L. Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius, Divinarum Institutionum liber tertius, De falsa sapientia philosophorum

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; each note is keyed by its lemma. --> [1] ‹lemma: Philosophorum (book title)› · col 347 Philosophorum. Hanc vocem addidi ex mss. 1 Regio, Rostochiensi et Marm. necnon ex ipsomet Lactantio, lib. III, cap. 1 et 30.

Of the philosophers. I have added this word from the manuscripts — 1 Regius, the Rostock and Marm. — and also from Lactantius himself, book III, chapters 1 and 30.

[2] ‹lemma: Vellem mihi› · col 347 Vellem mihi. Ms. Reg. vetust. n. 3736 [numeral unclear in scan], addit, Constantine Imperator. Plures mss. habent quoniam, pro quando. Vellem mihi, etc. id est, Nisi veritas per se ipsa valeret, vellem eloquentiam, si non eamdem, ac Marcus Tullius, saltem proximam habere, ut vires veritatis exererem.

I could wish for myself. The old Regius manuscript no. 3736 adds O Emperor Constantine. Several manuscripts have quoniam (since) for quando (when). I could wish for myself, etc.: that is, If truth did not prevail by itself, I could wish to have an eloquence, if not the same as Marcus Tullius had, at least close to it, so as to put forth the strength of the truth.

[3] ‹lemma: Philosophis (chapter title)› · col 348 Philosophis. De his hocce libro tertio agitur.

Philosophers. It is of these that this third book treats.

[4] ‹lemma: Quia praecipua› · col 348 Quia praecipua. Ita editi, cum omnibus mss. praeter 1 Clarom., in quo est quae; et sic legere amabat Francius.

Because pre-eminent. So the editions, with all the manuscripts except 1 Claromontanus, in which is quae (which); and so Francius liked to read.

[5] ‹lemma: Veritas vi sua propria valet› · col 348 Veritas vi sua propria valet. Ne credas Lactantii institutum esse, ut eloquentiam, quam unam Cicero de summis virtutibus esse dicit, damnare velit, quam agnoscit donum esse Dei: sed discernit inter veram eloquentiam (quae fucos et lenocinia nescit), ac inter (continues)

Truth prevails by its own strength. Do not think it Lactantius's purpose to condemn eloquence — which Cicero calls one of the highest virtues, and which he acknowledges to be a gift of God: rather he distinguishes between true eloquence (which knows nothing of paint and allurements) and (continues)

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<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] (continued) · col 349 eam quae est justitiae adulatrix; ut in Gorgia Plato, et Quintilianus lib. II, cap. 16, ut prudenter, ita vere docuerunt. BETULEIUS.

(continued) that which is the flatterer of justice; as Plato in the Gorgias, and Quintilian book II, chapter 16, have taught as truly as wisely. BETULEIUS.

[2] ‹lemma: Ut simplex, etc.› · col 349 Ut simplex, etc. Hinc gentiles occasionem ridendi S. Scripturam sumpsere, et non solum S. Scripturam, verum et christianorum scripta, tanquam minus ornata et simplicia spernebant. Arnob. lib. I: Barbarismis et soloecismis obsitae, inquit, sunt res vestrae. Item Isidorus Pelusiota, lib. IV, epist. 27. HERALD. — De ratione simplici veritatis enucleandae, vide Platonem in Cratylo. — Simplex et nuda veritas, etc. Minuc. Fel., cap. 16: Quo imperitior sermo, hoc illustrior ratio est: quoniam non fucatur pompa facundiae et gratiae, sed ut est, recti regula sustinetur. Cyprian, l. II, ep. 2, ad Donatum: Cum de Domino et de Deo vox est, vocis pura sinceritas non eloquentiae viribus nititur ad fidei argumenta, sed rebus. Denique accipe non diserta, sed fortia, nec..... culto sermone fucata, sed... rudi veritate simplicia. Adde aurea verba Origenis contra Celsum l. III, ed. Cantab., pag. 135. Egregie Euripides in Phoeniss., vers 472, seqq. BONEMAN.

That simple, etc. From this the Gentiles took occasion to mock Holy Scripture, and they despised not only Holy Scripture but also the writings of Christians as less ornate and plain. Arnobius book I: Your affairs, he says, are overgrown with barbarisms and solecisms. So too Isidore of Pelusium, book IV, letter 27. HERALD. — On the plain manner of setting out the truth, see Plato in the Cratylus. — Simple and naked truth, etc. Minucius Felix, chapter 16: The less skilled the speech, the clearer the reasoning: for it is not painted with the pomp of eloquence and charm, but is upheld, just as it is, by the rule of right. Cyprian, book II, letter 2, to Donatus: When the voice speaks of the Lord and of God, the pure sincerity of the voice relies, for the proofs of faith, not on the strength of eloquence but on facts. In short, receive things not eloquent but strong, not..... painted with polished speech, but... plain with unpolished truth. Add the golden words of Origen against Celsus, book III, Cambridge edition, page 135. Excellently Euripides in the Phoenissae, verse 472 and following. BONEMAN.

[3] ‹lemma: Placeret› · col 349 Placeret. Restitui ex mss. 1 Bonon. antiq., 2 Reg. Lips., Pal., 1 Colb. et 1 Brun., quod praecedentia exigunt, ut simplex et nuda veritas esset luculentior... mendacium vero specie placeret aliena. Alter Brun. habet placere, mendose; mss. 14 cum ed., placet.

Should please. I have restored this from the manuscripts — 1 old Bononiensis, 2 Regii, Lipsiensis, Palatinus, 1 Colbertinus and 1 Brunsvicensis — because what precedes requires it: that simple and naked truth should be the more brilliant... but falsehood should please by a borrowed appearance. The other Brunsvicensis has placere, wrongly; 14 manuscripts with the editions, placet (pleases).

[4] ‹lemma: Vanescit› · col 349 Vanescit. Mss 5 rec. inanescit.

Vanishes. Five recent manuscripts: inanescit (becomes empty).

[5] ‹lemma: Diffluit› · col 349 Diffluit. Sic reposui ex 24 mss. ac vulgatis Is. et Cellar. Defluit est in 8 rec. scriptis, et in omnibus fere impressis.

Flows away. So I have restored from 24 manuscripts and the editions of Isaeus and Cellarius. Defluit is in 8 recent manuscripts and in almost all printed editions.

[6] ‹lemma: Nisi ornatu aliunde quaesito circumlitum fuerit ac politum› · col 349 Nisi ornatu aliunde quaesito circumlitum fuerit ac politum. Haec a nonnullis novis editoribus neglecta restitui Lactantio ex omnibus prope vulgatis, et 48 mss. nisi quod, pro circumlitum, 1 Reg. habet circumventum; Christ, excultum.

Unless it has been smeared over and polished with ornament sought from elsewhere. These words, neglected by some recent editors, I have restored to Lactantius from almost all editions and 48 manuscripts, except that for circumlitum (smeared over) 1 Regius has circumventum (surrounded); Christ, excultum (refined).

[7] ‹lemma: Etiamsi ego defecerim› · col 349 Etiamsi ego defecerim. De Opif., cap. 20: Ego vero libentius sub hoc onere defecerim. Imitatur Quintilianum l. XII, prooem.: Licet major moles premat, tamen... constitutum est, vel deficere potius, quam desperare. BUN.

Even if I should fail. De opificio, chapter 20: But I would more gladly fail under this burden. He imitates Quintilian, book XII, preface: Although a greater weight presses, yet... it is resolved rather even to fail than to despair. BUN.

[8] ‹lemma: Maximos quoque› · col 349 Maximos quoque. Ita ferunt cuncti ferme editi, et antiquiores ac potiores mss. Vulgati tres et 18 rec. mss., maximos quosque.

The greatest also. So read nearly all the editions, and the older and better manuscripts. Three editions and 18 recent manuscripts: maximos quosque (all the greatest).

[9] ‹lemma: Potentia veritatis, ut seipsam... defendat› · col 350 Potentia veritatis, ut seipsam... defendat. Apparet Cicero, Orat. pro Coelio, cap. 26: O magna vis veritatis, quae contra hominum ingenia, calliditatem, solertiam; contraque fictas omnium insidias facile se per seipsam defendat. BUN.

The power of truth, so that it defends itself... Cicero shows through, speech for Caelius, chapter 26: O great force of truth, which against the talents, cunning and shrewdness of men, and against the contrived plots of all, easily defends itself by itself. BUN.

[10] ‹lemma: Cur hanc ego› · col 350 Cur hanc ego. Sic emendavi ex optimis et antiquissimis mss. ac omnibus pene editis. Scripti sex et 3 rec. impressi ferunt, cur hanc ergo.

Why I this. So I have corrected from the best and oldest manuscripts and almost all editions. Six manuscripts and 3 recent printed editions read cur hanc ergo (why then this).

[11] ‹lemma: Neque ego› · col 350 Neque ego. Mss. 15 rec. et plerique vulgati, neque enim.

Nor I. Fifteen recent manuscripts and most editions: neque enim (for neither).

[12] ‹lemma: Naturam hominis Deus veri adipiscendi cupientissimam fecit› · col 350 Naturam hominis Deus veri adipiscendi cupientissimam fecit. Rectius Deo tribuit, quam Cicero natura, l. II Fin. 14: Natura cupiditatem ingenuit homini veri inveniendi. BUN.

God made man's nature most desirous of attaining the truth. He ascribes this more rightly to God than Cicero does to nature, De finibus book II, 14: Nature has implanted in man the desire of finding the truth. BUN.

[13] ‹lemma: Induxerunt› · col 350 Induxerunt. Legitur Induerunt apud Buneman., qui in hunc locum exhibet notam sequentem. — Induerunt. Ausus sum contra omnes, quos vidi, libros, qui induxerunt habent, hic recipere induerunt; praecessit enim. ipsi se. Inducere alii alios possunt, induimus nos ipsi. Pari modo hic legendum censuit Davisius. ad Cic. II Divinat. cap. 17: Cur vos induitis in eas captiones? Idem censet Heumannus. Iterum Lact. l. VI, cap. 12: Prudens ac sciens in hos se laqueos induit.

Have led in. Induerunt (have entangled) is read in Bunemann, who gives on this place the following note. — Induerunt. Against all the books I have seen, which have induxerunt, I have dared to adopt induerunt here; for ipsi se (themselves) went before. Others can lead others in (inducere); we entangle ourselves (induimus nos ipsi). In the same way Davisius judged it should be read here, on Cicero, De divinatione II, chapter 17: Why do you entangle yourselves in these quibbles? Heumann judges the same. Again Lactantius, book VI, chapter 12: Knowingly and wittingly he entangles himself in these snares.

[14] ‹lemma: Ex sapientia› · col 350 Ex sapientia. Repete, falsa.

From wisdom. Supply again falsa (false).

[15] ‹lemma: Cogitationes philosophorum› · col 350 Cogitationes philosophorum. Ms. 1 Reg. cum edit. Rom. 1470, addit hominum; 1 alter Reg. cum 8 editis, omnium: quae vox saltem est subaudienda, ut conjicitur ex Lactantii loco infra posito, cap. 16: Abjicienda est omnis philosophia, Gentilium scilicet; Scriptura enim damnat non omnem, sed tantum vanam philosophiam, ut constat ex cap. II, vers. 8, ad Colossenses.

The thoughts of the philosophers. Manuscript 1 Regius, with the Rome edition of 1470, adds hominum (of men); another Regius with 8 editions, omnium (of all): a word which must at least be understood, as is inferred from the passage of Lactantius set below, chapter 16: All philosophy is to be cast away — that of the Gentiles, namely; for Scripture condemns not all philosophy but only vain philosophy, as is clear from Colossians chapter 2, verse 8.

[16] ‹lemma: Nec enim decebat aliter, ut› · col 350 Nec enim decebat aliter, ut. Vult omitti aliter Bunem. « Proscripsi, inquit, vocem hic ineptam aliter: ubi reliqui omnes, nec enim decebat aliter, ut. Delet quoque Heumannus: nam hic sensum turbat plane. Rescripsi ex omnibus Tornesianis ab an. 1548–1613: Nec enim decebat, ut, cum. Illud aliter priori loco motum postea commodius eaedem reddunt cum Betul. legendo, tanquam aliter fides ei non haberetur, quas sum secutus. »

For it was not fitting otherwise, that. Bunemann wants aliter (otherwise) omitted. « I have struck out, he says, the word aliter, unfitting here, where all the rest have nec enim decebat aliter, ut. Heumann also deletes it, for here it plainly disturbs the sense. I have written instead, from all the Tornaesius editions of 1548–1613: Nec enim decebat, ut, cum (for it was not fitting that, when). The same editions, which I have followed, afterwards more fittingly restore that aliter, moved from its earlier place, reading with Betuleius tanquam aliter fides ei non haberetur (as though otherwise it would not be believed). »

[17] ‹lemma: Pronuntiare. Verum ipse, ut Deus› · col 350 Pronuntiare. Verum ipse, ut Deus. Haec interpunctio est mss. 6 Reg., quorum duo antiquissimi sunt, 4 (continues)

To pronounce. But he himself, as God. This punctuation is that of 6 Regii manuscripts, of which two are very old, 4 (continues)

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<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] (continued) · col 351 Colb., Lips., Tornes., Betul., Em., Brun. ac vet. ed. 2, Rom. et Venet. 1490. In pluribus mss. nulla est ad haec verba interpunctio: quatuor ultima a ms. Mertoniensi absunt: unde ea esse glossema fere suspicor cum Walchio et Heumanno.

(continued) Colbertinus, Lipsiensis, Tornaesius, Betuleius, Em., Brunsvicensis and 2 old editions, Rome and Venice 1490. In most manuscripts there is no punctuation at these words; the last four are missing from the Merton manuscript, so that I rather suspect, with Walch and Heumann, that they are a gloss.

[2] ‹lemma: Monstrabimus› · col 351 Monstrabimus. Sic emendavi ex cunctis mss. codicibus, et editis Rom. 1470, Betul., et versione Gallica, an 1563.

We shall show. So I have corrected from all the manuscripts, and the editions of Rome 1470 and Betuleius, and the French translation of 1563.

[3] ‹lemma: Tantum honoris habeamus, aut› · col 351 Tantum honoris habeamus, aut. Bunem., ut. « Sic edo, inquit, ex Sublac., Rost., Ven., 1471, 72, utraque 78, 93, 97, Paris., Parrh., Junt., Ald., Crat., Gymn., et Heumannus sic legendum credit. Recte. Sic lego l. VII, c. 5: Si tantum honoris homini habuit, ut ipsius causa mundum fabricaret. Ib., c. 4: Tantum illi honoris habuit, ut eum praeficeret universis. Recentiores sine ulla mss. mentione, nisi quod Cauci, aut... etiam eorum hic variant. Gryph., 1541, et hunc secuti Thomas. Isaeus, Gall., Cant., Spark., Cell., tantum honoris habeamus, aut eorum; Tornaes., 1548 et Betul. tantum honoris debeamus, aut; Tornes., 1587–1613, et Walch., tantum honorem habeamus, aut. Si ut pro aut legas, postrema lectio bona. Sic Cyprian., epist. ad Magnum, ed. Pamel., ep. 76. Nisi si justum... ut... tantus honor habeatur haereticis, ut non interrogentur, etc. »

Let us pay so much honour, or. Bunemann reads ut (that). « So I publish, he says, from the Subiaco, Rostock, Venice 1471, 72, both of 78, 93, 97, Paris, Parrhasius, Giunta, Aldine, Cratander and Gymnicus editions, and Heumann believes it should be read so. Rightly. So I read in book VII, chapter 5: If he paid man so much honour as to build the world for his sake. Ibid., chapter 4: He paid him so much honour as to set him over all things. The more recent editions, without any mention of manuscripts — except that Cauci's has aut... etiam eorum — vary here. Gryphius 1541, and following him Thomas, Isaeus, the French, Cambridge, Sparke and Cellarius editions: tantum honoris habeamus, aut eorum; Tornaesius 1548 and Betuleius: tantum honoris debeamus, aut; Tornaesius 1587–1613 and Walch: tantum honorem habeamus, aut. If you read ut for aut, the last reading is good. So Cyprian, letter to Magnus, Pamelius's edition, letter 76: Unless it be just... that... such honour be paid to heretics that they are not questioned, etc. »

[4] ‹lemma: Redarguemus› · col 351 Redarguemus. Ita omnes ferme mss. et multi impressi, 2 Reg., arguemus; 2 al. Reg., redarguimus; 5 edd., redarguamus. — Illos ignorantiae redarguemus. Idem quoque iterum dixit in Epit., cap. 29, eosque stultitiae redarguit. Ejus generis sunt l. III, c. 4, aliquem stultitiae convincere; ibidem sup. stultitiae accusare; Epit., c. 32, stultitiae condemnare. BUN.

We shall convict. So nearly all manuscripts and many printed editions; 2 Regii, arguemus (we shall accuse); 2 other Regii, redarguimus (we convict); 5 editions, redarguamus (let us convict). — We shall convict them of ignorance. He said the same again in the Epitome, chapter 29: and convicts them of folly. Of the same kind are book III, chapter 4, to convict someone of folly; ibidem above, to accuse of folly; Epitome, chapter 32, to condemn of folly. BUN.

[5] ‹lemma: Quoniam his non creditur› · col 351 Quoniam his non creditur. Haec verba absunt a mss. Oxoniensibus, Bold. et Cott. sed reperiuntur in aliis codicibus ac impressis, ac optimum sensum efficiunt. Haec porro lectio nostra multo distinctior editione Romana, quae sic habet: Nec sane magnum aliquid efficiemus, quod illos ignorantiae arguemus, quam saepissime confitentur. In eo solo, quoniam eis non creditur, in quo solo credi debuit; conabor ostendere, etc.

Since these are not believed. These words are missing from the Oxford manuscripts, Bodleian and Cottonian, but are found in other manuscripts and printed editions, and make excellent sense. This reading of ours is, moreover, much clearer than the Roman edition, which has: Nor shall we achieve anything great by accusing them of ignorance, which they very often confess. In that alone, since they are not believed, in which alone they ought to have been believed; I shall try to show, etc.

[6] ‹lemma: Sententiam› · col 351 Sententiam. Post hanc dictionem, ms. 1 Bon. antiq. et rec. edit. Thom., Thys., Gall. inserunt, in se.

Opinion. After this word manuscript 1 old Bononiensis and the recent editions of Thomas, Thysius and the French insert in se (in itself).

[7] ‹lemma: Prioribus› · col 352 Prioribus. Ita reposui ex manuscriptis, praeter 2 Reg. et editos, in quibus est superioribus, quae vox deest in uno Colbertino.

Earlier. So I have restored from the manuscripts, except 2 Regii and the editions, in which is superioribus (preceding); the word is missing in one Colbertinus.

[8] ‹lemma: Ad excidendum› · col 352 Ad excidendum. Sic restitui ex quamplurimis mss. editisque, Rom. 1470, Gymnic., Crat., Betul. Et sic legendum esse censebat doct. Francius. In 12, vulgatis et recentissimis 2 scriptis est ad excindendum; in septem ad incidendum.

For cutting out. So I have restored from very many manuscripts and editions — Rome 1470, Gymnicus, Cratander, Betuleius. And so the learned Francius judged it should be read. In 12 editions and the 2 most recent manuscripts is ad excindendum (for destroying); in seven, ad incidendum (for cutting into).

[9] ‹lemma: Disjecta et dissipata› · col 352 Disjecta et dissipata. Ex omnibus ferme mss. et excusis ita reposui. Tres impressi ferunt dissecta, nec male; tres scripti cum edit. Tornes. et Soubron. disjuncta.

Scattered and dispersed. So I have restored from nearly all manuscripts and printed editions. Three printed editions read dissecta (cut apart), not badly; three manuscripts with the Tornaesius and Soubron editions, disjuncta (disjoined).

[10] ‹lemma: Ipsique definiunt› · col 352 Ipsique definiunt. Vide Cic. II Officior. in principio.

And they themselves define. See Cicero, De officiis II, at the beginning.

[11] ‹lemma: Studiosos sapientiae› · col 352 Studiosos sapientiae, φιλοσόφους.

Lovers of wisdom: philosophers (philosophous).

[12] ‹lemma: Sapientes› · col 352 Sapientes, σοφούς.

Wise men: sophous.

[13] ‹lemma: Immo vero Pythagoras› · col 352 Immo vero Pythagoras. Videndi Augustinus lib. XIV de Trinitate, cap. 1, et lib. VIII, cap. 2, de Civitate Dei; et Cicero lib. V Tusculan. quaest. Deus ergo ipse summa sapientia: cultus autem Dei est sapientia hominis, de qua nunc loquimur. Nam sapientia hujus mundi stultitia est apud Deum. Secundum hanc itaque sapientiam, quae Dei cultus est, ait sancta Scriptura (Sapient. VI, 26): Multitudo sapientium sanitas est orbis terrarum. Sed si de sapientia sapientium disputare est, imitandum est exemplum Pythagorae, qui cum ausus non fuisset se sapientem profiteri, philosophum potius, id est amatorem sapientiae, se esse respondit? A quo id nomen exortum, ita deinceps posteris placuit, ut quantalibet de rebus ad sapientiam pertinentibus doctrina quisque, vel sibi vel aliis videretur excellere, nonnisi philosophus vocaretur. Vide praeter S. Augustin. ubi supra; Ciceron., praefat. l. I Tuscul., et Laert. initio.

Nay rather Pythagoras. See Augustine, De Trinitate book XIV, chapter 1, and City of God book VIII, chapter 2; and Cicero, Tusculan Disputations book V. God himself, then, is the highest wisdom; but the worship of God is the wisdom of man, of which we now speak. For the wisdom of this world is foolishness with God. According to this wisdom, then, which is the worship of God, Holy Scripture says (Wis. 6:26): The multitude of the wise is the health of the world. But if one is to dispute about the wisdom of the wise, must we not follow the example of Pythagoras, who, since he had not dared to profess himself wise, answered that he was rather a philosopher, that is, a lover of wisdom? The name having arisen from him, it so pleased posterity thereafter that anyone, however much he seemed to himself or to others to excel in learning about matters belonging to wisdom, was called nothing but a philosopher. See, besides St Augustine as above, Cicero, preface to Tusculans book I, and Laertius at the beginning.

[14] ‹lemma: Imperfectae rei perfectum› · col 352 Imperfectae rei perfectum. Laertius c. I. ex Heraclide Pontico refert Pythagorae verba: μηδένα εἶναι σοφὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἀλλ' ἢ Θεόν. Seneca, ep. 89: Dicam inter sapientiam et philosophiam quid intersit: sapientia perfectum bonum est mentis humanae; philosophia sapientiae amor est et affectatio. BUN.

The perfect of an imperfect thing. Laertius, chapter I, reports from Heraclides Ponticus the words of Pythagoras: no man is wise, but only God. Seneca, letter 89: I will say what difference there is between wisdom and philosophy: wisdom is the perfect good of the human mind; philosophy is the love of wisdom and the striving after it. BUN.

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<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] ‹lemma: Opinatione› · col 353 Opinatione. Opinatio est opinio quae scientiae opponitur, et a recentioribus philosophis dicitur probabilitas. Ex Walchio.

By supposing. Supposition is opinion as opposed to knowledge, and is called probability by more recent philosophers. From Walch.

[2] ‹lemma: Scientia ab ingenio› · col 353 Scientia ab ingenio. Id est, ab animo. Nam infra cap. 6, dicit scientiam ab anima esse, ignorationem a corpore. Vide cap. 1 de ira Dei. Metaphysicum illud lumen divinitus in mentibus nostris accensum, alii sapientiam, alii scientiam (huc hic noster) appellant, cum scientia proprie sit rerum in natura mutabili perpetuarum et constantium: quod lumen est ab ipsa natura mentibus mortalium inditum; quod licet corporali caligine obnubiletur, plus tamen lucis in aliis, in aliis minus est, et ob id etiam plus in aliis, in aliis minus scientiae est. Quod quidem mirum non est, cum divinae sapientiae doctor Augustinus neget, cuiquam sanctorum coelestem sapientiam totam contigisse. Cujus asseverationis ipsum Paulum auctorem habet αὐθεντικώτατον. BETULEIUS.

Knowledge from the intellect. That is, from the mind. For below, in chapter 6, he says that knowledge is from the soul, ignorance from the body. See chapter 1 of De ira Dei. That metaphysical light kindled by God in our minds some call wisdom, others knowledge (to this our author inclines here), since knowledge properly is of things perpetual and constant within mutable nature: a light put into the minds of mortals by nature itself; and though it is clouded by bodily darkness, there is yet more light in some, less in others, and for that reason more knowledge in some, less in others. Nor is this surprising, since Augustine, teacher of divine wisdom, denies that the whole of heavenly wisdom has fallen to any of the saints. For this assertion he has Paul himself as his most authoritative warrant. BETULEIUS.

[3] ‹lemma: Idcirco enim oculos et aures› · col 353 Idcirco enim oculos et aures, etc. Socrates quidem in Theaeteto, in secunda definitione, τὴν ἐπιστήμην definit αἴσθησιν. Quomodo vero inter se differant, docet Aristot. in III de Anima, cap. 8. BETULEIUS.

For this reason eyes and ears, etc. Socrates, indeed, in the Theaetetus, in the second definition, defines knowledge as perception. How they differ from one another Aristotle teaches in De anima III, chapter 8. BETULEIUS.

[4] ‹lemma: Permanaret› · col 353 Permanaret. Sic restitui ex mss. 2 Bonon., Lips., Pal., Tax., ad hoc enim conspirant antiquiores et potiores mss. Regio-Put. qui habet, permaneret; Cauc., 3 Reg., Ultr., 1 Brun. permanet pro permanaret; 1 Colb., permearet. In rec. 5 al. Reg., 5 Colb., 2 Clarom. et in excusis est perveniret; in 1 Reg. et 1 Brun., perveniat. — Permanaret. Scite, ut Cicero, permanare ad animum, ad sensus, ad aures. In omnibus edd. perveniret, quod et ipsum elegans. BUN.

Should flow through. So I have restored from manuscripts 2 Bononienses, Lipsiensis, Palatinus, Tax.; for to this the older and better manuscripts agree — the Regio-Puteanus, which has permaneret (should remain); Cauci's, 3 Regii, the Utrecht and 1 Brunsvicensis have permanet for permanaret; 1 Colbertinus, permearet (should pass through). In 5 other recent Regii, 5 Colbertini, 2 Claromontani and in the printed editions is perveniret (should reach); in 1 Regius and 1 Brunsvicensis, perveniat. — Permanaret. Aptly, as Cicero says to flow through to the mind, to the senses, to the ears. In all editions perveniret, which is itself elegant too. BUN.

[5] ‹lemma: Sol utrumne› · col 353 Sol utrumne, etc. Lucretius de sideribus in Universum lib. V: Quidquid id est, nihilo fertur majore figura, / Quam nostris oculis, quod cernimus, esse videtur. Epicuri dogma hoc est. Vide super hac re Plutarchi verba ex philosophorum Placitis lib. II, cap. 11, ubi solem septies et vicies terra majorem dixit. Consentit Galenus, περὶ φιλοσοφ. Ἱστορίας cap. 58. Sed apud Cic. in Acad quaest. amplius duodeviginti partibus mathematicis terra major creditur: id quod praecedenti capite apud Plut. eidem Anaximandro tribuitur. Sed in ejus Vita apud Laert. legitur asseruisse, τὸν ἥλιον οὐκ ἐλάττονα τῆς γῆς, καὶ καθαρότατον πῦρ. Plato in eadem fere sententia fuit in Epinomide. Macrob. in I de Som. Scip., cap. 20, Erathosteni tribuit, quod (continued in col 354) vivalium lib. ex Ptolemaeo colligit, solem quam terra majorem esse centies sexagies sexies, additis octavis tribus. Lege praeterea de solis magnitudine Cleomedem lib. II, Plin. lib. II, cap. 11. BETULEIUS. — Vide si lubet Cartesium.

Whether the sun, etc. Lucretius on the heavenly bodies generally, book V: "Whatever it is, it is carried with no greater shape / Than it seems to our eyes, as we see it, to be." This is the doctrine of Epicurus. See on this matter Plutarch's words from the Opinions of the Philosophers, book II, chapter 11, where he said the sun was twenty-seven times larger than the earth. Galen agrees, On the History of Philosophy, chapter 58. But in Cicero's Academic Questions it is believed to be more than eighteen mathematical parts larger than the earth, which in the preceding chapter of Plutarch is ascribed to the same Anaximander. But in his Life in Laertius he is read to have asserted that the sun is not smaller than the earth, and is the purest fire. Plato was of almost the same opinion in the Epinomis. Macrobius, Somnium Scipionis I, chapter 20, ascribes to Eratosthenes what (the text continues in col 354) ...vivalium [the opening of the word falls in the gutter; probably Firmicus's book] gathers from Ptolemy: that the sun is one hundred and sixty-six and three-eighths times larger than the earth. Read besides, on the size of the sun, Cleomedes book II, Pliny book II, chapter 11. BETULEIUS. — See Descartes, if you like.

[6] ‹lemma: Luna globosa› · col 354 Luna globosa. Vide Plutarchum in Placitis lib. II, cap. 27. Cleomedes priscos tres tantum in luna figuras protulisse refert: surgentem in cornua, dividuam, plenam; indeque Dianam Triviam fuisse dictam. Testatur tamen a junioribus adjectum esse, utrinque turgidam; sic enim ἀμφίκυρτον Valla reddidisse videtur, quod Budaeus utrinque convexum. Cujus quidem Plin. lib. II, cap. 9, et Theon in Arato, haec memorantes, nullam faciunt mentionem. Sed meminit Martianus l. VIII, meminit Macrob. lib. I, cap. 6, Somn., et ipsa Luna apud Lucianum in Icaromenippo. Adjiciemus his, quae refert Cicero in Academ. quaest lib. IV de Xenophane, qui lunam habitabilem dixit, eamque esse terram multarum urbium. Physici certe lunam aethercam terram dixerunt, teste Macrobio. Vide de his omnibus Philelphi Convivales sermones. Aristoteles l. II de Coelo, c. 11, sidera omnia σφαιροειδῆ facit: sicut etiam Cicero in Scipionis Somnio, ubi Macrobius stellarum corpora sphaeras appellat. Sed inventi sunt qui secus putarunt, Cleantes, Anaximenes, et alii. BETULEIUS.

The moon is a globe. See Plutarch in the Opinions, book II, chapter 27. Cleomedes reports that the ancients put forward only three shapes of the moon: rising into horns, halved, full; and that hence Diana was called Trivia. He testifies, however, that a fourth was added by later writers, swollen on both sides; for so Valla seems to have rendered amphikyrton, which Budé renders convex on both sides. Pliny book II, chapter 9, and Theon on Aratus, in recounting these, make no mention of it. But Martianus mentions it, book VIII, and Macrobius, Somnium book I, chapter 6, and the Moon herself in Lucian's Icaromenippus. We will add to these what Cicero reports in the Academic Questions book IV of Xenophanes, who said the moon was habitable and was a land of many cities. The natural philosophers certainly called the moon an ethereal earth, as Macrobius witnesses. On all of these see Filelfo's Convivia. Aristotle, De caelo book II, chapter 11, makes all the stars spherical; as also Cicero in the Dream of Scipio, where Macrobius calls the bodies of the stars spheres. But some were found who thought otherwise: Cleanthes, Anaximenes and others. BETULEIUS.

[7] ‹lemma: Et stellae utrumne coelo adhaereant› · col 354 Et stellae utrumne coelo adhaereant, etc. Ita reposui ex editis Tornes. Soubron. et omnibus manu exaratis, praeter 2 Reg. rec. et impressos, in quibus est, et stellae utrumne cohaereant coelo. Notat Xenocratis, sive, ut Galenus habet, Xenophanis dogma: de his vide Plutarchum. Hodie certe nec ille stellarum situs agnoscitur, nec dubiantur quin fixae stellae cum tota universitate circumagantur. Cur autem Lactantius dictitet per aerem ferri sidera, ratione caret, nisi aera pro aethere dixerit. Est enim omnino ἄκυρον, vel ex vulgi opinione sumptum: quae, ut in Phaedone Plato docet, ex imbecillitate et tarditate visus nostri nascitur; vel quod superioribus idem aether est, quod nobis aer, ut idem Plato ibidem refert. BETULEIUS.

And whether the stars cling to the sky, etc. So I have restored from the Tornaesius and Soubron editions and all the handwritten copies, except 2 recent Regii and the printed editions, in which is et stellae utrumne cohaereant coelo (and whether the stars hold together with the sky). He is noting the doctrine of Xenocrates or, as Galen has it, of Xenophanes: on these see Plutarch. Today certainly that position of the stars is not recognised, nor is it doubted that the fixed stars are carried round with the whole universe. Why Lactantius keeps saying the stars are borne through the air is without reason, unless he said air for ether. For it is wholly improper, or taken from the opinion of the crowd, which, as Plato teaches in the Phaedo, arises from the weakness and slowness of our sight; or else because to the beings above, ether is the same as air is to us, as the same Plato relates in the same place. BETULEIUS.

[8] ‹lemma: Utrum quietum sit et immobile› · col 354 Utrum quietum sit et immobile. Sic habent mss. Jun., Cantabrig., duo Reg. et alii cum plur. editis; 3 al. Reg., aut mobile; mss. Cauc., immortale. Emendo ex optimis et veterrimis 4 Reg., 1 Bon., antiq., Ultr., Goth., Em., 4 Colb., 2 Brun. et ed. Graph., Gymnic, Tornes., Soubron., Paris., Cellar., Valch., et immobile; nec aliter hunc locum ad verbum refert Isidorus (continues)

Whether it is at rest and immovable. So the manuscripts Junius, Cambridge, two Regii and others with most editions; 3 other Regii, aut mobile (or movable); Cauci's manuscripts, immortale (immortal). I correct from the best and oldest — 4 Regii, 1 old Bononiensis, Utrecht, Gotha, Em., 4 Colbertini, 2 Brunsvicenses — and the editions of Gryphius [printed "Graph."], Gymnicus, Tornaesius, Soubron, Paris, Cellarius, Walch [printed "Valch."]: et immobile; nor does Isidore report this passage word for word otherwise (continues)

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<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] (continued) · col 355 lib. II Origin., cap. 24, et praeterea istic sequitur, an incredibili celeritate volvatur. Vide Copernicum, cardinalem de Cusa, Cartesium, aliosque auctores infra laudatos; nempe Macrobium lib. I de Somnio Scipionis, cap. 17; Plinium lib. II, cap. 3; Aristotelem, in libro de Coelo secundo, de Mundo, et alibi. Cicero de Universitate n. 17 sic: Maxima itaque una conversione atque eadem ipse circum se torquetur et vertitur. (Vide col. 355, lin. 2).

(continued) Origines book II, chapter 24, and there follows besides, or whether it revolves with incredible speed. See Copernicus, Cardinal of Cusa, Descartes and the other authors cited below: namely Macrobius, Somnium Scipionis book I, chapter 17; Pliny book II, chapter 3; Aristotle in the second book De caelo, in De mundo, and elsewhere. Cicero, De universitate no. 17, thus: And so it is twisted and turned about itself in one and the same greatest revolution. (See col. 355, line 2.)

[2] ‹lemma: Quanta sit terrae crassitudo› · col 355 Quanta sit terrae crassitudo. Macrob. lib. I de Somnio Scipionis, c. 20, colligit, ut ipse praedicat, evidentissimis et indubitabilibus dimensionibus universae terrae ambitum, quae ubicumque vel incolitur, vel inhabitabilis jacet, habere stadiorum millia ducenta quinquaginta duo, diametron vero octoginta millia stadiorum, vel non multo amplius habere. Idque ex ratione Eratosthenis, quam sequitur etiam Cleomedes libro I. Lege ad haec magnam Ptolomaei Constructionem lib. V, cap. 16, et ibidem Theonis Hypomnemata, et Martianum in sua Geometria. Caeterum de terrae magnitudine indeterminate disputat Plato in Phaedone. BET.

How great is the thickness of the earth. Macrobius, Somnium Scipionis book I, chapter 20, concludes, as he himself proclaims, by the most evident and indubitable measurements, that the circumference of the whole earth, wherever it is inhabited or lies uninhabitable, is two hundred and fifty-two thousand stadia, and its diameter eighty thousand stadia, or not much more. And this from the reckoning of Eratosthenes, which Cleomedes also follows in book I. Read on this Ptolemy's great Syntaxis, book V, chapter 16, and in the same place Theon's Commentaries, and Martianus in his Geometry. For the rest, Plato discusses the size of the earth without determining it in the Phaedo. BET.

[3] ‹lemma: Quibus fundamentis librata› · col 355 Quibus fundamentis librata, etc. Vide Simmiam apud Platonem in Phaedone ad finem; Ciceronem in Acad. Ptolemaeum lib. III, cap. 7. ALMAGESTI.

On what foundations balanced, etc. See Simmias in Plato's Phaedo, towards the end; Cicero in the Academica; Ptolemy book III, chapter 7. OF THE ALMAGEST.

[4] ‹lemma: Disputando› · col 355 Disputando. Mss. 1 Bon. antiq., disputare.

By disputing. Manuscript 1 old Bononiensis: disputare (to dispute).

[5] ‹lemma: Arbitremur› · col 355 Arbitremur. Sic restitui ex 13 optimis ac vetustissimis mss. et 4 editis Torn., Soubr., Cellar. et Walch. Scripti 7 rec. et 16 excusi ferunt, arbitramur.

Let us judge. So I have restored from 13 of the best and oldest manuscripts and 4 editions, Tornaesius, Soubron, Cellarius and Walch. Seven recent manuscripts and 16 printed editions read arbitramur (we judge).

[6] ‹lemma: Qui naturalia› · col 355 Qui naturalia. Non illam calumniatur physicen, quae medicinae fundamentum est, ut infra cap. 5 et 6 patebit; sed eam, cujus proprium, ut Laertius inquit, est, disputare de mundo, deque rebus in mundo existentibus.

Who natural things. He does not slander that natural science which is the foundation of medicine, as will appear below in chapters 5 and 6; but the one whose proper business, as Laertius says, is to dispute about the world and about the things existing in the world.

[7] ‹lemma: Recte ergo Socrates› · cols 355–356 Recte ergo Socrates, etc. Vel ex ipso Laertio patet, Academiam ex Socratis fluxisse doctrina. Plato siquidem Socratis auditor, Academiam constituit. Academici licet docendi genus optimum quibusdam secuti videntur, quia vero illorum professio in opinionibus duntaxat sita est, vera nobis Carneadis Stoici de ipsis censura videtur, qui opinaturum sapientem, erraturum dixit; qui enim opinatur, nihil scit. Scientia igitur e medio ab ipsis tollitur. Contra Academicorum heresim disserit Augustinus libris tribus, ex re ipsa inscriptis; Epiphanius lib. I. BETUL.

