Read much in this manner in the fifth letter of Vigilius, bishop of Trent, to St John Chrysostom, on the martyrdom of Saints Sisinnius, Martyrius and Alexander, martyrs of Anaunia.

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(10) ‹anchor: Numeratur› · lemma note in col 242

Numeratur. Mss. 1 Colb. et Brun., memoratur.

Is counted. One Colbertinus and the Brunswick manuscript: "is mentioned."

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(11) ‹anchor: Ancile› · lemma note in col 242

Ancile. Figuram ancilium vid. in Graevii Floro l. I, c. 2, p. 16, ed. Wetsten. Conf. Pitisci L. A. R. tom. I, fol. 92. BUNEMAN.

Ancile. For the shape of the ancilia see Graevius's Florus, book I, ch. 2, p. 16, Wetstein's edition. Compare Pitiscus, Lexicon antiquitatum Romanarum, vol. I, fol. 92. Bünemann.

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(12) ‹anchor: Magistratus› · lemma note in col 242

Magistratus. Id est, praeturae; ne quis, ut nostrae aetatis mos est, de collegio senatus capiat. BUNEMAN.

Magistracy. That is, of the praetorship; lest anyone take it, as is the custom of our age, of the college of the senate. Bünemann.

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(13) ‹anchor: Ille Furius, sed plane furiosus› · lemma note in col 242

Ille Furius, sed plane furiosus. Alludere videtur ad illud Ovidii: Cur ego non dicam: Furia, te furiam? FRANCIUS. — De Furio Bibaculo legendus Valer. Maximus lib. I, cap. 1, exempl. 11.

That Furius, but plainly furious. He seems to allude to that line of Ovid: "Why should I not call you, Furia, a fury?" Francius. — On Furius Bibaculus Valerius Maximus is to be read, book I, ch. 1, example 11.

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(14) ‹anchor: Lucretius exclamat› · lemma note in col 242

Lucretius exclamat. Lib. II, v. 14. CELL.

Lucretius exclaims. Book II, v. 14. Cellarius.

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(15) ‹anchor: O stultas hominum mentes› · lemma note in col 242

O stultas hominum mentes! Ita cum omnibus editis cuncti ferme mss. In 1 Reg. vetustissimo, et in rec. 1 Colb. et 1 Brun. atque apud Lucretium legitur., O miseras.

O foolish minds of men! So nearly all the manuscripts, with all the editions. In one very old Regius, and in the recent ones, one Colbertinus and one Brunswick, and in Lucretius, one reads "O wretched."

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(16) ‹anchor: Qualibus in tenebris› · lemma note in col 242

Qualibus in tenebris. Sic emendavimus ex omnibus pene mss. et optimis editis, ipsoque Lucretio. In 3 Colb. et editis septem est, Quamlibet; in editis Thys. et Gall., Quamlibet in teneris, corrupte.

In what darkness. So we have corrected it from almost all the manuscripts and the best editions, and from Lucretius himself. In three Colbertini and seven editions it is "However much"; in the Thysius and French editions, "However much in tender things," corruptly.

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(17) ‹anchor: Rideat› · lemma note in col 242

Rideat. Manuscriptorum est et edit. Tornes. Derideat est editorum.

Let him laugh. This is the reading of the manuscripts and the Tornesius edition. "Let him deride" is that of the editions.

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(18) ‹anchor: Habeat aliquid› · lemma note in col 242

Habeat aliquid. Cicero pro Marcello, sub fin.

Let it have something. Cicero, Pro Marcello, near the end.

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(19) ‹anchor: Nimis lascivus› · lemma note in col 242

Nimis lascivus. Ita omnes editi ex mss. praeter 1 Bonon. antiq. et edit. Is. in quibus est, minus sanus. Carrioni et Francio placeret, minus lascivus; horum enim actiones valde erant lubricae et lascivae. Sed rem in medio relinquo: quisque quod placuerit eligat. — Nimis lascivus. Ex ingenio Carrio l. II Lect. Antiq., c. 7, mimus lascivus restituit. BUNEM.

Too wanton. So all the editions, from the manuscripts, except one old Bologna manuscript and the Isaeus edition, in which it is "not quite sane." Carrio and Francius would prefer "less wanton"; for the doings of these men were very lewd and wanton. But I leave the matter open: let each choose what he pleases. — "Too wanton": Carrio, Antiquae lectiones book II, ch. 7, restored by conjecture "a wanton mime." Bünemann.

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(20) ‹anchor: Sabinus ille rex fuit› · lemma note in col 242

Sabinus ille rex fuit. Numa Pompilius, de quo hic habes multa ex Livio, lib. X, IV Decad.; et Plutarcho in Numa.

That Sabine king was. Numa Pompilius, on whom you have much here from Livy, book X, decade IV, and from Plutarch's Numa.

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(1) ‹anchor: Cum Dea Egeria› · lemma note in col 243

Cum Dea Egeria, etc. Haec historia scribitur a Livio lib. I; Dionys. Halicarnass., lib. II Antiq.; Valerio Maximo, lib. I, cap. de simulata Religione; Cicerone, lib. II de Legibus; Ovidio, lib. III Fastor.; Plutarcho, in Numa. Egeria dicta est ab egerendo, cui praegnantes sacrificabant, ut uterum facilius egererent, ait Festus. De hac vide Arnob. lib. V initio; Tertull., de Praescript. Haeret., in Apol. cap. 25; August., lib. VII, cap. 35, de Civ. Dei, etc. BETULEIUS. Vide etiam Euseb., Praeparat. Evangel. lib. IX. BETUL.

With the goddess Egeria, etc. This story is written by Livy, book I; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiquities book II; Valerius Maximus, book I, in the chapter on feigned religion; Cicero, De legibus book II; Ovid, Fasti book III; Plutarch, Numa. Egeria was named from "egerere" (to bring forth): pregnant women sacrificed to her so as to bring forth the womb's burden more easily, says Festus. On her see Arnobius, beginning of book V; Tertullian, De praescriptione haereticorum, and Apology ch. 25; Augustine, City of God book VII, ch. 35, etc. Betuleius. See also Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica book IX. Betuleius.

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(2) ‹anchor: Aricino› · lemma note in col 243

Aricino. Mss. 3 Reg. rec. et edit. Thomas., Thys., Gall., Ariano. Emendavimus Aricino ex 2 Reg. et 2 Bonon. quorum duo sunt omnium vetustissimi, ex 1 Colb., Marm. a prima manu, cunctisque editis; faventibus mss. 1 Colb., Nav., Vict., Brun., in quibus est Arocino; Regiis quoque quatuor inter quos est Regio-Puteanus, 4 Colbertinis, 3 Lips., Goth., Em., Cantabrig., 1 Clarom., Gat., Marm., a secunda manu, in quibus est, Ericino. In 1 Reg. est vicino, male. Sed Aricia et nemus Aricinum non ignorantur.

Arician. Three recent Regius manuscripts and the editions of Thomasius, Thysius and the French have "Ariano." We have corrected to "Aricino" from two Regii and two Bologna manuscripts, of which two are the oldest of all, from one Colbertinus, the Marmoutier manuscript in its first hand, and all the editions; with the support of the manuscripts, one Colbertinus, the Navarre, Victorine and Brunswick, in which it is "Arocino"; and of four Regii too, among them the Regio-Puteanus, four Colbertini, three Leipzig, the Gotha, Emmanuel and Cambridge manuscripts, one Clermont, the Gat., and the Marmoutier in its second hand, in which it is "Ericino." In one Regius it is "vicino" (neighbouring), wrongly. But Aricia and the Arician grove are not unknown.