Rightly therefore Socrates, etc. It is clear even from Laertius himself that the Academy flowed from the teaching of Socrates. For Plato, a hearer of Socrates, founded the Academy. Although the Academics seem to some to have followed the best manner of teaching, yet because their profession rests only in opinions, the judgement passed on them by Carneades the Stoic seems true to us, who said that the wise man who opines will err; for he who opines knows nothing. Knowledge, therefore, is removed from the midst by them. Augustine argues against the heresy of the Academics in three books named from the matter itself; Epiphanius, book I. BETUL.

[8] ‹lemma: Opinatur... quod nescit› · col 356 Opinatur... quod nescit. L. III, c. 4. Exprimit hic Ciceronem l. IV Tus., c. 11: Opinatio est, judicare se scire, quod nesciat. BUN.

He opines... what he does not know. Book III, chapter 4. Here he renders Cicero, Tusculans book IV, chapter 11: Opinion is to judge that one knows what one does not know. BUN.

[9] ‹lemma: Verius› · col 356 Verius. Ita reposui ex cunctis prope mss. Duo recentissimi cum impressis ferunt certius; tres veri certius. Agitur hic de vero. Vide seqq.

More truly. So I have restored from almost all the manuscripts. The two most recent with the printed editions read certius (more certainly); three, veri certius. The subject here is the true. See what follows.

[10] ‹lemma: In rerum naturam cadunt› · col 356 In rerum naturam cadunt. Sic restitui in quarto casu ex omnibus ferme mss. et veteribus editis 2 Romanis, Tornes. ac Soubron. Vulgati quamplures cum scriptis 4, natura.

Fall within the nature of things. So I have restored it in the fourth case [accusative] from nearly all the manuscripts and the old editions, 2 Roman, Tornaesius and Soubron. Very many editions with 4 manuscripts: natura (in nature).

[11] ‹lemma: Nullus igitur› · col 356 Nullus igitur. Hanc lectionem admisi ex cunctis mss. et edit. Cellar. et Walch. In 14 excusis est, nullus enim.

No one therefore. I have admitted this reading from all the manuscripts and the editions of Cellarius and Walch. In 14 printed editions is nullus enim (for no one).

[12] ‹lemma: Descensurum› · col 356 Descensurum. Sc. de coelo. Reimm., dissensurum, non male. Pro recepta Livius lib. VI, cap. 18: Nunquam propter me de coelo descendant. Conf. Lact. l. III, c. 20. BUN.

Would come down. That is, from heaven. Reimmann: dissensurum (would disagree), not badly. For the received reading, Livy book VI, chapter 18: Never for my sake will they come down from heaven. Compare Lactantius book III, chapter 20. BUN.

[13] ‹lemma: Licet connivere videatur› · col 356 Licet connivere videatur. At, teste Thomasio, in uno Vaticano codice legitur, licet conticere videatur, quod ipsi maxime probatur; aitque connivere nil significare, quod ad rem pertinet.

Although he seems to wink at it. But, on the witness of Thomasius, in one Vatican manuscript is read licet conticere videatur (although he seems to keep silent), which he strongly approves; and he says connivere signifies nothing to the purpose.

[14] ‹lemma: Summa stultitia› · col 356 Summa stultitia. De hac vide Paulum, I Cor., cap. III, 19.

The highest folly. On this see Paul, 1 Corinthians 3:19.

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<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] ‹lemma: Opinari... te scire› · col 357 Opinari... te scire. Illud scire non debet abesse: hic necessarium, et habent omnes editiones recte. Requirit locus Ciceronis a me ad c. 3 citatus, et Epit. cap. 31: Opinari autem scire, quod ignores, temeritas ac stultitia est. BUN.

To suppose... that you know. That scire (to know) ought not to be missing: it is necessary here, and all the editions rightly have it. The passage of Cicero cited by me on chapter 3 requires it, and Epitome chapter 31: But to suppose that you know what you do not know is rashness and folly. BUN.

[2] ‹lemma: Scire› · col 357 Scire. Abest scire ab Emmanuel. et Gothano mss.

To know. Scire is missing from the Emmanuel and Gotha manuscripts.

[3] ‹lemma: Qui philosophiae principes fuerunt› · col 357 Qui philosophiae principes fuerunt. Academici et Stoici principes erant philosophorum. Academicae sectae fundamentum quasi posuit Socrates; Stoicae auctor est Zeno.

Who were the leaders of philosophy. The Academics and the Stoics were the leaders of the philosophers. Socrates as it were laid the foundation of the Academic sect; the founder of the Stoic is Zeno.

[4] ‹lemma: Comparatam› · col 357 Comparatam. De quo vide Terent. Heauton. act. III, scen. 1, vs. 97. Hinc nata est sententia, Neminem in re sua idoneum judicem esse.

Constituted. On which see Terence, Heauton timorumenos, act III, scene 1, verse 97. From this was born the maxim, No one is a fit judge in his own cause.

[5] ‹lemma: Sparti illi poetarum› · cols 357–358 Sparti illi poetarum. Sic legendum censeo cum Jo. Cauci, et Isaeo: sic impressum est in Florent., Junt., Aldina 1515 et 1535, Veneta 1509 et 1521, Parrhas., Parisiensi 1525, Antuerp., Graph. 1532, Cratandri ac Gymnici editionibus. Sparti illi poetarum sunt homines illi e dentibus serpentis a Cadmo satis orti: fabula notior est, quam ut referri debeat. Hoc saltem addam, spartos illos vocari a Graeco nomine σπείρω; hinc σπάρτοι sati, seminati. Hoc verbum Lactant. Latino more scripsit: sic etiam Vulgatus interpres Joan. V, 2, et Plinius Graecum nomen tanquam Latinum scripsere probata dicendo pro ovibus. Lib. VII, cap. 2, sic Virgil. alicubi, acta, quod est ἀκτή, littus, dixit. Etiam in hoc Isaeo assentior, mendum irrepsisse, eo quod scribae significationem hujus dictionis non percipientes, et mendum suspicati, pro sparti, spartiatae substituerunt. GALLAEUS. — Hanc vocem natam suspicor ex sparti, sati; quae ultima dictio per interpretationem in quibusdam veteribus codicibus fuerit addita, et in textum intrusa, ac demum corrupta in τὸ spartiati, vel spartiatae, quod est in 28 mss. et 9 editis. Vide et Euripid. in Poenis, et Ovid. l. III Metamorph.

Those Sown Men of the poets. So I judge it should be read, with Jo. Cauci and Isaeus: so it is printed in the Florentine, Giunta, Aldine 1515 and 1535, Venetian 1509 and 1521, Parrhasius, Paris 1525, Antwerp, Gryphius [printed "Graph."] 1532, Cratander and Gymnicus editions. Those Sown Men of the poets are the men who sprang from the serpent's teeth sown by Cadmus: the fable is too well known to need telling. This at least I will add, that they are called sparti from the Greek word speirō (I sow); hence spartoi, sown, seeded. Lactantius wrote this word in the Latin manner: so too the Vulgate translator, John 5:2, and Pliny wrote a Greek word as if Latin, saying probata for sheep. Book VII, chapter 2; so Virgil somewhere said acta, which is aktē, shore. In this too I agree with Isaeus, that an error crept in because the scribes, not grasping the meaning of this word and suspecting an error, substituted spartiatae (Spartans) for sparti. GALLAEUS. — I suspect this word arose from sparti, sati (sown); the last word was added as an explanation in some old manuscripts, intruded into the text, and finally corrupted into spartiati or spartiatae, which is in 28 manuscripts and 9 editions. See also Euripides in the Phoenissae, and Ovid, Metamorphoses book III.

[6] ‹lemma: Arcesilas› · col 358 Arcesilas. Novae seu mediae Academiae conditor. Cic., in Acad. quaest., veterem Academiam, Platonicam illam vocat: novam, quae usque ad Carneadem perducta est, qui quartus ab Arcesila fuit, in eademque Arcesilae ratione permansit. Cic. lib. III de Orat.: Arcesilas primum, qui Polemonem audierat, ex variis Platonis libris, sermonibusque Socraticis hoc maxime arripuit, nihil esse certi, quod aut sensibus aut animo percipi possit. BETULEIUS.

Arcesilas. Founder of the New or Middle Academy. Cicero, in the Academic Questions, calls the Platonic one the Old Academy; the New, that which was carried on as far as Carneades, who was fourth from Arcesilas and remained in the same system as Arcesilas. Cicero, De oratore book III: Arcesilas first, who had heard Polemon, seized above all from the various books of Plato and the Socratic dialogues this: that there is nothing certain which can be grasped either by the senses or by the mind. BETULEIUS.

[7] ‹lemma: Novam non philosophandi philosophiam› · col 358 Novam non philosophandi philosophiam. Ut Fabius Maximus novum genus pugnandi, non pugnare. Flor. II, 6. FRANCIUS.

A new philosophy of not philosophizing. As Fabius Maximus had a new kind of fighting: not fighting. Florus II, 6. FRANCIUS.

[8] ‹lemma: Detrahit› · col 358 Detrahit. Omnium manuscriptorum et vet. edit. Rom. est; distrahit editorum rec.

Takes away. This is the reading of all the manuscripts and the old Roman edition; distrahit (tears apart) that of the recent editions.

[9] ‹lemma: Quasi civile bellum› · col 358 Quasi civile bellum, etc. Cicero in eo lib. qui Lucullus inscribitur, affirmat Arcesilam, philosophiam bene constitutam eo evertisse modo, quo Gracchus Tiberius Remp. et in eorum delituisse auctoritate, qui negarent quidquam sciri aut percipi posse: quorum e numero eximit, et Socratem, et Platonem. BET.

As if a civil war, etc. Cicero, in the book entitled Lucullus, affirms that Arcesilas overthrew a well-ordered philosophy in the same way as Tiberius Gracchus overthrew the Republic, and that he sheltered under the authority of those who denied that anything could be known or grasped: from whose number he excepts both Socrates and Plato. BET.

[10] ‹lemma: Tironum caterva› · col 358 Tironum caterva. Intelligit Arcesilae sectatores, et novos Academicos.

The band of recruits. He means the followers of Arcesilas, the New Academics.

[11] ‹lemma: Veterani› · col 358 Veterani. Scilicet Platonici.

The veterans. That is, the Platonists.

[12] ‹lemma: Sine interitu suo sibi› · col 358 Sine interitu suo sibi. Addidi suo ex Bon., Tax., Pen., Cauc., Junt., Cant., Sublac., Rost. Ven., 1471, utraque 78, 93, 97, Pier., Junt., Ald., Parrh., Crat., Gymn., Gryph., Tornes. Non video, quare Thomas. ejusque asseclae illud suo ejecerint. BUN.

Without its own destruction, to itself. I have added suo (its own) from the Bononiensis, Tax., Pen., Cauci, Junius, Cambridge, and the Subiaco, Rostock, Venice 1471, both of 78, 93, 97, Pierius, Giunta, Aldine, Parrhasius, Cratander, Gymnicus, Gryphius and Tornaesius editions. I do not see why Thomasius and his followers threw out that suo. BUN.

[13] ‹lemma: Vincit› · col 358 Vincit. Sic ex mss. reposui. In editis et 1 Reg. rec. est, vicit. Utrumque tamen potest dici.

Wins. So I have restored from the manuscripts. In the editions and 1 recent Regius is vicit (won). Either, however, can be said.

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<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] ‹lemma: Herbarum vires› · col 359 Herbarum vires. Herbariae medicinae inventionem Galenus assignat Cheironi Centauro, Macer Artemisiae. BETULEIUS.

The powers of herbs. Galen assigns the invention of herbal medicine to Chiron the Centaur, Macer to Artemisia. BETULEIUS.

[2] ‹lemma: Nec non imbrium› · col 359 Nec non imbrium. Id ipse Christus concedit Matth. XVI, Lucae XI. De his Aratus potissimum, et Virgil. in Georg. BETUL.

And also of rains. Christ himself grants this, Matthew 16, Luke 11. On these see above all Aratus, and Virgil in the Georgics. BETUL.

[3] ‹lemma: Debuit ergo Arcesilas› · col 359 Debuit ergo Arcesilas. Arcesilas, teste Mela, nihil affirmantis Academiae antistes, ita omnem rerum scientiam ex hominibus sustulit, ut eam soli Deo reliquerit; ut Epiphanius de eo scribit tom. II, lib. III, de Haeresibus. BETULEIUS.

Arcesilas therefore ought. Arcesilas, on Mela's witness, the head of the Academy that affirms nothing, so took away all knowledge of things from men that he left it to God alone; as Epiphanius writes of him, volume II, book III, On Heresies. BETULEIUS.

[4] ‹lemma: Se in populum redegisset› · col 359 Se in populum redegisset. In populum redigere dixit, pro eo quod est in ordinem redigere. De quo loquendi modo vide Budaeum in L. D. Marcus. ff. de Off. praesidis. — Se in populum redegisset. Id est, se vulgo philosophorum annumerasset. Prius in ordinem redigere, auctore Prisciano et Raph. Reg. inter viles et abjectos connumerari dixit Quintil. I Instit. c. 4. BUN.

He would have reduced himself to the people. He said to reduce to the people for what is to reduce to the ranks. On this manner of speaking see Budé on the law D. Marcus, Digest, De officio praesidis. — He would have reduced himself to the people. That is, he would have counted himself among the common herd of philosophers. In ordinem redigere came first, on the authority of Priscian and Raphael Regius; Quintilian, Institutio I, chapter 4, said to be counted among the base and abject. BUN.

[5] ‹lemma: Convincis› · col 359 Convincis. Manuscriptorum ac 3 vet. edit. Rom., Tornes. et Soubron. est haec lectio; conviceris, caeterorum editorum.

You prove. This is the reading of the manuscripts and of 3 old editions, Rome, Tornaesius and Soubron; conviceris (you will have proved), that of the other editors.

[6] ‹lemma: Arcesilas› · col 359 Arcesilas. Mss. pene omnes et vet. edit. Rom. ferunt Archesilas. At 1 Reg. vetustissimus et vulgati, Arcesilas, cum Diogene Laertio de Vitis Philosophorum.

Arcesilas. Almost all manuscripts and the old Roman edition read Archesilas. But 1 very old Regius and the editions have Arcesilas, with Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers.

[7] ‹lemma: Confectis› · cols 359–360 Confectis. Artis Gladiatoriae verbum, quod de gladiatore multis vulneribus confosso dicitur. Cicero Catil. II: c. 11: Gladiatori illi confecto et saucio. CELLAR.

Finished off. A word of the gladiatorial art, said of a gladiator pierced with many wounds. Cicero, Against Catiline II, chapter 11: To that finished and wounded gladiator. CELLAR.

[8] ‹lemma: Inter ipsos› · col 360 Inter ipsos. Sic restitui ex 29 potioribus et antiquioribus mss. Pro ipsos, editi et sex rec. scripti reposuerunt philosophos ob novi capitis initium; alii 4 et edit. Is. post ipsos addiderunt philosophos, scilicet glossema ex ora libri admissum in textum.

Among themselves. So I have restored from 29 better and older manuscripts. For ipsos (themselves), the editions and six recent manuscripts have put philosophos (the philosophers), because of the beginning of a new chapter; 4 others and the edition of Isaeus have added philosophos after ipsos — a gloss, that is, let into the text from the margin of a book.

[9] ‹lemma: Ab animo est qui› · col 360 Ab animo est qui. Masculino genere omnes fere scripti et quinque excusi. In editis 14 est, ab anima quae. Supra, cap. 3, dixit scientiam ab ingenio esse.

Is from the mind, which. In the masculine gender nearly all the manuscripts and five printed editions. In 14 editions is ab anima quae (from the soul, which). Above, in chapter 3, he said that knowledge is from the intellect.

[10] ‹lemma: Sinistro versus› · col 360 Sinistro versus. Sinistrorsus Caesaris VI. Gall. in meis Lexicis desidero. BUN.

Towards the left. I miss Caesar's sinistrorsus (leftward), Gallic War VI, in my lexicons. BUN.

[11] ‹lemma: Paucarum rerum› · col 360 Paucarum rerum. Cum ms. 1 Bonon. Thysius et Gallaeus addunt et.

Of few things. With manuscript 1 Bononiensis, Thysius and Gallaeus add et (and).

[12] ‹lemma: Quia› · col 360 Quia. Hic et infra quam legendum esse censebat Francius.

Because. Here and below Francius judged that quam should be read.

[13] ‹lemma: Consertis manibus› · col 360 Consertis manibus. Proverbium, pro summa contentione: metaphora sumpta a luctantibus. Vel est allusio ad antiquum illum fori morem, quo ex jure manu consertum vocabant. De quo praeter Bud. et Erasm. vide Gell. lib. XX, cap. 9. BETUL. — Consertis manibus. Sparkius interpretatur, summo conatu: significat, pugnantes, ut l. V, c. 6: Tum inter se manus conserere coeperunt. BUN.

With hands joined in combat. A proverb, for the utmost struggle: a metaphor taken from wrestlers. Or it is an allusion to that ancient custom of the forum by which they summoned one ex jure manum consertum (to join hands at law). On which, besides Budé and Erasmus, see Gellius book XX, chapter 9. BETUL. — Consertis manibus. Sparke interprets it with the utmost effort; it means fighting, as in book V, chapter 6: Then they began to come to grips with one another. BUN.

[14] ‹lemma: In medio constitutam fore, quae› · col 360 In medio constitutam fore, quae. Sic fere omnes. Subaudio scientiam, quae. BUN.

Would be placed in the middle, which. So nearly all. I understand scientiam, quae (a knowledge, which). BUN.

(printed under page 183)

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. The page foot also carries the signature line "PATROL. VI." and the sheet number "12" (printer's matter, not notes). --> [1] ‹lemma: Socrate› · col 361 Socrate. De qua Socratis doctrina copiose et eleganter disserit Xenophon, de Dictis et Factis Socratis non longe ab initio.

Socrates. Of this doctrine of Socrates Xenophon discourses copiously and elegantly, in the Sayings and Deeds of Socrates, not far from the beginning.

[2] ‹lemma: Suscepit hanc sententiam› · col 361 Suscepit hanc sententiam, etc. De qua Cic. de Orat. l. III: Arcesilas primum qui Polemonem audierat, ex variis Platonis libris, sermonibusque Socraticis, hoc maxime arripuit, nihil esse certi, quod aut sensibus, aut animo percipi possit. Arnob., lib. II: Qui nihil ab homine comprehendi, atque omnia caecis obscuritatibus involuta, non Arcesilae, Carneadae credit? Lucretius hanc sententiam refellit lib. IV: Denique nil sciri si quis putat, id quoque nescit / An sciri possit, quum se nil scire fatetur, etc. GALLAEUS.

He took up this opinion, etc. On which Cicero, De oratore book III: Arcesilas first, who had heard Polemon, seized above all from the various books of Plato and the Socratic dialogues this: that there is nothing certain which can be grasped either by the senses or by the mind. Arnobius, book II: Who does not believe Arcesilas and Carneades, that nothing is grasped by man and that all things are wrapped in blind obscurities? Lucretius refutes this opinion in book IV: "Finally, if anyone thinks that nothing is known, he does not know this either, / Whether it can be known, since he admits he knows nothing," etc. GALLAEUS.

[3] ‹lemma: Existimationem› · col 361 Existimationem. Sic restitui ex manuscriptis. Editi habent aestimationem.

Reputation. So I have restored from the manuscripts. The editions have aestimationem (valuation).

[4] ‹lemma: Mortalis› · col 361 Mortalis. Ed. Sublac. habet immortalis.

Mortal. The Subiaco edition has immortalis (immortal).

[5] ‹lemma: Repente extitit Academia› · col 361 Repente extitit Academia. Intellige, nova. De triplici Academia, vetere, media, nova, doctissime disserentem lege Georg. Horn. lib. III, cap. 20 Histor. philosoph.

Suddenly the Academy arose. Understand: the New. On the threefold Academy — Old, Middle, New — read Georg Horn, who discusses it most learnedly, History of Philosophy book III, chapter 20.

[6] ‹lemma: Ἀσύστατον› · col 361 Ἀσύστατον. Nam apud dialecticos Graeci. ἀσύστατον, Latini insolubile vocant, fallaciarum genus, ut, Nihil scio. Igitur hoc scis, quod nihil scis.

Asystaton (the self-inconsistent). For among the dialecticians the Greeks call asystaton, the Latins insolubile (the insoluble), a kind of fallacy, as: I know nothing. Therefore you know this, that you know nothing.

[7] ‹lemma: Ut enim nihil sciendum› · cols 361–362 Ut enim nihil sciendum. Ita omnes mss. praeter recentissimos 1 Reg. et 1 Clarom. qui post nihil inserunt sciri posse, ut et editi quatuor. De hoc Socratis dicto vide Laertium in Socrate et Platonem in Alcib. II. — Ut enim nihil scire posse sciendum sit. Jun., Lips. alter, Gothan., Sublac., Rost., Ven. 1471, utraque 78, 93, 97, Pier., Parr., Paris., Crat., Ald., Gymn.. Ut enim nihil sciendum sit. BUN.

For so that nothing is to be known. So all the manuscripts, except the most recent 1 Regius and 1 Claromontanus, which insert sciri posse (can be known) after nihil, as do four editions. On this saying of Socrates see Laertius on Socrates, and Plato in Alcibiades II. — Ut enim nihil scire posse sciendum sit (for so that it is to be known that nothing can be known): Junius, the second Lipsiensis, Gotha, and the Subiaco, Rostock, Venice 1471, both of 78, 93, 97, Pierius, Parrhasius, Paris, Cratander, Aldine and Gymnicus editions. Ut enim nihil sciendum sit. BUN.

[8] ‹lemma: Nihil agit› · col 362 Nihil agit. Nihil agere proverbialiter dicuntur ii, qui sumunt inanem operam; unde verbum, satius est otiari quam nihil agere. — Nihil agit. Elegans formula; id est, nihil promovet. Lact. l. V, cap. 14: Sed nihil fortasse apud ipsos agamus. De Ira cap. 22: Ne nihil apud istos agamus. Cic. pro Rosc. Amerino, cap. 45: Quae omnia si . . . in patronum voluerit conferre, nihil egerit. BUN.

He does nothing. Those who spend empty effort are proverbially said to do nothing; hence the saying, better to be idle than to do nothing. — Nihil agit. An elegant formula; that is, he achieves nothing. Lactantius book V, chapter 14: But perhaps we may achieve nothing with them. De ira chapter 22: Lest we achieve nothing with these men. Cicero, For Roscius of Ameria, chapter 45: If he should wish to lay all these things... upon his advocate, he will have achieved nothing. BUN.

[9] ‹lemma: Furem suum prodit› · col 362 Furem suum prodit. Hanc restitui lectionem, quae cunctorum ferme mss. est et vet. edit. Rom. 1470. Caeteri editi cum 1 Reg. rec. a secunda manu habent furtum. 1 Reg. veterrimus, furorem. Et illi philosophi dicuntur furiosi litigatores, infra capitis 8 initio.

Betrays its own thief. I have restored this reading, which is that of nearly all the manuscripts and of the old Roman edition of 1470. The other editions, with 1 recent Regius in a second hand, have furtum (its theft). 1 very old Regius: furorem (its madness). And those philosophers are called raving litigants below, at the beginning of chapter 8.

[10] ‹lemma: Exceptione facta› · col 362 Exceptione facta. Exceptio apud Jureconsultos est actionis exclusio.

An exception having been made. An exception, among the jurists, is the barring of an action.

[11] ‹lemma: Nec sciri posse› · col 362 Nec sciri posse. Ita lectio quae est 3 Reg. veter. et 1 Clarom. verior et melior nobis visa est, quam aliorum nesciri posse. Vide seq.

Nor can be known. This reading, which is that of 3 old Regii and 1 Claromontanus, seemed to us truer and better than the others' nesciri posse (can be unknown). See what follows.

[12] ‹lemma: Non possunt› · col 362 Non possunt, legitur non possint, apud Buneman. qui hujus vocis sic rationem reddit. — Edo in conjunctivo ex Goth. et Lips. secundo, non possint; praecessit enim quia doceat. Idem Heumann. vidit. BUN.

They cannot: non possint is read in Bunemann, who gives this reason for the word. — I publish it in the subjunctive, non possint, from the Gotha and the second Lipsiensis; for quia doceat went before. Heumann saw the same. BUN.

[13] ‹lemma: Ab aliis› · col 362 Ab aliis. Sic lego cum omnibus pene mss. et ed. Tornes. ac Soubron. In 5 rec. scriptis et editis est, ab his.

From others. So I read with almost all the manuscripts and the Tornaesius and Soubron editions. In 5 recent manuscripts and the editions is ab his (from these).

[14] ‹lemma: Quam possumus› · col 362 Quam possumus. Ita omnes fere mss. et ed. Paris. 1525. Caeterae editiones cum 6 scriptis rec., possimus.

Than we can. So nearly all manuscripts and the Paris edition of 1525. The other editions with 6 recent manuscripts: possimus.

[15] ‹lemma: Aut etiam dediscitur› · col 362 Aut etiam dediscitur. Etiam in mss. est; aut omnino dediscitur in editis.

Or is even unlearned. Etiam (even) is in the manuscripts; aut omnino dediscitur (or is wholly unlearned) in the editions.

(printed under page 184)

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. The top line of the col 364 foot is cut off in the rendered image (marked [line cut in image]); the left image may also start below the first note line. --> [1] ‹lemma: Epicurus summum bonum in voluptate animi esse censet› · col 363 Epicurus summum bonum in voluptate animi esse censet. Est optima sententia, quam deinde ii, qui inepte illum sequebantur, sinistre sunt interpretati. Praeter Gassendum, consulatur hic Stanleius Histor. Phil., pag. 1052. WALCHIUS — Lactantius, sibi parum constans, infra cap. 17, illum voluptatis corporis assertorem, et cap. 27, voluptarium hominem nominat; ex. Cicer. secunda Tuscul., Senecam quidem maximum stoicorum, quorum dogmata vehementer a corporis voluptatibus abhorrent, Epicuri studiosissimum fuisse ex ejus epistolis constat, quas ferme omnes aliquo Epicuri praecepto conclusas voluit, ejusque de illo sententiam habes cap. 12 et 13, de Vita beata. Quodnam autem summum bonum, et quam voluptatem finem esse dicat Epicurus, suam ipsemet sententiam enuntiat in epistola ad Menaeceum apud Laertium in Epicur. claris disertisque verbis, cujus sententiae meminit quoque Cicero in primo de Finibus. Petrus Victor., Variar. Lect. lib. XXVII, c. 14, persimilem eum Socrati fuisse contendit; et Laertius testatur, plerosque asseruisse illum continentissimum, adeo ut aqua tantum et cibario pane contentus fuerit. ISAEUS. — In sequenti capite videbimus, quatenus animi voluptas Epicuro sit finis bonorum.

Epicurus holds that the highest good lies in pleasure of the mind. It is an excellent opinion, which those who afterwards followed him foolishly interpreted perversely. Besides Gassendi, consult here Stanley, History of Philosophy, page 1052. WALCH — Lactantius, little consistent with himself, below in chapter 17 calls him an advocate of bodily pleasure, and in chapter 27 a man of pleasure; following Cicero, second Tusculan. Yet it is clear from his letters that Seneca, the greatest of the Stoics, whose doctrines recoil strongly from bodily pleasures, was a most devoted admirer of Epicurus: he chose to close almost all his letters with some precept of Epicurus, and you have his opinion of him in chapters 12 and 13 of De vita beata. What highest good, moreover, and what pleasure Epicurus says is the end, he himself declares in clear and eloquent words in his letter to Menoeceus, in Laertius's Epicurus; Cicero too mentions this view in the first book De finibus. Petrus Victorius, Variae lectiones book XXVII, chapter 14, contends that he was very like Socrates; and Laertius testifies that most asserted he was most temperate, so much so that he was content with water and common bread alone. ISAEUS. — In the following chapter we shall see how far pleasure of the mind is for Epicurus the end of goods.

[2] ‹lemma: Aristippus› · col 363 Aristippus. A Lactantio infra depingitur tanquam omnium Scenarum homo, quique id unicum sibi propositum habuerit, cujusvis ingenio mentem suam ac mores accommodaret. Extat hujus Vita apud Laertium lib. II. Multa de hujus asotia lege apud Athenaeum, lib. XII δειπνοσοφιστικῶν. Ex Ecclesiasticis porro hujus dogma notat Epiphanius tom. II. lib. III, contra Haereses. Contra eos qui voluptatem bonorum finem constituunt, disputat etiam Arist. in X Moralium. BETUL.

Aristippus. He is portrayed below by Lactantius as a man for every stage, whose one aim was to fit his mind and manners to anyone's temper. His Life is extant in Laertius, book II. Read much about his profligacy in Athenaeus, Deipnosophists book XII. Among the Church writers, moreover, Epiphanius notes his doctrine, volume II, book III, Against Heresies. Aristotle too argues against those who make pleasure the end of goods, in Ethics X. BETUL.

[3] ‹lemma: Callipho› · col 363 Callipho. Cicero lib. II de Finib., cap. 6: Callipho adjunxit ad honestatem voluptatem; et lib. IV Acad., c. 45, fin. BUN.

Callipho. Cicero, De finibus book II, chapter 6: Callipho joined pleasure to virtue; and Academica book IV, chapter 45, end. BUN.

[4] ‹lemma: Callipho et Dinomachus› · cols 363–364 Callipho et Dinomachus. Multi mss. et editi addunt, sed perperam, Cyrenaici, quam vocem respuunt tres mss. Reg quorum duo sunt omnium antiquissimi. Et quidem eos a Cyrenaicis distinguunt Cicero, l. III de Officiis sub finem, et Lactantius hic et infra cap. 8, necnon lib. VII, cap. 7. Et merito; hi enim ambo philosophi, qui in summo bono statuendo honestatem cum voluptate jungebant, alieni profecto erant ab Aristippi sententia, qui summum bonum in solis [line cut in image] ...tatem. In Epit. cap. 33. Dinomachus et Callipho honestam voluptatem probaverunt. BONEMAN.

Callipho and Dinomachus. Many manuscripts and editions add, wrongly, Cyrenaici (the Cyrenaics), a word rejected by three Regii manuscripts, of which two are the oldest of all. Indeed Cicero distinguishes them from the Cyrenaics, De officiis book III near the end, and so does Lactantius here and below in chapter 8, and also book VII, chapter 7. And rightly; for these two philosophers, who in fixing the highest good joined virtue with pleasure, were certainly far from the view of Aristippus, who [placed] the highest good in [bodily pleasures] alone [line cut in image] ...[-tatem]. In the Epitome, chapter 33: Dinomachus and Callipho approved honourable pleasure. BONEMAN.

[5] ‹lemma: Diodorus cum privatione doloris. Summum bonum posuit Hieronymus in non dolendo› · col 364 Diodorus cum privatione doloris. Summum bonum posuit Hieronymus in non dolendo. Sic nonnulli mss. inter quos 2 Reg. et 1 Colb. ac 3 vet. edd. et Epitom. cap. 56, et sic omnino legendum et interpungendum esse hunc locum, ut olim Ciacconius animadvertit, et ratio ipsa, et Cicero, ex quo ferme omnia haec mutuatus est Lactantius, pervincunt. Nam si legas: Diodorus in privatione doloris summum bonum posuit: Hieronymus in non dolendo, ut vulgo legitur, quae erit differentia inter opinionem Diodori, et Hieronymi? At constat ex Cicerone, hoc interesse, quod Diodorus non simpliciter in non dolendo summum bonum ponebat, sed cum vacuitate doloris honestatem jungebat. Hieronymus vero id simpliciter, nullo adjecto, in non dolendo statuebat. Vide Ciceron. l. II de Fin., paulo post initium. ISAEUS. — Diodori multi fuere philosophiae addicti; sed is de quo hic est sermo, Socratis fuit discipulus: Hieronymus ille Rhodius fuit philosophus. Alius est profecto a S. Hieronymo.

Diodorus, with the absence of pain. Hieronymus placed the highest good in not feeling pain. So some manuscripts, among them 2 Regii and 1 Colbertinus, and 3 old editions, and the Epitome chapter 56; and that this passage must by all means be read and punctuated so, as Ciacconius once observed, both reason itself and Cicero — from whom Lactantius borrowed almost all of this — prove decisively. For if you read: Diodorus placed the highest good in the absence of pain: Hieronymus in not feeling pain, as is commonly read, what difference will there be between the opinion of Diodorus and that of Hieronymus? But it is clear from Cicero that the difference is this: Diodorus did not place the highest good simply in not feeling pain, but joined virtue to freedom from pain; whereas Hieronymus set it simply, with nothing added, in not feeling pain. See Cicero, De finibus book II, a little after the beginning. ISAEUS. — Many men named Diodorus were devoted to philosophy; but the one spoken of here was a disciple of Socrates. That Hieronymus was a philosopher of Rhodes; he is certainly someone other than St Jerome.

[6] ‹lemma: Peripatetici› · col 364 Peripatetici. Quid stoici a peripateticis differant, et quae tria sint peripateticorum genera, lege apud Cic. in IV de Finibus; apud ipsum peripateticorum principem, lib. Moralium I, cap. 8. BETULEIUS.

The Peripatetics. How the Stoics differ from the Peripatetics, and what the three kinds of goods of the Peripatetics are, read in Cicero, De finibus IV; and in the prince of the Peripatetics himself, Ethics book I, chapter 8. BETULEIUS.

[7] ‹lemma: Herilli› · col 364 Herilli. Hic fuit Chalcedonius, vel potius Carthaginensis. ὁ Καρχηδόνιος, ait Laertius. Zenonis discipulus erat; ac de eo vide Ciceronem in IV Academicar. quaestion. et lib. II de Finibus. Herillus porro ad scientiam omnia revocans, unum quoddam bonum vidit. Sed nec optimum, nec quo vita gubernari possit. Itaque hic ipse jampridem est rejectus.

Of Herillus. He was of Chalcedon, or rather of Carthage: "the Carthaginian", says Laertius. He was a disciple of Zeno; on him see Cicero, Academic Questions IV and De finibus book II. Herillus, moreover, referring everything to knowledge, saw one particular good — but neither the best, nor one by which life could be governed. And so he himself has long since been rejected.

[8] ‹lemma: Zenonis› · col 364 Zenonis Haec Cicero antiquis peripateticis tribuit. Sed ille idem Cicero refert, Zenoni summum bonum esse id quod ducitur a conciliatione naturae. Memineris interim, Zenonem προηγμένα dicere, quae alii bona vocant: quae Latinorum alii praeentia, alii producta interpretantur, de quibus forte alibi plura. BETULEIUS.

Of Zeno. Cicero attributes these things to the old Peripatetics. But the same Cicero reports that for Zeno the highest good is that which is derived from the attraction of nature. Remember meanwhile that Zeno calls proēgmena (things preferred) what others call goods: which some Latin writers render praeentia, others producta; of these, perhaps, more elsewhere. BETULEIUS.

[9] ‹lemma: Stoicorum› · col 364 Stoicorum. Extat sub S. Augustini nomine inscriptus liber de stoicis et Epicureis, in quo ait: Epicuro finis bonorum est voluptas corporis, stoico virtus animi, christiano donum Dei.

Of the Stoics. There is extant a book on the Stoics and Epicureans inscribed with the name of St Augustine, in which he says: For the Epicurean the end of goods is bodily pleasure, for the Stoic virtue of mind, for the Christian the gift of God.

[10] ‹lemma: In omnibus› · col 364 In omnibus. Heumannus delet in, juxta sex veteres editiones.

In all. Heumann deletes in, following six old editions.

(printed under page 185)

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] ‹lemma: Veniamus› · col 365 Veniamus. Ex mss. et multis editis restitui; in nonnullis est venimus.

Let us come. I have restored this from the manuscripts and many editions; in some is venimus (we come).

[2] ‹lemma: Qui› · col 365 Qui. Addidi ex potioribus et vetustis mss. Reg. aliisque, et editis decem: in nonnullis omissum, in pluribus est quid.

Who. I have added it from the better and older Regii manuscripts and others, and from ten editions: in some it is omitted, in most is quid (what).

[3] ‹lemma: Nos pallio retrahat› · col 365 Nos pallio retrahat. Isidorus dictum putat Pallium a pellibus, quia prius super indumenta pellicea veteres induebantur, quasi pellea, sive a palla, per derivationem. Philosophorum propria haec vestis fuit, ut apparet ex dicto Herodis Attici apud Gellium lib. IX: Video, inquit, barbam et pallium, philosophum non video. Apud Graecos etiam in usu praecipue fuit. Hinc palliati sumuntur pro Graecis, sicut pro Romanis togati. Dictae propterea fabulae palliatae, in quibus inducebantur Graeci, sicut togatae in quibus Romani. Communem utrique sexui fuisse vestem, colligi potest ex Ulpiano, Tacito, qui promiscua appellat pallia. Martialis: Hanc velo, quae facilis, quae palliolata vagatur. Scripsit quoque Lampridius, Matronas regias contentas esse debere unico pallio, auro sparso. Etiam in lecto usos fuisse veteres, significare videtur Ovid. lib. I Amor., Eleg. 2: Nec in lecto pallia nostra sedent.

Should hold us back by the cloak. Isidore thinks pallium is said from pelles (skins), because the ancients used formerly to wear skin garments over their clothing, as if "pellea"; or from palla, by derivation. This garment was proper to philosophers, as appears from the saying of Herodes Atticus in Gellius book IX: I see, he says, a beard and a cloak; a philosopher I do not see. Among the Greeks too it was chiefly in use. Hence the palliati are taken for Greeks, as the togati for Romans. Plays were therefore called palliatae in which Greeks were brought on, as togatae in which Romans were. That the garment was common to both sexes may be gathered from Ulpian and Tacitus, who calls cloaks promiscuous. Martial: "This one I want, who is easy, who wanders about in a little cloak." Lampridius also wrote that royal matrons ought to be content with a single cloak sprinkled with gold. That the ancients used it in bed too Ovid seems to indicate, Amores book I, elegy 2: "Nor do my coverlets stay put on the bed."

[4] ‹lemma: Omissis litigatoribus furiosis› · cols 365–366 Omissis litigatoribus furiosis. Ita cum cunctis prope editis manuscripti omnes, praeter 3 scriptos et 4 excusos, in quibus est litigationibus. At litigatoribus, adjuncta furiosis ac pertinacibus flagitant. Hunc locum sic exhibet antiquissimus 1 Bonon. codex: Quid ergo superest, nisi ut obvius his litigatoribus furiosis et pertinacibus manus demus ad judicem? Non igitur legendum est litigationibus: quia, ut recte ait Thomasius, non de contentionibus et litigationibus hic agitur, sed de hominibus contentiosis et litigatoribus.