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(3) ‹anchor: Minois› · lemma note in col 243

Minois. Lege de hoc Dialog. Platonis, qui Minos inscribitur; Diod. Sicul. lib. II. Ex. Valerio et Platone constat, eum novem annis audivisse Jovem, ut sophistam. Hinc opinio, Minoa Jovis fuisse filium. De quo Homer. Odyss. λ. Horat., Jovis arcanis, Minos admissus. Hesiod. βασιλεύτατον, Lucian. justissimum, Cyrillus vero τυραννικώτατον vocat. BETUL.

Of Minos. Read on him Plato's dialogue entitled Minos; Diodorus Siculus, book II. From Valerius and Plato it is established that he heard Jupiter for nine years, as a teacher. Hence the opinion that Minos was the son of Jupiter. On him Homer, Odyssey book λ (XI). Horace: "Minos, admitted to the secrets of Jove." Hesiod calls him "most kingly," Lucian "most just," but Cyril "most tyrannical." Betuleius.

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(4) ‹anchor: Ibi diu moratus› · lemma note in col 243

Ibi diu moratus. Scil. per novem annos, uti multi tradidere. Davisius vero nono quoque anno cum Valerio verius statui docet ad Cicer. II Tusc., 13, p. 127. BUN.

Having stayed there long. That is, for nine years, as many have related. But Davies, on Cicero, Tusculans II, 13, p. 127, shows that "every ninth year," with Valerius, is more truly to be held. Bünemann.

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(5) ‹anchor: Salios› · lemma note in col 243

Salios. Id est, saltatores, quia festo Anciliorum ad tibiarum modulos choreas instituebant. Eos Numa duodecim constituit, quos cognomine Palatinos vocavit; Tullus Hostilius totidem adjecit, quos dixit Collinos. Vide Livium, lib. I; Florum, lib. I, cap. 2; Dionys. Halic., Antiquit. Rom. lib. III, pag. 45. WALCHIUS.

Salii. That is, dancers, because at the feast of the Ancilia they performed dances to the measures of the pipes. Numa appointed twelve of them, whom he called by the surname Palatine; Tullus Hostilius added as many, whom he called Colline. See Livy, book I; Florus, book I, ch. 2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities book III, p. 45. Walch.

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(6) ‹anchor: Deos per familias descripsit› · lemma note in col 243

Deos per familias descripsit. Ita libri: at Dukerus ad Flor. I, 1, p. 38: Vide, inquit, an apud Lactantium legendum sit: et eos per familias descripsit relato pronomine EOS, ad pontifices... augures. BUN.

He assigned the gods to families. So the books: but Duker on Florus I, 1, p. 38: "See," he says, "whether in Lactantius one should read 'and he assigned them to families,' the pronoun 'them' referring to the pontiffs... augurs." Bünemann.

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(7) ‹anchor: Cornelio et Bebio coss.› · lemma note in col 243, continued in col 244

Cornelio et Bebio coss. Quingentis post Numae obitum annis, scilicet anno Urbis 573. Vide Plutarchum, in Numa, qui paulo aliter hanc narrat historiam in Vita Numae. Vide etiam Livium, lib. X, Decad. IV; Valer. Max. lib. I, cap. de neglecta Religione; Plinium, lib. XIII, cap. 13; S. Augustin., de Civitate Dei, lib. VII, cap. 34.

In the consulship of Cornelius and Baebius. Five hundred years after Numa's death, that is, in the year of the City 573. See Plutarch's Numa, who tells this story a little differently in the Life of Numa. See also Livy, book X, decade IV; Valerius Maximus, book I, in the chapter on neglected religion; Pliny, book XIII, ch. 13; St Augustine, City of God book VII, ch. 34.

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(8) ‹anchor: Sed omnes› · lemma note in col 244

Sed omnes. Aliqua ex parte ad solvendam religionem pertinere existimatos esse, Valer. Max. I, cap. 1, cum Livio tradit; nimium inde dixisse Firmianum, probat Selden. de Jure Nat. et Gent., l. I, c. 2, p. 16. Plura de his libris Augustin., de Civit. Dei, lib. VII, c. 34, et Lud. Vives ad eum. BUN.

But all. Valerius Maximus I, ch. 1, with Livy, relates that they were thought to tend in some part to the dissolving of religion; Selden, De jure naturali et gentium, book I, ch. 2, p. 16, shows from this that Firmianus said too much. More on these books in Augustine, City of God book VII, ch. 34, and Luis Vives on him. Bünemann.

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(9) ‹anchor: Praetor urbanus› · lemma note in col 244

Praetor urbanus. Praeter edit. Thom., Thys., Gall. et Spark., in quibus est, Praetor urbis, omnes mss. et editi habent, Praetor urbanus. Haud secus Valerius Max. lib. I, cap. 1, ex quo Lactantius id desumpsisse videtur, nisi quod Valerius eum vocat L. Petilium. Et forsan utrumque praenomen habuit Petilius.

The urban praetor. Except the editions of Thomasius, Thysius, the French and Sparke, in which it is "praetor of the city," all the manuscripts and editions have "the urban praetor." So too Valerius Maximus, book I, ch. 1, from whom Lactantius seems to have taken it, except that Valerius calls him L. Petilius. And perhaps Petilius bore both praenomina.

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(10) ‹anchor: In concione populi concremavit› · lemma note in col 244

In concione populi concremavit. Moris est in bene constitutis rebuspub. libros qui religionibus derogant, igne comburere. Arnob. lib. IV: Quod si haberet vos aliqua pro vestris religionibus indignatio, has potius litteras, hos exurere debuistis olim libros istos, demoliri, dissolvere theatra haec potius, in quibus infamiae numinum propudiosis quotidie publicantur in fabulis. Nam nostra quidem scripta cur ignibus meruerunt dari? Vide Valer. Max. lib. I, cap. 1: Libros graecos quia aliqua ex parte ad solvendam religionem pertinere existimabantur, L. Petilius Praetor urbanus, auctoritate senatus, per victimarios igne facto in conspectu populi cremavit. ELMENHORST.

He burned them in the assembly of the people. It is the custom in well-ordered commonwealths to burn with fire books that detract from religion. Arnobius, book IV: "But if any indignation on behalf of your religions moved you, these writings rather, these books of yours, you ought long ago to have burned; you ought rather to have pulled down and broken up these theatres, in which the infamies of the deities are daily published in shameful plays. For why have our writings deserved to be given to the flames?" See Valerius Maximus, book I, ch. 1: "The Greek books, because they were thought to tend in some part to the dissolving of religion, L. Petilius the urban praetor, by authority of the senate, burned by the hands of the sacrificial attendants, on a fire made in sight of the people." Elmenhorst.

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(11) ‹anchor: Quod sunt› · lemma note in col 244

Quod sunt. Sic scripti, editi. mallem cum Heumann. quod sint. BUN.

Because they are. So the manuscripts and editions. I would prefer, with Heumann, "quod sint" (subjunctive). Bünemann.

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(12) ‹anchor: Potuerunt enim› · lemma note in col 244

Potuerunt enim. Ven. 1471, Potuerant. BUN.

For they could. Venice 1471: "they had been able." Bünemann.

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(13) ‹anchor: Res tamen in memoriam non exire› · lemma note in col 244

Res tamen in memoriam non exire. Ita omnes scripti et excusi, paulo obscurius. In Minucio, cap. 16, in memoriam exire notat famam consequi. Vult Lactantius, debuisse hos libros clam potius aboleri, non palam in concione. Ita enim res non exiisset in memoriam, sive memoriae non fuisset tradita. Illustrat haec Augustin., de Civit. Dei, l. VII, cap. 35. Reimm. vocem, res, neglexit. BUN.

Yet that the matter should not pass into memory. So all the manuscripts and printed copies, somewhat obscurely. In Minucius, ch. 16, "to pass into memory" means to gain fame. Lactantius means that these books ought rather to have been destroyed secretly, not openly in the assembly. For so the matter would not have passed into memory, that is, would not have been handed down to remembrance. Augustine illustrates this, City of God book VII, ch. 35. Reimmann's manuscript omitted the word "res." Bünemann.

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(14) ‹anchor: Approbare› · lemma note in col 244

Approbare. Gallice, faire entendre.

To make it acceptable. In French, "faire entendre" (to make understood).

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(15) ‹anchor: Faunus› · lemma note in col 244

Faunus. Latii cultor Faunus audit, quod primus, vel cum primis Latium colere instituerit, ut traditum Aurelio Victori in Origin. Rom. eumdem Italiam variis superstitionibus impievisse: Sylvarum et jugerum praestitem, ipse se ait apud Calpurnium: Qui juga, qui sylvas tueor, satus aethere Faunus. Aucupio eumdem praefecit Propertius, ut notat Turneb. Advers. lib. XXVI, cap. 19. BARTHIUS.

Faunus. Faunus is called the tiller of Latium because he first, or among the first, began to till Latium, as Aurelius Victor relates in the Origo gentis Romanae, [and that] he filled Italy with various superstitions. He calls himself the guardian of woods and acres in Calpurnius: "I, Faunus, born of the upper air, who guard the ridges and the woods." Propertius put him in charge of fowling, as Turnebus notes, Adversaria book XXVI, ch. 19. Barth.

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(16) ‹anchor: Nefaria sacra› · lemma note in col 244

Nefaria sacra. Quia infantes Saturno immolaban- (continues)

Unspeakable rites. Because infants were sacri- (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Nefaria sacra (from p. 125)› · lemma note in col 245

(continued) tur. Quod scelus Tertullianus exprobrat Gentibus, Apologetic. cap. 9.

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(2) ‹anchor: Fatuam Faunam› · lemma note in col 245

Fatuam Faunam. Sic legendum esse patet ex sequentibus, et nobiscum censent eruditissimi viri; et tamen aliter multifariamque legunt plerique mss. 2 Regii, 2 Colb., 1 Sorbon., Fautam Faunam; 1 Clarom., Fautam Fannam; alter Clarom., Feuteiam Faunam; 1 Bonon. antiq., Fenteiam Faunam; 2 Reg. et Marm., Fenam Faunam; Regii duo 900 annorum, Cauc., 3 Colb. et Gat., Sentam Faunam; 1 al. Reg. addit Sentum super Faunam; A 2 Reg., Pen., Brun., et edit. Rom. 1468, 1470, abest Fautam, et a 1 Colb., Nav., Vict., in quibus est, Fannam. Eam Fatuam Faunam, ut Lactantius, appellat Arnobius liv. I et V. Macrobius quoque scribit lib. I, cap. 12: Hanc eamdem Bonam deam, Faunamque, et Opem, et Fatuam Pontificum libris indigitari. In Epitomes ms. Taurinensi est Fentam Faunam. Vide Justin. lib. XLIII, cap. 1.

Fatua Fauna. That this is the reading is plain from what follows, and very learned men agree with us; and yet most manuscripts read otherwise and in many ways. Two Regii, two Colbertini, one Sorbonne: "Fauta Fauna"; one Clermont: "Fauta Fanna"; another Clermont: "Feuteia Fauna"; one old Bologna: "Fenteia Fauna"; two Regii and the Marmoutier: "Fena Fauna"; two Regii nine hundred years old, the Cauc., three Colbertini and the Gat.: "Senta Fauna"; one other Regius adds "Sentum" above "Faunam"; from two Regii, the Pen., the Brunswick, and the Rome editions of 1468 and 1470 "Fautam" is absent, and from one Colbertinus, the Navarre and the Victorine, in which it is "Fanna." Arnobius, like Lactantius, calls her Fatua Fauna, books I and V. Macrobius too writes, book I, ch. 12: "That this same Good Goddess is invoked in the pontiffs' books as Fauna, and Ops, and Fatua." In the Turin manuscript of the Epitome it is "Fenta Fauna." See Justin, book XLIII, ch. 1.

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(3) ‹anchor: Eamdemque conjugem› · lemma note in col 245

Eamdemque conjugem. Ita reposuimus ex mss. et edit. Tornes. In editis est eamque.

And the same, his wife. So we have restored it from the manuscripts and the Tornesius edition. In the editions it is "and her."

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(4) ‹anchor: Gabius Bassus› · lemma note in col 245

Gabius Bassus. Sic lego cum Gellio, lib. II, cap. 4, ac plerisque et optimis mss. Regiis 7, 6 Colb., Lips., Goth., 1 Sorbon., 1 Clarom., edit. Rom. 1468, 1470, et Cellar. In altero Clarom. est, Gabius Bulsus, pro Bassus; in 1 Reg. vetustissimo, Gavius Bassus, u pro b; in altero Regio et Brun., Gabinius Bassus; non Caius ut in 12 editis. — Quam Gabius Bassus. Gabius, vel Gavius Bassus, haud dubie in libro, quem de Diis composuit, testante Macrobio lib. I Saturn., cap. 9. Laudatur saepe a Gellio, ex libris de Origine vocabulorum, lib. II, cap. 4, et ex Commentariis, lib. III, c. 9, et alibi. Vossius ponit sub Augusto Caesare. BUN.

Gabius Bassus. So I read with Gellius, book II, ch. 4, and most and the best manuscripts: seven Regii, six Colbertini, the Leipzig, the Gotha, one Sorbonne, one Clermont, the Rome editions of 1468 and 1470, and Cellarius. In the other Clermont it is "Gabius Bulsus," for Bassus; in one very old Regius, "Gavius Bassus," u for b; in another Regius and the Brunswick, "Gabinius Bassus"; not "Caius," as in twelve editions. — Whom Gabius Bassus. Gabius or Gavius Bassus, no doubt in the book he composed On the Gods, as Macrobius attests, Saturnalia book I, ch. 9. He is often cited by Gellius, from the books On the Origin of Words, book II, ch. 4, and from the Commentaries, book III, ch. 9, and elsewhere. Vossius places him under Augustus Caesar. Bünemann.

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(5) ‹anchor: Tantae pudicitiae› · lemma note in col 245

Tantae pudicitiae. Refutat Tertullianus, et praeterea non sororem, sed filiam Fauni dicit lib. II ad Nat., cap. 9, Conf. Arnob. I. BUN.

Of such chastity. Tertullian refutes this, and moreover calls her not the sister but the daughter of Faunus, Ad nationes book II, ch. 9. Compare Arnobius I. Bünemann.

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(6) ‹anchor: Nemo eam... praeter virum suum mas viderit› · lemma note in col 245

Nemo eam... praeter virum suum mas viderit. Hinc est quod nulli viro ejus templum ingredi licuerit. Tibull. lib. I, Eleg. 6: Exibit quam saepe cave, seu visere dicat, / Sacra bonae maribus non adeunda deae. Propert. lib. IV, Eleg. 10: Foemineae loca clausa deae, fontesque piandos, / Impune et nullis sacra retecta viris. Nec modo viri ingressus prohibiti, sed ne deorum quidem picturae masculae apertae in illius templo. Juvenal. Satyr. 6: . . . . . Velari pictura jubetur, / Quaecumque alterius sexus imitata figuram est. DEMPSTERUS.