Leaving aside the raving litigants. So, with almost all the editions, all the manuscripts, except 3 manuscripts and 4 printed editions, in which is litigationibus (litigations). But the adjuncts furiosis ac pertinacibus (raving and obstinate) demand litigatoribus (litigants). The very old 1 Bononiensis codex gives this passage thus: What then remains, but that, meeting these raving and obstinate litigants, we yield ourselves to the judge? Litigationibus is therefore not to be read: for, as Thomasius rightly says, the subject here is not contentions and litigations but contentious and litigious men.

[5] ‹lemma: Sapientiae? quae› · col 366 Sapientiae? quae. Sic reposui ex mss. 6 Reg., 2 Bonon., Cauc., et 11 aliis ac vulgatis Tornes. et Walch. In 4 scriptis rec., et 10 excusis, qui.

Of wisdom? which. So I have restored from manuscripts 6 Regii, 2 Bononienses, Cauci's and 11 others, and the Tornaesius and Walch editions. In 4 recent manuscripts and 10 printed editions, qui.

[6] ‹lemma: Haec nos› · col 366 Haec nos. Idem mss. qui supra. In 1 Reg. rec. et in vulgatis, Hic nos.

This us. The same manuscripts as above. In 1 recent Regius and in the editions, Hic nos (here us).

[7] ‹lemma: Summi animalis› · col 366 Summi animalis. Id est hominis; atque in eo explicando summo bono totum hoc caput occupatur.

Of the highest animal. That is, of man; and this whole chapter is taken up with explaining his highest good.

[8] ‹lemma: Non fuit› · col 366 Non fuit. Is est Epicurus.

There was not. This is Epicurus.

[9] ‹lemma: Communis est› · col 366 Communis est. Ita ferunt omnes editi et mss. praeter 1 Bonon. antiq., 1 Reg. rec. et 1 Colb., in quibus est, commune.

Is common. So read all the editions and manuscripts except 1 old Bononiensis, 1 recent Regius and 1 Colbertinus, in which is commune (neuter).

[10] ‹lemma: Quem semper in corporis voluptates ruentem› · col 366 Quem semper in corporis voluptates ruentem. Legit Buneman.: Quem corporis semper voluptatem tuentem atque in hunc locum notam sequentem exhibet. — Ita edo (inquit); nam plures scripti e tediti in singulari, voluptatem, rectius. Est quidem et altera lectio, in corporis voluptates ruentem, elegans, quam Lips., Sublac., Ven. 1471, Rost., Gryph., Tornes., Thom. et recentiores habent, ut Lact. l. VI, cap. 23: Ut in hos affectus avidissime ruerent. BUN.

Whom, always rushing into the pleasures of the body. Bunemann reads Quem corporis semper voluptatem tuentem (whom, always guarding the pleasure of the body), and gives the following note on this place. — So I publish it, he says; for many manuscripts and editions [printed "e tediti", for "et editi"] have the singular, voluptatem, more rightly. There is indeed the other reading too, in corporis voluptates ruentem, an elegant one, which the Lipsiensis and the Subiaco, Venice 1471, Rostock, Gryphius, Tornaesius, Thomasius and more recent editions have; as Lactantius book VI, chapter 23: That they rushed most greedily into these passions. BUN.

[11] ‹lemma: Cum foeminas tam rabide consectantur› · col 366 Cum foeminas tam rabide consectantur. Virgilius de equis, seu equabus: Illas ducit amor trans Gargara, transque sonantem / Ascanium. III Georgic., v. 270. FRANCIUS.

When they pursue the females so madly. Virgil, of horses, or mares: "Love leads them across Gargarus and across the roaring Ascanius." Georgics III, verse 270. FRANCIUS.

[12] ‹lemma: Tam rabide consectantur› · col 366 Tam rabide consectantur. Ut Cicero V Tuscul., 6: Quem libidinibus inflammatum et furentem videmus omnia rabide appetentem cum inexplicabili cupiditate. BUN.

Pursue so madly. As Cicero, Tusculans V, 6: Whom we see inflamed and raging with lusts, seeking all things madly with insatiable desire. BUN.

[13] ‹lemma: Cyrenaici› · col 366 Cyrenaici. Vide apud Cicer. in fin. III, de Offic.

The Cyrenaics. See Cicero, at the end of De officiis III.

[14] ‹lemma: Virtutem ex eo esse laudandam› · col 366 Virtutem ex eo esse laudandam. Ita cum 5 editis omnes fere mss. At in uno Colbertino et Cauc. ac editis 11 est ex eo ipso; in 1 Colb., ex eo solo.

That virtue is to be praised on this ground. So, with 5 editions, nearly all the manuscripts. But in one Colbertinus and Cauci's and 11 editions is ex eo ipso (on this very ground); in 1 Colbertinus, ex eo solo (on this ground alone).

[15] ‹lemma: Sus et canis› · col 366 Sus et canis. Duo quasi symbola quaedam gulae et (continues)

The pig and the dog. Two, as it were, emblems of gluttony and (continues)

(printed under page 186)

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] (continued) · col 367 libidinis. Sic eos conjungit Petrus II Epist., cap. II, 22, ac Virgilius canem obscoenum vocat; et juxta Horatium, amica luto sus.

(continued) of lust. So Peter joins them, 2 Peter 2:22, and Virgil calls the dog obscene; and according to Horace, the sow, friend of mud.

[2] ‹lemma: Non plane peripateticorum› · col 367 Non plane peripateticorum. Janus Guillielmi, in quaest. ad Plaut. Menaech., cap. 4, putat legendum, plano peripateticorum; ut nova compositione verbi, inconstantiam disserendi, et simul erraticam ambulationem Aristotelicorum Lactantius exagitarit: errones enim planos dici notum est. ISAEUS.

Not plainly of the Peripatetics. Janus Gulielmius, in his Questions on Plautus's Menaechmi, chapter 4, thinks one should read plano peripateticorum (of the vagabond Peripatetics), so that by a new compounding of the word Lactantius would have mocked both the inconstancy of the Aristotelians' arguing and at the same time their wandering walk: for it is well known that vagrants are called plani. ISAEUS.

[3] ‹lemma: Sed clinicorum› · cols 367–368 Sed clinicorum. Ms. Clynicorum. Nihil enim certius, quam reliquisse Lactant. Clinicorum philosophorum. Clinicos philosophos ridicule dicit, aegrotos lectis affixos, et de valentium vita beata disputantes, ea quae praesens aegritudo dictat: alludens ad clinicos medicos, qui ex Hippocratis secta lectos aegrotorum ambiunt, et curationes praescribunt. JANUS GUILIELMI. — Hanc emendationem et nos probamus, ac praeter supra laudatum codicem, ita haberi scito in 3 Regiis quorum duo sunt vetustissimi, in 2 Colb., Cauc., Vict., Lips., Pal., Em., Ultr., Brun., itemque in aliis 1 Reg., 1 Colb. et 1, Clarom.; in his 3 postremis videtur fuisse a prima manu, Clinicorum. Mss. Navar. et 1 Clarom. a secunda manu Ethnicorum; ms. Marm., Chinicorum, mendose. pro Clinicorum, quae est genuina lectio. Quippe Lactantius subjungit: Quis enim non intelligat, ab aegrotis et in aliquo dolore positis esse hoc disputatum. Sic apud Cyprianum epist. 69, ad Magnum: Non interrogentur utrumne clinici sint, an peripatetici; id est utrum disputantes ambulent ut peripatetici, aut stoici qui in porticu solebant disserere; an decumbant in lectis gravissimo morbo laborantes, ut clinici. CLINICUS enim vocabatur, qui sine ulla salutis spe de lecto surgere non poterat. Quaedam tamen editiones, atque inter eas Colon. 1544, Betul. 1563, Torn. 1567, legunt Cynicorum loco voculae istius Clinicorum.

But of the bedridden. A manuscript has Clynicorum. Nothing is more certain than that Lactantius left Clinicorum philosophorum (of the bedridden philosophers). He mockingly calls them bedridden philosophers — sick men fastened to their beds, disputing about the happy life of the healthy what their present sickness dictates — alluding to the clinical physicians who, of the school of Hippocrates, go round the beds of the sick and prescribe cures. JANUS GULIELMIUS. — We too approve this emendation; and know that, besides the manuscript cited above, it is so found in 3 Regii, of which two are very old, in 2 Colbertini, Cauci's, the Victorinus, Lipsiensis, Palatinus, Em., Utrecht and Brunsvicensis, and likewise in another 1 Regius, 1 Colbertinus and 1 Claromontanus; in these last 3 Clinicorum seems to have been the first hand. The Navarre manuscript and 1 Claromontanus in a second hand have Ethnicorum (of the heathen); the Marm. manuscript Chinicorum, wrongly, for Clinicorum, which is the genuine reading. For Lactantius adds: For who would not understand that this was argued by sick men and men in some pain. So in Cyprian, letter 69, to Magnus: Let them not be asked whether they are clinici or peripatetici; that is, whether in disputing they walk about like the Peripatetics, or the Stoics who used to discourse in the porch; or whether they lie in bed suffering from a very grave illness, like the clinici. For one was called CLINICUS who could not rise from his bed, without any hope of recovery. Some editions, however, and among them Cologne 1544, Betuleius 1563, Tornaesius 1567, read Cynicorum (of the Cynics) in place of that little word Clinicorum.

[4] ‹lemma: Praeter quod› · col 368 Praeter quod. Heumannus legit, praeterquam quod, juxta editionem 1497.

Besides that. Heumann reads praeterquam quod (except that), following the edition of 1497.

[5] ‹lemma: Quis› · col 368 Quis. Reposui ex mss. et 4 vet. editis; in caeteris vulgatis est, qui.

Who. I have restored this from the manuscripts and 4 old editions; in the other editions is qui.

[6] ‹lemma: Et exceptis› · col 368 Et exceptis. Ex multis antiquioribus et potioribus mss. addidi voculam et, quae recentioribus quatuor vulgatis deest.

And excepting. From many older and better manuscripts I have added the little word et (and), which is missing in the four more recent editions.

[7] ‹lemma: Indolentia› · col 368 Indolentia. Vox Ciceronis aevo non recepta, ab ipso tamen Tullio usurpata, lib. II de Fin., cap. 4, et de Officiis l. III, c. 3.

Freedom from pain. A word not accepted in Cicero's age, yet used by Tully himself, De finibus book II, chapter 4, and De officiis book III, chapter 3.

[8] ‹lemma: Sicut... sic› · col 368 Sicut... sic. Reddidi sicut... sic ex Bon., Tax., Pen., Ultr., Lips. 2, 3. Quia haec particularum consecutio rarior, pro Sic, notius ita editi substituerant. Lactantius l. II, cap. 9: Sicut lux Orientis... sic Occidentis tenebrae; l. III, c. 4: Sicut tollit... sic... tollitur. BUNEMAN.

As... so. I have restored sicut... sic from the Bononiensis, Tax., Pen., Utrecht, and Lipsienses 2 and 3. Because this sequence of particles is rarer, the editions had substituted the better-known ita for sic. Lactantius book II, chapter 9: As the light of the East... so the darkness of the West; book III, chapter 4: As it takes away... so... is taken away. BUNEMAN.

[9] ‹lemma: Zenonem› · col 368 Zenonem. De quo vide apud Cic. lib. IV de Finib., Laert. in Zenon. Cittiaeo.

Zeno. On whom see Cicero, De finibus book IV, and Laertius on Zeno of Citium.

[10] ‹lemma: In iis omnia deprehenduntur› · col 368 In iis omnia deprehenduntur. Ita restitui ex mss. antiquissimis 2 Reg., 1 Bon., 2 al. Reg., Lips., Pal., ed. Tornes. ac Soubron. In 9 rec. scriptis et in excusis est, in his omnibus.

All are found in these. So I have restored from the very old manuscripts, 2 Regii, 1 Bononiensis, 2 other Regii, Lipsiensis and Palatinus, and the Tornaesius and Soubron editions. In 9 recent manuscripts and in the printed editions is in his omnibus (in all these).

[11] ‹lemma: Quae ipsa in deterius prona est› · col 368 Quae ipsa in deterius prona est. Correxi quae, ex cunctis mss. praeter 3 Jun., Tax., Pen. et edit. in quibus est, quia.

Which itself is prone to the worse. I have corrected to quae (which) from all the manuscripts except 3 — Junius, Tax., Pen. — and the editions, in which is quia (because).

[12] ‹lemma: Vel› · col 368 Vel. Reposui ex omnibus mss. et veteribus editis Rom., Tornes. ac Soubron. Caeteri vulgati habent, sed.

Or. I have restored this from all the manuscripts and the old Roman, Tornaesius and Soubron editions. The other editions have sed (but).

[13] ‹lemma: Sed scientiam› · col 368 Sed scientiam, etc. Removet Herilli dogma per causam finalem. Nam si ad studium aliquod hones- (continues)

But knowledge, etc. He sets aside the doctrine of Herillus by means of the final cause. For if to some hon- (continues)

(printed under page 187)

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] (continued) · col 369 tum applicamus animum, vel opum, vel honoris acquirendi causa, illi incumbimus. Acquisita jam per industriam illius rei scientia, non amplius finalis, sed effectrix illius rei causa erit, quam instituimus. BETULEIUS.

(continued) -ourable pursuit we apply the mind, we devote ourselves to it for the sake of acquiring wealth or honour. Once the knowledge of that thing has been acquired by diligence, it will no longer be the final cause but the efficient cause of the thing we have undertaken. BETULEIUS.

[2] ‹lemma: Tantus› · col 369 Tantus. Carmen est Virgilii ex libro III Georgic., v. 112, ac sequens legitur v. 102, ubi poeta equorum generosorum naturas describit; qua de re extat etiam Xenophontis libellus.

So great. The verse is Virgil's, from Georgics book III, verse 112, and the following one is read at verse 102, where the poet describes the natures of noble horses; on which subject there is also a little book of Xenophon.

[3] ‹lemma: Tantae est› · col 369 Tantae est. In mss. 1 Reg. veterrimo et 1 Clarom. desideratur est; in Regio-Put. et 7 aliis scriptis legitur, tanta est.

Is of such great. In manuscripts 1 very old Regius and 1 Claromontanus est is missing; in the Regio-Puteanus and 7 other manuscripts is read tanta est (is so great).

[4] ‹lemma: Definitionis› · col 369 Definitionis. Restitui ex antiquissimis mss. 2 Reg., 2 Bonon., 16 aliis et 8 editis, accedentibus 8 scriptis in quibus est, diffinitionis; in ms. Tornesiano et 9 impressis est disputationis. At recte emendatum est, definitionis; nam ut recte monet Thomas non agitur eo loci de disputatione, sed definitione, vel potius sententia eorum, qui putabant summum bonum esse scientiam.

Of the definition. I have restored this from the very old manuscripts, 2 Regii, 2 Bononienses, 16 others and 8 editions, with 8 manuscripts besides in which is diffinitionis; in the Tornaesius manuscript and 9 printed editions is disputationis (of the disputation). But definitionis is the right correction; for, as Thomasius rightly observes, the subject in that place is not a disputation but a definition, or rather the opinion of those who thought the highest good was knowledge.

[5] ‹lemma: Scientia nuda› · col 369 Scientia nuda. 1 Colb. et 1 Brun., nude.

Bare knowledge. 1 Colbertinus and 1 Brunsvicensis: nude (barely).

[6] ‹lemma: Beati omnes› · cols 369–370 Beati omnes. Sic restitui ex antiquissimis mss. 1 Reg., Cauc., et 1 Bonon., 3 al. Reg., Betul., Ultr., aliisque multis et editis Tornes. ac Soubron. melius quam beatiores caeterorum: hic enim, ut recte ait Thomasius, auctor noster non loquitur de majori beatitudine; sed simpliciter docet necessario sequi ex illius sententia, qui scientiam summum bonum putabat, ut omnes qui aliquam artem licet turpem sciverint, beati sint appellati.

All happy. So I have restored from the very old manuscripts, 1 Regius, Cauci's and 1 Bononiensis, 3 other Regii, Betuleius's, the Utrecht and many others, and the Tornaesius and Soubron editions — better than the others' beatiores (happier): for here, as Thomasius rightly says, our author is not speaking of greater happiness, but teaches simply that it follows necessarily from the opinion of the one who thought knowledge the highest good that all who have known some art, even a shameful one, would be called happy.

[7] ‹lemma: Opinatio› · col 370 Opinatio. Sic reposui ex omnibus pene mss. et edit. Rom. 1470. Sic et alibi passim Lactantius: mss. 2 rec. et 12 edit. habent opinio.

Supposition. So I have restored from almost all the manuscripts and the Roman edition of 1470. So too Lactantius elsewhere throughout: 2 recent manuscripts and 12 editions have opinio (opinion).

[8] ‹lemma: Usque adhuc› · col 370 Usque adhuc. Plin. l. V, ep. 6, extr.: Usque adhuc certe neminem... amisit. Lib. X, ep. 30: Quod usque adhuc factum. BUNEMAN.

Up to now. Pliny, book V, letter 6, at the end: Up to now certainly it has lost no one. Book X, letter 30: Which has been done up to now. BUNEMAN.

[9] ‹lemma: Qui virtutem ipsam› · col 370 Qui virtutem ipsam. Addidi ipsam ex ms. et editis tribus. Caeteris vulgatis deest, delendumque putat Heumannus.

Who [thought] virtue itself. I have added ipsam (itself) from a manuscript and three editions. It is missing in the other editions, and Heumann thinks it should be deleted.

[10] ‹lemma: M. Tullius› · col 370 M. Tullius. Quam vide Cic. VII Tuscul. et IV et V de Finib. ac I de Legib.

Marcus Tullius. For which [opinion] see Cicero, Tusculans VII [sic], De finibus IV and V, and De legibus I.

[11] ‹lemma: Comprehendat› · col 370 Comprehendat. Aptius ex mss. et editis, quam deprehendat, in vulgatis. Quia comprehendere magis refertur ad intelligentiam, de qua hic tractatur.

Should grasp. More fittingly, from the manuscripts and editions, than deprehendat (should catch) in the common editions; because comprehendere refers rather to understanding, which is the subject here.

[12] ‹lemma: Per quod necesse est ad aliud perveniri› · col 370 Per quod necesse est ad aliud perveniri. Ita rectius legas ex omnibus mss., et sex editis codicibus, quam propter quod, vitiose in caeteris impressis. Lactantius enim loquitur de medio per quod pervenitur; et supra dixerat, per laborem, per virtutem, etc. In scriptis quinque rec. est ad illud pro ad aliud caeterorum. Ex ISAEO.

Through which one must arrive at something else. So you would read more rightly, from all the manuscripts and six printed copies, than propter quod (on account of which), wrongly in the other printed editions. For Lactantius speaks of the means through which one arrives; and above he had said, through labour, through virtue, etc. In five recent manuscripts is ad illud (at that) for the others' ad aliud. From ISAEUS.

[13] ‹lemma: Indigeret› · col 370 Indigeret. Sic plerique mss. cum edit. Gymnic., Tornes., et antiqua Versione Gallica, et se sont constitués en un bien qui en avait besoin d'un autre. In nonnullis mss., et plerisque impressis est indigerent.

Should need. So most manuscripts, with the Gymnicus and Tornaesius editions and the old French translation, "and they set themselves up in a good which needed another one". In some manuscripts and most printed editions is indigerent (plural).

[14] ‹lemma: Aristoteles› · col 370 Aristoteles. Peripatetici, inquit Theodoretus, laudant virtutem, reipsa voluntati student; (continues)

Aristotle. The Peripatetics, says Theodoret, praise virtue, but in fact pursue their own will; (continues)

(printed under page 188)

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. No note runs over from page 188 (its last note, Aristoteles, ends on a semicolon as printed). --> [1] ‹lemma: Ipsa› · col 371 Ipsa. Scilicet virtus, de qua supra. Ita correxi ex quampluribus mss. veterrimis et optimis et edit. Cellar. In caeteris vulgatis ac 10 mss. rec. est ipsum.

Itself. That is, virtue, spoken of above. So I have corrected from very many of the oldest and best manuscripts and Cellarius's edition. In the other editions and 10 recent manuscripts is ipsum (neuter).

[2] ‹lemma: Proprium ac perpetuum bonum› · col 371 Proprium ac perpetuum bonum. Scilicet voces junxit, ut Cic. pro I. Manilia, c. 16: Quod ut illi proprium ac perpetuum sit. Proprius enim saepe idem quod perpetuus. BUN.

A good proper and perpetual. He has joined the words, as Cicero, For the Manilian Law, chapter 16: That this may be his own and perpetual. For proprius often means the same as perpetuus. BUN.

[3] ‹lemma: Ut solius animi› · col 371 Ut solius animi. Expunxi sit, quod perperam additum in 4 mss. et 9 editis, a caeteris abest, quippe quod mox praecessit.

As of the mind alone. I have struck out sit, which is wrongly added in 4 manuscripts and 9 editions and is absent from the rest, since it has just gone before.

[4] ‹lemma: Contingere› · col 371 Contingere. Docet S. Augustin. lib. XIX de Civit. Dei, cap. 4, quot sint differentiae inter christianorum et gentilium de summo bono dogmata.

To befall. St Augustine teaches, City of God book XIX, chapter 4, how many differences there are between the doctrines of Christians and of Gentiles about the highest good.

[5] ‹lemma: Quae dixerunt› · col 371 Quae dixerunt. Ita legendum ex 8 antiquioribus et melioribus vulgatis, ac omnibus mss. praeter 2 Colb. rec. et 7 edit. in quibus est, qui, mendose. Is enim Lactantii sensus est, ut dicat nullum eorum, quae ipsi philosophi dixerunt esse summum bonum, tale quid esse. Ita THOMASIUS.

Which they said. So it should be read, from 8 older and better editions and all the manuscripts except 2 recent Colbertini and 7 editions, in which is qui (who), wrongly. For Lactantius's sense is to say that none of the things which the philosophers themselves said was the highest good is anything of the kind. So THOMASIUS.

[6] ‹lemma: Esset homini› · col 371 Esset homini. Reposui ex mss. praeter unum rec. qui cum editis habet, est. In 1 vet. Reg. hominis; in al. rec., hominum.

Were for man. I have restored this from the manuscripts, except one recent one, which with the editions has est (is). In 1 old Regius, hominis (of man); in another recent one, hominum (of men).

[7] ‹lemma: Anaxagoras› · col 371 Anaxagoras. Haec verba vide apud Laert. in Anaxagora.

Anaxagoras. See these words in Laertius on Anaxagoras.

[8] ‹lemma: Passim› · col 371 Passim. Interpretor passim, sine deliberatione, sine ratione, sine consilio, inconsiderate, temere. Sic Lact. l. VII, cap. 7, Incursunt passim sine delectu omnia. BUN.

At random. I interpret passim as without deliberation, without reason, without counsel, inconsiderately, rashly. So Lactantius book VII, chapter 7: All things rush in at random without choice. BUN.

[9] ‹lemma: Commentatum et meditatum› · col 371 Commentatum et meditatum. Haec duo verba passive ponit Lactantius noster, ut et Cicero, Epist. ad diversos, XVI, XXVI, et I de Legib. et Philip. II, cap. 34, et de Officiis l. I. Habes etiam meditata oratio apud Tacit. XIV, 55, 1, Hist. l. LXVIII, 9. Ex WALCHIO.

Thought out and pondered. Our Lactantius uses these two verbs passively, as does Cicero, Letters to Friends XVI, XXVI, and De legibus I, and Philippics II, chapter 34, and De officiis book I. You also have a pondered speech in Tacitus XIV, 55, 1, Histories book LXVIII, 9. From WALCH.

[10] ‹lemma: Nec homo sit quidem› · col 372 Nec homo sit quidem. Nec reposui ex vetustissimis mss. 2 Reg. 1 Colbert. aliisque. In plerisque est ne; in quibusdam, non.

Nor is he even a man. I have restored nec from the very old manuscripts, 2 Regii, 1 Colbertinus and others. In most is ne; in some, non.

[11] ‹lemma: Quid si caecus fuerit, officiumne hominis amittet?› · col 372 Quid si caecus fuerit, officiumne hominis amittet? Ita restitui ex omnibus mss. codicibus, nisi quod in 2 Colb. est, amitteret. In vulgatis erat, fuisset... amitteret.

What if he is blind — will he lose the function of a man? So I have restored from all the manuscripts, except that 2 Colbertini have amitteret. In the editions it was fuisset... amitteret (had been... would lose).

[12] ‹lemma: Num carebunt suis quaeque muneribus?› · col 372 Num carebunt suis quaeque muneribus? Sic lego cum mss. vetustissimis 7 Reg. 2 Bonon., Cauc., 2 Colbert. et 4 aliis, nisi quod in 1 Reg. est, quaecumque; in alio Reg., quoque: in 1 Bonon., nominibus; in 2 al. Reg., 4 Colbert., Em. et Brun., carebuntne suis quaeque muneribus? In Ultr. et in vulgatis decem, anne carebunt suis quoque muneribus?

Will each of them lack its own functions? So I read with the very old manuscripts, 7 Regii, 2 Bononienses, Cauci's, 2 Colbertini and 4 others, except that 1 Regius has quaecumque (whichever); another Regius, quoque (also); 1 Bononiensis, nominibus (names); 2 other Regii, 4 Colbertini, Em. and the Brunsvicensis, carebuntne suis quaeque muneribus? In the Utrecht and ten editions, anne carebunt suis quoque muneribus? (or will they also lack their functions?)

[13] ‹lemma: In hoc spectaculum induxit› · col 372 In hoc spectaculum induxit. Id est, in hunc mundum. Spectaculum enim hic sumitur pro loco ex quo spectatur, ut ex sequentibus patet: Qui te in hunc mundum, quasi testem laudatoremque tanti sui operis induxit.

Brought into this spectacle. That is, into this world. For spectaculum is taken here for the place from which one watches, as is clear from what follows: Who brought you into this world as the witness and praiser of so great a work of his.

[14] ‹lemma: Magnum esse credis› · col 372 Magnum esse credis, etc. Sic. Naso Metamorph. lib. I: Pronaque cum spectent animalia caetera terram, / Os homini sublime dedit, coelumque tueri / Jussit, et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus.

You believe it great, etc. So Ovid, Metamorphoses book I: "And while the other animals, bent forward, look at the earth, / He gave man a lofty face, and bade him behold the sky / And lift his face upright to the stars."

[15] ‹lemma: Qui mirabilia perfecit› · col 372 Qui mirabilia perfecit. Ita vetustiores et meliores mss. ac decem editi. At mss. 12 rec. et excusi tres habent, qui mirabilia fecit; sic habent editi 1476 et 1497. Elegantius legeretur, qui tam mirabilia fecit.

Who accomplished wonders. So the older and better manuscripts and ten editions. But 12 recent manuscripts and three printed editions have qui mirabilia fecit (who made wonders); so the editions of 1476 and 1497. It would read more elegantly, qui tam mirabilia fecit (who made such wonders).

[16] ‹lemma: Num sanus viderere?› · col 372 Num sanus viderere? Sic restitui ex omnibus prope mss. et editis Rom. 1470, Torn. ac Soubron., accedentibus aliis 3 scriptis rec. in quibus est, num sanus videre? duobus aliis Reg. rec., numquid sanus videre; in editis 4 rec. non sanus viderere; in 8 aliis, non insanus viderere.

Would you seem sane? So I have restored from almost all the manuscripts and the editions of Rome 1470, Tornaesius and Soubron, with 3 other recent manuscripts besides, in which is num sanus videre?; two other recent Regii, numquid sanus videre; in 4 recent editions, non sanus viderere (would you not seem sane); in 8 others, non insanus viderere (would you not seem insane).

(printed under page 189)

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] ‹lemma: Qui vere sapiat› · col 373 Qui vere sapiat. Ita restitui ex mss. et ed. Betul. Vulgatis fere cunctis est, sapit. Ed Tornes. et Walch., sapiet.

Who is truly wise. So I have restored from the manuscripts and Betuleius's edition. In almost all the editions is sapit (indicative). The Tornaesius and Walch editions: sapiet (will be wise).

[2] ‹lemma: Deligendo› · col 373 Deligendo. Sic restitui ex edit. Rom. 1470 et 10 manuscriptis, accedentibus aliis decem, in quibus est, diligendo; in sex et in edit. Betul. eligendo; in 2 rec., diligenda; in 12 excusis deligens; in 1 Bonon. antiq., adfigendo; in 1 Reg., rec., figendo; in 1 al. Reg., fingendo. Vide infra circa finem capitis 10, in religione deligenda, in omnibus mss. et editis.

By choosing. So I have restored from the Roman edition of 1470 and 10 manuscripts, with ten others besides, in which is diligendo (by loving); in six, and in Betuleius's edition, eligendo (by selecting); in 2 recent ones, diligenda; in 12 printed editions deligens; in 1 old Bononiensis, adfigendo (by fixing to); in 1 recent Regius, figendo (by fixing); in another Regius, fingendo (by fashioning). See below, near the end of chapter 10, in choosing religion, in all the manuscripts and editions.

[3] ‹lemma: Quia quanto pluris est anima› · col 373 Quia quanto pluris est anima. Sano sensu accipienda est haec sententia, ne ulla Dei cum mundo proportio inducatur, quae nulla esse potest infiniti cum finito. RIVETUS.

Because by how much the soul is worth more. This sentence must be taken in a sound sense, lest any proportion of God to the world be introduced, which there can be none between the infinite and the finite. RIVETUS.

[4] ‹lemma: Utrumque› · col 373 Utrumque. Scilicet, mundus et oculus.

Both. That is, the world and the eye.

[5] ‹lemma: Deus animo contemplandus est› · col 373 Deus animo contemplandus est. Ita restitui ex edit. Gymnic., Betul., Tornes. ac Soubron. et ex cunctis pene mss. In caeteris vulgatis, sicut in 1 Colb. rec. est, anima: sed et animum infra legimus in omnibus tum mss. tum editis.

God is to be contemplated with the mind. So I have restored from the Gymnicus, Betuleius, Tornaesius and Soubron editions and from almost all the manuscripts. In the other editions, as in 1 recent Colbertinus, is anima (with the soul): but we read animum (the mind) below too, in all the manuscripts and editions alike.

[6] ‹lemma: Anaxagoras, ad quae videnda› · col 373 Anaxagoras, ad quae videnda. Secutus sum manuscriptos 1 Reg., Emmanuel. ac 2 Brun. et edit. Torn. Soubron. et Walch. In 2 Clarom, 7 Reg. et editis 4 est, ad ea quae videnda, male. Gymnic. Anaxagoras ea ad quae videnda; in editionibus Thysii et Gallaei, ad ea ad quae videnda.

Anaxagoras, for seeing which. I have followed the manuscripts 1 Regius, Emmanuel and 2 Brunsvicenses, and the Tornaesius, Soubron and Walch editions. In 2 Claromontani, 7 Regii and 4 editions is ad ea quae videnda, badly. Gymnicus: Anaxagoras ea ad quae videnda; in the editions of Thysius and Gallaeus, ad ea ad quae videnda.

[7] ‹lemma: Pietas› · col 373 Pietas. Hoc vide in Pimandro, c. 9.

Piety. See this in the Pimander, chapter 9.

[8] ‹lemma: In sola religione est› · col 373 In sola religione est. Lege Eusebium libro undecimo de Praeparat. Evangelica. cap. 2. Sed Lactantius ita est intelligendus, ut religio sit ratio et modus quibus pervenitur ad summum bonum, quod est aeterna optimi atque maximi Dei fruitio.

Is in religion alone. Read Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel book XI, chapter 2. But Lactantius is to be understood thus: that religion is the way and manner by which one arrives at the highest good, which is the eternal enjoyment of God, the best and greatest.

[9] ‹lemma: Ridendi quoque› · col 373 Ridendi quoque. Sic reposui ex ms. et editis Torn., Soubron. et Walch. Caeteri vulgati habent, ridendique.

Of laughing also. So I have restored from a manuscript and the Tornaesius, Soubron and Walch editions. The other editions have ridendique (and of laughing).

[10] ‹lemma: Alludunt› · col 373 Alludunt. Alludere est adblandiri, blanditiis captare, προσπαίζειν. De Ira, c. 7: Ad lusum gestiunt, Terent. Eunuch. III, 1: Coepit ad id scortum alludere. BUN.

They play up to. Alludere is to fawn on, to catch with blandishments, prospaizein. De ira, chapter 7: They are eager for play; Terence, Eunuch III, 1: He began to play up to that harlot. BUN.

[11] ‹lemma: Reponunt› · col 373 Reponunt. Scilicet formicae, de quibus dicit Scriptura: Vade, piger, ad formicam.

They store up. That is, the ants, of which Scripture says: Go to the ant, you sluggard.

[12] ‹lemma: Providentiam› · col 374 Providentiam. Sic recte legit Heumannus ex antiquis multis edit. De providentia et instinctu belluarum legas, si placet, libros a variis editos, scilicet a Pardiaeo societ. Jesu, et anonymos tum Lugduni, tum Amstelodami, tum etiam Parisiis editos. — Providentiam. Ita persuadet locus geminus de Ira, cap. 7: Quid tam homini proprium, quam... providentia futuri? BUN.

Foresight. So Heumann rightly reads from many old editions. On the foresight and instinct of beasts you may read, if you like, books published by various authors, namely by Pardies of the Society of Jesus, and anonymous ones published at Lyon, at Amsterdam and also at Paris. — Providentiam. The twin passage in De ira, chapter 7, persuades so: What is so proper to man as... foresight of the future? BUN.

[13] ‹lemma: Rationis› · col 374 Rationis, etc. Instar commentarii in h. l. esse potest Hier. Rorarii elegans scriptum, quod animalia bruta saepe ratione utantur melius homine, quod recensuit et doctis annotationibus auxit G. H. Ribovius, Helmst. 1728, 8. BUN.

Of reason, etc. Hieronymus Rorarius's elegant work, That brute animals often use reason better than man, can serve as a commentary on this place; G. H. Ribov edited it and enlarged it with learned notes, Helmstedt 1728, octavo. BUN.

[14] ‹lemma: Dispatentia› · col 374 Dispatentia. Hoc verbum, licet inusitatum, restitui ex veteribus editis tribus Romanis ac Venet. et 24 manuscriptis, accedentibus aliis tribus, in quibus est, disputantia. In 8 rec. scriptis et 12 editis est, disparentia. At dispatentia aptius est huic argumento. Hic loquitur de cuniculis, quorum latibula plures habent exitus. — In plures exitus dispatentia. Huc iterum faciunt, de Ira, cap. 7: Sunt animalia, quae latibulis suis diversos et plures exitus pandant, ut... fuga pateat obsessis. BUN.

Opening out in different directions. This word, though unusual, I have restored from three old Roman editions and the Venetian, and 24 manuscripts, with three others besides in which is disputantia. In 8 recent manuscripts and 12 editions is disparentia. But dispatentia suits this matter better. He is speaking here of rabbits, whose burrows have several exits. — Opening out into several exits. To this point again, De ira, chapter 7: There are animals which open different and several exits to their burrows, so that... flight may lie open to them when besieged. BUN.

[15] ‹lemma: Nam quibus generandi mellis› · col 374 Nam quibus generandi mellis, etc. In apum ingenio describendo ingenii vires triverunt ingeniosissimi homines, Maro et Plinius: hic libro undecimo Naturalis historiae, ille Georgic. quarto; ut interim Aristotelem, Columellam, Palladium, et alios recentiores taceamus, qui et ipsi egregia de his memoriae prodiderunt. GALLAEUS.

For those to whom of producing honey, etc. In describing the cleverness of bees the most gifted of men, Virgil and Pliny, wore out the strength of their talent: the latter in book XI of the Natural History, the former in Georgics IV; to say nothing meanwhile of Aristotle, Columella, Palladius and other more recent writers, who too have handed down excellent things about them. GALLAEUS.

[16] ‹lemma: An non in his perfecta sit prudentia› · col 374 An non in his perfecta sit prudentia Sic lego, approbante doctissimo Francio ex 2 Reg. optimae notae, et 1 Clarom. in quo fuit, non, a prima manu, postea erasum.

Or whether perfect prudence is not in these. So I read, with the approval of the most learned Francius, from 2 Regii of the best quality and 1 Claromontanus, in which non stood in the first hand and was afterwards erased.

[17] ‹lemma: Rationem› · col 374 Rationem. Imperfectam scilicet.

Reason. An imperfect one, that is.

[18] ‹lemma: Ad vitam tuendam› · col 374 Ad vitam tuendam. Nolim a constanti Lactantii phrasi abire, l. III, c. 8: Sicut homini opibus ad vitam tuendam; ita illis praeda et pabulo opus. L. VI, (continues)

For protecting life. I would not depart from Lactantius's constant phrase, book III, chapter 8: As man needs wealth for protecting life, so they need prey and fodder. Book VI, (continues)

(printed under page 190)

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] (continued) · col 375 c. 20: Ut appetant, quibus opus est ad vitam tuendam. Sic Ovidius, l. IV Pont. el. 5, v. 37. Addita praeterea vitae quoque multa tuendae / Munera, ne proprias attenuaret opes. BUN.

(continued) chapter 20: That they may seek the things they need for protecting life. So Ovid, Epistulae ex Ponto book IV, elegy 5, verse 37: "Besides, many gifts were added for protecting life too, / Lest he should thin his own resources." BUN.

[2] ‹lemma: Homini etiam ad propagandam› · col 375 Homini etiam ad propagandam. Ex mss. quampluribus et edit. Tornes., Soubron., Cellar., Walch., reposui etiam; quod concinnius est, quam autem vulgatorum et 4 scriptorum. Non enim negatur homini vitam esse tuendam, sed aliud adjungitur. CELLAR. — Ad propagandam. Inscite quidam Lactantium putant loqui de propagatione per generationem, quum propagare hic sit producere, ut ostendi ad Lact. l. II, c. 12: Quae (vita) in mille annos propagaretur. Hic de vita beata intelligendus. BUN.

For man also, for prolonging. From very many manuscripts and the Tornaesius, Soubron, Cellarius and Walch editions I have restored etiam (also), which is neater than the autem (but) of the editions and 4 manuscripts. For it is not denied that man must protect life; something else is added. CELLAR. — For prolonging. Some ignorantly think Lactantius speaks of propagation by generation, whereas propagare here is to extend, as I showed on Lactantius book II, chapter 12: Which (life) would be extended to a thousand years. Here it is to be understood of the happy life. BUN.