No male but her husband ever saw her. Hence no man was allowed to enter her temple. Tibullus, book I, Elegy 6: "Beware however often she goes out, or says she goes to see the rites of the Good Goddess, not to be approached by males." Propertius, book IV, Elegy 10: "The closed places of the women's goddess, and the springs to be purified, and rites revealed with impunity to no men." Not only was men's entry forbidden, but not even male pictures of the gods were left uncovered in her temple. Juvenal, Satire 6: "...any picture that imitates the shape of the other sex is ordered to be veiled." Dempster.

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(7) ‹anchor: In operto sacrificant› · lemma note in col 245, continued in col 246

In operto sacrificant. Ita Bon., 2 Reg. antiquissimi, 2 Brun. et caeteri mss. optimi; non ut mendose in nonnullis editis est, in apertos, quod Lactantii sententiae atque etiam historiae repugnat. ISAEUS. — In operto. Ciceroni recte locus sacrorum dicitur opertum Bonae deae, in Parad. c. 4, et Plinio, sacra opertanea, lib. X, sect. 77, De Bona dea; Lact. l. III, cap. 20. BUN. — In operto sacrificant. In loco a viris omnibus remoto, quos nefas erat his sacris interesse, quae in aedibus consulis vel praetoris (Plutarch., Caes., pag. 711), vel pontificis maximi (Liv. epit., 103), a primariis foeminis celebrabantur. CELL.

They sacrifice in a covered place. So the Bologna manuscript, two very old Regii, two Brunswick and the other best manuscripts; not, as wrongly in some editions, "in apertos" (into the open), which contradicts Lactantius's meaning and also the history. Isaeus. — "In operto": in Cicero, Paradoxa ch. 4, the place of the rites is rightly called "the covered place of the Good Goddess," and in Pliny, book X, section 77, "covered rites," on the Good Goddess; Lactantius book III, ch. 20. Bünemann. — They sacrifice in a covered place: in a place removed from all men, for whom it was unlawful to be present at these rites, which were celebrated by women of the first rank in the house of the consul or praetor (Plutarch, Caesar, p. 711), or of the pontifex maximus (Livy, Epitome 103). Cellarius.

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(8) ‹anchor: Sext. Clodius› · lemma note in col 246

Sext. Clodius. Ex Arnobio lib. V, pag. 168. Vid. Voss. Hist. Gr. l. IV, part. III, p. 511; Onuphr. Panvin. Civit. Rom. cap. 37; Bosius et Graev. ad Cic. lib. IV Att., ep. 15. BUN.

Sextus Clodius. From Arnobius, book V, p. 168. See Vossius, De historicis Graecis book IV, part III, p. 511; Onofrio Panvinio, Civitas Romana ch. 37; Bosius and Graevius on Cicero, Letters to Atticus book IV, letter 15. Bünemann.

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(9) ‹anchor: Fauni... uxorem› · lemma note in col 246

Fauni... uxorem. Hanc Plutarchus ait fuisse Flavii divinatoris uxorem. Macrobius rem longe aliter narrat.

The wife... of Faunus. Plutarch says she was the wife of Flavius the soothsayer. Macrobius tells the matter quite otherwise.

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(10) ‹anchor: Ollam ebiberat› · lemma note in col 246

Ollam ebiberat. Meursius legendum putat Obbam; erat Obba poculi genus. Sed nihil mutare volui; omnes enim mss Codd. constanter legunt Ollam, praeter 1 Clarom. Olam. Arnob. hanc narrans historiam, lib. V, pro Olla habet seriam; erat autem seria vas vinarium fictile oblongum. ISAEUS. — A Romulo lege cautum est ne qua mulier vinum biberet, et quae bibisset, permissum est marito, ut eam velut adulteram puniret. Vide Dionys. Halicarn. l. II; Plin., l. XIV; Plut., in Problem.; Athenaeum, lib. X; Gellium, l. X, c. 13.

She had drunk off a jar. Meursius thinks one should read "Obbam"; the obba was a kind of cup. But I have chosen to change nothing; for all the manuscript copies consistently read "Ollam," except one Clermont, "Olam." Arnobius, telling this story, book V, has "seriam" instead of "olla"; the seria was an oblong earthenware wine vessel. Isaeus. — By a law of Romulus it was provided that no woman should drink wine, and if one had drunk, her husband was allowed to punish her as an adulteress. See Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book II; Pliny, book XIV; Plutarch, in the Questions; Athenaeus, book X; Gellius, book X, ch. 13.

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(11) ‹anchor: Virgis myrtheis› · lemma note in col 246

Virgis myrtheis. Vide Plutarchi Problem. ubi hanc historiam ita recitat: eam Flavii divinatoris uxorem fuisse, quae clam cum largius vinum biberet, a marito deprehensa flagris caesa est; atque inde factum, ut myrtus in ejusdem aedem non inferretur, atque vinum quod mulieres in templo bibebant, non vinum, sed lac appellaretur. BETULEIUS.

With myrtle rods. See Plutarch's Questions, where he tells this story thus: she was the wife of Flavius the soothsayer, who, when she was secretly drinking wine too freely, was caught by her husband and beaten with whips; and that from this it came about that myrtle was not brought into her temple, and the wine which the women drank in the temple was called not wine but milk. Betuleius.

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(12) ‹anchor: Prudentes quique› · lemma note in col 246

Prudentes quique. Elegantius plerumque noster cum superlat. jungit. Iterum tamen l. VI, cap. 12, Boni quique judices. Similia exempla ex Justino, Suetonio, Tacito collegit Bangius Observ. Philol. l. II, pag. 831. BUN.

All prudent men. Our author more elegantly usually joins "quisque" with the superlative. Yet again in book VI, ch. 12: "all good judges." Bang collected similar examples from Justin, Suetonius and Tacitus, Observationes philologicae book II, p. 831. Bünemann.

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(13) ‹anchor: His versibus› · lemma note in col 246

His versibus. Ita restitui ex veteribus edit. Romanis tribus, Is. et Cellar. ac mss. omnibus; praeter Cauc. editosque recentiores, in quibus est, his verbis.

In these verses. So I have restored it from the three old Rome editions, Isaeus and Cellarius, and all the manuscripts; except the Cauc. and the more recent editions, in which it is "in these words."

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(14) ‹anchor: Terricolas› · lemma note in col 246

Terricolas. Buneman. Terriculas: in hanc vocem exhibuit ille notam sequentem. — Terriculas. Quia terricolas, quod in plerisque omnibus erat, non quadrat, auctoritate ms. Reimm. et vetustissimi codicis Taurin. et Davisii consensu ex Epit. cap. 22, rescripsi, terriculas, ut jam olim ex conjectura Fruterius voluit. Terriculas Lamias hic quoque legit Ezech. Spanhemius in Observ. in Callim. Dian. v. 67, pag. 174, 175. BUN.

Earth-dwellers. Bünemann [reads] "Terriculas" (bogeys): on this word he gave the following note. — "Terriculas." Because "terricolas," which was in nearly all, does not fit, on the authority of Reimmann's manuscript and the very old Turin codex, and with Davies's agreement from the Epitome ch. 22, I have written "terriculas," as Fruterius long ago wished by conjecture. Ezechiel Spanheim also reads "terriculas Lamias" here, in his Observations on Callimachus's Hymn to Artemis, v. 67, pp. 174, 175. Bünemann.