[3] ‹lemma: Nulla gens est neque tam immansueta, neque tam fera› · cols 375–376 Nulla gens est neque tam immansueta, neque tam fera. Sic habent omnes fere excusi, et multi ms. et Cicero ipse, tum. I de Leg. unde haec sententia deprompta est, tum. I Tuscul., unde haec altera consimilis: Quod nulla, inquit, gens tam fera, nemo omnium tam sit immanis, cujus mentem non imbuerit deorum opinio. Uterque tamen codex Bonon., Tax., Em., 10 Reg., Brun. et (his adde etiam Ultr.) tres Vatic. habent, neque tam mansueta, etc. Quae lectio magis placet Thomasio. Ego ab ipsius Cicer. lectione discedere nolui. ISAEUS. — Picus Mirandulanus, sui saeculi decus, 1 cap. de Providentia Dei, non modo ex theologis quosdam hoc asseruisse testatur, ut puta Damascenum, Augustinum, et Thomam Aquinatem: sed etiam ex densissimis tenebris id vidisse Epicurum, ex crepusculo quodam Platonicum Jamblychum. Damasceni locus est capite tertio libri de Ineffabili divinitate: Quod, inquit, profecto sit Deus, iis qui sacras admittunt Scripturas, haudquaquam in controversiam venit; neque plurimis quidem Graecorum. Nam cognitio quod Deus sit, nobis natura insita est, atque ingenita. Augustinus, lib. I, contra Cresconium Grammaticum, cap. 29, ex ignoti Dei ara quae Athenis fuit, id ostendit. Jamblichus de Mysteriis, statim ab initio, interprete Marsilio, sic scribit: Ante omnem rationis usum, inest naturaliter insita deorum notio; imo tactus quidam divinitatis melior, quam notitia, ex quo incitatur naturalis appetitus boni, et ratiocinatio atque judicium, etc. Quid quod Cicero alio loco ait, nullam gentem esse tam efferam aut barbaram, quae non sit imbuta aliqua opinione deorum? Augustinus Steuchus in sua Perenni Philosophia hoc unum agit, ut ostendat gentiles quam proxime accessisse ad veram religionem. BETULEIUS. — Vide Huetii Concordiam rationis et fidei.

There is no nation so untamed, nor so wild. So nearly all the printed editions have it, and many manuscripts, and Cicero himself, both in De legibus I, from which this sentence is drawn, and in Tusculans I, from which comes this other very similar one: That no nation, he says, is so wild, no one of all men so savage, that the belief in gods has not imbued his mind. Yet both Bononienses, Tax., Em., 10 Regii, the Brunsvicensis and (add to these the Utrecht too) three Vaticani have neque tam mansueta (nor so tame), etc., a reading Thomasius prefers. I did not wish to depart from the reading of Cicero himself. ISAEUS. — Pico della Mirandola, the glory of his age, in chapter 1 On the Providence of God, testifies not only that certain theologians asserted this — Damascene, Augustine and Thomas Aquinas, for example — but also that Epicurus saw it out of the thickest darkness, and the Platonist Iamblichus out of a kind of twilight. Damascene's passage is in the third chapter of the book On the Ineffable Godhead: That God indeed exists, he says, is in no way disputed by those who accept the sacred Scriptures; nor indeed by most of the Greeks. For the knowledge that God exists is implanted and inborn in us by nature. Augustine, Against Cresconius the Grammarian book I, chapter 29, shows it from the altar of the unknown God that was at Athens. Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, right at the beginning, in Marsilio's translation, writes thus: Before all use of reason there is in us, naturally implanted, a notion of the gods; nay, a certain touch of divinity, better than knowledge, by which the natural appetite for good is stirred, and reasoning and judgement, etc. What of Cicero saying in another place that no nation is so savage or barbarous as not to be imbued with some belief in gods? Agostino Steuco in his Perennial Philosophy aims at this one thing: to show how very near the Gentiles came to the true religion. BETULEIUS. — See Huet's Concord of Reason and Faith.

[4] ‹lemma: Sibi› · col 376 Sibi. Scilicet, Deo.

To himself. That is, to God.

[5] ‹lemma: Iidem ipsi› · col 376 Iidem ipsi. Ita passim Lactantius, lib. V, cap. 2; lib. VI, cap. 10 et cap. 12.

The very same. So Lactantius throughout, book V, chapter 2; book VI, chapters 10 and 12.

[6] ‹lemma: Ne si velimus quidem possumus› · col 376 Ne si velimus quidem possumus. Haec est lectio vetustiorum et meliorum codicum mss. Bonon., Reg., Put., 2 al. Reg., Lip., Goth. In antiquissimo Reg. est nec. Haec vocula abest ab octo mss. rec. Duo alii mss. recentiores et quinque impressi habent, nisi. Sed ne, si velimus, legendum esse existimant Jo. Cauci, et Thomasius, quibus etiam adstipulor; hoc enim probare intendit auctor noster, nos non posse, etiamsi vellemus, pecudum more in terram procumbere.

Not even if we wished could we. This is the reading of the older and better manuscripts, Bononiensis, Regius, Puteanus, 2 other Regii, Lipsiensis, Gotha. In the very old Regius is nec. This little word is missing from eight recent manuscripts. Two other more recent manuscripts and five printed editions have nisi (unless). But Jo. Cauci and Thomasius judge that ne, si velimus should be read, and I agree with them; for our author means to prove this: that we could not, even if we wished, sprawl on the ground in the manner of cattle.

[7] ‹lemma: Se abdicat› · col 376 Se abdicat. Abdicare se magistratu frequens est apud Livium et Ciceronem.

Renounces himself. Abdicare se magistratu (to resign from an office) is frequent in Livy and Cicero.

[8] ‹lemma: Naturam hominis› · col 376 Naturam hominis, etc. Utrumque Cicero in I de Legibus probat. Quod vero religio a sapientia divelli nequeat, potest philosophicis demonstrari rationibus. Nam Cicero in lib. Offic., sapientiam cum justitia (sicut virtutes inter se omnes) insolubili vinculo copulat. Justitiae vero forma vel pars est religio. Sed Hebraeorum Sapiens fundamentum sapientiae ponit religionem quum ait: Initium sapientiae timor Domini. BETULEIUS.

The nature of man, etc. Cicero proves both in De legibus I. That religion cannot be torn from wisdom can be demonstrated by philosophical reasons. For Cicero in the books De officiis couples wisdom with justice (as all the virtues with one another) by an indissoluble bond. And religion is a form or part of justice. But the Wise Man of the Hebrews makes religion the foundation of wisdom when he says: The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom. BETULEIUS.

[9] ‹lemma: Viam deviam› · col 376 Viam deviam. Ita mss. 4 Reg., et Cant. et editi vet. quam lectionem confirmant quae de erroribus adduntur. Sic etiam ait Cicero devium iter.

A pathless way. So 4 Regii manuscripts, the Cambridge and the old editions; a reading confirmed by what is added about errors. So too Cicero says a pathless journey.

(printed under page 191)

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] ‹lemma: Cum belluis› · col 377 Cum belluis, etc. Hic afferam verba Auli Gellii, etiamsi Gentilis, lib. XIX Noct. Attic., cap. 2: Quinque, inquit, sunt hominum sensus, per quos voluptas animo aut corpori quaeri videtur: gustus, tactus, odoratus, visus, auditus. Ex his omnibus quae immodice voluptas capitur, ea turpis atque improba existimatur. Sed enim quae nimia ex gustu atque tactu est, ea voluptas, sicuti sapientes viri censuerunt, omnium rerum foedissima est.

With the beasts, etc. Here I will bring in the words of Aulus Gellius, Gentile though he was, Attic Nights book XIX, chapter 2: There are five senses of men, he says, through which pleasure seems to be sought for mind or body: taste, touch, smell, sight, hearing. Of all these, the pleasure that is taken without measure is reckoned base and wicked. But the pleasure that is excessive from taste and touch is, as wise men have judged, the foulest of all things.

[2] ‹lemma: Processu aetatis› · col 377 Processu aetatis. Quaestio est apud Ciceronem in Catone majore, utrum senectus voluptate careat.

With the advance of age. It is a question in Cicero's Cato Maior, whether old age lacks pleasure.

[3] ‹lemma: Non est... summum bonum, sed ne bonum quidem› · col 377 Non est... summum bonum, sed ne bonum quidem. Sequitur Senecam de Vita Beata, cap. 10, fin.: Tu illam (voluptatem) summum bonum putas? Ego ne bonum. BUN.

It is not... the highest good, nor even a good. He follows Seneca, De vita beata, chapter 10, end: You think it (pleasure) the highest good? I, not even a good. BUN.

[4] ‹lemma: Multo magis› · col 377 Multo magis. Ita mss. et impressi. Mallem, multo minus.

Much more. So the manuscripts and printed editions. I would prefer multo minus (much less).

[5] ‹lemma: Et optantur› · col 377 Et optantur. Recte sensit Isaeus. non addendam hic negationem, ut in Bonon., 1 Colbert. et Brun. mss. reperitur; probat enim divitias non esse summum bonum, siquidem illi qui illas possident, plures appetunt et optant: summum vero bonum talis debet esse naturae, ut desiderium expleat, Mss. 9 Reg., 5 Colbert., 2 Clarom., Jun. carent hac negatione: Jo. Cauci etiam delendam censet; abest quoque ab impressis tredecim. Ex GALL.

And they are wished for. Isaeus rightly judged that a negative should not be added here, as is found in the Bononiensis, 1 Colbertinus and Brunsvicensis manuscripts; for he proves that riches are not the highest good, since those who possess them seek and wish for more: but the highest good must be of such a nature as to satisfy desire. Manuscripts 9 Regii, 5 Colbertini, 2 Claromontani and Junius lack this negative; Jo. Cauci too judges it should be deleted; it is also missing from thirteen printed editions. From GALL.

[6] ‹lemma: Et necesse est› · col 377 Et necesse est. Heumannus scribit, at necesse est. Quia et est in omnibus libris, interpretor, et tamen. Particula tamen saepe in Cicerone et Lactantio sic subauditur. Lact., lib. IV, cap. 2: Nusquam... sapientiam comprehenderunt, et alicubi esse illam necesse est. BUN.

And it is necessary. Heumann writes at necesse est (but it is necessary). Since et is in all the books, I interpret it as et tamen (and yet). The particle tamen is often understood so in Cicero and Lactantius. Lactantius book IV, chapter 2: Nowhere... have they grasped wisdom, and yet it must be somewhere. BUN.

[7] ‹lemma: Sed si beata› · col 377 Sed si beata. Abest si a ms. Em. In rec. 3 Colbert. et 1 Clarom. est, Sed si bona.

But if happy. Si is missing from the Em. manuscript. In 3 recent Colbertini and 1 Claromontanus is Sed si bona (but if good).

[8] ‹lemma: In malorum perferentia› · cols 377–378 In malorum perferentia. Betul., praeferentia; prave. Lib. III, cap. 12: In perferendis malis tota vis ejus (virtutis) est; et lib. VII, cap. 1: Tolerantia malorum latinius dicitur.

In the enduring of evils. Betuleius: praeferentia (preference); wrongly. Book III, chapter 12: Its (virtue's) whole force lies in enduring evils; and book VII, chapter 1: Tolerantia malorum (the bearing of evils) is said in better Latin.

[9] ‹lemma: Nihil sapiente dignius› · col 378 Nihil sapiente dignius. Ita duo mss. Reg. veterrimi et Goth. In 1 Colb. est sapientiae, mendose. In 16 mss. totidemque editis est, sapientia dignius.

Nothing more worthy of the wise man. So two very old Regii manuscripts and the Gotha. In 1 Colbertinus is sapientiae, wrongly. In 16 manuscripts and as many editions is sapientia dignius (more worthy of wisdom).

[10] ‹lemma: Et eluctatio adversus mala› · col 378 Et eluctatio adversus mala. Mss. rec., 2 Reg. et 1 Colb., et luctatio; Em., et obluctatio, quod cum sequentibus, adversus mala, convenire magis videtur Cellario quam aliorum, eluctatio.

And the struggling out against evils. Recent manuscripts, 2 Regii and 1 Colbertinus: et luctatio (and the struggle); Em.: et obluctatio (and the struggling against), which seems to Cellarius to agree better with what follows, adversus mala, than the others' eluctatio.

[11] ‹lemma: Ex ea› · col 378 Ex ea. Scilicet virtute. Sic emendo ex mss. et editis Rom. 1468, Gymnic., Cellar. In 11 vulgatis est, ex eo, mendose.

From it. That is, from virtue. So I correct from the manuscripts and the editions of Rome 1468, Gymnicus and Cellarius. In 11 editions is ex eo (neuter), wrongly.

[12] ‹lemma: Abstrahi› · col 378 Abstrahi. Ita reposui ex edit. Rom. 1470, Tornes., Soubron., et ex omnibus mss. praeter 4 rec. et edit. 11, in quibus est distrahi.

To be drawn away. So I have restored from the editions of Rome 1470, Tornaesius and Soubron, and from all the manuscripts except 4 recent ones and 11 editions, in which is distrahi (to be torn apart).

[13] ‹lemma: Quam si et proprium sit virtutis› · col 378 Quam si et proprium sit virtutis. Ex mss. ac veteribus excusis est, et elegantius, quam et si duorum mss. rec. et quorumdam editorum.

Than if it is also proper to virtue. This is from the manuscripts and old printed editions, and is more elegant than the et si (even if) of two recent manuscripts and certain editions.

[14] ‹lemma: Eaque omnia› · col 378 Eaque omnia. Ex mss. et editis Rom. 1470, Torn. et Soubron. restitui. In caeteris vulgatis est, atque omnia.

And all these. I have restored this from the manuscripts and the editions of Rome 1470, Tornaesius and Soubron. In the other editions is atque omnia (and all).

[15] ‹lemma: Id est profecto virtutis› · col 378 Id est profecto virtutis. Sic reposui ex vet. edit. Rom. et omnibus mss. praeter 3 Colb., in quibus, sicut in 15 vulgatis. legitur, id est profecto virtutis. In edit. Tornes. et Soubron, id est perfectae virtutis. Profecto virtus, etiam legit Heumannus ex edit. 1472, 1476, 1478 et 1497, ac etiam ex uno e mss. Thomasianis.

That is, surely, of virtue. So I have restored from the old Roman edition and all the manuscripts except 3 Colbertini, in which, as in 15 editions, is read id est profecto virtutis [so printed; the lemma and the variant are identical]. In the Tornaesius and Soubron editions, id est perfectae virtutis (that is, of perfect virtue). Heumann also reads profecto virtus, from the editions of 1472, 1476, 1478 and 1497, and also from one of Thomasius's manuscripts.

[16] ‹lemma: Duo sunt› · col 378 Duo sunt. Juxta B. Paulum tribus homo partibus constat: corpore, anima, et spiritu. Sed animalis homo non percipit ea quae sunt Dei. Constituamus igitur in spirituali homine sinceram religionem, qua homines perfectam (quam Cicero somniavit) rationem habentes, multis gradibus a communi illa psychicorum, plurimis a belluina natura distant. Potest videri, Lactantium idem credidisse animum, quod in (continues)

There are two. According to blessed Paul, man consists of three parts: body, soul and spirit. But the natural man does not perceive the things of God. Let us therefore establish sincere religion in the spiritual man, by which men, having perfect reason (which Cicero dreamed of), stand many degrees distant from that common nature of the psychics, and very many from the nature of beasts. It may seem that Lactantius believed the mind to be the same as what in (continues)

(printed under page 192)

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] (continued) · col 379 in sacris Litteris tertia pars est spiritus; nempe apud quem spiritus nomen rarissimum est. Quid autem animus et anima differant, docet idem Lactantius de Opificio Dei, capite 18. BETULEIUS.

(continued) the sacred Scriptures is the third part, the spirit; for in his writing the name of spirit is very rare. How mind and soul differ, the same Lactantius teaches in De opificio Dei, chapter 18. BETULEIUS.

[2] ‹lemma: Ipsa virtus› · col 379 Ipsa virtus. Genus probat ex specie. Robur enim corporis, animi fortitudo esse alias observatur. Vide Erasmum in Enchiridio militis christiani.

Virtue itself. He proves the genus from the species. For it is observed elsewhere that strength belongs to the body, fortitude to the mind. See Erasmus in the Enchiridion of the Christian Soldier.

[3] ‹lemma: Ut aliquid› · col 379 Ut aliquid. Ex mss. et 4 excusis reposui voculam ut, quae caeteris vulgatis deest.

That something. From the manuscripts and 4 printed editions I have restored the little word ut (that), which is missing in the other editions.

[4] ‹lemma: Necesse est, ut... pariat› · col 379 Necesse est, ut... pariat. Lib. II, c. 11; lib. III, c. 9: Necesse est, ut... si. At mox, c. 13: Necesse est, ipsa .. faciat. L. IV, c. 14: Necesse est, habeat. Lib VI, c. 19: Necesse est naturam depravent. L. VII, c. 1: Necesse est, revertatur. L. I, c. 21: Necesse est... ficta sint. BUN.

It is necessary that... it should produce. Book II, chapter 11; book III, chapter 9: It is necessary that... if. But soon after, chapter 13: It is necessary [that] it itself... should make (without ut). Book IV, chapter 14: It is necessary [that] he have. Book VI, chapter 19: It is necessary [that] they deprave nature. Book VII, chapter 1: It is necessary [that] it return. Book I, chapter 21: It is necessary [that]... they be feigned. BUN.

[5] ‹lemma: Sustentati› · col 379 Sustentati. Restitui ex 9 editis et omnibus prope mss. In sex scriptis et 7 editis est suscepti.

Endured. I have restored this from 9 editions and almost all the manuscripts. In six manuscripts and 7 editions is suscepti (undertaken).

[6] ‹lemma: Euclides› · col 379 Euclides. Is fuit Socratis discipulus.

Euclides. He was a disciple of Socrates.

[7] ‹lemma: Conditor Megaricorum› · cols 379–380 Conditor Megaricorum. Orditur jam novam disputationem contra eos, qui imprudentes, et quasi per nebulam summum bonum viderunt. Et est talis argumentatio, qualis Pauli adversus Athenienses, de ara ignoti Dei. Videntur haec ex quarto Academicarum Quaest. Ciceronis desumpta esse. Locum hunc integrum referam: Et quam non multum a Platone Megarici discesserunt, quorum fuit nobilis disciplina, ut scriptum video, princeps Xenophanes, deinde eum secuti Parmenides et Zeno. Itaque ab his Eretriaci philosophici nominabantur. Post Euclides, Socratis discipulus, Megaraeus, a quo iidem illi Megarici dicuntur, qui id bonum solum esse dicebant quod esset unum, simile, et idem semper. Hi quoque multa a Platone: a Menedemo autem, quod is Eretrias fuit, Eretriaci appellati. Quorum omne bonum in mente positum. et mentis acie. qua verum cerneretur. Ex quibus verbis patet, Lactantianam lectionem integram non esse. Nam ad descriptionem summi boni pertinebat etiam. ut unum esset. Galenus ad Stilponem Megaraeum, Euclidis auditorem, disciplinae hujus originem refert in Historia philosophica. Sed ratione ipsa, deinde etiam auctoritate Laertii probabiliora sunt quae retulit Cicero. BETULEIUS.

The founder of the Megarians. He now begins a new disputation against those who saw the highest good unwisely and as if through a mist. And the argument is of the same kind as Paul's against the Athenians about the altar of the unknown God. These things seem to have been taken from the fourth book of Cicero's Academic Questions. I will give the passage entire: And how little the Megarians departed from Plato — a famous school, of which, as I see it written, Xenophanes was the founder, and then Parmenides and Zeno followed him. So from these they were called the Eretrian philosophers [so printed]. After that Euclides, the disciple of Socrates, a Megarian, from whom the same men are called Megarians, who said that alone was good which was one, alike and always the same. These too took much from Plato; but from Menedemus, because he was of Eretria, they were called Eretrians. All their good was placed in the mind and in the sharpness of mind by which the truth is discerned. From these words it is clear that the text of Lactantius is not complete. For "that it be one" also belonged to the description of the highest good. Galen, in his History of Philosophy, refers the origin of this school to Stilpo of Megara, a hearer of Euclides. But both by reason itself and then by the authority of Laertius, what Cicero reported is more probable. BETULEIUS.

[8] ‹lemma: Quod simile sit› · col 380 Quod simile sit. Simile, non πρός τι intelligendum est, sed quod sibi sit simile. Sustulit enim, ut Laertius scribit, de comparatione disputationem. BETULEIUS.

That it be alike. "Alike" is to be understood not relatively, but as what is like itself. For, as Laertius writes, he did away with disputation by comparison. BETULEIUS.

[9] ‹lemma: Seneca› · col 380 Seneca, etc. Nullus hodie Senecae liber sub hoc extat titulo. Extat quidem de Vita beata ad Gallionem liber nobilis. Quin immo omnia Senecae scripta hac sunt doctrina conspersa: praesertim tamen epist. 86, quae est lib. XII. BETULEIUS.

Seneca, etc. No book of Seneca under this title is extant today. There is indeed the noble book On the Happy Life, to Gallio. Indeed all Seneca's writings are sprinkled with this teaching: especially, however, letter 86, which is in book XII. BETULEIUS.

[10] ‹lemma: Negant› · col 380 Negant, etc. De quo vide apud Cicer. V. Tuscul.

They deny, etc. On which see Cicero, Tusculans V.

[11] ‹lemma: Quod› · col 380 Quod. Pro quodnam.

What. For quodnam (what, pray).

[12] ‹lemma: Epicurus Deum beatum› · col 380 Epicurus Deum beatum, etc. In epistola ad quemdam Menecaeum, quae extat in Epicuri vita apud Laertium l. X. Sic etiam veteres XV saeculi editiones.

Epicurus [calls] God happy, etc. In the letter to a certain Menoeceus, which is extant in the life of Epicurus in Laertius, book X. So too the old editions of the fifteenth century.

[13] ‹lemma: Non potest... ut sit miser› · col 380 Non potest... ut sit miser. Infra Seneca, de Provid. c. 3: Bonus vir potest miser dici, non potest miser esse. Cicero, Paradox. II, fin.: Ut improbo, et stulto, (continues)

It cannot be... that he is wretched. Below; Seneca, De providentia chapter 3: A good man can be called wretched; he cannot be wretched. Cicero, Paradoxa II, end: As to the wicked and foolish, (continues)

(printed under page 193)

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] (continued) · col 381 et inerti nemini bene esse potest: sic bonus vir, et fortis, et sapiens miser esse non potest. His verius Minuc. Fel., cap. 37: Christianus miser videri, non potest inveniri. BUN.

(continued) and idle man, it cannot be well with anyone: so the good, brave and wise man cannot be wretched. Truer than these, Minucius Felix, chapter 37: the Christian can seem wretched, cannot be found so. BUN.

[2] ‹lemma: Quae› · col 381 Quae. Puta, immortalitas. Recte restituitur quae, ex quampluribus et potioribus mss. et editis. In 6 scriptis ac 9 excusis est quia; in 1 Colb., quod.

Which. That is, immortality. Quae is rightly restored from very many and better manuscripts and editions. In 6 manuscripts and 9 printed editions is quia (because); in 1 Colbertinus, quod.

[3] ‹lemma: Nec corpus attingit› · col 381 Nec corpus attingit. Videtur Lactantius cum Platonicis facere, qui corpus tamquam animae ergastulum habuerunt; quippe qui in ejusdem felicitatis consortium non admittat. Quae sententia pugnat contra istum fidei articulum, quo futuram credimus carnis resurrectionem. Quo nomine ab Epiphanio haereseos insimulatur Hierax Aegyptius. Quin et multos in eodem errore antiquitus versatos fuisse, colligi potest ex Alphonso de Castro lib. de Haeresibus, cap. de Ressurrectione. SPARK. — Nec corpus attingit. At clare docuit Lactantius carnis resurrectionem, l. VII, c. 20: Resurgent mortui. Ibid. cap. 21: Rursus carne induentur. Add. cap. 22. Sensus verborum, Nec corpus attingit, est: Immortalitas non pertinet ad hanc vitam temporalem, ut patet ex lib. III. cap. 12. BUN.

Nor does it touch the body. Lactantius seems to side with the Platonists, who held the body to be a kind of prison-house of the soul, since he does not admit it into the fellowship of the same happiness. This opinion conflicts with that article of faith by which we believe in the future resurrection of the flesh — on which account Hierax the Egyptian is charged with heresy by Epiphanius. Indeed, that many in ancient times were caught in the same error may be gathered from Alphonsus de Castro, book On Heresies, chapter on the Resurrection [printed "Ressurrectione"]. SPARK. — Nec corpus attingit. But Lactantius clearly taught the resurrection of the flesh, book VII, chapter 20: The dead will rise again. Ibid., chapter 21: They will be clothed again with flesh. Add chapter 22. The sense of the words Nor does it touch the body is: immortality does not belong to this temporal life, as is clear from book III, chapter 12. BUN.

[4] ‹lemma: Provenire› · col 381 Provenire. Sic reposui ex cunctis mss. praeter 5 rec. in quibus est pervenire; et 1 Betul. et Walch. edit. obvenire.

To come forth. So I have restored from all the manuscripts except 5 recent ones, in which is pervenire (to arrive); and 1 Betuleius manuscript and the Walch edition, obvenire (to befall).

[5] ‹lemma: Pro salute› · col 381 Pro salute. Editorum est vet. 2 Rom., Tornes., Soubron., Is. et omnium mss. praeter Cauc. in quo, sicut et in editis decem, est, propter salutem.

For the safety. This is the reading of the editions — the 2 old Roman, Tornaesius, Soubron, Isaeus — and of all the manuscripts except Cauci's, in which, as also in ten editions, is propter salutem (on account of the safety).

[6] ‹lemma: Menoeceus› · cols 381–382 Menoeceus. Eteocles Polynicem fratrem parte regni excluserat: hunc quum socer Adrastus restituere vellet, accidit ut Tyresias vates vaticinaretur, victoriam penes Thebanos futuram, si Menoeceus, Creontis filius, sacrificium Marti fieret. Patris autem exilium potius suadentis consilium filius repudians, se pro salute patriae interfecit. Est haec historia tragica apud Euripidem in Phoenissis, apud Statium in X Thebaid.; apud Philostratum, n. 4. Meminit Plut. in Pelopida; Juvenalis, satira 14: Quantus erat patriae Deciorum in pectore: quantum / Dilexit Thebas, si Graecia vera, Menoeceus. Menoecei et Codri, meminit Cicero in primo Tusc. quaest. Codri, Curtii et Deciorum praeterea Valerius Maxim. lib. V, cap. de Amore patriae. BETUL.

Menoeceus. Eteocles had shut his brother Polynices out of his share of the kingdom; when his father-in-law Adrastus wished to restore him, it happened that the seer Tiresias prophesied that victory would lie with the Thebans if Menoeceus, son of Creon, were made a sacrifice to Mars. The son, rejecting the counsel of his father, who urged exile instead, killed himself for the safety of his country. This tragic story is in Euripides' Phoenissae, Statius's Thebaid X, and Philostratus, no. 4. Plutarch mentions it in the Pelopidas; Juvenal, satire 14: "How great a love of country was in the breast of the Decii; how much / Menoeceus loved Thebes, if Greece tells true." Cicero mentions Menoeceus and Codrus in the first Tusculan; Valerius Maximus, besides, Codrus, Curtius and the Decii, book V, chapter On Love of Country. BETUL.

[7] ‹lemma: Athenis Codrus› · col 382 Athenis Codrus. Vide historiam de Codro apud Tzetzen chil. I, hist. 4; Servium, ad eclogam 4; Cic., Tusc. I; Val. Max., lib. V, cap. 6.

At Athens Codrus. See the story of Codrus in Tzetzes, Chiliades I, history 4; Servius on Eclogue 4; Cicero, Tusculans I; Valerius Maximus, book V, chapter 6.

[8] ‹lemma: Et Mures duo› · col 382 Et Mures duo. Lectionem mss. 5 Reg. bonae notae, 11 Vatic., Em. et 2 Br. expressi. Puto quia Mures non satis nota vox erat, quasi mendum hanc fuisse rejectam, unde sit scriptum, et Decii duo, numquam, etc. sicut in 1 Vatic., 2 Reg., 3 Colb., Pen., 1 Clarom., vel τὸ Decii, quod ad oram, quasi glossema illorum verborum et Mures duo, positum erat, demum in textum irrepsisse, et ita factum, et Mures duo Decii, numquam, etc. Sicut habent ms. Cantabrig., 2 Reg. et editi multi. Bon. et Tax. habent Mutius: sed Mures cognomine dictos Decios intelligimus ex Livio initio VIII Dec. I, qui de patre Decio creato consule inquit, creavere Coss. Titum Manlium Torquatum, P. Decium Murem. Quomodo vero sese ambo pro republica devoverint, vide Liv. ibid. et lib. X, Dec. I, Valer., V; Senecam, epist. 68, ut a communibus, etc. Praeter. mss. ab Isaeo laudatos reperio ita etiam haberi in Cauc. Ultr., Em., Jun. Sic etiam legendum censuit Th. Canterus, ut liquet ex illo verbo Decii deleto in edit. Betul. quibus adstipulor. Ex ISAEO.

And the two Mures. I have printed the reading of manuscripts 5 Regii of good quality, 11 Vaticani, Em. and 2 Brunsvicenses. I think that because Mures was a word not well enough known, it was rejected as if an error, whence was written et Decii duo, numquam, etc., as in 1 Vaticanus, 2 Regii, 3 Colbertini, Pen. and 1 Claromontanus; or that the word Decii, which had been put in the margin as a gloss on the words et Mures duo, finally crept into the text, and so it became et Mures duo Decii, numquam, etc., as the Cambridge manuscript, 2 Regii and many editions have it. The Bononiensis and Tax. have Mutius: but we understand that the Decii were called Mures by surname from Livy at the beginning of book VIII, first Decade, who says of the father Decius when made consul: they elected as consuls Titus Manlius Torquatus and Publius Decius Mus. How both devoted themselves for the republic, see Livy in the same place and book X, first Decade; Valerius V; Seneca, letter 68, ut a communibus, etc. Besides the manuscripts cited by Isaeus, I find it so also in Cauci's, the Utrecht, Em. and Junius. Theodorus Canterus also judged it should be read so, as is plain from that word Decii being deleted in Betuleius's edition; with these I agree. From ISAEUS.

[9] ‹lemma: Animi› · col 382 Animi. Haec vox abest, a 6 scriptis rec. et edit. Rom. 1470.

Of the mind. This word is missing from 6 recent manuscripts and the Roman edition of 1470.

[10] ‹lemma: Quaesierunt› · col 382 Quaesierunt. Semel et iterum, haec adduntur in mss. et pluribus editis; in caeteris, quaesiverunt.

They have sought. Once and again — these words are added in the manuscripts and most editions; in the rest, quaesiverunt (fuller form).

(printed under page 194)

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] ‹lemma: Quoniam illud ad hanc vitam retulerunt› · col 383 Quoniam illud ad hanc vitam retulerunt. Ita correximus ex mss. vet.. 1 Bonon., 4 Reg. optimae notae, 1 Colbert., Pen., Brun., et editis Thomas., Is., Gall., Spark. Multi mss. rec. et excusi legunt, quoniam ad illud hanc, etc. alii editi, ad illum in hanc vitam.

Because they referred that to this life. So we have corrected from the old manuscripts, 1 Bononiensis, 4 Regii of the best quality, 1 Colbertinus, Pen. and the Brunsvicensis, and the editions of Thomasius, Isaeus, Gallaeus and Sparke. Many recent manuscripts and printed editions read quoniam ad illud hanc, etc. (because [they referred] this to that); other editions, ad illum in hanc vitam.

[2] ‹lemma: Spectat› · col 383 Spectat. Omnium Mss. et editorum est, praeter 1 Lips. cui est pertinet. — Ad corpus spectat. Ediderat Cellarius, ad corpus pertinet, ex uno solo Lips. 1. At quum omnes reliqui mss. etiam Lips., 2 Goth., Guelf., Witterb., Reimm. omnesque editi constanter spectat exhibeant, restitui. Lact. l. IV, cap. 26: Quid ad crucem spectat. Ibid. cap. 4: Sapientia spectat ad filios. De Opif. c. 20: Quae ad vitae beatae statum spectent. Instit. l. III, cap. 17: Ad utilitatem spectat alienam. De Mort. Persec. cap. 7: Quae ad exhibendos milites spectant. De Ira, cap. 1: Error... ad evertendum vitae humanae statum spectat. BUN.

Looks to. This is the reading of all the manuscripts and editions, except 1 Lipsiensis, which has pertinet (belongs). — Looks to the body. Cellarius had published ad corpus pertinet, from the single Lipsiensis 1. But since all the other manuscripts, even the [other] Lipsiensis, 2 Gotha, the Guelferbytanus, Wittenberg and Reimmann's, and all the editions consistently give spectat, I have restored it. Lactantius book IV, chapter 26: What looks to the cross. Ibid., chapter 4: Wisdom looks to the sons. De opificio, chapter 20: Which look to the state of the happy life. Institutes book III, chapter 17: It looks to another's advantage. De mortibus persecutorum, chapter 7: Which look to maintaining soldiers. De ira, chapter 1: Error... looks to overturning the state of human life. BUN.

[3] ‹lemma: Imum› · col 383 Imum. In manu exaratis pene omnibus est, imum, quod summo opponitur. In 4 Reg. et 5 Colbert. legitur unum; quod tot constat tractibus quot imum; in 1 Colb. et Brun. et mortale et periturum sit.; in 2 Reg. rec. esse, pro sit; in excusis vanum. Vide praeced.

Lowest. In almost all the handwritten copies is imum (lowest), which is opposed to summo (highest). In 4 Regii and 5 Colbertini is read unum (one), which consists of as many strokes as imum; in 1 Colbertinus and the Brunsvicensis, et mortale et periturum sit (and is mortal and will perish); in 2 recent Regii, esse for sit; in the printed editions, vanum (empty). See the preceding.

[4] ‹lemma: Corroboramenta› · col 383 Corroboramenta. Nova vox, solius Lactantii auctoritate innixa.

Strengthenings. A new word, resting on the authority of Lactantius alone.

[5] ‹lemma: Beatos› · col 383 Beatos. Sic reposui ex omnibus mss. et octo editis; in 7 vulg. est, beatum.

Happy (plural). So I have restored from all the manuscripts and eight editions; in 7 editions is beatum (singular).

[6] ‹lemma: Id ipsum› · col 383 Id ipsum. Hanc dictionem non ausus sum contra fidem omnium ferme manuscriptorum et editorum codicum immutare. In septem mss. rec. et edit. Tornes. est. eo ipso. Abest ab excusis quatuor.

That very thing. I have not dared to change this word against the authority of almost all the manuscripts and printed copies. In seven recent manuscripts and the Tornaesius edition is eo ipso (by that very thing). It is missing from four printed editions.

[7] ‹lemma: Hujus divinae eruditionis› · cols 383–384 Hujus divinae eruditionis. Haec lectio est omnium fere editorum et 18 mss. codicum vetustiorum ac meliorum. In rec. scriptis 7 et excusis 2 est, traditionis, in 1 Colbert, monitionis. Sed et infra legitur, hanc divina eruditio non desiderat, ex iisdem mss. ut supra.

Of this divine learning. This reading is that of almost all the editions and of 18 older and better manuscripts. In 7 recent manuscripts and 2 printed editions is traditionis (tradition), in 1 Colbertinus, monitionis (admonition). But below too is read divine learning does not need this, from the same manuscripts as above.

[8] ‹lemma: Quibus vincerent› · col 384 Quibus vincerent. Sic omnes. Vincere. idem quod probare, comprobare. Conf. lib. VII. cap. 8 et 9. More Ciceronis, pro Cluent. cap. 23: Si doceo non ab Avito, vinco ab Oppianico. Si ostendo ab Oppianico, purgo Avitum. BUN.

By which they might prevail. So all. Vincere is the same as probare, comprobare (to prove, to establish). Compare book VII, chapters 8 and 9. In Cicero's manner, For Cluentius, chapter 23: If I show [that it was] not from Avitus, I prove [that it was] from Oppianicus. If I show it was from Oppianicus, I clear Avitus. BUN.

[9] ‹lemma: Utare› · col 384 Utare. Restitui ex omnibus pene mss. et 4 editis. In 1 Reg. antiq. est utar; in 1 al. Reg. utaris, in 4 scriptis rec. et 12 vulgatis est, utatur.

You should use. I have restored this from almost all the manuscripts and 4 editions. In 1 old Regius is utar (I should use); in another Regius utaris; in 4 recent manuscripts and 12 editions is utatur (he should use).

[10] ‹lemma: Res enim, non verba› · col 384 Res enim, non verba, etc. Historia memoratu digna scribitur in historiis ecclesiasticis, de quodam arguto disputatore, cujus sophismata cum nemo aequalium eludere valeret, intererat christianus aliquis, nullo alio quam simplicitatis nomine insignis. Hic arroganter disputantis os sua simplicitate ita obstruxit, ut obmutesceret, non sine omnium admiratione. Interrogatus de tam repentino silentio, respondit: alios verba verbis commutasse, hunc vero virtute pugnare. Extant Sozomenis verba lib. I, cap. 18. BETUL. — Simile quid legitur in historia concilii Nicaeni, cum sanctus quidam episcopus verbosum quemdam Arrianum sola dogmatis catholici expositione ad silentium adegit.

For things, not words, etc. A story worth recounting is written in the ecclesiastical histories about a certain clever disputant whose sophisms none of his peers could parry; there was present a certain Christian, distinguished by no other title than his simplicity. He so stopped the mouth of the arrogant disputant by his simplicity that the man fell silent, not without the wonder of all. Asked about so sudden a silence, he answered that the others had traded words for words, but this man fought with power. Sozomen's words are extant, book I, chapter 18. BETUL. — Something similar is read in the history of the Council of Nicaea, when a certain holy bishop reduced a wordy Arian to silence by the mere exposition of the Catholic doctrine.

[11] ‹lemma: Abjectis omnibus› · col 384 Abjectis omnibus. Scil. Philosophiae partibus, e. g. Physica. Vid. l. I, cap. 1, not., et l. III, cap. 21. BUN.

All being cast aside. That is, the parts of philosophy, for example natural science. See book I, chapter 1, the note, and book III, chapter 21. BUN.

[12] ‹lemma: Generati sumus› · col 384 Generati sumus. Sic restitui ex mss. vetustissimis et optimis 1 Bon., 4 Reg., Goth. aliisque. Ad id enim nos omnes generati sumus, non soli philosophi. In decem scriptis rec. et 15 excusis legitur generati sunt; in Em., nati sunt.

We were begotten. So I have restored from the oldest and best manuscripts, 1 Bononiensis, 4 Regii, Gotha and others. For it is for this that we all were begotten, not the philosophers alone. In ten recent manuscripts and 15 printed editions is read generati sunt (they were begotten); in Em., nati sunt (they were born).

[13] ‹lemma: Inanem esse omnem philosophiam› · col 384 Inanem esse omnem philosophiam. Interposui omnem, ex vet. edit. Rom., Tornes., ac Soubron. et omnibus mss. praeter 1 Reg. rec. cui deest, et 11 excusis.

That all philosophy is empty. I have inserted omnem (all) from the old Roman, Tornaesius and Soubron editions and all the manuscripts, except 1 recent Regius, which lacks it, and 11 printed editions.

[14] ‹lemma: Trahantur auctoritate› · col 384 Trahantur auctoritate. Plin. l. VIII, ep. 15, Qui auctoritate ejus trahebantur. BUN.

Let them be drawn by authority. Pliny, book VIII, letter 15: Who were drawn by his authority. BUN.

(printed under page 195)

<!-- Variorum notae: lemma notes, no call marks; "col" = the column of the page foot where the note is printed. --> [1] ‹lemma: Homo autem› · col 385 Homo autem, etc. Respicit ad illud Terentii: Censen' me hominem esse? Quo loco poeta proprium hominis esse dicit, errare.

But man, etc. He has in view that line of Terence: Do you think I am a man? In which place the poet says that to err is proper to man.

[2] ‹lemma: Romanae linguae summus auctor› · col 385 Romanae linguae summus auctor. Cicero sic dictus ob latinae linguae facundiam. Locus est in praefatione libri II de Officiis, quam vide, quia in aliquibus differt a textu Lactantii.

The highest author of the Roman tongue. Cicero is so called because of his eloquence in the Latin tongue. The passage is in the preface to book II of De officiis, which see, because in some points it differs from the text of Lactantius.

[3] ‹lemma: Cum eorum studiis potest› · col 385 Cum eorum studiis potest. Ita correxi ex mss. 25, edit. 2 et ex ipso Cicerone. In 5 scriptis et impressis 15 legitur possunt, et pro inquirunt, in vulgatis Ciceronis libris, acquirunt.

Can, with their studies. So I have corrected from 25 manuscripts, 2 editions and from Cicero himself. In 5 manuscripts and 15 printed editions is read possunt (they can); and for inquirunt (they inquire), the editions of Cicero's books have acquirunt (they acquire).

[4] ‹lemma: Ratio... ducitur› · col 385 Ratio... ducitur. L. II, in Verr. cap. 52: Qui non tam coeli rationem, quam caelati argenti duceret. Ibid. cap. 63. BUN.

Account... is taken. Against Verres, book II, chapter 52: Who took account not so much of the heaven as of chased silver. Ibid., chapter 63. BUN.

[5] ‹lemma: Tamen eloquens› · col 385 Tamen eloquens. Vides porro hic discrimen aliquod inter eloquentem et disertum, de quo Quintilianus in prooemio libri octavi, disertis satis putat dicere quae oporteat: ornate autem proprie esse dicere eloquentissimi. Antonius in primo de Oratore apud Ciceronem, disertos dicit se vidisse nonnullos, eloquentem adhuc neminem. Quod enim, inquit, statuebam disertum, qui posset satis acute atque dilucide apud mediocres homines ex communi quadam hominum opinione dicere: eloquentem vero, qui mirabilius et magnificentius augere posset, atque ornare quae vellet, omnesque omnium rerum, quae ad dicendum pertinerent, fontes animo ac memoria contineret. BETUL.

Yet eloquent. You see here, further, some difference between the eloquent and the fluent, on which Quintilian, in the preface to book VIII, thinks it enough for the fluent to say what they ought, but that to speak ornately is properly the mark of the most eloquent. Antonius, in the first book of Cicero's De oratore, says he has seen some who were fluent, but no one yet eloquent. For I held him fluent, he says, who could speak sharply and clearly enough before ordinary men according to the common opinion of men: but him eloquent, who could amplify and adorn whatever he wished more wonderfully and magnificently, and held in his mind and memory all the sources of all things that pertain to speaking. BETUL.

[6] ‹lemma: Perducere› · col 385 Perducere. Sic restitui ex editis sex et omnibus mss. praeter 2 Reg. rec. et 10 vulg. in quibus est, deducere.

To bring through. So I have restored from six editions and all the manuscripts, except 2 recent Regii and 10 editions, in which is deducere (to bring down).

[7] ‹lemma: Tusculanis› · cols 385–386 Tusculanis. Ciceronem vide in Praefat. V Tuscul. quem etiam consulas velim, ut Lactantii mentem propius intuearis.

In the Tusculans. See Cicero in the preface to Tusculans V, whom I should like you also to consult, so as to see Lactantius's meaning more closely.

[8] ‹lemma: Sic animae› · col 386 Sic animae. Repete, alimentum est. Ad lib. V, c. 1: Veritas est animae pabulum, excitavi similem locum ex Cicerone. BUN.

So of the soul. Supply again alimentum est (is the nourishment). On book V, chapter 1: Truth is the food of the soul, I have cited a similar passage from Cicero. BUN.

[9] ‹lemma: Tanquam tibias ad fontem› · col 386 Tanquam tibias ad fontem. Decem mss. Vat. quibus adde 9 alios, habent tanquam tibi vas ad fontem, ut testatur Isaeus. qui et illorum lectionem est secutus; nos vero nihil mutare voluimus, simplicem lectionem secuti, et ab omnibus impressis et plerisque optimae notae mss. et 6 Reg., 4 Colb., 2 Vatic., Em., Brun., exhibitam. GALLAEUS. — Tanquam tibias. Proverb. casus fortuiti, natum ex fabula Marsyae Phrygis. Sed sic eam ex Hygino referre duco. Minerva tibias dicitur prima ex osse cervino fecisse, et ad epulum deorum cantatum venisse. Juno et Venus cum eam irriderent, quod et caesia erat, et buccas inflaret, foeda visa, et in cantu irrisa, in Idam sylvam ad fontem venit, ibique cantans in aqua se aspexit, et vidit se merito irrisam. Unde tibias ibi abjecit, et imprecata est, ut quisque eas sustulisset, gravi afficeretur supplicio; quas Marsyas, OEagri filius, pastor, unus ex Satyris, invenit, quibus assidue commeletando, sonum suaviorem in dies faciebat, adeo ut Apollinem ad citharae cantum in certamen provocaret. Quo ut Apollo venit, Musas judices sumpserunt; et cum jam Marsyas inde victor discederet, Apollo citharam versabat, idemque sonus erat: quod Marsyas tibiis facere non potuit. Itaque Apollo victum Marsyam ad arborem religatum Scythae tradidit, e cujus sanguine flumen Marsyan est appellatum. Mythologiam vide apud (continues)

Like the pipes at the spring. Ten Vatican manuscripts, to which add 9 others, have tanquam tibi vas ad fontem (like a vessel for you at the spring), as Isaeus testifies, who also followed their reading; but we wished to change nothing, following the simple reading given by all the printed editions and most manuscripts of the best quality, 6 Regii, 4 Colbertini, 2 Vaticani, Em. and the Brunsvicensis. GALLAEUS. — Like the pipes. A proverb of a chance find, born of the fable of Marsyas the Phrygian. I think I should tell it as Hyginus does. Minerva is said to have been the first to make pipes from a deer's bone, and to have come to the banquet of the gods to play. When Juno and Venus laughed at her, because she was grey-eyed and puffed out her cheeks, she, looking ugly and mocked in her playing, came to the forest of Ida, to a spring, and there, playing, looked at herself in the water and saw that she had been rightly mocked. So she threw the pipes away there, and laid a curse that whoever picked them up should suffer a heavy punishment. Marsyas, son of Oeagrus, a shepherd, one of the Satyrs, found them, and by constant practice made the sound sweeter day by day, so that he challenged Apollo to a contest against the song of the lyre. When Apollo came, they took the Muses as judges; and when Marsyas was already leaving as victor, Apollo turned his lyre upside down and the sound was the same — which Marsyas could not do with the pipes. So Apollo bound the defeated Marsyas to a tree and handed him to a Scythian; from his blood the river was called Marsyas. See the mythology in (continues)

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(0) ‹continued from page 196: Tanquam tibias› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Fulgentium libro iii. Plato et Ovidius satyrum fuisse scribunt. Qui plura volet, videat Plutarchum in Musica, et Apuleium lib. i Florid. Caeterum de illius certamine cum Apolline, deque Marsyae excoriatione, lege Ovidium lib. vi Metam., Diodorum Siculum lib. iv Antiquit. BETULEIUS.

Fulgentius, book III. Plato and Ovid write that he was a satyr. Whoever wants more, let him see Plutarch, On Music, and Apuleius, Florida book I. As for his contest with Apollo and the flaying of Marsyas, read Ovid, Metamorphoses book VI, and Diodorus Siculus, Antiquities book IV. Betuleius.

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(1) ‹anchor: Quod si repertorem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quod si repertorem. Ita reposui ex omnibus mss. et vet. edit. Rom. 1470, Tornes., Soubron. In 12 vulgatis est, quod sic.

"But if [he call] the discoverer." So I have restored it from all the manuscripts and the old Rome edition of 1470, Tornesius and Soubron. In 12 common editions it is "quod sic" ("which thus").

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(2) ‹anchor: Nemo› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Nemo. Haec ex initio lib. v de natura rerum a Lucretio.

"No one." These words are from Lucretius, the beginning of book 5 of On the Nature of Things.

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(3) ‹anchor: Nam, si ut ipsa› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Nam, si ut ipsa. Sic Lucretius cum mss. a Lambino collatus; nec secus ferunt mss. nostri Lactantiani vetustissimi et optimi, ac duodecim excusi. Scripti 9 rec. et duo impressi, Nam sicut ipsa, contra metri legem. 2 Colb. rec., Nam sic ipsa. Vera lectio, Nam si ut, dactylus apud Lucretium, sine elisione, ut recte observat Lambinus ad hunc locum.

"For, if as [the very majesty]." So Lucretius reads, as collated with the manuscripts by Lambinus; and our oldest and best manuscripts of Lactantius give the same, as do twelve printed editions. Nine recent manuscripts and two printed editions have "Nam sicut ipsa", against the law of the metre; two recent Colbert manuscripts, "Nam sic ipsa". The true reading is "Nam si ut", a dactyl in Lucretius, without elision, as Lambinus rightly observes on this passage.

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(4) ‹anchor: Non erat› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Non erat. Ita restitui ex quampluribus et potioribus mss. et editis Gymnic., Tornes., Soubron. Legitur non erit in quinque scriptis rec. et 11 vulgatis.

"Was not." So I have restored it from a great many of the better manuscripts and the editions of Gymnicus, Tornesius and Soubron. "Non erit" ("will not be") is read in five recent manuscripts and 11 common editions.

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(5) ‹anchor: Nonne› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Nonne. Idem Lucretius lib. v, paulo infra.

"Is it not." The same Lucretius, book 5, a little further on.

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(6) ‹anchor: Aut Pythagoram... aut Milesium Thalem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Aut Pythagoram... aut Milesium Thalem. Erravit Lactantius: Epicurum voluit laudare. Vide Tan. Fabrum ad Lucret. l. v, v. 8. Bun.

"Either Pythagoras ... or Thales of Miletus." Lactantius was mistaken: [Lucretius] meant to praise Epicurus. See Tanneguy Le Fèvre (Faber) on Lucretius, book 5, line 8. Bünemann.

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(7) ‹anchor: Thalem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Thalem. Is fuit auctor philosophiae Ionicae, de quo supra lib. i, cap. 5, et infra cap. 15. Vide etiam Laertium in Vitis philosophor. et Cic. Tuscul.

"Thales." He was the founder of the Ionian philosophy; on him see above, book 1, chapter 5, and below, chapter 15. See also Laertius in the Lives of the Philosophers, and Cicero's Tusculans.

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(8) ‹anchor: Ita dum hominem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ita dum hominem. Sic reposui ex vetustissimis et optimis mss. 1 Bonon., 4 Regiis, aliisque tribus. In 5 aliis et 10 vulgatis est, sed dum hominem; in duobus aliis, sed dum is hominem.

"Thus, while [he wishes the] man." So I have restored it from the oldest and best manuscripts: 1 Bologna, 4 Royal and three others. In 5 others and 10 common editions it is "sed dum hominem"; in two others, "sed dum is hominem".

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(9) ‹anchor: Idem perfectus orator, idem summus› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Idem perfectus orator, idem summus. Sic Bon., Tax., Pen., Lips., Reimm. et Thomasium secuti; at reliqui, idem perfectus orator, summusque. Idque Heum. probat. Bun.

"The same a perfect orator, the same the highest." So the Bologna, Tax., Pen. and Leipzig manuscripts, and Reimmann, following Thomasius; but the rest have "idem perfectus orator, summusque". And Heumann approves that. Bünemann.

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(10) ‹anchor: Quaerit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quaerit. Id est, studet, l. iii, c. 20, Profanare impiis disputationibus quaerunt. Bun.

"Seeks." That is, "is eager to"; book 3, chapter 20: "they seek to profane [it] with impious disputations." Bünemann.

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(11) ‹anchor: Et Graecos reprehendit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Et Graecos reprehendit. Ita juxta Thomasium codex antiquus Bononiensis, quia revera saepe Graecos Cicero reprehendit. Si vero cum vulgatis legas, ne Graecos reprehendam, non videtur ad quem referri possit. Hanc tamen ultimam lectionem habent omnes editi, ac pene mss. omnes. Ita quippe Thomasius.

"And he rebukes the Greeks." So, according to Thomasius, the old Bologna codex, because Cicero did in fact often rebuke the Greeks. But if you read with the common editions "ne Graecos reprehendam" ("lest I rebuke the Greeks"), it is not clear to whom it could refer. Yet all the printed editions, and almost all the manuscripts, have this last reading. So says Thomasius.

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(12) ‹anchor: Levitatem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Levitatem. Haec de Cicerone praecipue in oratione pro L. Flacco.

"Fickleness." This is from Cicero, chiefly in the speech for Lucius Flaccus.

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(13) ‹anchor: Inventum deorum vocat, poetice figuratam laudat› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Inventum deorum vocat, poetice figuratam laudat. Sic reposui ex omnibus mss. et plurimis editis. Vide Ciceron. in i Tusculan. cujus haec sunt verba: Philosophia vero omnium mater artium, quid est aliud, nisi ut Plato ait, donum, at ego inventum deorum. Platonis locum vide in Timaeo.

"He calls it the invention of the gods; he praises it in a poetic figure." So I have restored it from all the manuscripts and most editions. See Cicero, Tusculans 1, whose words are these: "But philosophy, mother of all the arts, what is it but, as Plato says, a gift, but as I say, an invention of the gods?" For Plato's passage see the Timaeus.

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(14) ‹anchor: Laudat in faciem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Laudat in faciem. Scite, ut Horatius l. i, Serm. 5: In faciem permulta jocatus. Idem est Terentii Adelph. ii, 4, Coram in os laudare. Bun.

"He praises to the face." Aptly, as Horace, Satires, book I, 5: "joking a great deal to his face." The same is Terence's "to praise to one's face", Adelphoe II, 4. Bünemann.

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(15) ‹anchor: Quisquamne› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quisquamne. Cum mss. et omnibus fere editis sic lego. In impressis Graph., Thys., Gall., est, Quisnamne.—Sic edo ex Emman., Cant., Reimm. et omnibus antiquis edd. ab anno 1465-1513. Lact. l. v, c. 10: Quisquamne putet? Cic. ii Phil. 32: Quisquamne divinare potest? l. 5. Tuscul. 2: Vituperare quisquam audet? Bun.

"Would anyone." So I read with the manuscripts and almost all the editions. In the printed editions of Graph. [as printed], Thysius and Gallaeus it is "Quisnamne". — So I edit it from the Emmanuel, the Cambridge, Reimmann and all the old editions from the year 1465 to 1513. Lactantius, book 5, chapter 10: "Would anyone think?" Cicero, Philippic 2, 32: "Can anyone divine?" Tusculans 5, 2: "Does anyone dare to find fault?" Bünemann.

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(16) ‹anchor: Insuendi, te judice, in culeum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Insuendi, te judice, in culeum. Haec olim poena fuit parricidarum, qui patrem matremve interemissent. Isidor. Hispal. in glossis: Culeus, tunica ex spartho in modum crumenae facta, quae linebatur a publico pice et bitumine, in qua includebantur parricidae cum simia, serpente et gallo, insuta mittebatur in mare, et contendentibus inter se animantibus, homo majoribus poenis afficiebatur. Haec sententia sane intelligenda; nam a principio nihil in culeo cum parricida insuebatur. Valer. Max., lib. i, c. 1; Plautus, de Mari, in Vidularia quae periit, sed citat Priscianus: Jube hunc insui culeo, / Atque in altum deportari, si vis bonam / Aunonam. Accessit, crescente in dies parricidarum numero, gravitas supplicii. Ante igitur virgis sanguineis caedebantur, ut prodidit Modestin., lib. ix, ff. ad L. Pompeiam, de parricid. caput item obvolvebantur, teste Festo in voce obvolvere: cum vero culeo insuerentur, cum noxio serpentes includere coepere, ut de C. Villio scriptum reliquit Plutarch. L. Sen., lib. v, controv. 4; Livius, v Decad., lib. viii; Val. Max., lib. i, c. 1. Postea addiderunt simiam (Juvenal., sat. 13). Denique etiam insuebant culeo canem et gallum, teste Isidoro loco supra citato: quod a Constantino primum adjectum videtur L. un. C. de his qui par. vel lib. Occid. Dempsterus. — Mss. 8 Reg. inter quos sunt duo veterrimi, 3 Colbert., 2 Brun., Ultr., Lips., 1 Clarom. ac edit. Rom. 1468, 1470, habent culleum; et sic antiqui pronuntiabant. Huic insuti parricidae lege romana projiciebantur in fluenta vel mare. Cicero pro S. Roscio, c. 11; Senec., de Clem., lib. xxiii; Sueton., August., 33. Hoc ita, si mare proximum sit; alioqui bestiis subjicientur, secundum divi Hadriani constitutionem.

"To be sewn, by your judgement, into the sack." This was once the punishment of parricides, who had killed father or mother. Isidore of Seville in the Glosses: "The culeus, a covering of esparto made in the manner of a purse, which was lined at public cost with pitch and bitumen; parricides were shut in it with an ape, a serpent and a cock, and, sewn up, it was thrown into the sea; and as the animals fought among themselves, the man was afflicted with greater torments." This statement must be rightly understood, for at the beginning nothing was sewn into the sack with the parricide. Valerius Maximus, book 1, chapter 1; Plautus, on the sea [as printed], in the Vidularia, which is lost, but Priscian quotes it: "Have this man sewn into a sack / And carried out to the deep, if you want a good / harvest" [Aunonam, as printed]. As the number of parricides grew day by day, the severity of the punishment was increased. First they were beaten with blood-red rods, as Modestinus records, book 9, Digest, on the Lex Pompeia on parricides; their heads were also wrapped, as Festus attests under the word "obvolvere"; and when they were sewn into the sack, they began to shut serpents in with the guilty man, as Plutarch left written of Gaius Villius; Lucius Seneca, book 5, Controversy 4; Livy, Decade 5, book 8; Valerius Maximus, book 1, chapter 1. Later they added an ape (Juvenal, Satire 13). Finally they also sewed a dog and a cock into the sack, as Isidore attests in the place cited above; this seems first to have been added by Constantine, the single law in the Code "on those who kill parents or children" (de his qui parentes vel liberos occiderunt). Dempster. — Eight Royal manuscripts, among them the two oldest, 3 Colbert, 2 Brun., the Utrecht, the Leipzig, 1 Clermont, and the Rome editions of 1468 and 1470 have "culleum"; and so the ancients pronounced it. Sewn into it, parricides were thrown by Roman law into rivers or the sea. Cicero for Sextus Roscius, chapter 11; Seneca, On Clemency, book 23 [as printed]; Suetonius, Augustus, 33. This, if the sea is near; otherwise they are to be thrown to the beasts, according to the constitution of the deified Hadrian.

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(17) ‹anchor: Hominemque generavit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Hominemque generavit. Sic legunt mss. 1 Bonon. antiq., 7 Reg. quorum duo sunt veterrimi, Cauc., Pen., Pal., Jun., Ultr., Goth., 5 Oxon., 6 Colbert., Sorbon., 3 Lips., Tornes., 2 Clarom., Brun., et 5 editi, generare, pro creare, hic et alibi passim apud Lactantium. Mss. rec. 2 Reg. et Cant. ac 12 vulgati habent, figuravit, quae vox est quoque Lactantio familiaris, Divin. Institut., l. iv, c. 4; l. vii, c. 14, Epitom. c. 65, etc. (continues)

"And begot man." So read the manuscripts: 1 old Bologna, 7 Royal (two of them the oldest), Cauc., Pen., Palatine, Junius, Utrecht, Gotha, 5 Oxford, 6 Colbert, Sorbonne, 3 Leipzig, Tornesius, 2 Clermont, Brun., and 5 printed editions: "generare" for "creare", here and elsewhere throughout Lactantius. Two recent Royal manuscripts and the Cambridge, with 12 common editions, have "figuravit" ("fashioned"), a word also familiar to Lactantius: Divine Institutes, book 4, chapter 4; book 7, chapter 14; Epitome, chapter 65, etc. (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Hominemque generavit (p. 197)› · no call (lemma-keyed)

(continued) Frequens etiam loquendi modus apud Ciceronem, ut Deus dicatur hominem generare, id est creare. Verum eam vocabuli vim non intelligentes editores quidam, posuerunt figuravit.

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(2) ‹anchor: Inter coelestia sua beneficia› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Inter coelestia sua beneficia. Ita mss. omnes cum vet. edit. Rom. et Paris. Caeteri editi, inter caetera coelestia beneficia.

"Among his heavenly benefits." So all the manuscripts, with the old Rome and Paris editions. The other printed editions have "inter caetera coelestia beneficia" ("among the other heavenly benefits").

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(3) ‹anchor: Profiteri potes› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Profiteri potes. Sic emendavi ex 9 editis et 19 manu exaratis codicibus. Vide seqq. In 2 aliis Reg. et editis quatuor legitur profiteri potest.

"You can profess." So I have corrected it from 9 printed editions and 19 handwritten codices. See what follows. In 2 other Royal manuscripts and four printed editions it reads "profiteri potest" ("he can profess").

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(4) ‹anchor: Adhuc› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Adhuc. Id est hactenus.

"Hitherto." That is, "up to this point".

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(5) ‹anchor: Potentissimum consulem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Potentissimum consulem. Marcum Antonium, qui cum C. Caesare eo anno consulatum gessit, quo Caesar fuit interfectus, ab U. C. 710, in quem novem scripsit orationes invectivas, quas, teste Fabio, ad Demosthenis imitationem Philippicas nominavit. Betuleius.

"A most powerful consul." Mark Antony, who held the consulship with Gaius Caesar in the year Caesar was killed, 710 from the founding of the City; against him [Cicero] wrote nine invectives, which, as Fabius [Quintilian] attests, he named Philippics in imitation of Demosthenes. Betuleius.

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(6) ‹anchor: Illustraveris› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Illustraveris. Vide Cic. in Praefat., lib. i Tusculan.

"You have illustrated." See Cicero in the preface to book 1 of the Tusculans.

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(7) ‹anchor: Cedo› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Cedo. Est verbum antiquum imperativum, et significat dic: quo sensu saepissime apud Terentium occurrit. Ponitur quoque pro da, porrige. Phaedr. fab. 2 lib. v, Cedo (inquit), illum. Vide Vide Paraei Lexicon Criticum, p. 185.

"Cedo." It is an old imperative verb, and means "say": in this sense it occurs very often in Terence. It is also used for "give, hand over". Phaedrus, fable 2 of book 5: "Hand him over (he says)". See See [as printed] Pareus's Lexicon Criticum, p. 185.

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(8) ‹anchor: Te nihil scire› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Te nihil scire. De hac sententia, vide Cicer. in i Academic. quaestion. de Socrate.

"That you know nothing." On this saying, see Cicero, Academic Questions 1, on Socrates.

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(9) ‹anchor: Mihi autem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Mihi autem. Locus ille Ciceronis desideratur integer: est tantum in fragmentis Academicar. quaestion. id tantum legitur lib. i Officiorum, sub finem: Omne officium, inquit, quod ad conjunctionem hominum et ad societatem tuendam valet, anteponendum est illi officio, quod cognitione et scientia continetur.

"But to me." That passage of Cicero is missing entire: it is only among the fragments of the Academic Questions. Only this is read in book 1 of On Duties, near the end: "Every duty," he says, "that serves to keep men joined together and to protect society is to be preferred to that duty which consists in knowledge and learning."

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(10) ‹anchor: Illa docente› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Illa docente. Haec lectio manuscriptorum est, ac edit. Is. in marg. Cellar. Walch., illa docentem, caeter. edit.

"With her teaching." This is the reading of the manuscripts, and of the edition of Is[aeus] in the margin, Cellarius and Walch; "illa docentem", the other editions.

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(11) ‹anchor: At quam confessus fueris philosophiae veritatem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

At quam confessus fueris philosophiae veritatem. Sic legunt mss. 19 et omnes editi. Thomasius mavult legere confisus... veritate, prout in i Bonon. antiq. et 3 Reg. legitur, vel confisus... veritati, ut in altero Bonon. rec., Balliol., Cauc., Pal., Lips. Nihil ego mutandum censui, et aliorum mss. lectionem retinui, eo quod vox confessus satis sit apta, et in omnibus excusis expressa.

"But what truth of philosophy you have confessed." So read 19 manuscripts and all the printed editions. Thomasius prefers to read "confisus ... veritate" ("having trusted ... in the truth"), as is read in 1 old Bologna and 3 Royal manuscripts, or "confisus ... veritati", as in the other, recent Bologna manuscript, the Balliol, Cauc., Palatine and Leipzig. I judged that nothing should be changed, and kept the reading of the other manuscripts, because the word "confessus" is apt enough, and is printed in all the editions.

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(12) ‹anchor: Ad filium, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ad filium, etc. In officiis quidem negat extra consociationem justitiae officia conservari posse, et ob id otiosam et inertem philosophorum vitam damnat, ut infra, c. 16, ipse Lactantius indicabit. Sed haec verba in Cicerone nuspiam invenio. Betuleius.—Sunt tantum inter fragmenta.

"To his son," etc. In On Duties he does indeed deny that duties can be kept outside the fellowship of justice, and for that reason condemns the idle and inactive life of the philosophers, as Lactantius himself will point out below, chapter 16. But I find these words nowhere in Cicero. Betuleius. — They are only among the fragments.

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(13) ‹anchor: Stultitiae inanitatisque› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Stultitiae inanitatisque. Emman. et Lips., vanitatisque, quod congruentius rei et materiae, non autem oratorio numero. Bun.

"Of folly and emptiness." The Emmanuel and Leipzig manuscripts have "vanitatisque" ("and vanity"), which fits the subject and matter better, but not the oratorical rhythm. Bünemann.

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(14) ‹anchor: Stultitiae inanitatisque› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Stultitiae inanitatisque. Ita plures mss. Sparkii, Goth., Reimm., Bon., Rom., Sublac., Rost., Ven. 1471, 97, immo omnes editi, ut lib. iii, c. 13: Apparet inanem esse omnem philosophiam. Lib. vii, c. 26: Qui inanem philosophiam tuentur. Bun.

"Of folly and emptiness." So read most of Spark's manuscripts, the Gotha, Reimmann's, Bologna, Rome, Subiaco, Rostock, Venice 1471 and [14]97, indeed all the printed editions; as in book 3, chapter 13: "It is plain that all philosophy is empty"; book 7, chapter 26: "Those who defend an empty philosophy." Bünemann.

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(15) ‹anchor: Verum fateris› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Verum fateris. Ita reposui ex antiquiss. mss. 2 Bonon., Cauc., 3 Reg., Tax. et Pen. In 13 mss. rec. et ed. 2 vet. Rom. et 13 excusis, fatebaris.

"You confess the truth." So I have restored it from the oldest manuscripts: 2 Bologna, Cauc., 3 Royal, Tax. and Pen. In 13 recent manuscripts and the 2 old Rome editions and 13 printed editions, "fatebaris" ("you were confessing").

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(16) ‹anchor: Seneca› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Seneca. Sententiam sparsim quidem invenimus venimus in ejus libris, non autem integra verba; aut ex deperdito libro depromta sunt. Cell.

"Seneca." We do indeed find the thought here and there [venimus, as printed] in his books, but not the exact words; or else they are drawn from a lost book. Cellarius.

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(17) ‹anchor: Philosophia nihil aliud est› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Philosophia nihil aliud est. Doctrina quidem Senecae hujusmodi notionibus conspersa est passim. Quae vero hic citantur, perierunt cum aliis plerisque. Philosophiam vitae legem esse, disputat epist. 90 et 95. Betul.

"Philosophy is nothing other." Seneca's teaching is indeed sprinkled throughout with notions of this kind. But what is quoted here has perished with most of the rest. That philosophy is the law of life he argues in Letters 90 and 95. Betuleius.

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(18) ‹anchor: Recta ratio vivendi› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Recta ratio vivendi. Sic edit. Cellarii et Walch. cum mss. omnibus, praeter 2 Reg. rec. et Jun., in quibus est recte, sicut et in excusis.

"The right rule of living." So the editions of Cellarius and Walch, with all the manuscripts except 2 recent Royal and the Junius, in which it is "recte" ("rightly"), as also in the printed editions.

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(1) ‹anchor: Ars rectae vitae agendae› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ars rectae vitae agendae. Francius malebat legere recte, cum mss. 4 Reg., 2 Clarom. et Brun.

"The art of leading a right life." Francius preferred to read "recte" ("rightly"), with 4 Royal manuscripts, 2 Clermont and Brun.

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(2) ‹anchor: Et qui dixerit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Et qui dixerit. Ita reposui ex vulgatis 5 et omnibus mss. praeter Cauc., Em., ac editis 7 in quibus est, dixit.

"And [the one] who said." So I have restored it from 5 common editions and all the manuscripts except the Cauc. and Emmanuel, and 7 printed editions, in which it is "dixit".

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(3) ‹anchor: Quia dixerit illam regulam vitae, suum illi nomen reddidit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quia dixerit illam regulam vitae, suum illi nomen reddidit. Inclusum nomen volui, quod deest mss. anglis et lipsiensibus, et quo dempto satis compta ornataque est oratio. Cell.

"Because he called it the rule of life, he gave it back its own name." I wanted "nomen" bracketed, since it is missing in the English and Leipzig manuscripts, and with it removed the sentence is neat and polished enough. Cellarius.

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(4) ‹anchor: Suum illi reddidit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Suum illi reddidit. Expunxi nomen, quod abest ab omnibus prope mss. et ab edit. Rom. 1470, Ald. 1515, et quod perperam addiderunt script. 4 et vulgati 12. Mox enim sequitur nomen. Heumannus tamen putat nomen hic esse legendum.

"He gave it back its own." I have struck out "nomen", which is absent from almost all the manuscripts and from the Rome edition of 1470 and the Aldine of 1515, and which 4 manuscripts and 12 common editions wrongly added. For "nomen" follows shortly after. Heumann, however, thinks "nomen" should be read here.

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(5) ‹anchor: Ad commune philosophiae nomen› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ad commune philosophiae nomen. Ita philosophorum pro se quisque non ad alias, sed ad suam potissimum sectam respexit. Sed miror cur Lactantius hic Senecam academicum faciat, quum ex professo stoicus fuerit? quod eum non ignorasse, ex aliis locis manifestum est. Ex Betuleio.

"To the common name of philosophy." Thus each of the philosophers for his own part looked not to other sects but chiefly to his own. But I wonder why Lactantius here makes Seneca an Academic, when he was an avowed Stoic — which, it is clear from other passages, he was not unaware of. From Betuleius.

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(6) ‹anchor: Nominari› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Nominari. Ita restitui ex ed. Torn., Cellar., Walch cunctisque mss. praeter 2 Reg. rec. et 13 vulgatos, in quibus, est vocari; in edit. Florent. vocare.

"To be named." So I have restored it from the editions of Tornesius, Cellarius and Walch and all the manuscripts, except 2 recent Royal and 13 common editions, in which it is "vocari" ("to be called"); in the Florence edition, "vocare".

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(7) ‹anchor: Quae omnia reddit incerta› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quae omnia reddit incerta. Sic Regio Put. aliique multi mss. Alii cum editis, quae ut omnia reddat incerta.

"Which makes all things uncertain." So the Royal-Puteanus and many other manuscripts. Others, with the printed editions, have "quae ut omnia reddat incerta".

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(8) ‹anchor: Fuerat› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Fuerat. Omnium fere mss. est. In recentioribus 1 Reg., 3 Colbert. et Brun. et edit. Rom. 1470, legitur fuerit; in 1 al. Reg. rec. et 12 vulgatis, fuit.

"Had been." This is the reading of almost all the manuscripts. In the more recent 1 Royal, 3 Colbert and Brun., and the Rome edition of 1470, "fuerit" is read; in 1 other recent Royal and 12 common editions, "fuit".

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(9) ‹anchor: Quoniam falsa est, fit varia et multiplex› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quoniam falsa est, fit varia et multiplex. In mss. 1 Reg., Em. et ed. Rom. 1470, Ald., Paris. 1525, Graph., Grat., est fallax, pro falsa. Ex mss. fit restitutum, et ex impressis Torn., Soubr., Cellar., Walch.

"Because it is false, it becomes varied and manifold." In the manuscripts 1 Royal and Emmanuel, and the editions Rome 1470, Aldine, Paris 1525, Gryphius [Graph., as printed], Grat., it is "fallax" ("deceitful") for "falsa". "Fit" has been restored from the manuscripts and from the printed editions of Tornesius, Soubron, Cellarius and Walch.

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(10) ‹anchor: Vitam... instruere› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Vitam... instruere. Lips. alter et Rost., vitam instituere. Recepta recta. L. iii, c. 30: Vitam non instruunt, sed turbant. Hinc l. iii, c. 13: Nec instruit (Philosophia) ad justitiae munera. Bun.

"To equip ... life." The other Leipzig manuscript and the Rostock have "vitam instituere" ("to order life"). The received reading is right. Book 3, chapter 30: "They do not equip life but disturb it." Hence book 3, chapter 13: "Nor does it (philosophy) equip for the duties of justice." Bünemann.

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(11) ‹anchor: Sine doctrina boni› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Sine doctrina boni. Cic. pro Archia, c. 7: Ego multos homines excellenti animo ac virtute fuisse, et sine doctrina... et moderatos, et graves extitisse fateor, etc. Bun.

"Good without learning." Cicero, for Archias, chapter 7: "I admit that many men have been of excellent spirit and virtue, and without learning ... have been both temperate and serious," etc. Bünemann.

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(12) ‹anchor: Cum vero innumerabiles existant... laude dignum, quis est tandem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Cum vero innumerabiles existant... laude dignum, quis est tandem. Ita omnes prope mss. tali interpunctione. At Cauc., Jun. et 8 editi ferunt, cum innumerabiles existant... laude dignum. Quis est tandem.

"But when there are countless ... worthy of praise, who, pray, is." So almost all the manuscripts, with this punctuation. But the Cauc., the Junius and 8 printed editions give "cum innumerabiles existant ... laude dignum. Quis est tandem."

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(13) ‹anchor: Si quis in mores eorum diligenter inquirat› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Si quis in mores eorum diligenter inquirat. Melius mss. Regio-Put., 2 al. Reg., 2 Colb., 2 Clarom., Cotton. et Mertoniensis, quam caeteri qui praepositionem non habent.

"If anyone inquires carefully into their morals." The manuscripts Royal-Puteanus, 2 other Royal, 2 Colbert, 2 Clermont, the Cotton and the Merton read better than the rest, which lack the preposition.

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(14) ‹anchor: Domi facientes ea› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Domi facientes ea. Mss. 9 praeponunt tum. Alii 4 cum domi faciant ea.

"Doing those things at home." Nine manuscripts put "tum" before it. Four others have "cum domi faciant ea" ("when they do those things at home").

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(15) ‹anchor: Fatetur› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Fatetur. Locus est apud Cic. ii Tusc. sub initium.

"He admits." The passage is in Cicero, Tusculans 2, near the beginning.

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(16) ‹anchor: Qui disciplinam veram, non ostentationem scientiae› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Qui disciplinam veram, non ostentationem scientiae. Sic codices antiqui, juxta Thomasium: alii vero omittunt veram, et scribunt suae scientiae; sed Thomasiana lectio commodior et aptior videtur.

"Who [think their] teaching a true one, not a display of knowledge." So the old codices, according to Thomasius; but others omit "veram" and write "suae scientiae" ("of their own knowledge"). But Thomasius's reading seems more suitable and apt.

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(17) ‹anchor: Videre licet› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Videre licet. Sic mss. et editi fere omnes. In 3 scriptis totidemque excusis est, videre liceat; in mss. Cauc. et 4 edd., videre autem liceat.

"One may see." So almost all the manuscripts and printed editions. In 3 manuscripts and as many printed editions it is "videre liceat"; in the Cauc. manuscript and 4 editions, "videre autem liceat".

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(18) ‹anchor: Ut cum eorum vita› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ut cum eorum vita. Ita mss. et cuncti prope typis excusi. In Regio-Put. est, ut cum eorum vitiis; in Jun., Cauc., 1 Clarom. et 3 vet. editis Rom., Paris., Gymnic., ut cum eorum vita et vitiis; in 4 Colb. desideratur et. Ed. Sublac. habet: Eorum vita et vitiis. In hanc additionem vide quoque Bunem. qui notam sequentem exhibet. — Vita et vitiis. Addo, et vitiis, ex mss. Cant., Guelp. 2, Subl., Rost., Ven. 1471, 72, utraque 78, 93, 97, Paris., Parrhas., Junt., Ald., Gymn., Torn. 1548, Gryph., Betul., Isaeo.

"That with their life." So the manuscripts and almost all the printed editions. In the Royal-Puteanus it is "ut cum eorum vitiis" ("with their vices"); in the Junius, Cauc., 1 Clermont and the 3 old editions of Rome, Paris and Gymnicus, "ut cum eorum vita et vitiis"; in 4 Colbert "et" is lacking. The Subiaco edition has "Eorum vita et vitiis". On this addition see also Bünemann, who gives the following note. — "Vita et vitiis." I add "et vitiis" from the manuscripts Cambridge, 2 Wolfenbüttel, Subiaco, Rostock, and Venice 1471, [14]72, both [14]78, [14]93, [14]97, Paris, Parrhasius, Junta, Aldine, Gymnicus, Tornesius 1548, Gryphius, Betuleius, Isaeus.

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(19) ‹anchor: Nepos quoque Cornelius› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Nepos quoque Cornelius. Plenius exhibent mss. et 4 editi, quam 2 Reg. rec. et 11 vulgati, Neposque Cornelius. Id in fragmentis Cornelii Nepotis legitur, non in ipso Cornelio.

"Cornelius Nepos too." The manuscripts and 4 printed editions give it more fully than 2 recent Royal and 11 common editions, which have "Neposque Cornelius". This is read in the fragments of Cornelius Nepos, not in Cornelius himself.

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(1) ‹anchor: Exhortationibus› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Exhortationibus. Hic liber infra l. vi, c. ultimo citabitur, et jamdiu est ex quo periit, sicut et alii ejusdem philosophi.