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(15) ‹anchor: Sic isti omnia ficta› · lemma note in col 246

Sic isti omnia ficta. More Graeco, alioqui metro deest aliquid: quandoque non elidit Lucretius.

So they [hold] all things feigned. In the Greek manner; otherwise something is lacking from the metre: Lucretius sometimes does not elide.

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(16) ‹anchor: Credunt signis cor inesse in ahenis› · lemma note in col 246

Credunt signis cor inesse in ahenis. Sic emendavimus ex mss. 2 Regiis 900 annorum, 1 al. Reg., 2 Colb. et 2 Brun. nec aliter legitur in Epitome, cap. 22. Alter 1 Reg. habet, inesse in eis, corrupte; 1 Clarom., inesse anis, prave; alter Clarom., inesse petrinis. In ora ms. Bonon. antiq. est inanis.

They believe a heart is in the bronze statues. So we have corrected it from two Regius manuscripts nine hundred years old, one other Regius, two Colbertini and two Brunswick manuscripts, and it reads no otherwise in the Epitome, ch. 22. Another Regius has "inesse in eis," corruptly; one Clermont "inesse anis," wrongly; another Clermont "inesse petrinis" (in stone ones). In the margin of the old Bologna manuscript it is "inanis" (empty).

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(17) ‹anchor: Pergula› · lemma note in col 246

Pergula. Est pars domus exporrecta et propendens earum generis quas salientes artifices nostri appellant.

Pergula. It is a part of a house stretched out and projecting, of the kind our builders call "salientes" (projections).

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(1) ‹anchor: Sacra Liberi Patris› · lemma note in col 247

Sacra Liberi Patris. Valer. Flaccus lib. II Argonautic. elegantissime describit haec sacra. De quibus etiam videatur Livius libro XCIV, Arnobius lib. V, S. Augustin. de Civ. Dei lib. VI, cap. 9, et lib. XVIII, cap. 13.

The rites of Father Liber. Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica book II, describes these rites most elegantly. On them see also Livy, book XCIV, Arnobius, book V, St Augustine, City of God book VI, ch. 9, and book XVIII, ch. 13.

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(2) ‹anchor: In monte Boeotiae Thebis.. proximo› · lemma note in col 247

In monte Boeotiae Thebis.. proximo. Ut Strabo describit lib. IX, pag. 279, mons Cithaeron in occidua parte Boeotiae est, supra Crissaeum sinum. BUN.

On a mountain of Boeotia near Thebes. As Strabo describes it, book IX, p. 279, Mount Cithaeron is in the western part of Boeotia, above the Crisaean gulf. Bünemann.

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(3) ‹anchor: Citheron appellatus est› · lemma note in col 247

Citheron appellatus est. Vide IV, Aeneid., 303.

Was called Cithaeron. See Aeneid IV, 303.

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(4) ‹anchor: Orphica› · lemma note in col 247

Orphica. Quae mysteria Orgia dicuntur ἀπὸ τῆς ὀργῆς, de quibus Clemens Alexand. scribit. Signum Bacchicorum Orgiorum est, serpens mysteriis initiatus. Nazianz. in orat. de Luminibus, Epiph., Theodoret. lib. I, in Therap.; Macrob. l. I, in Som. Scipio. BETUL.

Orphic. These mysteries are called Orgia "from orgē" (wrath), on which Clement of Alexandria writes. The sign of the Bacchic Orgies is a serpent initiated into the mysteries. Nazianzen in the oration on the Lights, Epiphanius, Theodoret, Therapeutike book I; Macrobius, book I, on the Dream of Scipio. Betuleius.

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(5) ‹anchor: Carptus est› · lemma note in col 247

Carptus est. Sic mss. et editi omnes. Simplex pro composito discerptus est; quod usitatum est Lactantio.

Was plucked apart. So all the manuscripts and editions. The simple verb for the compound "was torn apart," which is usual with Lactantius.

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(6) ‹anchor: Faunus et Laomedon› · lemma note in col 247

Faunus et Laomedon. Ita habent mss. 2 Bonon., 4 Reg. quorum duo sunt 900 annor. Tax., Ultr., Gronov., Em., 3 Colb., Gat., et edit. Is., Spark., Cellar., Walch. in caeteris editis specialiter in Sublac., ac recentibus mss. 16 pro Faunus est Picus, prave. Faunus enim fuit pater Latini, ut Laomedon Priami. Vide Virgilium, lib. VII Aeneid., v. 45 et seq.; atque ideo dubium est, quis, an Orpheus, an Faunus, praecesserat. Nam si, Pico regnante, Orpheus cum Argonautis ad littus Iliensium venit, tum minime dubium est quin Orpheus fuerit Fauno vetustior.

Faunus and Laomedon. So the manuscripts have it: two Bologna, four Regii, of which two are nine hundred years old, the Tax., Utrecht, Gronovius, Emmanuel, three Colbertini, the Gat., and the editions of Isaeus, Sparke, Cellarius and Walch. In the other editions, especially the Subiaco, and in sixteen recent manuscripts, there is "Picus" for "Faunus," wrongly. For Faunus was the father of Latinus, as Laomedon was of Priam. See Virgil, Aeneid book VII, v. 45 ff.; and so it is doubtful which came first, Orpheus or Faunus. For if Orpheus came with the Argonauts to the shore of the Trojans while Picus reigned, then there is no doubt at all that Orpheus was older than Faunus.

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(7) ‹anchor: Quis colendorum deorum primus auctor extiterit› · lemma note in col 247, continued in col 248

Quis colendorum deorum primus auctor extiterit. Initium colendorum deorum repetendum est non solum post, verum etiam multo ante diluvium tempore, uno fere aut altero post rerum primordia saeculo. Sic enim accipiendus est locus. Gen. IV, v. ult.: Tunc profanatum est in invocando nomen Jehovae. Nam, chalal (unde in hophal) saepissime profanare redditur, ut Levit. XIX, c. 12. Sic etiam locum hunc intelligit Paraphrasis Chaldaica. R. Salomon Jarchi haec habet: Tunc profanatum est in invocando scilicet nomina hominum, et nomina imaginum, cum nomine sancti illius, qui benedictus sit Dei, adeo ut facerent idola, et facerent ea deos. Sic etiam Arabs Erpenianus: Tunc incoeperunt homines deficere a cultu Dei. Quare idem est ac si Moses dixisset, sacrosanctum illud nomen, quod totius universi creatorem et Dominum designat, rebus creatis impie tributum. Joseph. lib. I, cap. 4, testatur, longo ante Noachum tempore idolorum cultum in usu fuisse usque ad septimam generationem, continuo autem vix ubi diluvium terras reliquerat, nefanda idololatria exordium suum sumpsit. Et immolabant filios suos et filias suas daemoniis. Immisit Deus in illos ventum procellosum; et fuit Typhon ventus. Et confregit ventus idola omnia, et diruit templa idolorum, usquedum in tumulos pulveris redacti fuerint; et tumuli illi etiamnum remanent. Ex Seldeno et Schedio. Extiterit, manuscriptorum est; extitit, vulgatorum. At de Idololatriae origine vide librum Sapientiae capite XIII, etc.