"In the Exhortations." This book will be cited below, book 6, last chapter; it perished long ago, as did other works of the same philosopher.

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(2) ‹anchor: Diserti in convitium suum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Diserti in convitium suum. Minuc., c. 38, philosophos dicit, Adversus sua vitia facundos. Hieronymus ad Rusticum Mon. f. m. 47: Accusamus saepe quod facimus, et contra nosmetipsos diserti, in nostra vitia invehimur. Bun.

"Eloquent to their own reproach." Minucius, chapter 38, calls the philosophers "eloquent against their own vices." Jerome to Rusticus the monk, fol. m. 47: "We often accuse what we do, and, eloquent against ourselves, we inveigh against our own vices." Bünemann.

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(3) ‹anchor: Indicium sui professos putes› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Indicium sui professos putes. Sic emendavi ex veterrimis et optimis mss. 3 Reg., 1 Bonon., Cauc., Jun., 1 Colb. et vulgatis Ald., Paris. 1525, Gymnic., Junt., Graph., Torn. 1553. At in duobus deest sui; in 3 editis est in judicium sui; in mss. septem rec. et ed. Rom. 1468 est, judicium suum professos putes; in decem scriptis praecedit praepositio in. In 1 Reg. rec., proferre in se judicium. Genuina lectio, indicium sui professos; id est perorando, vel disserendo nihil aliud efficere videntur, quam sese ultro sicuti eorumdem vitiorum reos, ita eadem vituperatione ac poena dignos fateri; nec alios tantum, sed et una semetipsos apud populum accusare atque deferre. Hoc autem est, judicium profiteri. Ex Isaeo, quem consule si lubet.

"You would think they had laid information against themselves." So I have corrected it from the oldest and best manuscripts — 3 Royal, 1 Bologna, Cauc., Junius, 1 Colbert — and the common editions Aldine, Paris 1525, Gymnicus, Junta, Gryphius [Graph., as printed], Tornesius 1553. But in two "sui" is lacking; in 3 printed editions it is "in judicium sui"; in seven recent manuscripts and the Rome edition of 1468 it is "judicium suum professos putes"; in ten manuscripts the preposition "in" comes first. In 1 recent Royal, "proferre in se judicium". The genuine reading is "indicium sui professos": that is, by their perorations or discourses they seem to achieve nothing but to confess of their own accord that, being guilty of the same vices, they are worthy of the same censure and punishment; and to accuse and denounce before the people not others only, but themselves along with them. And this is "to profess a judgement". From Isaeus, whom consult if you please.

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(4) ‹anchor: Pyxides› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Pyxides. Vasa sunt vel ferrea, vel cornea, vel lignea, aut etiam terrea, quibus Pharmacopolae utuntur.

"Boxes." They are vessels of iron, horn or wood, or even earthenware, which apothecaries use.

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(5) ‹anchor: Patrocinia turpitudini› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Patrocinia turpitudini. Idem Seneca, de Vita beata, c. 12: Quaerentes libidinibus suis patrocinium aliquod ac velamentum. Cf. Lact., l. iv, c. 24. Bun.

"Defences for shamefulness." The same Seneca, On the Happy Life, chapter 12: "Seeking some defence and cover for their lusts." Compare Lactantius, book 4, chapter 24. Bünemann.

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(6) ‹anchor: Probabit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Probabit. Haec lectio est omnium pene mss. et editorum, cui respondent sequentia... relinquit... aptabit... utetur. In 2 Bonon., 2 Reg. et Tax. est tamen probavit.

"Will approve." This is the reading of almost all the manuscripts and printed editions, and what follows corresponds to it: "relinquit ... aptabit ... utetur". In 2 Bologna, 2 Royal and the Tax. manuscript, however, it is "probavit" ("approved").

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(7) ‹anchor: Et quibus... utetur› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Et quibus... utetur. Ita reposui ex vetustissimis mss. 1 Bonon., 4 Reg., 3 Colb. et Brun. In 10 rec. et in editis est ut quibus.. utatur.

"And which ... he will use." So I have restored it from the oldest manuscripts: 1 Bologna, 4 Royal, 3 Colbert and Brun. In 10 recent manuscripts and in the printed editions it is "ut quibus .. utatur".

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(8) ‹anchor: Cum Laide› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Cum Laide. Lais, famosissima meretrix, dicitur Corinthia, eo quod ex Sicilia in Peloponesum inter alios captivos puellula abducta, Corinthi habitaverit. Ovid., l. i Amor., eleg. 5, v. 13, / Et multis Lais amata viris. / Ex Walchio.

"With Lais." Lais, a most notorious courtesan, is called the Corinthian because, carried off as a little girl from Sicily to the Peloponnese [Peloponesum, as printed] among other captives, she lived at Corinth. Ovid, Amores book 1, elegy 5, line 13: "And Lais, loved by many men." From Walch.

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(9) ‹anchor: Haberet Laidem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Haberet Laidem. Paulo aliter haec verba Laertius habet in Aristippo: « Possideo quidem Laidem, sed ipsa me non possidet. » Vide etiam Cic., Epist., l. ix, ep. ultima; Athenaeum, l. xii. Deipnosophist.; Theodoretum, l. ii de Vita activa; et de Laidis amatoribus lege Athenaeum, l. xiii, ac Gellium, l. i, c. 8, et Pausaniam in Corinthiacis.

"He had Lais." Laertius gives these words a little differently in his Aristippus: "I possess Lais, but she does not possess me." See also Cicero, Letters, book 9, last letter; Athenaeus, Deipnosophists, book 12; Theodoret, book 2 On the Active Life; and on the lovers of Lais read Athenaeus, book 13, and Gellius, book 1, chapter 8, and Pausanias in the Corinthiaca.

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(10) ‹anchor: Plane sapientior meretrix fuit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Plane sapientior meretrix fuit. Reposui plane ex mss. veterrimis 1 Bonon., 1 Regio-Put., alio item Regio bonae notae, 1 Colbert., 2 Brun, et quibusdam editis. In 1 al. Reg. bonae notae est plano pro plane; in 1 al. Reg. et 9 excusis, sane; deest in 1 Reg. antiquissimo; in Cauc. et 18 scriptis rec. et 8 vulgatis, tamen.

"Plainly the courtesan was the wiser." I have restored "plane" from the oldest manuscripts — 1 Bologna, 1 Royal-Puteanus, another Royal likewise of good quality, 1 Colbert, 2 Brun — and certain printed editions. In 1 other Royal of good quality it is "plano" for "plane"; in 1 other Royal and 9 printed editions, "sane" ("truly"); it is lacking in 1 very old Royal; in the Cauc. and 18 recent manuscripts and 8 common editions, "tamen" ("yet").

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(11) ‹anchor: Quae philosophum habuit pro lenone› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quae philosophum habuit pro lenone. Ita mss. 2 Bonon., 2 Reg. antiquissimi, aliique 3 Reg. et plures editi. Recentiores scripti 20 ac 9 editi habent, quae sic philosophum habuit, etc.

"Who had the philosopher for a pander." So the manuscripts 2 Bologna, 2 very old Royal, and 3 other Royal, and most printed editions. Twenty more recent manuscripts and 9 printed editions have "quae sic philosophum habuit", etc.

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(12) ‹anchor: Ad meretricem famosissimam› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ad meretricem famosissimam. Isaeus et Gallaeus in variis dicunt, alias habere, formosissimam: sed nullas indicarunt. Famosus, est vox media. Veteres in malam partem, recentiores in utramque, bonam et malam adhibebant. — Ad meretricem... commearet. Terent. Heautont. iii, 1, dixit, filium commeare ad mulierem. Bun.

"To a most notorious courtesan." Isaeus and Gallaeus say in their variants that others have "formosissimam" ("most beautiful"); but they named none. "Famosus" is a neutral word: the ancients used it in a bad sense, later writers in both, good and bad. — "Went to and fro to a courtesan." Terence, Heautontimorumenos 3.1, said that a son "went to and fro to a woman". Bünemann.

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(13) ‹anchor: Disserens voluptatem, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Disserens voluptatem, etc. Quamobrem Xenophon, infesto in ipsum animo, contra voluptatem librum composuit, ut tradit Laert. in Aristippo. Isaeus.

"Discoursing on pleasure," etc. For this reason Xenophon, being hostile to him, wrote a book against pleasure, as Laertius reports in his Aristippus. Isaeus.

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(14) ‹anchor: Quid ego de Cynicis loquar?› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quid ego de Cynicis loquar? Sic etiam Augustinus multis in locis a canina inverecundia Cynicos dictos putat: ob quam etiam ipsos a decori disputatione in Off. Cicero excludere videtur. Alii tamen ab allatratu et mordacitate canina ipsos dictos putant. Laertius quidem ἀπὸ τῶν σκωμμάτων hanc nominationem ortam esse testatur: Galen. δι' ἔνστασιν. Apud Lucian. vero in Auctione vitarum notantur, quasi ὑλακτοῦντες καὶ δάκνοντες. Betul. — Cynicorum princeps fuit Antisthenes, Socratis discipulus, ac praeceptor Diogenis; homo acutus magis, quam eruditus.

"What shall I say of the Cynics?" So too Augustine in many places thinks the Cynics were named from a dog-like shamelessness; and for this Cicero, in On Duties, seems to exclude them from the discussion of propriety. Others, however, think they were named from their dog-like barking and biting. Laertius indeed attests that the name arose "from their jibes"; Galen, "on account of their resistance". In Lucian's Sale of Lives they are marked as, so to speak, "barking and biting". Betuleius. — The founder of the Cynics was Antisthenes, a disciple of Socrates and teacher of Diogenes; a man sharp rather than learned.

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(1) ‹anchor: Verum cum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Verum cum. Sic optima coloniensis edito anno 1544, aliae vero atque mss. plures habent, verum enim cum; ac tandem, sed pauciores, legunt verum enim vero: at meliorem amplectimur lectionem.

"But when." So the excellent Cologne edition [edito, as printed] of the year 1544; but other editions and most manuscripts have "verum enim cum"; and finally a few read "verum enim vero". But we embrace the better reading.

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(2) ‹anchor: Vitam nihil aliud, quam in eloquendo peragant› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Vitam nihil aliud, quam in eloquendo peragant. Heumannus dicit dictionem lactantianam. Ego hoc amplius (salva tamen modestia) pronuntio, esse dictionem optimorum quorumque Scriptorum, atque exemplis a Gronovio ex Livio, et a Burmanno ex Cicerone aliisque excitatis. Bun.

"That they spend their life in nothing but speaking." Heumann calls it a Lactantian expression. I declare further (with due modesty) that it is an expression of all the best writers, and is borne out by examples cited by Gronovius from Livy and by Burmann from Cicero and others. Bünemann.

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(3) ‹anchor: Sapientia enim› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Sapientia enim. Ex mss. reposui enim, quod rectius est, quam autem editorum. Sapientia. Nam si virtutis laus in actione consistit, certe etiam sapientiae. Docet hoc Cic. in primo Offic., cap. de Prudentia. Unde etiam Aristoteles in magnis Moralibus ait, quod sapientia quae in actionem cadit, virtutis nomen mereatur, non vero alia.

"For wisdom." From the manuscripts I have restored "enim", which is more correct than the "autem" of the printed editions. "Wisdom": for if the praise of virtue consists in action, surely that of wisdom does too. Cicero teaches this in book 1 of On Duties, the chapter on prudence. Hence Aristotle too says in the Magna Moralia that the wisdom which issues in action deserves the name of virtue, but not any other.

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(4) ‹anchor: Recteque Tullius› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Recteque Tullius. Desideratur hic locus in Cicerone: attamen libro i de Officiis, c. de Prudentia, damnat ignaram philosophiam.

"And rightly Tullius." This passage is missing from Cicero; yet in book 1 of On Duties, the chapter on prudence, he condemns an ignorant philosophy.

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(5) ‹anchor: Vel advocandi› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Vel advocandi. Hic ponit Lactantius vocem advocandi, pro causam agendi. In 3 mss. est avocandi; in 8 rec. vacandi. — Vel advocandi gratia. Ego putavi subaudiendum: vel auditores, concionem, populum, advocandi gratia. Agit enim de Philosophis ib. et seq. et de Epicuro, c. 17, ait: Ut ad se multitudinem contrahat. Ibidem inf. Circulum colligit; atque integra phrasis occurrit de Mort. persec., c. 28, Advocavit populum. Bun.

"Or of calling in." Here Lactantius uses the word "advocandi" for "pleading a case". In 3 manuscripts it is "avocandi"; in 8 recent ones, "vacandi". — "Or for the sake of calling in." I thought there should be understood: "for the sake of calling in hearers, an assembly, the people". For he is dealing with the philosophers there and in what follows, and of Epicurus, chapter 17, he says: "that he may draw a crowd to himself". In the same place below: "he gathers a circle"; and the whole phrase occurs in On the Deaths of the Persecutors, chapter 28: "He called the people together." Bünemann.

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(6) ‹anchor: In labris habere bonitatem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

In labris habere bonitatem. Ita reposui ex editis Cellar. et Walch. et omnibus mss. praeter duos rec. ac caeteros vulgatos quibus est labiis. In rec. 1 Colb. et Brun. pro bonitatem, est voluntatem; in Tornes. et Cotton. veritatem.

"To have goodness on the lips." So I have restored it from the editions of Cellarius and Walch and all the manuscripts, except two recent ones and the other common editions, which have "labiis". In the recent 1 Colbert and Brun., for "bonitatem" it is "voluntatem" ("will"); in Tornesius and the Cotton, "veritatem" ("truth").

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(7) ‹anchor: Profecto, inquit, omnis istorum disputatio, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Profecto, inquit, omnis istorum disputatio, etc. Excidisse hic locus putatur ex Hortensio Cic. seu de Philosophia, in quo legendum est, istorum, ut reperitur in 8 vetustioribus editis, et in omnibus mss. praeter 2 Reg. rec. in quibus est ipsorum; in 5 excusis justorum, inepte; in uno Colb. est philosophorum.

"Surely, he says, all the disputation of these men," etc. This passage is thought to have fallen out of Cicero's Hortensius, or On Philosophy; in it "istorum" is to be read, as found in 8 older printed editions and in all the manuscripts except 2 recent Royal, in which it is "ipsorum"; in 5 printed editions "justorum" ("of the just"), absurdly; in one Colbert, "philosophorum".

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(8) ‹anchor: Vereor ne... otiis› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Vereor ne... otiis. Sic emendavi ex vetustissimis et optimis mss. 1 Bon., 2 Reg., 4 al. Reg., 1 Colb. Et vox negotiis postulare videtur otiis. Et ex his optimis mss. forsan restituendus hic Ciceronis locus. In 22 scriptis rec. vet. editis est ne non.... quamdam oblectationem otii. Plerisque aliis editionibus, etiamque Ciceronianae Gothofredi, deest non.

"I fear lest ... to leisure." So I have corrected it from the oldest and best manuscripts: 1 Bologna, 2 Royal, 4 other Royal, 1 Colbert. And the word "negotiis" ("business") seems to call for "otiis" ("leisure"). And perhaps this passage of Cicero should be restored from these excellent manuscripts. In 22 recent manuscripts and old editions it is "ne non .... quamdam oblectationem otii". In most other editions, and also in Godefroy's Cicero, "non" is lacking.

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(9) ‹anchor: Abjicienda est igitur omnis philosophia› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Abjicienda est igitur omnis philosophia. Errat Lactantius, si intelligat de vera et genuina philosophia; sin autem philosophiae nomine insigniat philosophantium nugas et errores, verum est, omnem illam philosophiam tollendam esse. Apostolus Paulus non vult exterminari omnem philosophiam, sed tantum vanam et fallacem, ut videre est Coloss. cap. ii, vers. 8. Haec igitur sententia cum grano salis accipienda. Ex Davenantio.

"All philosophy, then, is to be cast away." Lactantius errs if he means true and genuine philosophy; but if by the name of philosophy he marks the trifles and errors of those who philosophize, it is true that all that philosophy is to be done away with. The apostle Paul does not want all philosophy abolished, but only the vain and deceitful, as may be seen in Colossians chapter 2, verse 8. This statement, then, is to be taken with a grain of salt. From Davenant.

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(10) ‹anchor: Caret› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Caret. Manuscriptorum est ac vet. 2 edit. Rom., Tornes., Soubron. et Walch., careat, caeterorum vulgatorum.

"Lacks." This is the reading of the manuscripts and of the 2 old Rome editions, Tornesius, Soubron and Walch; "careat", of the other common editions.

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(1) ‹anchor: Recens.... aetas› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Recens.... aetas. Natus siquidem est Thales anno 2, Olympiad. xxxv, denatus autem an. 1 Olymp. lviii.

"A recent ... age." For Thales was born in the 2nd year of the 35th Olympiad, and died in the 1st year of the 58th Olympiad.

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(2) ‹anchor: Item Lucretius ait› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Item Lucretius ait. Ita reposui ex mss. vet. Regio-Put. per emendationem, 1 al. Reg., 4 Colb., 2 Brun., ed. Betul. Et recte. In 13 scriptis totidemque impressis est, Idem Lucretius ait, male; nihil enim de Lucretio exstat in hoc capite, neque in praecedenti. Locus Lucretii est libri v initio.

"Likewise Lucretius says." So I have restored it from the manuscripts: the old Royal-Puteanus by correction, 1 other Royal, 4 Colbert, 2 Brun., and Betuleius's edition. And rightly. In 13 manuscripts and as many printed editions it is "Idem Lucretius ait" ("The same Lucretius says"), wrongly; for nothing of Lucretius stands in this chapter, nor in the preceding one. The passage of Lucretius is at the beginning of book 5.

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(3) ‹anchor: Primus cum primis› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Primus cum primis. Sic restitui ex mss. Jun., Lips., Pal., et edit. 12 ac Lucretio ipso ad 5 mss. codices emendato a Lambino. Alii primum cum primis, vel primum cum primus.

"First among the first." So I have restored it from the manuscripts Junius, Leipzig, Palatine, and 12 printed editions, and from Lucretius himself as corrected by Lambinus against 5 manuscript codices. Others have "primum cum primis", or "primum cum primus".

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(4) ‹anchor: Mille anni› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Mille anni. Haec ad Thaletem referri non possunt, qui ante Senecam annis ne septingentis quidem vixit: sed haec vel ad Homerum sunt referenda, vel ad barbaricam, ut vocant, philosophiam.

"A thousand years." These words cannot refer to Thales, who lived not even seven hundred years before Seneca; they must be referred either to Homer or to the "barbarian" philosophy, as they call it.

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(5) ‹anchor: Mota sunt› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Mota sunt. Ita correxi ex cunctis ferme mss. ac. vet. edit. 2 Rom., Venet. 1490, Cellar. In caeteris excusis et 1 Colb. rec. legitur nota sunt, in 2 Reg. nata sunt, in 1 Colb., orta sunt. Puto cum Cellario et Walchio initia moveri, esse fundamentum jaci, seu coeptum esse primum de re disputari. Hic locus hodie non exstat in Senecae Operibus.—Initia... mota. Retineo, mota, quia movere valet incipere. Virgil. l. vii Aen., v. 45: Majus opus moveo. Conf. v. 40: Exordia; v. 44: Nascitur. Unde Ciofanus ad Ovidii lib. iii, Fast. 6, / Quod mea quaerebam musa moveret opus, / recte exponit movendi verbum per exordiri. Bun.

"Were set in motion." So I have corrected it from almost all the manuscripts and the 2 old Rome editions, Venice 1490, and Cellarius. In the other printed editions and 1 recent Colbert "nota sunt" ("were known") is read; in 2 Royal "nata sunt" ("were born"); in 1 Colbert "orta sunt" ("arose"). I think, with Cellarius and Walch, that "beginnings were moved" means that the foundation was laid, or that discussion of the matter first began. This passage does not survive today in Seneca's works. — "Beginnings ... moved." I keep "mota", because "movere" can mean "to begin". Virgil, Aeneid book 7, line 45: "I set in motion a greater work." Compare line 40: "beginnings"; line 44: "is born". Hence Ciofanus, on Ovid, Fasti book 3, [line] 6, "What work my muse should set in motion, I was seeking," rightly explains the verb "movere" as "to begin". Bünemann.

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(6) ‹anchor: Quod irridens Persius, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quod irridens Persius, etc. Hunc Persii locum Lactantius levorsum accipit, quasi Persii esset tam odiosa in philosophos declamatio, cum sit Bestii. Neque tamen Bestius, nec post ipsum Lactantius philosophos omnes sub eadem causa obstruere voluit, sed illos vanos ac fallaces philosophantes, de quibus paulo superius. Partim ex Theodoro Marcilio in Persii Satyram 6, vers. 38.

"Which Persius, mocking," etc. Lactantius takes this passage of Persius the wrong way round, as though so hateful a declamation against the philosophers were Persius's own, when it is Bestius's. Yet neither Bestius nor, after him, Lactantius meant to bar all philosophers under the same charge, but those vain and deceitful philosophizers spoken of a little above. Partly from Theodore Marcile on Persius, Satire 6, line 38.

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(7) ‹anchor: Cum saporis mercibus, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Cum saporis mercibus, etc. Robertus Titius locorum controvers. lib. ix, cap. 3, veram ac sinceram, ut reor, interpretationem attulit, Lactantium videlicet putavisse, eo loci Persium significare, philosophiam in Urbem advectam fuisse cum saporis, id est saporatis et sapidis mercibus, quae ex Asia deferri non multo ante coeperant, cujusmodi est piper atque alia ejus generis aromata; interimque allusisse ad sapientiae nomen, quod a sapore, quasi per contemptum vult deduci, quem illa traxerit a mercibus illis, quibuscum ad nos delata fuit; atque adeo censet Titius, illud, saporis, esse ablativum plurale ab adjectivo saporus, ra, rum, nove quidem a Lactantio formatum, imitatione tamen et exemplo aliarum dictionum consimilium, ut ab odore, odorus, ra, rum; a vapore, vaporus; a canore, canorus; ab honore, honorus. Isae.

"With savoury wares," etc. Robert Titius, in his Disputed Passages, book 9, chapter 3, has offered the true and sound interpretation, as I think: namely, that Lactantius believed Persius meant in that place that philosophy was brought into the City with "saporis", that is, seasoned and savoury wares, which had begun to be imported from Asia not long before, such as pepper and other spices of that kind; and that he was meanwhile alluding to the name of wisdom (sapientia), which he would derive, contemptuously as it were, from "sapor" (flavour), as if it had taken it from those wares with which it was brought to us. And so Titius holds that "saporis" is the ablative plural of the adjective "saporus, -a, -um", newly formed by Lactantius, but in imitation and on the model of other similar words, as "odorus, -a, -um" from "odor"; "vaporus" from "vapor"; "canorus" from "canor"; "honorus" from "honor". Isaeus.

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(8) ‹anchor: Quia› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quia. Ita reposui ex omnibus mss. praeter rec. 1 Reg., 1 Colb. et editos, in quibus est qui.

"Because." So I have restored it from all the manuscripts except the recent 1 Royal and 1 Colbert and the printed editions, in which it is "qui" ("who").

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(9) ‹anchor: Nesciverunt› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Nesciverunt. Alii nescierunt.

"They did not know." Others have "nescierunt".

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(10) ‹anchor: Per ignorantiam veri› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Per ignorantiam veri. Ms. quo usus est Coloniensis editor anni 1544, habet prae ignorantia veri, quod non est injucundum.

"Through ignorance of the truth." The manuscript used by the Cologne editor of 1544 has "prae ignorantia veri" ("for ignorance of the truth"), which is not unpleasing.

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(11) ‹anchor: Cum his decertemus› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Cum his decertemus. Sic lego cum multis mss. et 8 impressis. Scripti 16 et editi tres cum iisdem certemus; 4 excusi cum 1 Clarom. eisdem. In Regio-Put., est veniam .. decertem. In al. mss. 3, veniam... certem.

"Let us contend with these." So I read with many manuscripts and 8 printed editions. Sixteen manuscripts and three editions have "cum iisdem certemus"; 4 printed editions with 1 Clermont, "eisdem". In the Royal-Puteanus it is "veniam .. decertem"; in 3 other manuscripts, "veniam ... certem".

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(12) ‹anchor: Multos populare nomen voluptatis invitat› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Multos populare nomen voluptatis invitat. Ita omnes prope mss. et septem editi. In 1 Reg. rec. et excusis septem est ad populare nomen. Vetus versio Gallica sic habet, parce qu'elle invite et appelle plusieurs à ce nom de volupté, tant aimé et désiré par le peuple. In ed. Sublac. legitur multos ad populare.

"The popular name of pleasure invites many." So almost all the manuscripts and seven printed editions. In 1 recent Royal and seven printed editions it is "ad populare nomen". The old French version has: "because it invites and calls many to this name of pleasure, so loved and desired by the people." In the Subiaco edition "multos ad populare" is read.

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(13) ‹anchor: Praeterea› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Praeterea. Sic ferunt omnes ferme mss. et editi. In Cauc., 1 Reg. rec. et 6 rec. editis est Propterea.

"Moreover." So almost all the manuscripts and printed editions give it. In the Cauc., 1 recent Royal and 6 recent editions it is "Propterea" ("therefore").

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(14) ‹anchor: Vetat litteras discere› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Vetat litteras discere. Reprehenditur ipse Epicurus, quod non ea addidicerit, quae hominem vere eruditum faciunt. Hic philosophus scribens ad Philoclem, ait omnem doctrinam esse fugiendam.

"He forbids the learning of letters." Epicurus himself is blamed for not having learned [addidicerit, as printed] the things that make a man truly educated. This philosopher, writing to Philocles, says that all learning is to be shunned.

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(15) ‹anchor: Pigrum exerceri› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Pigrum exerceri. Ita restitui ex mss. et editis Rom. 1470, Torn., Soubr., Walch. Caeteris vulgatis est exercere, mendose.

"That the sluggard be exercised." So I have restored it from the manuscripts and the editions Rome 1470, Tornesius, Soubron, Walch. In the other common editions it is "exercere", faultily.

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(16) ‹anchor: Nihil curare› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Nihil curare. De hoc vide librum de Ira Dei, c. 27.

"To care for nothing." On this see the book On the Wrath of God, chapter 27.

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(17) ‹anchor: Vitam posse tolerari› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Vitam posse tolerari. Sic reposui ex antiquissimo ms. Reg. et 4 al. Reg., 5 Colb., 2 Clarom. aliisque, nec non ex editis 2 vet. Rom., Torn., Soubr. Walch., (continues)

"That life can be sustained." So I have restored it from the very old Royal manuscript and 4 other Royal, 5 Colbert, 2 Clermont and others, and also from the printed editions, the 2 old Rome, Tornesius, Soubron, Walch, (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Vitam posse tolerari (p. 202)› · no call (lemma-keyed)

(continued) In 6 rec., 1 Colb. et 12 excusis est tolerare. Tantae autem erat frugalitatis, ut solo pane et aqua vesceretur; nec ulli deditus erat voluptati, ut ait S. Hieronymus lib. ii, adversus Jovinianum: additur tamen, quod eam solum respuebat propter incommoda, quae inde sequebantur. Qua de re vide Stobaeum.—Vitam... tolerari. Tenuitatem et parcimoniam verbo tolerare indicari, auctor est Taubmann. ad Virgil. viii, Aen. v. 409. Bun.

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(2) ‹anchor: Qui odit uxorem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Qui odit uxorem. De quo vide S. Hieronym. sub finem lib. i, ad Jovinianum.

"Who hates his wife." On this see St Jerome near the end of book 1 Against Jovinian.

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(3) ‹anchor: Adversus parentes impios› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Adversus parentes impios. Hoc ordine Goth. unde una dempta littera fingo, adversus parentes impio, sc. dicitur, ut statim sequitur paulo ante: Habenti malos liberos; nunc impio filio adversus parentes blanditur. Buneman.

"Against impious parents." So the Gotha manuscript, in this order; whence, taking away one letter, I conjecture "adversus parentes impio", understanding "dicitur", as just before there follows: "to one who has bad children"; now he flatters the impious son against his parents. Bünemann.

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(4) ‹anchor: Reges colere› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Reges colere. De hoc vide Plutarch. De Tranquillitate animi, et Stobaeum sermone 27.

"To court kings." On this see Plutarch, On Tranquillity of Mind, and Stobaeus, discourse 27.

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(5) ‹anchor: Moribus› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Moribus. Ita restitui ex 31 mss. et 7 editis., 1 Reg. rec. habet motibus, corrupte; 2 Reg. rec., Torn., 1 Colbert. et 10 edit. modis.

"By [their] characters." So I have restored it from 31 manuscripts and 7 printed editions. One recent Royal has "motibus" ("by movements"), corruptly; 2 recent Royal, Tornesius, 1 Colbert and 10 editions, "modis" ("by ways").

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(6) ‹anchor: Cogit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Cogit. Vetustissimorum et optimorum codicum est, 2 Bon., 9 Reg., 4 Colb., Tornes., 2 Clarom., Cantabrig. nec non edit. vet. Rom. et 8 al. In rec. 1 Reg., 2 Colb., Goth., Em., Brun. et 5 edit., colligit.—Circulum cogit. Exactum a Cellario et Walchio, et jam ante a Tornesio 1587 verbum cogit, revocavi. Habent enim vetustissimi plurimique libri scripti, editi, Cogere circulum, eleganter: idem est quod coetum colligere, congregare, sive, ut hoc capite sup., Ad se multitudinem contrahere. De circulo pro coetu, corona, Apul. Metam. lib. ii, pag. 120: Quum frequentis populi circulo conseptus coronae circumstantium fata enodaret. Bu.

"Gathers." This is the reading of the oldest and best codices: 2 Bologna, 9 Royal, 4 Colbert, Tornesius, 2 Clermont, Cambridge, and also the old Rome edition and 8 others. In the recent 1 Royal, 2 Colbert, Gotha, Emmanuel, Brun. and 5 editions, "colligit". — "Gathers a circle." I have recalled the verb "cogit", which had been driven out by Cellarius and Walch, and already before them by Tornesius in 1587. For the oldest and most numerous books, manuscript and printed, have "cogere circulum", elegantly: it is the same as to collect or assemble a gathering, or, as earlier in this chapter, "to draw a multitude to oneself". For "circulus" meaning a gathering or ring of people, Apuleius, Metamorphoses book 2, page 120: "When, hedged in by a circle of the thronging people, he was unravelling the fates of the ring of bystanders." Bünemann.

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(7) ‹anchor: Videbat Epicurus bonis adversa semper accidere, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Videbat Epicurus bonis adversa semper accidere, etc. Hinc concludebat nullam esse providentiam, ac Deum nullam hominum curam gerere: sed omnia fortuito casu evenire. Hinc non solum Epicurus, verum et alii, Seneca in Hippol. act. iii; Lucanus lib. 7: / Sunt nobis nulla profecto / Numina: cum caeco rapiantur singula casu, / Mentimur regnare Jovem. / Ovid. lib. iii Amor., eleg. 8: / Cum rapiant mala fata bonos, ignoscite fasso, / Sollicitor nullos esse putare deos. / Gallaeus. — Ita falso opinabantur ii, qui rerum post mortem futurarum nil certi habebant.

"Epicurus saw that adversity always befalls the good," etc. From this he concluded that there is no providence, and that God takes no care of men, but that everything happens by blind chance. So thought not Epicurus only but others too: Seneca in the Hippolytus, act 3; Lucan, book 7: "Surely we have no gods: since all things are swept along by blind chance, we lie when we say that Jupiter reigns." Ovid, Amores book 3, elegy 8: "When evil fates snatch away the good — forgive me for confessing it — I am tempted to think there are no gods." Gallaeus. — So those falsely supposed who had nothing certain about the things to come after death.

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(8) ‹anchor: Infantes rapi› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Infantes rapi. More veterum. Sueton. C. Caes. Caligul. cap. 7: Infantes adhuc rapti. Plin. vi, ep. 6: Doleo, illum immatura morte indignissime raptum. Justin. lib. vii, cap. 2: Immatura morte raptus. Bun.

"That infants are snatched away." In the manner of the ancients. Suetonius, Gaius Caesar Caligula, chapter 7: "snatched away while still infants." Pliny, book 6, letter 6: "I grieve that he was snatched away most undeservedly by an untimely death." Justin, book 7, chapter 2: "snatched away by an untimely death." Bünemann.

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(9) ‹anchor: Ipse suas› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ipse suas. Lucretius in editis habet: Saepe suas.

"He himself his own." Lucretius in the printed editions has "Saepe suas" ("often his own").

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(10) ‹anchor: Capitolium› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Capitolium. De Capitolii incendiis, ex antiquioribus nemo copiosius quam Plutarchus, in Vita Publicolae, et Cornelius Tacitus, lib xix Annalium. Tarquinius Priscus, Demarati filius, Sabino bello templum Jovi, in monte Tarpeio, qui ante Saturnius dictus fuerat, aedificare coepit. Dum opifices fundamenta aperirent, caput hominis est repertum. Quod omen Augures significare dicebant, arcem hanc caput orbis futurum, et ob id monti nomen est inditum Capitolini. Sed morte interceptus ille Priscus inchoatam structuram reliquit. Quam post Tarquin. Superbus, illius nepos, ex spoliis captae Pometiae absolvit: qui priusquam dedicationem obiret, propter tyrannidem expulsus fuit. Et haec quidem dedicatio post Tarquinium facta fuit, anno ab U. C. 247. Capitolium saxo quadrato substructum, opus vel postera magnificentia conspiciendum, incendio absumptum est bellis Marianis L. Scip. Asiat. et C. Norbano Balbo Coss., hoc est, anno U. C. 671, a dedicatione annis 424, non 415, ut asserit Tacitus, cujus errorem postea secutus est et Alexander Neapolitanus. Restituit hoc Sylla. Consecravit restauratum Qu. Catulus, cujus Plinius etiam meminit lib. xix, cap. 1. Duravit hoc ad bellum usque Vitellianum, quo secundo a militibus incensum. Restituit Vespasianus; eoque adhuc vivente, tertio igne absumptum, cumque ipso Capitolio Vespasianus quoque mortem obiit. Domitianus deinde magnificentius illud fecit, quam antea unquam fuisset. Verba autem Lucretii referenda sunt ad incendium Marianum. At non video quando Jovis fulmine conflagrarit. Betul. — Capitolium..... fulmine ictum. Vid. Arnob., l. vi, pag. 245, ed. in 8 Elmenh. Quum Capitolium toties edax ignis absumeret, Jovemque ipsum capitolinum cum uxore corripuisset ac filia, ubinam fulminator tempore illo fuit... vindicaret. Buneman.

"The Capitol." On the burnings of the Capitol, none of the ancients writes more fully than Plutarch in his Life of Publicola, and Cornelius Tacitus, book 19 of the Annals. Tarquinius Priscus, son of Demaratus, began in the Sabine war to build a temple to Jupiter on the Tarpeian hill, which had earlier been called Saturnian. While the workmen were opening the foundations, a man's head was found. The augurs said this omen signified that this citadel would be the head of the world, and for that reason the hill was given the name Capitoline. But that Priscus, cut off by death, left the building unfinished. Tarquin the Proud, his grandson, afterwards completed it from the spoils of captured Pometia; but before he could perform the dedication he was expelled for his tyranny. And this dedication was made after Tarquin, in the year 247 from the founding of the City. The Capitol, built on squared stone, a work to be admired even by later magnificence, was consumed by fire in the Marian wars, in the consulship of Lucius Scipio Asiaticus and Gaius Norbanus Balbus, that is, in the year 671 of the City, 424 years after its dedication, not 415, as Tacitus asserts — an error that Alexander of Naples later followed. Sulla restored it. Quintus Catulus consecrated it when restored; Pliny also mentions him, book 19, chapter 1. It lasted until the war of Vitellius, in which it was burnt a second time by the soldiers. Vespasian restored it; and while he was still living it was consumed by fire a third time, and Vespasian too died along with the Capitol itself. Domitian then made it more magnificent than it had ever been before. The words of Lucretius are to be referred to the Marian fire. But I do not see when it burned from Jupiter's thunderbolt. Betuleius. — "The Capitol ..... struck by lightning." See Arnobius, book 6, page 245, Elmenhorst's octavo edition: "When devouring fire so often consumed the Capitol, and had seized Capitoline Jupiter himself with his wife and daughter, where was the Thunderer at that time ... to avenge?" Bünemann.

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(11) ‹anchor: Consulatus sui› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Consulatus sui. Hunc librum non habemus: sed vide lib. ii de Div., cap. 20, ubi iidem versus leguntur.

"Of his consulship." We do not have this book; but see On Divination book 2, chapter 20, where the same verses are read.

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(1) ‹anchor: Ipse, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ipse, etc. Hic secundus versus hoc modo legitur apud Cicer., lib. ii de Divin.: / Ipse suos quondam tumulos, ac templa petivit.

"He himself," etc. This second line is read thus in Cicero, On Divination book 2: "He himself once assailed his own mounds and temples."

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(2) ‹anchor: Se ipse conclusit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Se ipse conclusit. Sic restitui ex optimo et veterr. ms. Regio Put. et 1 al. recentiori, 3 Colb., 1 Lips., Em., Brun., suffragantibus 16 aliis in quibus est inclusit, ut in 10 vet. impressis. Hic concludere Terentianum est hac significatione, pro se immittere, implicare se, Gallice s'engager, s'embarrasser, 3 Reg. et 6 editi ferunt, se ipse conjecit.

"He shut himself in." So I have restored it from the best and oldest manuscript, the Royal-Puteanus, and 1 other more recent one, 3 Colbert, 1 Leipzig, Emmanuel, Brun., with the support of 16 others in which it is "inclusit", as in 10 old printed editions. "Concludere" here is Terentian in this sense, for "to thrust oneself in, entangle oneself", in French "s'engager, s'embarrasser". Three Royal manuscripts and 6 editions give "se ipse conjecit" ("he threw himself").

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(3) ‹anchor: Nulla dispositio est› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Nulla dispositio est. Vide Lucret. ii et v, sub initium. Vide etiam Ciceron. de Natura deorum, lib. i.

"There is no ordering." See Lucretius 2 and 5, near the beginning. See also Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, book 1.

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(4) ‹anchor: Et invenit homo divinus, quae reprehenderet› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Et invenit homo divinus, quae reprehenderet. Perperam haec verba in multis edd. ita impressa, ac si essent Epicuri verba, quum sunt verba ironica Lactantii. Hinc typis ordinariis impressa volui. Buneman.

"And the divine man found things to find fault with." In many editions these words are wrongly printed as if they were Epicurus's words, when they are Lactantius's, ironic. So I wanted them printed in ordinary type. Bünemann.

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(5) ‹anchor: Providenter› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Providenter. Goth. prudenter. Conf. l. vi, c. 15. De Ira, cap. 10. Legitur quoque in Plini Panegyric., cap. 1: Quod nihil rite nihilque providenter homines sine deorum immortalium consilio honore auspicarentur. Buneman.

"With foresight." The Gotha has "prudenter" ("prudently"). Compare book 6, chapter 15; On the Wrath, chapter 10. It is also read in Pliny's Panegyric, chapter 1: "Because men would begin nothing duly and nothing with foresight without the counsel and honour of the immortal gods." Bünemann.

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(6) ‹anchor: Sunt enim semina› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Sunt enim semina. Reservabimus hanc de atomis disputationem in caput 10 libri de Ira Dei. Vide interea S. Basilium super hac re homilia εἰς τὸ ἑξαήμερον prima, et caput tertium libri primi Placitorum apud Plut. Betuleius.

"For there are seeds." We shall reserve this discussion of atoms for chapter 10 of the book On the Wrath of God. Meanwhile see St Basil on this matter in the first homily "On the Hexaemeron", and the third chapter of the first book of the Placita in Plutarch. Betuleius.

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(7) ‹anchor: Praeter unum Leucippum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Praeter unum Leucippum. De illo Galenus in Historia philosophica. Sed de his in libro de Ira Dei,

"Except Leucippus alone." On him, Galen in the History of Philosophy. But on these matters, in the book On the Wrath of God, [as printed]

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(8) ‹anchor: Si sunt› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Si sunt. Manuscriptum est; si sint, editorum.

"If they are." This is the manuscript reading; "si sint", that of the printed editions.

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(9) ‹anchor: Vario ordine› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Vario ordine. De quo vide Lucret. ii lib.

"In varied order." On this see Lucretius, book 2.

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(10) ‹anchor: Si autem laevia sunt et hamis indigent› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Si autem laevia sunt et hamis indigent. Sic legit Bonon. ex quo locus hic corrigendus est, etiamsi enim in aliis mss. ac cunctis editis legatur, et humoris indigent, vitiosa tamen est lectio; quod constat hac ratione, quam solide allegat Thomasius, quia nempe humor additus laevitati, non solum nullam cohaesionem, sed lapsum potius efficiet. Gallaeus.

"But if they are smooth and lack hooks." So the Bologna manuscript reads, from which this passage is to be corrected; for although "et humoris indigent" ("and lack moisture") is read in other manuscripts and all the printed editions, the reading is faulty. This is clear from the reason Thomasius soundly alleges: namely, that moisture added to smoothness would produce not cohesion but rather slipping. Gallaeus.

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(11) ‹anchor: Ut..... dissici valeant› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ut..... dissici valeant. Hic rursum habes verbum antiquum dissicio, cujus explicationem supra vide, lib. ii, cap. 8. Nota, male in rec. 2 Reg., 1 Colb. et in editis haberi disjici. Gall.

"That ..... they can be split apart." Here again you have the old verb "dissicio"; for its explanation see above, book 2, chapter 8. Note that "disjici" is wrongly given in the recent 2 Royal, 1 Colbert and the printed editions. Gallaeus.

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(12) ‹anchor: Construatur› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Construatur. In 1 Bonon. antiq. conseratur. In 12 mss. rec. et 10 editis constituatur.

"May be built." In 1 old Bologna, "conseratur" ("may be joined"). In 12 recent manuscripts and 10 printed editions, "constituatur" ("may be set up").

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(13) ‹anchor: Hic est ille› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Hic est ille. Scilicet Epicurus, ad quem haec carmina respiciunt ex Lucretii lib. iii, in fine.

"This is he." Namely Epicurus, to whom these lines, from the end of Lucretius book 3, refer.

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(14) ‹anchor: Praestinxit stellas› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Praestinxit stellas. Mss. 4 Reg., Cauc., Lips., Pal., Jun., Cant. et 4 editi ferunt restinxit; 6 typis excusi restrinxit; 6 Reg., 6 Colbert., 1 Sorbon., 1 Clarom., Brun., et 2 vet. edit. Rom., Extinxit. At Lucretius a Lambino emendatus legit Praestinxit, eodemque verbo utitur lib. ii et iv. Praestinguere autem (ut docet Nonius) valet obtenebrare vel obscurare, quemadmodum sol exoriens stellarum fulgorem obscurat. Dubitari non potest quin legendum sit praestinxit, non restinxit, aut extinxit; non enim sol exoriens stellarum splendorem extinguit, sed duntaxat praestinguit. Restinguit autem multo minus: nam Res- (continues)

"Outshone the stars." The manuscripts 4 Royal, Cauc., Leipzig, Palatine, Junius, Cambridge and 4 printed editions give "restinxit" ("quenched"); 6 printed editions "restrinxit"; 6 Royal, 6 Colbert, 1 Sorbonne, 1 Clermont, Brun., and the 2 old Rome editions, "extinxit" ("extinguished"). But Lucretius as corrected by Lambinus reads "praestinxit", and uses the same verb in books 2 and 4. "Praestinguere" (as Nonius teaches) means to darken or obscure, as the rising sun obscures the brightness of the stars. There can be no doubt that "praestinxit" is to be read, not "restinxit" or "extinxit"; for the rising sun does not extinguish the splendour of the stars but only outshines it. Still less does it "quench" it: for "res- (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Praestinxit stellas (p. 204)› · no call (lemma-keyed)

(continued) tinguere de ardore aut calore dicitur, non de lumine aut fulgore. Ex Lambino.

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(2) ‹anchor: Quando mors est, nos non sumus› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quando mors est, nos non sumus. Hanc esse genuinam lectionem constat ex Bonon., Tax., Pen., 2 Brun., 6 Colb., 2 Clarom. et omnibus Vatic. et ex Epicuro ipso in epist. ad Moeneceum apud Laert. non quae vulgo habetur, quando nos non sumus, mors est. Isaeus. Haec Isaei correctio confirmatur a mss. Lips., Pal., Ult., Jun., editis Plantin., Gymn., Genev., Ald., Cratand., Is. et Thysii. Locus Epicuri ad Moenec. sic habet: Ὅταν δὲ ὁ θάνατος ἄπρη, τόθ' ἡμεῖς οὐκ ἐσμέν. Gallaeus: De hac ratiocinatione vide Lucretium, lib. iii; Laertium, in Epicuro; Aul. Gellium, lib. ii, cap. 8; Plutarch. de Tranquillitate Vitae, et Stobaeum Sermone 15.

"When death is, we are not." That this is the genuine reading is established from the Bologna, Tax., Pen., 2 Brun., 6 Colbert, 2 Clermont and all the Vatican manuscripts, and from Epicurus himself in the letter to Menoeceus [Moeneceum, as printed] in Laertius — not what is commonly given, "when we are not, death is." Isaeus. This correction of Isaeus is confirmed by the manuscripts Leipzig, Palatine, Utrecht, Junius, and the editions of Plantin, Gymnicus, Geneva, Aldus, Cratander, Isaeus and Thysius. The passage of Epicurus to Menoeceus runs thus: "But when death is present [ἄπρη, as printed], then we are not." Gallaeus. On this reasoning see Lucretius, book 3; Laertius, in his Epicurus; Aulus Gellius, book 2, chapter 8; Plutarch, On Tranquillity of Life; and Stobaeus, discourse 15.

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(3) ‹anchor: Qua jam sensus ereptus est› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Qua jam sensus ereptus est. Ita reposui ex vet. edit. Rom. ac Venet. nec non Tornes., Cellar. et cunctis mss. praeter 1 Reg. et 17 edit. in quibus est quia. Vide infra, quo sensus eripitur.

"In which sense has now been taken away." So I have restored it from the old Rome and Venice editions, and also Tornesius, Cellarius and all the manuscripts except 1 Royal and 17 editions, in which it is "quia" ("because"). See below: "by which sense is taken away".

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(4) ‹anchor: Quo nos etiamnum sumus› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quo nos etiamnum sumus. Placet Isaei ad hunc locum observatio, qui pro eo quod in impressis habetur, quo et nos jam non sumus, legendum putat eo modo quo excudi curavimus. Ratio ejus solidissima est; si enim tempus est aliquod, quo et nos jam non sumus, et mors nondum est, recte dictum est ab Epicuro, quod eo tempore mors nihil ad nos. Lactantius vero contrarium intenuit, ut patet ex scopo, si textus attente expendatur. Et sane, lapsus facilis fuit non pro num substituendi. Edit. Graphei et Gymnici et ms. Jun. nostram hanc emendationem confirmant; carent enim illa negatione quae in reliquis, tum mss. cum editis invenitur. Gallaeus.

"In which we still are." Isaeus's observation on this passage is approved: instead of what is in the printed editions, "quo et nos jam non sumus" ("in which we too no longer are"), he thinks it should be read as we have had it printed. His reasoning is very sound; for if there is some time in which we no longer are and death not yet is, Epicurus rightly said that at that time death is nothing to us. But Lactantius meant [intenuit, as printed] the contrary, as is plain from his aim if the text is weighed attentively. And indeed it was an easy slip to substitute "non" for "num". The editions of Gryphius [Graphei, as printed] and Gymnicus and the Junius manuscript confirm this emendation of ours, for they lack that negation which is found in the rest, manuscripts and printed editions alike. Gallaeus.

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(5) ‹anchor: Cum et mors esse incipit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Cum et mors esse incipit. Mss. 17 et edit. 5, quod et mors. 1 Bonon. antiq. et Brun., quo et mors.

"When death too begins to be." Seventeen manuscripts and 5 editions have "quod et mors"; 1 old Bologna and Brun., "quo et mors".

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(6) ‹anchor: Afferunt› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Afferunt. Ex mss. et 9 veteribus editis est; in recentioribus excusis est afferant.

"They bring." It comes from the manuscripts and 9 old editions; in the more recent printed editions it is "afferant".

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(7) ‹anchor: Quin potius effice ne dolor malum sit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quin potius effice ne dolor malum sit. Sic restitui ex 10 editis, ac vetustissimis mss. 2 Reg. et 21 aliis, nisi quod in duobus est effici, in sex efficit; in 1 al. Reg. ut dolor malum non sit. Sed et nostram lectionem secutus est gallicus interpres: O Epicure, fais plutôt que douleur ne soit point mal. In sex editis legitur, Quae res potius efficit, ut dolor malum sit.

"Rather, bring it about that pain is not an evil." So I have restored it from 10 printed editions and the oldest manuscripts, 2 Royal and 21 others, except that in two it is "effici", in six "efficit"; in 1 other Royal, "ut dolor malum non sit". The French translator too followed our reading: "O Epicurus, rather make it so that pain is no evil." In six editions is read: "Which thing rather brings it about that pain is an evil."

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(8) ‹anchor: Quia non intereunt animae. Animae vero intereunt› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quia non intereunt animae. Animae vero intereunt. Ita emendavi ex ms. Reg. 400 annor. optimae notae, succurrentibus 2 veterrimis Regiis, alioque Reg. rec. et ed. Betul. in quibus semel est animae; et in 15 scriptis et 11 vulgatis, vere, inquit; in tribus, verum.

"Because souls do not perish. But souls do perish." So I have corrected it from a Royal manuscript four hundred years old, of the best quality, with the help of 2 very old Royal manuscripts and another recent Royal, and Betuleius's edition, in which "animae" stands once; and in 15 manuscripts and 11 common editions, "vere, inquit"; in three, "verum".

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(9) ‹anchor: Necesse est› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Necesse est. Id post Epicurum somniat Lucretius lib. iii.

"It must be." Lucretius dreams this after Epicurus, book 3.

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(10) ‹anchor: Operi ultimo› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Operi ultimo. Hoc exequitur Lactantius lib. vii, capitib. 7, 8, etc.; et Epitome, cap. 10.

"For the last part of the work." Lactantius carries this out in book 7, chapters 7, 8, etc.; and in the Epitome, chapter 10.

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(11) ‹anchor: Democriti, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Democriti, etc. Ille fuit Abderites, qui atomos excogitaverit: quinto saeculo vixit ante vulgarem aeram, obiitque annos natus 109, Olympiad. lxxiv. Dicaearchus vero Misenius fuit philosophus, qui opinatus genus humanum semper fuisse, atque omnia in homine simul interire,

"Of Democritus," etc. He was the man of Abdera who devised the atoms; he lived in the fifth century before the common era, and died aged 109, in the 74th Olympiad. Dicaearchus of Messene [Misenius, as printed] was a philosopher who held that the human race has always existed, and that everything in man perishes together, [as printed]

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(12) ‹anchor: Turpissimae voluptatis› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Turpissimae voluptatis. Hic sui fuit oblitus auctor noster; supra enim dixerat, Epicurum collocasse summum bonum in voluptate animi.

"Of the most shameful pleasure." Here our author forgot himself; for above he had said that Epicurus placed the highest good in pleasure of the mind.

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(13) ‹anchor: Impunitatis› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Impunitatis. Sic Cicero pro Milone ait: Impunitatis spes maxima est illecebra peccandi.

"Of impunity." So Cicero says in the speech for Milo: "The hope of impunity is the greatest enticement to sin."

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(14) ‹anchor: Malefacere› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Malefacere. At e contra Cicero, de Officiis, docet, bonum virum numquam peccaturum, etiamsi impunitas sit proposita. Nihil enim utile, quod non sit honestum.

"To do wrong." But Cicero, on the contrary, teaches in On Duties that a good man will never sin, even if impunity is offered. For nothing is useful that is not honourable.

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(15) ‹anchor: Ita qui audit haec flagitia› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ita qui audit haec flagitia. Sic reposui ex mss. In vulgatis est, Itaque qui audit, etc.

"So he who hears these shameful things." So I have restored it from the manuscripts. In the common editions it is "Itaque qui audit", etc.

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(1) ‹anchor: Nisi sua causa› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Nisi sua causa. Atqui Cicero in Laelio damnat quaestuosam amicitiam, nec alium amicitiae finem quam honestatis admittit: atque Plato ipse docet, hominem non tam sibi natum quam proximo cuique.

"Except for his own sake." Yet Cicero in the Laelius condemns friendship for gain, and admits no other end of friendship than that of honour: and Plato himself teaches that man is born not so much for himself as for each one near him.

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(2) ‹anchor: Qui etiamsi torqueatur› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Qui etiamsi torqueatur. Qui ex plurimis mss. restitui, quod congruentius est quam quin aliorum.

"Who, even if he is tortured." I have restored "qui" from most of the manuscripts, as it fits better than the "quin" of the others.

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(3) ‹anchor: Non nasci animas› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Non nasci animas. Antonin. lib. iv, § 21, vult animas solvi, immutari, refundi, redaccendi, ut aliis succedentibus et subeuntibus quotidie locum faciant, prout de corporibus dixerat in terram resolutis. Atque hoc est fortasse quod Epiphanius voluit, ubi de Stoicis dixit, ii, Haer., 5: Μεταγγισμούς τε ψυχῶν καὶ μετεμσωματώσεις; et ex Epiphanio Joan. Damasc. in lib. de Haeres.: Stoici animam de corpore in corpus migrare volunt. Quo nomine Pythagoreis adjungit Stoicos Lactant. hoc loco. Servius ait, ad Aeneid. lib. iii: Stoicos mediam viam secutos, cum Plato animam perpetuam dixerit, et ad diversa corpora transitum facere statim pro meritis vitae prioris: Pythagoras vero, non μετεμψύχωσιν, sed παλιγγενεσίαν esse dicat, hoc est, redire, sed post tempus. Gatakerus. Vide Augustinum, lib. x de Civit. Dei, cap. 30.

"That souls are not born." Antoninus, book 4, § 21, holds that souls are dissolved, changed, poured back and rekindled, so that they make room daily for others succeeding and coming in, just as he had said of bodies resolved into earth. And this is perhaps what Epiphanius meant where he said of the Stoics (Heresies 2, 5): "transfusions of souls and re-embodiments"; and, from Epiphanius, John of Damascus in his book On Heresies: "The Stoics hold that the soul migrates from body to body." On this ground Lactantius joins the Stoics to the Pythagoreans in this place. Servius says, on the Aeneid book 3, that "the Stoics followed a middle way, since Plato called the soul everlasting, and said it passes at once into different bodies according to the merits of its former life; while Pythagoras says it is not transmigration (metempsychosis) but rebirth (palingenesis), that is, that it returns, but after a time." Gataker. See Augustine, City of God book 10, chapter 30.

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(4) ‹anchor: Et de aliis in alia migrare› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Et de aliis in alia migrare. Hanc de animarum μετεμψυχώσει opinionem primi tradidere Aegyptii. Ab illis autem hausit illam Pythagoras, teste Herodoto in Euterpe. Hoc idem sensere Galli. Lib. vi de Bello Gallico: In primis hoc volunt persuadere, non interire animas, sed ab aliis post mortem transire ad alios. Sed haec inter Gallorum et Pythagorae opinionem differentia est, quod Galli putarint, animas tantum transire ad homines alios, Pythagoras vero etiam ad alia animantia. Huic etiam opinioni fidem habuere Pharisaei, teste Josepho lib. xviii, cap. 2 Antiq. Etiam modernis Judaeis haec arrident. Gallaeus.

"And migrate from some into others." The Egyptians were the first to hand down this opinion of the transmigration of souls. From them Pythagoras drew it, as Herodotus attests in the Euterpe. The Gauls held the same. Gallic War book 6: "Above all they wish to persuade that souls do not perish, but after death pass from some to others." But there is this difference between the opinion of the Gauls and that of Pythagoras: the Gauls thought souls pass only into other men, Pythagoras into other living creatures as well. The Pharisees also believed this opinion, as Josephus attests, Antiquities book 18, chapter 2. These things please modern Jews too. Gallaeus.

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(5) ‹anchor: Et nasci animas› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Et nasci animas. Videtur hoc loco Lactantius a seipso dissentire. Tradit enim supra libro ii, cap. 12, circa finem, quod Deus animam qua spiramus infundit in corpus: hic vero docet animas nasci. Sed ea de re videndus est S. Hieronymus lib. ii Apologiae adversus Rufinum, cujus haec verba sunt: Legi, inquit Hieronymus, quosdam dicentes, quod pariter cum corpore, per humani corporis traducem etiam animae diffundantur; et haec quibus poterant assertionibus confirmabant. Quod puto inter Latinos Tertullianum sensisse et Lactantium, fortassis, et nonnullos alios. Alii asserunt, quod formatis in utero corporibus, Deus quotidie faciat animas et infundat. Alii factas jam olim, id est, tunc cum omnia creavit Deus ex nihilo, nunc eas judicio suo nasci dispenset in corpore... Ego vero cum haec singula legerim (Deo teste dico) quia usque ad praesens certi et definiti aliquid de hac quaestione non teneo; sed Deo relinquo scire quid sit in utero, et si cui ipse revelare dignabitur. De hoc etiam videas Eusebium Praeparat. Evang. lib. xiii, c. 10; et Cassiodorum, de Anima, cap. 9.

"And that souls are born." Lactantius seems in this place to disagree with himself. For above, book 2, chapter 12, near the end, he teaches that God pours into the body the soul by which we breathe; but here he teaches that souls are born. But on this matter St Jerome should be consulted, book 2 of the Apology against Rufinus, whose words are these: "I have read," says Jerome, "some who say that souls too are propagated together with the body, through the transmission of the human body; and they confirmed this with what assertions they could. I think that among the Latins Tertullian held this, and perhaps Lactantius, and some others. Others assert that when bodies have been formed in the womb, God makes souls daily and pours them in. Others, that they were made long ago, that is, when God created all things from nothing, and that he now dispenses them by his judgement to be born in a body ... But having read each of these, I say (God is my witness) that up to the present I hold nothing certain and defined on this question; but I leave it to God to know what is in the womb, and to anyone to whom He Himself shall deign to reveal it." On this see also Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica book 13, chapter 10; and Cassiodorus, On the Soul, chapter 9.

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(6) ‹anchor: Quae ratio esset hominis, nescierunt› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quae ratio esset hominis, nescierunt. Sic est legendum ex mss. vet. 1 Bonon., 2 Reg. ut judicat Thomasius; non homines, ut vulgo est in impressis ac aliis mss. non enim de hominibus in genere quid illi noverint, sed de Pythagoricis ac Stoicis, quos dicit hominis rationem ignorasse. Gallaeus. — Ita fere lib. vii, cap. 3 et cap. 5 Divin. Institut.

"They did not know what the nature of man was." So it is to be read from the old manuscripts, 1 Bologna and 2 Royal, as Thomasius judges; not "homines", as is commonly in the printed editions and other manuscripts. For [he speaks] not of what men in general knew, but of the Pythagoreans and Stoics, whom he says were ignorant of the nature of man. Gallaeus. — So too, roughly, Divine Institutes book 7, chapter 3 and chapter 5.

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(7) ‹anchor: Ut Cleanthes› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ut Cleanthes. Philosophus Stoicus, qui φρεάντλης dictus, quod noctu in hortis hauriret aquas, unde se alere posset, ut interdiu philosophari liceret: is sponte inedia vitam finivit, ut Laertius libro septimo in ejus Vita refert. Meminit Lucianus in Macrobiis. Betuleius.

"As Cleanthes." A Stoic philosopher, called "the well-drawer" because at night he drew water in gardens to support himself, so that he could do philosophy by day. He ended his life of his own will by starvation, as Laertius reports in book 7, in his Life. Lucian mentions him in the Macrobii. Betuleius.

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(8) ‹anchor: Ut Chrysippus› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ut Chrysippus. Zenonis discipulus, et post Cleanthem sectae Stoicorum princeps fuit. Duae sunt de hujus obitu apud Laertium sententiae: una, quod largiore dulcis meri haustu, altera, quod risu nimio emortuus sit. Seneca epist. 57 memorat, quod assidua salutatio ipsum perduxerit ad mortem. Betul.

"As Chrysippus." A disciple of Zeno, and after Cleanthes head of the Stoic school. There are two accounts of his death in Laertius: one, that he died from too large a draught of sweet unmixed wine; the other, from excessive laughter. Seneca, letter 57, records that constant receiving of callers brought him to his death. Betuleius.

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(9) ‹anchor: Ut Zeno› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ut Zeno. Citticus, sectae Stoicae princeps. De hujus interitu Laert. sic scribit: Cum abiret a schola, offendit, digitumque perfregit. Manu vero terram feriens, dixit illud ex Niobe: Ἔρχομαι, τί μ' ἀύεις; Venio, quid me clamas? In ed. Laertii Parisiensi an. 1585 legitur Ἔρχομαι, τί με καλεῖς; Venio, quid me vocas? continuoque se strangulans interiit. Betuleius.

"As Zeno." Of Citium, founder of the Stoic school. Of his death Laertius writes thus: "As he was leaving the school he stumbled and broke a finger. Striking the earth with his hand, he spoke that line from the Niobe: 'I come; why do you cry out for me?'" In the Paris edition of Laertius of 1585 is read "I come; why do you call me?" "And at once he strangled himself and died." Betuleius.

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(10) ‹anchor: Ut Empedocles› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ut Empedocles. Philosophus et poeta. Variae de hujus obitu referuntur a Laertio opiniones: haec tamen constantior fama obtinuit, quae a Strabone quoque refertur lib. vi. Apud Lucianum, in dialogo Menippi et Aeaci, quaerit ex ipso Menippus causas praecipitationis; respondet Empedocles: Μελαγχολία τις, ὦ Μένιππε. Menippus factum in fastum, atque in inanis gloriae affectationem transfert. Notatur etiam in Icaromenippo. Tertullianus, in libro ad Martyres, pro exemplo contemnendae mortis adducit. Meminit etiam Tatianus adversus Gentes, et Greg. Nazianzenus in egregio ad Nemesium carmine. / Ἐμπεδόκλεις, etc., quae sic latine reddas: / Empedocles, fastu tumidum te valde superbo / Aetnaei monstrant crateres morte caducum. / Sandalia en jactant amentis numinis aestus / Aerea. Ridendum mortalibus illa dederunt, / Quem grave in exitium te Gloria pellit inanis.

"As Empedocles." Philosopher and poet. Laertius reports various opinions about his death; but the more consistent report has prevailed, which Strabo also gives in book 6. In Lucian, in the dialogue of Menippus and Aeacus, Menippus asks him the reasons for his leap; Empedocles answers: "A fit of melancholy, Menippus." Menippus turns the deed into pride and the affectation of empty glory. He is noted also in the Icaromenippus. Tertullian, in the book To the Martyrs, adduces him as an example of contempt for death. Tatian also mentions him, Against the Greeks, and Gregory Nazianzen in his fine poem to Nemesius: "Empedocles," etc., which you may render in Latin thus: "Empedocles, swollen with overweening pride, the craters of Etna show you fallen in death. See, the fires of the mad would-be god toss up the bronze sandals. They have given mortals a thing to laugh at: into what grievous ruin empty Glory drives you!"

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(11) ‹anchor: Socraticae vanitatis imitator› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Socraticae vanitatis imitator. Sic restituo ex omnibus mss. et editis, praeter Betul., Spark. et Gall., qui contra cunctorum mss. fidem reposuerant Stoicae, quia revera Stoicus erat Cato. At nihil obstat quin (continues)

"Imitator of Socratic vanity." So I restore it from all the manuscripts and printed editions, except Betuleius, Spark and Gallaeus, who against the testimony of all the manuscripts had put "Stoicae", because Cato was in fact a Stoic. But nothing prevents (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Socraticae vanitatis imitator (p. 206)› · no call (lemma-keyed)

(continued) Cato, etsi Stoicus, a Lactantio potuerit dici Socraticae vanitatis imitator, quandoquidem ille Socratem imitatus, non sine magno fastu mortem aspernatus est; et cum se occideret, librum perlegerit Platonis de animarum Aeternitate, ubi scilicet Socratis mors describitur. Nonne autem id sufficit, ut Socraticae vanitatis imitator diceretur? Nourry. De Catonis morte vide Plutarchum, tom. ii; et Augustinum, lib. i de Civit. Dei, cap. 23. — Stoicae vanitatis imitator. Reclamantibus licet mss. et edd. ab 1465 ad 1650 editis, recepi Stoicae, pro Socraticae, adductus maxime his: Cato, ut Stoicorum decretis obtemperaret, quos sectatur. Conf. Plutarch. in Catone Minori, fol. 792, sqq. Devenit (Cato) ad Stoicorum paradoxa. Bun.

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(2) ‹anchor: Nam Democritus› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Nam Democritus. Laetitiam hic optimum dixit, tristitiam pessimum, alienissimus a Stoica severitate. Lucretii locum, unde hic versus desumptus est, integrum adscribemus: / Denique Democritum postquam natura, vetustas / Admonuit, memores motus languescere mentis, / Sponte sua letho caput obvius obtulit ultro. / Sed apud Laertium diversum legitur; nempe quod panes calidos naribus admovendo, tribus diebus fata impleverit. Sed intelligendum est ipsum antehac mori per inediam decrevisse. Itaque de mortis ejus genere variant auctores: quippe quod Lucianus eum interiisse affirmet τῆς τροφῆς ἀποσχόμενον, quod etiam tradit Laertius; Athenaeus, melle tantisper vitam sustentasse, dum praeterierint θεσμοφορίων festa, ne privato luctu publica interpellarentur gaudia. Ab omnibus diversus Antoninus pediculis consumptum refert. Ex Betuleio (lib. iii, § 3.)

"For Democritus." He called gladness the highest good and sadness the worst, very far from Stoic severity. We shall write out in full the passage of Lucretius from which this line is taken: "Then Democritus, when ripe old age warned him that the remembering motions of his mind were growing faint, of his own accord went to meet death and offered it his head." But in Laertius a different account is read: that by putting hot loaves to his nostrils he fulfilled his fate over three days. But it is to be understood that he had previously resolved to die by starvation. So the authors differ on the manner of his death: Lucian affirms that he died "abstaining from food", which Laertius also reports; Athenaeus, that he sustained his life with honey for a while until the festival of the Thesmophoria had passed, so that the public rejoicing should not be interrupted by private mourning. Differing from all, Antoninus reports that he was consumed by lice. From Betuleius (book 3, § 3).

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(3) ‹anchor: Sponte sua› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Sponte sua. Apud Lucretium, lib. iii de Natura rerum, in fine. Variant tamen auctores de mortis genere, ut dixi: vel per cibi abstinentiam, vel ex vermibus aut pediculis consumptum referunt antiquiores.

"Of his own accord." In Lucretius, On the Nature of Things book 3, at the end. But the authors differ on the manner of death, as I said: the older writers report that he was consumed either through abstinence from food, or by worms or lice.

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(4) ‹anchor: Sicut in hanc vitam, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Sicut in hanc vitam, etc. Sequitur Ciceronem in Catone Maj., c. 20; et in Somnio Scipion. apud Macrobium, lib. i, cap. 23. Bun.

"As into this life," etc. He follows Cicero in the Cato Maior, chapter 20, and in the Dream of Scipio in Macrobius, book 1, chapter 23. Bünemann.

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(5) ‹anchor: Ita rursus ex hoc domicilio corporis› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ita rursus ex hoc domicilio corporis. Cicero in Catone majore haec ad Pythagoram refert: Vetat, inquit, Pythagoras injussu imperatoris, id est Dei, de praesidio et statione vitae decedere. Et in fragmento de Repub. Scipio Nepoti loquens sic ait: Quare et tibi, Pub. et piis omnibus retinendus est animus in custodia corporis; nec injussu ejus a quo ille est nobis datus, ex hominum vita migrandum est, ne munus humanum assignatum a Deo defugisse videamini. Apparent ex Platone desumpta esse. Betuleius. — Qua de re vide Platonem in Phaedone.

"So again from this dwelling of the body." Cicero in the Cato Maior refers this to Pythagoras: "Pythagoras forbids," he says, "to leave the guard-post and station of life without the command of the general, that is, of God." And in the fragment of the Republic Scipio, speaking to his grandson, says: "Wherefore you too, Publius, and all the devout must keep the soul in the custody of the body; and one must not depart from the life of men without the command of him by whom it was given us, lest you seem to have shirked the human duty assigned by God." They appear to be taken from Plato. Betuleius. — On this see Plato in the Phaedo.

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(6) ‹anchor: Patiendum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Patiendum. Sic restitui ex vet. sex editis et omnibus mss., praeter Marm. in quo a prima manu scriptum est, ut in plerisque vulgatis.

"Must be endured." So I have restored it from six old editions and all the manuscripts, except the Marm., in which the first hand wrote as most of the common editions have it.

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(7) ‹anchor: Extincta innocentis anima› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Extincta innocentis anima. Id est, vita, f. extinctus innocens inultus. Noto ad lib. vi, c. 11, 20; lib. vii, c. 11. Terent. in Adelp. iii, 2: Seni animam extinguerem. Bun.

"The extinguished soul of the innocent." That is, the life; perhaps [read] "extinctus innocens inultus". I note it at book 6, chapters 11 and 20; book 7, chapter 11. Terence in the Adelphoe III, 2: "that I might extinguish the old man's soul." Bünemann.

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(8) ‹anchor: Judicem magnum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Judicem magnum. Ita reposui ex cunctis mss. et edit. vet. rom. ac Cellar. quidquid dicat Walchius; quasi vindicta ad Judicem magnum non pertineat. In 13 impressis legitur vindicem magnum.

"The great Judge." So I have restored it from all the manuscripts and the old Rome edition and Cellarius, whatever Walch may say, as though vengeance did not belong to the great Judge. In 13 printed editions is read "vindicem magnum" ("the great avenger").

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(9) ‹anchor: Vindicta in integro semper est› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Vindicta in integro semper est. Sic cum tribus editis omnes pene mss. Et sic Lactantius in totum, in integro; et nos Galli etiam dicimus, en tout, en son entier. Sex mss. rec. et 10 typis excusi habent vindicta integra. — In integro. Sic solet noster, ut, lib. i, c. 11: Illud in vero est; ibid., cap. 17: Quid sit in vero, l. v, c. 1: Cujus rei causa in aperto est. Sic in Cicerone lib. iii Orat., cap. 4: Sed quoniam haec jam neque in integro nobis esse possunt, quidam integra subornarant. Bun.

"Vengeance is always intact." So almost all the manuscripts, with three printed editions. And so Lactantius says "in totum", "in integro"; and we French also say "en tout, en son entier". Six recent manuscripts and 10 printed editions have "vindicta integra". — "In integro." So our author is wont, as in book 1, chapter 11: "That is in truth"; ibid., chapter 17: "What may be in truth"; book 5, chapter 1: "The cause of which is in the open." So in Cicero, On the Orator book 3, chapter 4: "But since these things can no longer be untouched for us," some had substituted "integra". Bünemann.

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(10) ‹anchor: Et ipse Romanae sapientiae princeps, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Et ipse Romanae sapientiae princeps, etc. Ut cujus consilium oraculum sit habitum, teste Plutarcho, qui in ejus Vita easdem causas spontaneae necis assignat. Cicero, Officiorum i, de decoro personarum loquens, dicit hoc Catonis gravitatem decuisse maxime: caeteros, qui in eadem causa fuerunt, minime. Nos Augustinum rectius audiemus, qui voluntariae necis jus omne hominibus aufert. Is lib. i de Civit. Dei, c. 23, hoc exemplum examinans, causas non Platonis lectionem credit, sed quod turpe duxerit, in Caesaris victoris manus venire, atque hoc facinus imbecillioris, quam fortioris animi factum esse. In hoc etiam Josephus invehitur, libro Excidii Hierosolymitani iii, cap. 21. Jure civili non lugebantur, nec cognati eos in pollinctura nominabant, qui manus sibi mala conscientia injecerant. l. Liberorum, § Non solent. ff. de iis qui infam. not. Sed stulte, quod non etiam illos qui taedio vitae. Betul.

"And the very chief of Roman wisdom," etc. As one whose counsel was held an oracle, as Plutarch attests, who in his Life assigns the same reasons for his voluntary death. Cicero, On Duties 1, speaking of what befits different persons, says that this befitted Cato's gravity above all, but not at all the others who were in the same case. We shall more rightly listen to Augustine, who takes from men every right to a voluntary death. In City of God book 1, chapter 23, examining this example, he believes the reason was not his reading of Plato, but that he thought it shameful to fall into the hands of Caesar the victor, and that this deed was the act of a weaker rather than a braver spirit. Josephus too inveighs against this, in book 3 of the Destruction of Jerusalem, chapter 21. By civil law those who had laid hands on themselves from a bad conscience were not mourned, nor did their kinsmen name them at the laying-out of the body: the law "Liberorum", § "Non solent", Digest, "on those who are branded with infamy". But foolishly, in that [it did] not [include] also those [who did so] from weariness of life. Betuleius.

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(11) ‹anchor: Platonis› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Platonis. Liber iste est Phaedon.

"Of Plato." That book is the Phaedo.

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(12) ‹anchor: Philosophi auctoritate compulsus est› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Philosophi auctoritate compulsus est. Plato hoc non docuit; ex initio Phaedonis contrarium patet: non itaque philosophi auctoritate, sed suimet insania, philosophi mentem non percipiens, ad illud facinus fuit compulsus. Isaeus.

"He was driven by the philosopher's authority." Plato did not teach this; the contrary is plain from the beginning of the Phaedo. So it was not by the philosopher's authority but by his own madness, failing to grasp the philosopher's meaning, that he was driven to that deed. Isaeus.

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(13) ‹anchor: Ambraciotes› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ambraciotes. Is est Cleombrotus adolescens, Ambraciae urbe Graeca in Epiro natus, qui se praecipitem dedit in mare. — Quid Ambraciotes ille. Cleombrotus est, quem supra nominavit. De eo Cicero Tusc. 1, c. 34: Callimachi epigramma in Ambraciotam Cleombrotum est, quem ait, quum nihil ei accidisset adversi, e muro se in mare abjecisse, lecto Platonis libro. (continues)

"The Ambraciot." He is the young Cleombrotus, born at Ambracia, a Greek city in Epirus, who threw himself headlong into the sea. — "What of that Ambraciot?" It is Cleombrotus, whom he named above. On him Cicero, Tusculans 1, chapter 34: "There is an epigram of Callimachus on Cleombrotus of Ambracia, who, he says, though nothing adverse had befallen him, threw himself from a wall into the sea after reading Plato's book." (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Ambraciotes (p. 207)› · no call (lemma-keyed)

(continued) Epigramma est 24, edit. Th. Graevii, 28 Annae Tanaquilli. Cell.

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(2) ‹anchor: Clarificaret› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Clarificaret. Ecclesiastica vox, qua usi sunt Auctor Vulgatae Versionis passim in novo Testamento, Sedulius, aliique.

"Would glorify." A Church word, used by the author of the Vulgate version throughout the New Testament, by Sedulius, and others.

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(3) ‹anchor: Clemens erat› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Clemens erat. De Caesaris clementia lege Plutarchum, Suetonium, Paterculum et alios historicos; sed praecipue Ciceronem in orationibus pro Marcello et pro Ligario.

"He was merciful." On Caesar's clemency read Plutarch, Suetonius, Paterculus and other historians; but especially Cicero in the speeches for Marcellus and for Ligarius.

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(4) ‹anchor: Video› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Video. Sic repono ex edit. Tornes., Soubr., Walch. cunctisque mss. praeter 2 Reg. rec. in quibus est, ut et in editis, invenio.

"I see." So I restore it from the editions of Tornesius, Soubron and Walch and all the manuscripts except 2 recent Royal, in which, as in the printed editions, it is "invenio" ("I find").

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(5) ‹anchor: Inepto illi seni› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Inepto illi seni. Pythagorae scilicet, de quo Laertius, Philostrat. lib. viii de Vita Apollon.; Gell. quarto, cap. 11. Atque hic observa, quomodo irrideat dogma de animabus ante corpora conditis, quod ipsi Lactantio quidam affinxerunt. Isaeus.—Euphorbus igitur ille, quem se fuisse olim mentiebatur Pythagoras, fuit nobilis Trojanus a Menelao in Trojano bello occisus.

"That foolish old man." Pythagoras, namely, on whom see Laertius; Philostratus, Life of Apollonius book 8; Gellius book 4, chapter 11. And note here how he mocks the doctrine of souls created before bodies, which some have ascribed to Lactantius himself. Isaeus. — That Euphorbus, then, whom Pythagoras falsely claimed to have once been, was a Trojan noble killed by Menelaus in the Trojan war.

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(6) ‹anchor: Qui se in priori vita, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Qui se in priori vita, etc. Altera pars hujus confutationis continet παλιγγενεσίαν, sive μετεμψύχωσιν Pythagoricam: de qua ex Gentilibus nemo copiosius Ovidio lib. xv. Metamorph. Post Laertium vero lege Gellium lib. iv cap. 11; Philostratum lib. viii de Vita Apollonii. Exploditur dignis modis a Luciano, cum alibi, tum etiam in Gallo. Ex ecclesiasticis scriptoribus notant Tertull. in Apolog. cap. 46, Tatianus adversus Gentes; Orig. lib. i contra Celsum, atque rursus noster Lactantius lib. vii, cap. 23; Hieronymus lib. ii adversus Jovin. et in Apologia adversus Ruffinum; Augustinus de Trinitate lib. xii. Chrysost. homilia quadam in xii caput Joannis; Cyrillus contra Julianum, lib. vii. Betuleius.