Who was the first author of the worship of the gods. The beginning of the worship of the gods must be traced back not only to after the Flood but to a time long before it, one or two ages after the beginning of things. For so the passage is to be taken, Gen. 4, last verse: "Then was it profaned in calling on the name of Jehovah." For "chalal" (hence, in the hophal) is very often rendered "to profane," as in Lev. 19:12. So too the Chaldee paraphrase understands this passage. Rabbi Solomon Jarchi has this: "Then was it profaned in calling, that is, [calling] the names of men and the names of images by the name of that Holy One, blessed be he, of God, so that they made idols and made them gods." So too Erpenius's Arabic: "Then men began to fall away from the worship of God." So it is as if Moses had said that that most holy name, which designates the Creator and Lord of the whole universe, was impiously given to created things. Josephus, book I, ch. 4, testifies that long before Noah's time the worship of idols was in use down to the seventh generation, and that hardly had the Flood left the earth when unspeakable idolatry at once took its start again. "And they sacrificed their sons and their daughters to demons. God sent upon them a stormy wind, and the wind was Typhon. And the wind broke all the idols and overthrew the temples of the idols until they were reduced to mounds of dust; and those mounds remain even now." From Selden and Schedius. "Extiterit" is the manuscripts' reading; "extitit," the printed editions'. On the origin of idolatry see the book of Wisdom, ch. 13, etc.

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(8) ‹anchor: Didymus in libris› · lemma note in col 248

Didymus in libris. Plures Didymi: Vossio hic Chalcenterus cognomine, uti apud Ammianum est XXII, cap. 42, quasi aeneis intestinis robustus ad studia et labores. Floruisse dicitur sub Caesare dictatore et triumviris. CELL.

Didymus in the books. There were several Didymi: for Vossius this is the one surnamed Chalcenterus, as in Ammianus XXII, ch. 42, as though made strong for study and toil with bowels of bronze. He is said to have flourished under Caesar the dictator and the triumvirs. Cellarius.

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(9) ‹anchor: Cretensium regem› · lemma note in col 248

Cretensium regem. Hinc Servius ait, Cretenses religionum inventores fuisse.

King of the Cretans. Hence Servius says that the Cretans were the inventors of religions.

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(10) ‹anchor: Amaltheam et Melissam› · lemma note in col 248

Amaltheam et Melissam. Lib. I, cap. 21. Docet Bochart. in Hieroz. pag. 11, cap. 51, fol. 630, ex Galeno, Callimacho, Aliis, duas has nutrices Jovi datas, quia lac caprarum non tuto sine melle bibi possit, idque fuisse apud veteres valde usitatum. BUN.

Amalthea and Melissa. Book I, ch. 21. Bochart, Hierozoicon p. 11, ch. 51, fol. 630, shows from Galen, Callimachus and others that these two nurses were given to Jupiter because goats' milk cannot safely be drunk without honey, and that this was very common among the ancients. Bünemann.

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(11) ‹anchor: Ut in quamcumque regionem venerat› · lemma note in col 248

Ut in quamcumque regionem venerat. Mss. 10 et cuncti fere editi, ut in quamque; I ms. Clarom. et 4 vulgati, veniret, male. Ut, pro, statim atque, ubi primum. Terent. Hecyr. Ut quisque venerat, accedebam.

As soon as he had come into any region. Ten manuscripts and almost all the editions: "ut in quamque"; one Clermont manuscript and four printed editions: "veniret," wrongly. "Ut" for "as soon as, when first." Terence, Hecyra: "As each had come, I went up to him."

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(12) ‹anchor: Principesve› · lemma note in col 248

Principesve. Ita mss. antiquissimi et optimi, cum multis editis. Scripti 5 rec., principesque.

Or the chiefs. So the oldest and best manuscripts, with many editions. Five recent manuscripts: "and the chiefs."

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(13) ‹anchor: Jovi Atabyrio› · lemma note in col 248

Jovi Atabyrio. In mss. 6 Reg., I Bonon. antiq., et 2 Colb. scriptum est, Ataburio, ea videlicet prolatione, qua Latini olim graecum Υ per u repraesentabant; I Reg., I Colbert. et Brun., Atavirio, u pro b. Templum habuit in monte Atabyrio, a quo Atabyrius fuit dictus Jupiter. Diodor. lib. V: ἐπὶ δ' ὄρους Ἀταβύρου (sic legendum, non ut in editis vitiose Ἀταβύρου). Ex BOCHARTO partim — Atabyrio. De hoc multa doctissime Bochart. Geogr. S. l. I, cap. 7, f. m. 369. Meursii Rhod. Lib. I, cap. 8, pag. 23; Gyrald. Hist. Deor. Synt. II, ed. Lugd. Bat., fol. 98. BUN. <!-- The two Greek forms in the parenthesis differ in print (presumably by accent); the difference cannot be read at this resolution, so both are set alike. -->

To Jupiter Atabyrius. In six Regius manuscripts, one old Bologna and two Colbertini it is written "Ataburio," that is, with the pronunciation by which the Latins once represented Greek Υ by u; one Regius, one Colbertinus and the Brunswick: "Atavirio," u for b. He had a temple on Mount Atabyrium, from which Jupiter was called Atabyrius. Diodorus, book V: "on Mount Atabyrium" (so it should be read, not, as wrongly in the editions, [another form]). Partly from Bochart. — Atabyrius. Bochart says much on this very learnedly, Geographia sacra book I, ch. 7, p. 369 of my copy; Meursius, Rhodus book I, ch. 8, p. 23; Gyraldus, Historia deorum, syntagma II, Leiden edition, fol. 98. Bünemann.

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(14) ‹anchor: Jovi Labrandio› · lemma note in col 248

Jovi Labrandio. Mirum quanta sit hic loci in mss. varietas lectionum: ex his conjicio veram lectionem esse Labrandio. In I Reg. legitur Labradio; in 3 Reg. quorum unus est 900 annor., 3 Colb., I Sorb., I Clarom. lego, Jovi Labrandio; in Regio-Puteano aliisque 3 Reg., 2 Colb. Gat. Em. Cantab., et edit. Rom. 1468, 1470, Labriando; in 2 Bonon. et I Clarom., Labiandro; in I Reg., I Colb., Vict. et Brun., Labriunderio; in Marm. Labriandrio; in edit. Cellar. Labrandreo; in cunctis pene editis Labradeo. Vocatur Lavrandenus apud Strabonem, XIV, pag. 450, 453. Labranda, vicus Mylasiorum in Caria, Jovis Labrandei templo celebratus. Hujus Jovis simulacrum securim manu gestabat, quam Gyges, postquam Candau- (continues)

To Jupiter Labrandius. It is remarkable how great a variety of readings there is at this place in the manuscripts: from them I conjecture that the true reading is "Labrandio." In one Regius one reads "Labradio"; in three Regii, one of them nine hundred years old, three Colbertini, one Sorbonne and one Clermont I read "Jovi Labrandio"; in the Regio-Puteanus and three other Regii, two Colbertini, the Gat., Emmanuel and Cambridge manuscripts, and the Rome editions of 1468 and 1470, "Labriando"; in two Bologna and one Clermont, "Labiandro"; in one Regius, one Colbertinus, the Victorine and the Brunswick, "Labriunderio"; in the Marmoutier "Labriandrio"; in Cellarius's edition "Labrandreo"; in almost all the editions "Labradeo." He is called "Lavrandenus" in Strabo, XIV, pp. 450, 453. Labranda, a village of the Mylasians in Caria, famous for the temple of Jupiter Labrandeus. The image of this Jupiter carried in its hand an axe, which Gyges, after Candau- (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Jovi Labrandio (from p. 127)› · lemma note in col 249

(continued) lem occidit, in Cariam detulit, atque in manu ejus posuit. Hinc Plutarchus in Quaestion. 45, Graec. Labrandenum Jovem dictum voluit, quandoquidem Lydii λαβρίω securim appellant. Ex CELLARIO et THYS. — Sed tamen sic ab hospite dictum vult Lactantius. Aelianus autem alia ratione hoc nomine vocatum scribit Jovem. Labradeus, inquit, Jupiter nominatus est quod permultum pluisset. ISAEUS.

<!-- λαβρίω as printed (misprint; Plutarch has λάβρυς). -->

(continued) -les was killed, carried off to Caria and placed in its hand. Hence Plutarch, Greek Questions 45, held that Jupiter was called Labrandenus, since the Lydians call an axe "labrys." From Cellarius and Thysius. — But Lactantius holds that he was so called from a host. Aelian, however, writes that Jupiter was called by this name for another reason: "He was named Jupiter Labradeus," he says, "because it had rained very heavily." Isaeus.

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(2) ‹anchor: Jovi Laprio› · lemma note in col 249

Jovi Laprio. Mss. I Bonon. antiq. et recentiores I Reg., I Colb., Nav., Lips., Brun., Labrio: b pro p saepe a librariis positum, et e converso, apud omnes notum. De hoc Jovis nomine nulla est apud auctores mentio, praeterquam apud Lactantium.

To Jupiter Laprius. One old Bologna manuscript and the more recent ones, one Regius, one Colbertinus, the Navarre, Leipzig and Brunswick: "Labrio"; b put for p by copyists, and the reverse, is known to all. Of this name of Jupiter there is no mention in the authors, except in Lactantius.

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(3) ‹anchor: Jovi Casio› · lemma note in col 249

Jovi Casio. Sic lego cum duobus vetustissimis mss. Regiis, aliisque duobus Reg. I Colb., Nav., Vict., Gat., Marm., Em., Christ., Brun., necnon editis Betul. ac Cellar. Et recte. Sic etiam apud Suidam et apud Stephanum Cassius. Apud Lucanum, lib. VIII: Et Casio praeferre Jovi. Item apud Plinium, lib. V, cap. 12: A Pelusio Casius mons est, et delubrum Jovis Casii. In recentioribus 13 Lactantii mss. et totidem editis est, Cassio.

To Jupiter Casius. So I read with two very old Regius manuscripts and two other Regii, one Colbertinus, the Navarre, Victorine, Gat., Marmoutier, Emmanuel, Christ's and Brunswick manuscripts, and the editions of Betuleius and Cellarius. And rightly. So too in the Suda and in Stephanus, "Cassius." In Lucan, book VIII: "And to prefer to Jupiter Casius." Likewise in Pliny, book V, ch. 12: "From Pelusium is Mount Casius, and the shrine of Jupiter Casius." In thirteen more recent manuscripts of Lactantius and as many editions it is "Cassio."

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(4) ‹anchor: Eumdem modum› · lemma note in col 249

Eumdem modum. Mirum est quantum ad numerum creverint varia Jovis nomina. Trecentos Joves narrat Varro, cum variis epithetis et cognominibus; at quae singulorum fuerant, uni sunt attributa. Hinc error veterum in Jovis historia recitanda. Ducenta graeca illi data nomina post Lilium Gyraldum collegit Xystus Betuleius ad caput 22 hujus libri Lactantiani, et centum ac sexaginta latina nomina. Idem fuit de Hercule et de Mercurio, sicut et de Belo in historia veteri Assyriaca et Babylonica.

In the same way. It is remarkable how far the various names of Jupiter grew in number. Varro tells of three hundred Jupiters, with various epithets and surnames; but what had belonged to each was attributed to one. Hence the error of the ancients in telling the history of Jupiter. Xystus Betuleius, after Lilius Gyraldus, collected two hundred Greek names given him, at ch. 22 of this book of Lactantius, and a hundred and sixty Latin names. It was the same with Hercules and with Mercury, as also with Belus in the old Assyrian and Babylonian history.

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(5) ‹anchor: Et hinc imperio ejus libenter obsequebantur› · lemma note in col 249

Et hinc imperio ejus libenter obsequebantur. Hinc reposui, eruditorum consilio, ex mss. 2 Colb. et 2 Brun. pro huic imperio ejus, quod est in caeteris.

And hence they gladly obeyed his rule. "Hinc" I have restored, on the advice of the learned, from two Colbertini and two Brunswick manuscripts, for "huic imperio ejus" (to this, his rule), which is in the others.

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(6) ‹anchor: Tradidit› · lemma note in col 249

Tradidit. Hic reposuimus tradidit ex mss. pene omnibus, et edit. Tornes. et Walch. In 3 Reg., I Colb., Gat., Brun. et edit. Rom. 1470, est, tradit. At in cunctis fere editis legitur, sive ab ipso quoque Jove, ut Euhemerus tradidit: sed minus bene, quia contra fidem manuscriptorum.

Related. Here we have restored "tradidit" from almost all the manuscripts and the editions of Tornesius and Walch. In three Regii, one Colbertinus, the Gat., the Brunswick and the Rome edition of 1470 it is "tradit" (relates). But in almost all editions one reads "or from Jupiter himself, as Euhemerus related": less well, because against the testimony of the manuscripts.

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(7) ‹anchor: Euhemerus› · lemma note in col 249

Euhemerus. Ed. Sublac. addit: tradit.

Euhemerus. The Subiaco edition adds "relates."

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(8) ‹anchor: Jovem nepotem› · lemma note in col 249, continued in col 250

Jovem nepotem. Scilicet Urani, qui primus orbis universi imperio praefuit. Is enim ex Tellure uxore filium suscepit Saturnum, Saturnus ex Rhea Jovem: sic Apollod. Lactantius etiam hic subdit aviam Tellurem, quae fuit Urani conjux; Uranus ergo avus Jovis, et Jupiter ejus nepos, ut ait etiam supra cap. 5, et in fin. cap. 2. Haec igitur recta lectio est ab omnibus fere excusis libris agnita, non pronepotem ex mss. et edit. Rom., Torn., Soubron., Is., et Plantin. in marg. quae lectio Lactantio contraria est, qui Saturnum facit Jovis patrem, et Saturnum Urani seu Coeli filium.

Jupiter the grandson. That is, of Uranus, who first ruled the whole world. For he had by his wife Tellus a son, Saturn, and Saturn by Rhea had Jupiter: so Apollodorus. Lactantius here also adds the grandmother Tellus, who was the wife of Uranus; Uranus therefore was Jupiter's grandfather, and Jupiter his grandson, as he says also above, ch. 5, and at the end of ch. 2. This, then, is the correct reading, recognized by almost all the printed books, not "great-grandson," from the manuscripts and the editions of Rome, Tornesius, Soubron, Isaeus and Plantin in the margin, a reading contrary to Lactantius, who makes Saturn the father of Jupiter, and Saturn the son of Uranus or Caelus.

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(9) ‹anchor: Tellurem› · lemma note in col 250

Tellurem. De ejus in urbe Roma aede lege Plin. XXXIV, 9; Valer. Max. VI, 3; Augustin., de Civit. Dei IV. Plura Macrob. Saturnal. I. Terram matrem etiam Persae coluere (Herodot in Clio), et Scythae (idem in Melpomene); et sub nomine Herthi, etiam Germani, teste Tacito XL, 3. Ita Freinshemius in Tacitum.

Tellus. On her temple in the city of Rome read Pliny XXXIV, 9; Valerius Maximus VI, 3; Augustine, City of God IV. More in Macrobius, Saturnalia I. The Persians too worshipped Mother Earth (Herodotus in Clio), and the Scythians (the same, in Melpomene); and under the name of Hertha the Germans too, as Tacitus attests, XL, 3. So Freinsheim on Tacitus.

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(10) ‹anchor: Theophilus› · lemma note in col 250

Theophilus. Sextus hic Antiochenae ecclesiae episcopus fuit, teste Hieronymo, floruitque sub imperatore Antonino Vero, proxime nimirum post apostolorum tempora. Euseb. de hoc etiam testatur lib. IV Hist. eccles. BETULEIUS. — Hic vix circa annum vulgaris aerae 160.

Theophilus. He was the sixth bishop of the church of Antioch, as Jerome attests, and flourished under the emperor Antoninus Verus, that is, close after the times of the apostles. Eusebius also testifies of him, Ecclesiastical History book IV. Betuleius. — He [lived] hardly around the year 160 of the common era.

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(11) ‹anchor: De temporibus› · lemma note in col 250

De temporibus. Inter caetera Theophili monumenta extat, non liber de Temporibus, sed opus ad Autolicum adversus gentes tribus libris. Primo libro, docet Theophilus quid sit Deus; secundo, gentium idololatriam et superstitionem refellit; tertio, agit de Temporibus deorum Gentilium; sed hodie ex veteribus monumentis elucidata sunt quadamtenus veteris historiae tempora.

On the times. Among the other writings of Theophilus there survives not a book On the Times but a work To Autolycus against the Gentiles in three books. In the first book Theophilus teaches what God is; in the second he refutes the idolatry and superstition of the Gentiles; in the third he treats of the times of the Gentile gods; but today the times of ancient history have been clarified to some extent from old records.

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(12) ‹anchor: Thallum› · lemma note in col 250

Thallum. Ita legitur in cunctis ferme mss. In rec. 2 Reg., Vict., Nav., Brun., Thallium; in 4 Colb., Thallion; in uno autem Clarom. est, Thalion: in plerisque excusis, Thalum. Sed scribendum, Thallum, ex Tertulliano Apolog., II, Minucio, et ipsomet Lactantio supra c. 13, monente Meursio.

Thallus. So it reads in almost all the manuscripts. In the recent ones, two Regii, the Victorine, Navarre and Brunswick: "Thallium"; in four Colbertini, "Thallion"; and in one Clermont, "Thalion"; in most printed copies, "Thalum." But "Thallum" should be written, from Tertullian's Apology, II, Minucius, and Lactantius himself above, ch. 13, as Meursius advises.

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(13) ‹anchor: Quod Belus› · lemma note in col 250

Quod Belus, etc. Hunc Belum arbitror Nemrodum, quia huic regni principium in terra Sennaar Babylon fuit (Gen., X, c. 10); at conditorem Babylonis Belum vocant gentiles; inque his Dorotheus Sidonius, poeta vetustus: Antiqua urbs Babylon, Tyrio quae condita Belo. Artabanus apud Euseb., lib. IX Praepar. Evang. c. 41, ubi retulisset, ut primitus omnia aquis fuerint obruta, addit Belum siccasse loca, ac Babylonem moenibus cinxisse. Servio propterea dicitur Belus primus rex Assyriorum. Ejus sepultura fuit Babylone; sed Xerxes eam destruxit, ut refert Strabo initio sexti decimi. De Beli hujus cultu insignis est locus Claudiani in primo de laudibus Stiliconis: sed corruptus, cum juxta certissimam Scaligeri emendationem, in VI, de emendatione temporum, pro Belli debeat legi Beli. Fuit autem Belus cum Sole cultus. VOSSIUS.

That Belus, etc. I take this Belus to be Nimrod, because the beginning of his kingdom in the land of Shinar was Babylon (Gen. 10:10); and the Gentiles call the founder of Babylon Belus, among them Dorotheus of Sidon, an ancient poet: "Babylon, the ancient city, founded by Tyrian Belus." Artabanus in Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica book IX, ch. 41, having related how at first all things were overwhelmed by the waters, adds that Belus dried the land and girded Babylon with walls. For this reason Servius calls Belus the first king of the Assyrians. His tomb was at Babylon; but Xerxes destroyed it, as Strabo relates at the beginning of the sixteenth book. On the worship of this Belus there is a notable passage of Claudian in the first book In Praise of Stilicho; but it is corrupt, since according to Scaliger's most certain emendation, in book VI of De emendatione temporum, "Beli" should be read for "Belli." Belus was worshipped together with the Sun. Vossius.

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(1) ‹anchor: Trecentis viginti duobus annis› · lemma note in col 251

Trecentis viginti duobus annis. Thalli lapsum, quem secutus est Theophilus, et deinde Lactantius, ostendit luculenter Pererius in comm. ad Daniel, lib. XVI, c. 14, et lib. II Disp. de LXX septim., part. I, quaest. 2. Quamvis autem in hac supputatione mire varient chronologi, omnium tamen expensis sententiis, haud minus, quam octingentis vel nongentis circiter annis Belum Trojano excidio antiquiorem fuisse constat. ISAEUS. — Nil tamen de hoc certi definiri potest, propter varios Babyloniorum et Assyriorum Belos, qui his nationibus diversis imperarunt temporibus.

By three hundred and twenty-two years. Pererius, in his commentary on Daniel, book XVI, ch. 14, and in book II of the Disputation on the Seventy Weeks, part I, question 2, clearly shows the slip of Thallus, whom Theophilus followed, and then Lactantius. And although chronologers vary remarkably in this reckoning, yet, all opinions weighed, it is agreed that Belus was older than the fall of Troy by no less than about eight or nine hundred years. Isaeus. — Yet nothing certain can be settled about this, because of the various Beluses of the Babylonians and Assyrians, who ruled these nations at different times.

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(2) ‹anchor: Itaque› · lemma note in col 251, continued in col 252

Itaque. Haec vox manuscriptorum codicum est, et veterum 9 editorum. Ita rec. editiones habent.

Therefore. This word is that of the manuscript copies and of nine old editions. The recent editions have "Ita" (thus).

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(3) ‹anchor: Si congruentes annos dividas› · lemma note in col 252

Si congruentes annos dividas. Manuscripti decem recentiores cum editis habent, congruenter. Chronologi vehementer variant, neque in supputationibus temporum scrupulose sategit Lactantius. ISAEUS.

If you divide the corresponding years. Ten more recent manuscripts, with the editions, have "correspondingly." The chronologers differ widely, nor did Lactantius take scrupulous pains over the reckoning of times. Isaeus.

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(4) ‹anchor: Ante annos non amplius› · lemma note in col 252

Ante annos non amplius, etc. Falsus apparet calculus. Arnobius aliam inivit supputandi rationem, et ad duo millia annorum ab Jove, ad illa usque tempora intercessisse scribit prope finem lib. II. ISAEUS.

Not more than ... years before, etc. The calculation appears false. Arnobius adopted another method of reckoning, and writes near the end of book II that about two thousand years had passed from Jupiter down to those times. Isaeus.

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(5) ‹anchor: Ne modum excedat› · lemma note in col 252

Ne modum excedat. Mss. rec. 2 Reg., Vict., Nav., I Colb., Gat., Brun. addunt oratio; sed perperam.

Lest it exceed due measure. The recent manuscripts, two Regii, the Victorine, Navarre, one Colbertinus, the Gat. and the Brunswick add "oratio" (the discourse); but wrongly.

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