"Who [said] that in a former life he," etc. The second part of this refutation deals with the Pythagorean rebirth, or transmigration: on which no pagan writes more fully than Ovid, Metamorphoses book 15. After Laertius, read Gellius book 4, chapter 11; Philostratus, Life of Apollonius book 8. It is hissed off the stage in fitting fashion by Lucian, elsewhere and also in the Cock. Among Church writers it is censured by Tertullian, Apology chapter 46; Tatian, Against the Greeks; Origen, Against Celsus book 1; and again our Lactantius, book 7, chapter 23; Jerome, book 2 Against Jovinian and in the Apology against Rufinus; Augustine, On the Trinity book 12; Chrysostom in a homily on chapter 12 of John; Cyril, Against Julian, book 7. Betuleius.

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(7) ‹anchor: Euphorbum fuisse› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Euphorbum fuisse. Euphorbus Trojanus a Menelao interfectus. Cell.

"That he had been Euphorbus." Euphorbus, a Trojan killed by Menelaus. Cellarius.

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(8) ‹anchor: Singularem Pythagorae memoriam› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Singularem Pythagorae memoriam. Ipse de se apud Ovidium, Metam. xv, v. 160: / Isne ego (nam memini) Trojani tempore belli. / Panthoides Euphorbus eram; cui pectore quondam / Sedit in adverso gravis hasta minoris Atridae. / Cell.

"The remarkable memory of Pythagoras." He says of himself in Ovid, Metamorphoses 15, line 160: "I myself (for I remember) in the time of the Trojan war was Euphorbus, son of Panthous, in whose breast once the heavy spear of the younger son of Atreus lodged." [Isne, as printed, for Ipse.] Cellarius.

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(9) ‹anchor: Qui vitam non esse poenam putet› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Qui vitam non esse poenam putet. Haec lectio permultorum mss. est, editorum quatuor. Scripti 7 addunt malis; quinque exhibent malis plenam, ut et vulgati sex.

"Who would think life is not a punishment." This is the reading of very many manuscripts and of four printed editions. Seven manuscripts add "malis" ("for the wicked"); five give "malis plenam" ("full of evils"), as do six common editions.

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(10) ‹anchor: Praefatus est› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Praefatus est. Ita veterrimi mss. 1 Bonon., 3 Reg., Lips., Pal., 1 Colbert. a secunda manu. In 15 rec. et in excusis legitur profatus; in 4 scriptis rec. professus est. Praefatus est, id est, supra dixit.

"He said beforehand." So the oldest manuscripts: 1 Bologna, 3 Royal, Leipzig, Palatine, and 1 Colbert in a second hand. In 15 recent ones and in the printed editions "profatus" ("spoke out") is read; in 4 recent manuscripts, "professus est" ("professed"). "Praefatus est", that is, "he said above".

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(11) ‹anchor: Gratulemur, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Gratulemur, etc. Haec non leguntur apud Ciceronem in libris de Legibus; leguntur equidem, sed non iisdem verbis, in i Tusculanar. quaestion. sub initium.

"Let us rejoice," etc. These words are not read in Cicero's books On the Laws; they are indeed read, but not in the same words, in Tusculan Disputations 1, near the beginning.

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(12) ‹anchor: Sensu carente› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Sensu carente. Mss. 1 Bonon. antiq. et Cotton. habent sensu pereunte. Apud Ciceronem et in 5 editis, necnon et 1 Reg. rec. est sensu carenti.

"When it lacks sense." The manuscripts 1 old Bologna and the Cotton have "sensu pereunte" ("when sense perishes"). In Cicero and in 5 printed editions, and also in 1 recent Royal, it is "sensu carenti".

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(13) ‹anchor: Ut sibi videbatur› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ut sibi videbatur. Refertur ad Ciceronem qui praecessit, et mox sequitur. Mss. tres addunt, locutus est. In 7 mss. et in totidem editis est videtur; in 8 scriptis, videntur.

"As it seemed to him." It refers to Cicero, who went before and follows shortly. Three manuscripts add "locutus est" ("he spoke"). In 7 manuscripts and as many printed editions it is "videtur"; in 8 manuscripts, "videntur".

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(14) ‹anchor: Litterae› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Litterae. Scilicet. Daniel. xii, Matth. III, xiii, xxv, Joan. XII, l.

"The Scriptures." Namely Daniel 12; Matthew 3, 13, 25; John 12, [verse] 50 [l., as printed].

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(15) ‹anchor: Ut idem Tullius› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ut idem Tullius. Hanc ultimam vocem addidi ex 13 excusis, et ex omnibus mss. praeter 1 Reg. rec. cui est Cicero: abest autem a tribus rec (Vide infra).

"As the same Tullius." I have added this last word from 13 printed editions and from all the manuscripts except 1 recent Royal, which has "Cicero"; but it is absent from three recent ones (see below).

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(1) ‹anchor: Easdem sedes› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Easdem sedes. Homeri et Virgilii poemata hoc idem docent.—Non easdem sedes. Intercidit quidem hic Ciceronis locus: sed superest huic plane geminus l. i, Tuscul. c. 30 dignissimus lectu. Conf. Lact. l. vii, c. 7 et Pfanner. Theolog. Gentil. c. 21. Buneman.

"The same abodes." The poems of Homer and Virgil teach the same thing. — "Not the same abodes." This passage of Cicero has indeed been lost; but a plain twin of it survives, Tusculans 1, chapter 30, most worth reading. Compare Lactantius book 7, chapter 7, and Pfanner, Theology of the Gentiles, chapter 21. Bünemann.

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(2) ‹anchor: Castos autem animos, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Castos autem animos, etc. Euripides in Supplicibus, ait animum e corpore egredientem in coelum, unde lapsus erat, avolare: corpus autem terrae, unde ortum erat, reddi. Herald.

"But chaste souls," etc. Euripides, in the Suppliants, says that the soul, going out of the body, flies away to heaven, whence it had fallen, while the body is given back to the earth, whence it had arisen. Hérault.

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(3) ‹anchor: Facili lapsu ad deos... pervolare› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Facili lapsu ad deos.,. pervolare. Cicero c. l. His ad illos (deos) a quibus essent profecti, reditum facilem patere. Bun.

"To fly with an easy glide to the gods." Cicero in the place cited: "For these the return to them (the gods), from whom they had set out, lies easy and open." Bünemann.

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(4) ‹anchor: Hominem natum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Hominem natum. Elegantia vocibus his junctis subest. lib. vi, c. 3: Immortalitatem nulli homini nato negat. Lib. vii, c. 5: Siquidem omnis homo natus immortalis fieret. Seneca, de Const. Sap. c. 6: Non est, quod dubites, an tollere se homo natus supra humana possit. Bun.

"A man born." There is elegance in these words joined together. Book 6, chapter 3: "He denies immortality to any man born." Book 7, chapter 5: "If indeed every man born were to become immortal." Seneca, On the Constancy of the Wise Man, chapter 6: "There is no reason for you to doubt whether a man born can raise himself above human things." Bünemann.

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(5) ‹anchor: Aristides› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Aristides. Hic sumitur pro quovis justo. sicut Phalaris pro tyranno, atque Cato pro bono cive, sic et Catilina pro nefario homine; horum historiae sunt notissimae.

"Aristides." He is taken here for any just man, as Phalaris for a tyrant, and Cato for a good citizen, and so too Catiline for a wicked man; their stories are very well known.

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(6) ‹anchor: An Phalaris› · no call (lemma-keyed)

An Phalaris. Is est famosus Agrigentinorum in Sicilia tyrannus cum tauro suo aeneo. De eo vide Ciceronem in Verrem vi, n. 33.

"Or Phalaris." He is the notorious tyrant of Agrigentum in Sicily, with his bronze bull. On him see Cicero, Against Verres 6, no. 33.

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(7) ‹anchor: Non cernit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Non cernit. Sic habent antiquiores et meliores mss. et 13 typis excusi. At 15 scripti rec. cum 2 edit. vet. Rom. habent, non sentit.

"Does not perceive." So the older and better manuscripts and 13 printed editions. But 15 recent manuscripts with the 2 old Rome editions have "non sentit" ("does not feel").

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(8) ‹anchor: Ex vitae ratione pendere› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ex vitae ratione pendere. Juxta illud verbum, finem vitae expectandum esse. Hinc Plinius lib. vii, cap. 40. Ita est profecto, inquit; alius de alio judicat dies, et tamen supremus de omnibus.

"To depend on the course of life." According to that saying, that the end of life must be waited for. Hence Pliny, book 7, chapter 40: "So it is indeed," he says; "one day judges of one thing, another of another, and yet the last day judges of all."

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(9) ‹anchor: Sin autem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Sin autem. Ita reposui ex duobus optimis et antiquissimis 1 Bonon. et Regio-Put. In caeteris est sin aliter; vel si aliter.

"But if." So I have restored it from the two best and oldest, 1 Bologna and the Royal-Puteanus. In the rest it is "sin aliter", or "si aliter" ("if otherwise").

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(10) ‹anchor: Non pensant› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Non pensant. In editione Sublac. legitur compensant.

"They do not weigh." In the Subiaco edition "compensant" ("they compensate") is read.

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(11) ‹anchor: Inepta illa sententia› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Inepta illa sententia. Vide Eurip. apud Plat. in Geor. et apud Stob. Serm. 121; Aristoph. in Ran.; Cicer. in Somn. Scip. et Tusc. i. Hanc tamen sententiam, quam ineptam dicit Lactantius, non veretur probare Cicero, Epist. lib. xvi, epist. 8. — Inepta sententia, etc. Euripidem notat, cujus versus servavit Origenes contra Celsum, lib. vii, pag. 366. / Τίς οἶδεν, εἰ τὸ ζῆν μέν ἐστι κατθανεῖν / Τὸ κατθανεῖν δὲ ζῆν. / Add. Spencer. h. l. p. 89. His gemini sunt Euripid. versus, Troad., v. 631, 632, et incert. Trag. v 331. Bun.

"That foolish saying." See Euripides in Plato's Gorgias [Geor., as printed], and in Stobaeus, discourse 121; Aristophanes in the Frogs; Cicero in the Dream of Scipio and Tusculans 1. Yet Cicero is not afraid to approve this saying, which Lactantius calls foolish: Letters book 16, letter 8. — "A foolish saying," etc. He censures Euripides, whose lines Origen preserved, Against Celsus book 7, page 366: "Who knows whether to live is to die, and to die is to live?" Add Spencer on this passage, p. 89. Twin to these are the lines of Euripides, Trojan Women, lines 631–632, and an uncertain tragedy, line 331. Bünemann.

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(12) ‹anchor: Sileno attribuitur› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Sileno attribuitur. Cicero, i Tusculan., 48: Affertur de Sileno fabella quaedam: qui cum a Mida captus esset, hoc ei muneris pro sua missione dedisse scribitur, docuisse regem, non nasci homini longe optimum esse, proximum autem, quamprimum mori. De Sileno conf. Perizon. ad Aelian., Var. Hist. l. iii, c. 18. Bun.

"It is attributed to Silenus." Cicero, Tusculans 1, 48: "A little tale is told of Silenus: when he had been captured by Midas, he is written to have given him this gift for his release: he taught the king that not to be born is by far the best for man, and the next best, to die as soon as possible." On Silenus compare Perizonius on Aelian, Varia Historia book 3, chapter 18. Bünemann.

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(13) ‹anchor: Non nasci› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Non nasci. Est et hic locus in i Tuscul. quaest., non longe a fine. Sic et Plinius in praefatione lib. vii. ait: Itaque multi extitere, qui non nasci optimum censerent, aut quam ocissime aboleri.

"Not to be born." This passage too is in Tusculan Disputations 1, not far from the end. So too Pliny, in the preface to book 7, says: "And so there have been many who judged it best not to be born, or to be done away with as quickly as possible."

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(14) ‹anchor: Quamprimum mori, tamquam ex incendio effugere violentiam fortunae› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quamprimum mori, tamquam ex incendio effugere violentiam fortunae. Verbum mori quod 25 mss. rec. et 6 editis deest, restitui ex mss. 3 Reg., 6 Vatic., Cauc., Jun., 1 Clarom. vet., edit. Rom. ac 9 aliis, et ex Cicerone ipso unde desumptus est hic locus: sed ibi desideratur vox violentiam, quam nobis exhibent 37 mss. codices ac 14 impressi, quam et sensus postulat. — Quamprimum mori, et tamquam. Addidi mori et ex sex Vaticanis edd. ab anno 1465, ad ann. 1539, tum omnibus Tornaes. 1548, 1614. Bun.

"To die as soon as possible, to escape the violence of fortune as from a fire." The word "mori", which is lacking in 25 recent manuscripts and 6 printed editions, I have restored from the manuscripts 3 Royal, 6 Vatican, Cauc., Junius, 1 old Clermont, the Rome edition and 9 others, and from Cicero himself, from whom this passage is taken; but there the word "violentiam" is lacking, which 37 manuscript codices and 14 printed editions give us, and which the sense also demands. — "To die as soon as possible, and as." I have added "mori et" from six Vatican editions from the year 1465 to 1539, and from all those of Tornesius, 1548, 1614. Bünemann.

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(15) ‹anchor: Effugere violentiam fortunae› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Effugere violentiam fortunae. Verba, violentiam fortunae habent decem Vaticani, quinque Sparkii, Emman., Cantabr., tres Lips. (nisi quod in tertio, violentiaque fortunae). Hoc amplius Heumannus pronuntiat, verba, violentiam fortunae, proscribendo. Videntur mihi retinenda; quia in refutatione, infra, fortunae facit mentionem. Bun.

"To escape the violence of fortune." The words "violentiam fortunae" are in ten Vatican manuscripts, five of Spark's, the Emmanuel, the Cambridge, three Leipzig (except that the third has "violentiaque fortunae"). Heumann goes further and declares for striking out the words "violentiam fortunae". They seem to me worth keeping, because in the refutation, below, he mentions fortune. Bünemann.

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(16) ‹anchor: Non dissimile Platonis› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Non dissimile Platonis. De quo Platonis dicto vide Plutarch. ad fin. Marii.

"Not unlike [is that] of Plato." On this saying of Plato see Plutarch at the end of the Marius.

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(1) ‹anchor: Quod mas› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quod mas. Sic reposui ex vet. editis 3 Rom., Venet. 1490, et aliis octo, necnon ex omnibus mss. praeter quinque, quibus est, ut 7 vulgatis, quod masculus.

"That [he was born] a male." So I have restored it from the 3 old Rome editions, Venice 1490 and eight others, and also from all the manuscripts except five, which, like 7 common editions, have "quod masculus".

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(2) ‹anchor: Quam foemina› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quam foemina. Ita Judaeorum magistri in Pesachim f. 65, et alibi: Bene illi, cujus liberi sunt masculi; vae illi, cujus liberi sunt foeminae. Bun.

"Than a female." So the Jewish masters in Pesachim, fol. 65, and elsewhere: "Well for him whose children are males; woe to him whose children are females." Bünemann.

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(3) ‹anchor: Quod Atheniensis› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quod Atheniensis. Ms. Cantabrig. et editi 7 addunt, non Thebanus, quod glossema videtur. Idem a Laertio, lib. i, tribuitur Socrati. Sublac. addit. non Thebanus.

"That [he was born] an Athenian." The Cambridge manuscript and 7 printed editions add "non Thebanus" ("not a Theban"), which seems a gloss. The same saying is ascribed to Socrates by Laertius, book 1. The Subiaco edition adds "non Thebanus".

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(4) ‹anchor: Numquam quidquam dictum esse delirius› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Numquam quidquam dictum esse delirius. Non reticendum quod Judaei habent in preculis suis virorum peculiaribus: Benedictus esto, o Domine Deus, quod me virum creasti, non mulierem; quod Israelitam, non alienigenam. Gataker.

"That nothing more crazed was ever said." It should not be passed over that the Jews have in their prayers proper to men: "Blessed be thou, O Lord God, that thou hast created me a man, not a woman; an Israelite, not a foreigner." Gataker.

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(5) ‹anchor: Quod natum fuisset› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quod natum fuisset. Legitur natus fuisset apud Buneman., qui hujus mutationis sic rationem reddit.— Restituo natus ex Lips. tert., Reimm., Rost, Venet. 1471, 72, utraque 78, 93, Parrh., Paris., Junt, Gymn., Ald., Isaeo, Grat. Bun.

"That it had been born." "Natus fuisset" is read in Bünemann, who gives his reason for the change thus: — I restore "natus" from the third Leipzig, Reimmann's, the Rostock, and Venice 1471, [14]72, both [14]78, [14]93, Parrhasius, Paris, Junta, Gymnicus, Aldus, Isaeus, Grat. Bünemann.

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(6) ‹anchor: Sed videlicet Pythagorae, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Sed videlicet Pythagorae, etc. Platonem Pythagorae doctrinam secutum fuisse, testatur etiam August. de doct. Christiana. Atque idem August. contra Julianum, lib. ii, ex Ambrosii libro contra Plat. haec recitat verba: Miror tantum philosophum, quomodo animam, cui potestatem conferendae mortalitatis attribuit, in noctuis includat, et ramulis, feritate quoque induat bestiarum: cum in Timaeo eam Dei opus esse memoraverit, inter immortalia a Deo facta; corpus autem non videri opus summi Dei asseruit; quia natura carnis humanae nihil a natura corporis bestialis differat. Emit autem Plato Philolai Pythagorici libros a mulierculis pauperibus: unde quidquid de immortalitate animae scripsit, furatus est. Tzetz. Chil. ii, Variae hist. Betuleius.

"But evidently of Pythagoras," etc. That Plato followed the teaching of Pythagoras, Augustine also attests in On Christian Teaching. And the same Augustine, Against Julian book 2, quotes these words from Ambrose's book against Plato: "I wonder how so great a philosopher shuts up in owls and in [ramulis, as printed] the soul to which he attributed the power of conferring mortality, and clothes it also with the savagery of beasts; when in the Timaeus he has recorded that it is the work of God, among the immortal things made by God; but he asserted that the body does not appear to be the work of the supreme God, since the nature of human flesh differs in nothing from the nature of a beast's body." Plato, moreover, bought the books of Philolaus the Pythagorean from some poor women; from which he stole whatever he wrote about the immortality of the soul. Tzetzes, Chiliades 2, Various Histories. Betuleius.

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(7) ‹anchor: Commeare› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Commeare. Exprimit Minuc. Fel. cap. 37: Animas... in alia nova corpora saepius commeare. Bun.

"To pass to and fro." Minucius Felix expresses it, chapter 37: "that souls ... pass again and again into other new bodies." Bünemann.

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(8) ‹anchor: Quod et vanum, et impossibile est› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quod et vanum, et impossibile est. Videtur Lactantius aliter sensisse de animis impiorum; ut in quos potestatem habeat spiritus malignus, unde in arte magica verti possint in lupos. Cujusmodi conversionem non solum agnoscunt Maro Eglog. ix et poetarum alii; sed Plinius quoque lib viii, cap. 22. Sed parum ad rem facit, piine, an impii sint, quorum animae in bestias transeant. Omnino enim, ut ex perfecto animali aliud fiat animal perfectum, longe exsuperat vim creatam; quodque Deus creaturis omnibus negavit, id non absque impietate illis adscribitur, etc. Vossius.

"Which is both vain and impossible." Lactantius seems to have thought otherwise of the souls of the wicked: that the evil spirit has power over them, so that by magic art they can be turned into wolves. Such a transformation is acknowledged not only by Virgil, Eclogue 9, and other poets, but also by Pliny, book 8, chapter 22. But it matters little whether those whose souls pass into beasts are pious or impious. For that from one complete animal another complete animal should be made far surpasses created power; and what God has denied to all creatures is not ascribed to them without impiety, etc. Vossius.

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(9) ‹anchor: Fluminis modo› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Fluminis modo. mss. 8 rec., fulminis.

"In the manner of a river." Eight recent manuscripts have "fulminis" ("of a thunderbolt").

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(10) ‹anchor: Includeretur› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Includeretur. mss. 6 rec., induceretur.

"Would be shut in." Six recent manuscripts have "induceretur" ("would be brought in").

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(11) ‹anchor: Gratulari› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Gratulari. Ex omnibus mss. ita reposui, praeter 2 Reg. rec. in quibus, ut et in excusis, est gloriari. Sic infra, cujus temporibus natum esse se homo sapiens gratulatur; et prius, gratias agere naturae: nullibi tamen legitur gloriari.

"To rejoice." So I have restored it from all the manuscripts except 2 recent Royal, in which, as in the printed editions, it is "gloriari" ("to boast"). So below: "in whose times the wise man rejoices that he was born"; and earlier: "to give thanks to nature"; but "gloriari" is read nowhere.

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(12) ‹anchor: Commodare› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Commodare. Scripti 11, dare.

"To lend." Eleven manuscripts have "dare" ("to give").

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(13) ‹anchor: Alcibiadem quoque et Critiam› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Alcibiadem quoque et Critiam. Isocrates Alcibiadem Socratis discipulum fuisse negat in Busiride, Polycratem id asserentem redarguens. Et in Gorgia Platonis ipse Socrates ipsum ἑταῖρον suum dicit. Caeterum de rebus Alcibiadis lege Justin. lib. v; Thucyd. lib. vi; Plutarchum in Nicia, et alibi, de triginta tyrannis; lege Xenophontem, lib. ii rerum Graecarum, Justin. lib. v. Betul. — Alcibiadem... Socratis auditores. Nepos in Alcib., cap. 2; pr. eruditus a Socrate; nec aliter Xenophon. lib. i Memorab. f. m. 715, sqq. quem prae caeteris hic sequitur, Alcibiadem patriae hostem vocans. Nepos quidem contrarium affirmat: at Cicero, lib. i de Orat. c. 34: Quid Critias? Quid Alcibiades? Civitatibus quidem suis non boni, sed certe docti atque eloquentes, nonne Socraticis disputationibus erant eruditi? Conf. Maxim. Tyr. Diss. viii, p. 90. Bun.

"Alcibiades too, and Critias." Isocrates, in the Busiris, denies that Alcibiades was a disciple of Socrates, refuting Polycrates, who asserted it. And in Plato's Gorgias Socrates himself calls him his "companion". For the history of Alcibiades read Justin book 5; Thucydides book 6; Plutarch in the Nicias, and elsewhere; on the Thirty Tyrants read Xenophon, Hellenica book 2; Justin book 5. Betuleius. — "Alcibiades ... hearers of Socrates." Nepos, Alcibiades, chapter 2, near the beginning: "taught by Socrates"; and Xenophon no differently, Memorabilia book 1, fol. m. 715 and following, whom he follows here above the rest, calling Alcibiades an enemy of his country. Nepos indeed affirms the contrary; but Cicero, On the Orator book 1, chapter 34: "What of Critias? What of Alcibiades? Not good men to their cities, but certainly learned and eloquent — were they not trained in the Socratic disputations?" Compare Maximus of Tyre, Dissertation 8, p. 90. Bünemann.

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(14) ‹anchor: Illius se temporibus esse natum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Illius se temporibus esse natum. Reimm.: illis temporibus esse se natum. Sed non minus eleganter pronomina, illius se, conjuncta.

"That he was born in his times." Reimmann's manuscript: "illis temporibus esse se natum". But the pronouns "illius se" joined together are no less elegant.

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(15) ‹anchor: Curiosos oculos› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Curiosos oculos. Si hic simul legas quae inf., intelliges nostrum hic imitari Ciceronem de Haruspicum Responsis, c. 17, ubi de sacris Bonae Deae: Quod (sacrificium) non solum curiosos oculos excludit, etc. Bun.

"Prying eyes." If you read here together what follows below, you will see that our author is imitating Cicero, On the Responses of the Soothsayers, chapter 17, where he speaks of the rites of the Good Goddess: "Which (sacrifice) shuts out not only prying eyes," etc. Bünemann.

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(16) ‹anchor: Immittere› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Immittere. De his vide S. Augustinum de Civit. Dei, lib. viii, cap. 5.

"To thrust in." On these see St Augustine, City of God book 8, chapter 5.

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(1) ‹anchor: Nefas habeatur› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Nefas habeatur. Comparatio est a minori ad majus, juxta Gentilium tamen opinionem.

"Should be held unlawful." It is an argument from the lesser to the greater, though according to the opinion of the pagans.

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(2) ‹anchor: Vel casu quopiam› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Vel casu quopiam. Sic restitui ex veteribus editis octo, et omnibus mss. praeter 3 Reg. et 2 Lips. in quibus, ut in 7 excusis, legitur quispiam, in 1 Colb. quoquam. Nota obiter quopiam in sexto casu, ut apud Arnobium, lib. vi, ante finem, et lib. vii, post initium.

"Or by some chance." So I have restored it from eight old editions and all the manuscripts except 3 Royal and 2 Leipzig, in which, as in 7 printed editions, "quispiam" is read; in 1 Colbert, "quoquam". Note in passing "quopiam" in the sixth case [the ablative], as in Arnobius, book 6, near the end, and book 7, after the beginning.

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(3) ‹anchor: Hoc coeleste templum, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Hoc coeleste templum, etc. Sic Scipio in Somnio apud Cic. appellavit mundum. Quo loco Macrob. Bene autem, inquit, universus mundus Dei templum vocatur, propter illos qui existimant nihil aliud esse Deum, nisi coelum ipsum, et coelestia ista quae cernimus. Ideo ut summi potentiam Dei ostenderet posse vix intelligi, nunquam videri; quidquid humano subjicitur aspectui, templum ejus vocavit, qui sola mente concipitur; ut qui haec veneratur ut templa, cultum tamen maximum debeat conditori, sciatque quisquis in usum templi hujus inducitur, ritu sibi vivendum sacerdotis, etc. Betul.

"This heavenly temple," etc. So Scipio named the world in the Dream, in Cicero. On that passage Macrobius says: "Well is the whole world called the temple of God, on account of those who think that God is nothing other than the sky itself and these heavenly things that we see. So, to show that the power of the supreme God can scarcely be understood and never seen, he called whatever lies open to human sight the temple of him who is conceived by the mind alone; so that whoever venerates these things as temples should yet owe the greatest worship to their maker, and whoever is brought into the use of this temple should know that he must live after the manner of a priest," etc. Betuleius.

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(4) ‹anchor: Bonae deae, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Bonae deae, etc. De qua mox Lactantius, et supra l. i, c. 22; Propert. l. iv, Eleg. 9, de sacris Bonae deae. / Foemineae loca clausa deae, fontesque piandos, / Impune et nullis sacra retecta viris. / Et non solum viris templum Bonae deae ingredi nefas erat; sed et picturae masculae in templo velatae, ut testantur Juvenal. Satyr. 6, et Senec. epist. 97. De his Bonae deae aut Vestae Mysteriis vide Dionys. Halycarn. lib. ii; Ciceronem, oratione pro Domo sua, et Macrob., lib. i Saturnal., c. 11 et 12, atque Servium in iv lib. Aeneidos.

"Of the Good Goddess," etc. On her see Lactantius shortly, and above, book 1, chapter 22; Propertius, book 4, elegy 9, on the rites of the Good Goddess: "The closed precinct of the women's goddess, and the springs to be kept pure, and rites revealed with impunity to no men." And not only was it unlawful for men to enter the temple of the Good Goddess; even male pictures in the temple were veiled, as Juvenal, Satire 6, and Seneca, letter 97, attest. On these mysteries of the Good Goddess, or of Vesta, see Dionysius of Halicarnassus [Halycarn., as printed], book 2; Cicero, in the speech On His House; Macrobius, Saturnalia book 1, chapters 11 and 12; and Servius on Aeneid book 4.

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(5) ‹anchor: Cordis› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Cordis. Hic cor ponitur pro animo, prudentia, sapientia. — Aliquid..... habuit cordis. Id est, ut sup., fuit paulo cordatior. Lactantius cum aliis sapientiam in corde ponebat: hinc, l. iii, cap. 13: In corde sapientia est. De Opif., cap. 10: Cor sapientiae domicilium. Cap. 12: Primum cor hominis effingi, quod in eo sit vita omnis et sapientia. Bun.

"Of heart." Here "cor" is put for mind, prudence, wisdom. — "He had ..... something of heart." That is, as above, he was a little more sensible. Lactantius, with others, placed wisdom in the heart: hence book 3, chapter 13: "Wisdom is in the heart." On the Workmanship [of God], chapter 10: "The heart is the dwelling of wisdom." Chapter 12: "The heart of man is formed first, because in it is all life and wisdom." Bünemann.

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(6) ‹anchor: Quod supra nos, nihil ad nos› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quod supra nos, nihil ad nos. Meminit etiam Hieronymus in Apologia adversus Rufinum. At videtur Lactantius Socrati paulo iniquior, et sibi contraria dicit, cum aliis in locis multum Socratem laudaverit. Verumtamen non eo veniendum est, ut dicamus, velut Erasmus Rotterod., qui saepe vix abstinere se posse aiebat, quin diceret: Sancte Socrates, ora pro nobis.

"What is above us is nothing to us." Jerome also mentions it in the Apology against Rufinus. But Lactantius seems somewhat unfair to Socrates, and contradicts himself, since in other places he has praised Socrates much. Still, we must not go so far as to say, like Erasmus of Rotterdam, who often said he could scarcely keep himself from saying: "Saint Socrates, pray for us."

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(7) ‹anchor: Procumbamus..... in terram› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Procumbamus..... in terram. Aequius interpretatur Minuc. Felix, c. 8. Tertullianus, l. ii ad Nationes, c. 4, dictum hoc Epicuro tribuit. Jure vero, qui de Socrate scripserunt, Lactantium ob hanc sinistram interpretationem castigarunt. Bun.

"Let us fall down ..... to the ground." Minucius Felix interprets it more fairly, chapter 8. Tertullian, To the Nations book 2, chapter 4, ascribes this saying to Epicurus. Those who have written on Socrates have rightly rebuked Lactantius for this perverse interpretation. Bünemann.

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(8) ‹anchor: Diffluit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Diffluit. Ita antiquiores ac potiores mss. undecim et nonnulli editi; in caeteris defluit, minus bene.

"Flows apart." So eleven older and better manuscripts and some printed editions; in the rest "defluit" ("flows down"), less well.

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(9) ‹anchor: Verum idem per canem, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Verum idem per canem, etc. Meminit hujus juramenti Athenaeus, lib. ix. Deipnos. Excusat hunc Appollonius apud Philost., lib. vi, quod juraverit per ea, non tamquam per deos, sed ne per deos juraret. Quid dicam de Theologis? Tertul., cap. 14 Apolog. Taceo, inquit, de philosophis, Socrate contentus, qui in contumeliam deorum, Quercum, et Hircum, et Canem dejerabat. Sed propterea damnatus est Socrates, quia deos destruebat. Augustinus, item cap. 2 libri de Vera religione, clementius hoc interpretatur. Interea non negabimus, canem apud Aegyptios deum fuisse; quod non modo Euseb. in Praeparat. Evangelica testatur, sed ipse etiam Plato in Gorgia. Betul. — Socrates dictus scurra Atticus, quia ridibundus pleraque docebat. Praeter Ciceronem, libro i de Natura deorum, cap. 34, et lib. v de Finibus, vide Minucium in Octavio, paulo ante finem.

"But the same man [swore] by the dog," etc. Athenaeus mentions this oath, Deipnosophists book 9. Apollonius [Appollonius, as printed], in Philostratus book 6, excuses him on the ground that he swore by these things not as by gods, but so as not to swear by the gods. What shall I say of the theologians? Tertullian, Apology chapter 14: "I say nothing of the philosophers, content with Socrates, who in contempt of the gods swore by the oak, the goat and the dog. But Socrates was condemned for this very reason, that he was destroying the gods." Augustine likewise, chapter 2 of the book On True Religion, interprets this more mildly. Meanwhile we shall not deny that the dog was a god among the Egyptians, as not only Eusebius attests in the Preparation for the Gospel, but Plato himself in the Gorgias. Betuleius. — Socrates was called "the Attic buffoon" because he taught most things laughing. Besides Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book 1, chapter 34, and On Ends book 5, see Minucius in the Octavius, a little before the end.

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(10) ‹anchor: O hominem scurram... . Zeno Epicureus› · no call (lemma-keyed)

O hominem scurram... . Zeno Epicureus. Sequitur Ciceronem, lib. i de Nat. deor., cap. 34: Zeno non eos solum qui tum erant, Appollodorum, Syllum, caeteros figebat maledictis; sed Socratem ipsum, parentem philosophiae, latino verbo utens, scurram Atticum fuisse dicebat. Bun.

"O buffoon of a man ... . Zeno the Epicurean." He follows Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book 1, chapter 34: "Zeno pierced with abuse not only those who were living then, Apollodorus [Appollodorum, as printed], Syllus and the rest; but he said that Socrates himself, the father of philosophy, using a Latin word, was an Attic buffoon (scurra)." Bünemann.

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(11) ‹anchor: Ut ait Zeno Epicureus› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ut ait Zeno Epicureus. Ideo distinguendus a Zenone Cittio, sive stoico, etiam ab Eleate. Inter octo Zenones Laertius Epicureum hunc octavum ponit, Sidonium genere. Bun.

"As Zeno the Epicurean says." So he is to be distinguished from Zeno of Citium, the Stoic, and also from the Eleatic. Among eight Zenos Laertius puts this Epicurean eighth, a Sidonian by birth. Bünemann.

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(1) ‹anchor: Aesculapio gallum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Aesculapio gallum. Qua de re vide Tertullianum de Corona militis.

"A cock to Aesculapius." On this see Tertullian, On the Soldier's Crown.

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(2) ‹anchor: Pro se sacrarent› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Pro se sacrarent. Sic ferunt omnes editi cunctique fere mss. inter quos sunt 4, veterrimi. Duo Reg. vet. habent, ut et in Epitom., cap. 37, prosecrarent, quod verbum non admittit lingua latina. Recentiores duo, prosecant; alii, procurarent; 3, consecrarent.— At Legitur prosecrarent apud Buneman, qui hujus vocis sic rationem reddit:— In tanta librorum variatione tutius putavi antiquissimorum codicum scripturam exhibere. Stephanus Baluzius ad libr. de Mort. Persec., c. 33: Melius, inquit, ut arbitror, codex regius 3735, prosecrarent. Bun.

"That they should consecrate for themselves." So all the printed editions give it, and almost all the manuscripts, among them 4 of the oldest. Two old Royal manuscripts have, as also in the Epitome, chapter 37, "prosecrarent", a word the Latin language does not admit. Two more recent ones, "prosecant"; others, "procurarent"; 3, "consecrarent". — But "prosecrarent" is read in Bünemann, who gives his reason for this word thus: — In so great a variation among the books I thought it safer to present the reading of the oldest codices. Étienne Baluze on the book On the Deaths of the Persecutors, chapter 33: "Better," he says, "as I judge, the Royal codex 3735: prosecrarent." Bünemann.

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(3) ‹anchor: Rhadamanthum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Rhadamanthum. Inferorum judicem. Virgil. Aeneid. vi, v. 566.

"Rhadamanthus." Judge of the underworld. Virgil, Aeneid 6, line 566.

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(4) ‹anchor: Reciperatorem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Reciperatorem. Ita reposui ex antiquissimo 900 annor. ms. codice Regio; et sic legendum esse censebant eruditi viri Th. Canterus, Jo. Cauci, et Gallaeus. Recuperator enim et recupero sunt ab antiquo verbo reciperare, ut recte annotavit Paulus Franciscus Bescoviensis in suo Thesauro eruditionis scholasticae, in-folio, Francofurti, 1622. Huic lectioni nostrae favent mss. Marm. cui est receperatorem; ms. 29 et edit. 9, per compendium, receptorem; 1 Reg. rec. et 9 edit. rec., recuperatorem; ms. Ultr. imperatorem, corrupte. Reciperatores autem, vel si mavis, recuperatores dicti sunt, qui de rebus privatis recipiendis reddendisque suo domino dolo ac fraude subductis cognoscebant. Gell. xx, 1; Livius, xxvi, 48.

"Recoverer." So I have restored it from the very old Royal manuscript codex, nine hundred years old; and so the learned men Theodore Canter, John Cauci and Gallaeus judged it should be read. For "recuperator" and "recupero" come from the old verb "reciperare", as Paulus Franciscus of Bescow rightly noted in his Thesaurus of Scholastic Learning, folio, Frankfurt, 1622. In favour of this reading of ours are the Marm. manuscript, which has "receperatorem"; manuscript 29 and 9 editions, in abbreviation, "receptorem"; 1 recent Royal and 9 recent editions, "recuperatorem"; the Utrecht manuscript "imperatorem", corruptly. "Reciperatores", or if you prefer "recuperatores", was the name for those who heard cases about recovering private property taken from its owner by deceit or fraud, and restoring it. Gellius 20, 1; Livy 26, 48.

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(5) ‹anchor: Putat› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Putat. Ex 18 mss. est, inter quos sunt vetustissimi Regii. Caeteri cum editis habent, putet.

"He thinks." It comes from 18 manuscripts, among them the oldest Royal ones. The rest, with the printed editions, have "putet".

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(6) ‹anchor: Fuisse› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Fuisse. Haud secus legi debet ex mss. antiquissimis., 1 Bonon., 2 Reg. aliisque tribus; melius quam esse in caeteris.

"To have been." It must be read no otherwise, from the oldest manuscripts, 1 Bologna, 2 Royal and three others; better than "esse" in the rest.

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(7) ‹anchor: Justitiae, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Justitiae, etc. Mallem cum Thysio legere aequalitate, ob ea quae sequuntur, pari conditione... ut pares esse possint. Sed et aequitas pro aequalitate usurpatur a Seneca. Justitiae vim in aequitate. Aequalitatem ego malim, non quod aequitas, quae Graecis ἐπιεικὲς dicitur, fundamentum justitiae non sit, ut ipse Plato, Arist. et post hos Cic. quoque docet abunde: sed Lactantium τὸ ἴσον, sive τὴν ἰσότητα, quam Cic. solet aequalitatem interpretari, intelligere, ipsa communio de qua quaestio est, evincit. Quamquam non desint, qui ἰσότητα etiam aequitatem transferunt, eam intelligentes, quae Varroni est parilitas. Plato de Legibus quinto et sexto, necnon Aristoteles in quinto Ethicor. Betul.

"Of justice," etc. I would rather read with Thysius "aequalitate" ("in equality"), because of what follows: "on equal terms ... that they may be equal". But Seneca too uses "aequitas" for "aequalitas". "The force of justice [lies] in equity." I would prefer "equality", not because equity, which the Greeks call "the reasonable", is not the foundation of justice, as Plato himself, Aristotle, and after them Cicero too teach abundantly; but that Lactantius means "the equal", or "equality", which Cicero is wont to render "aequalitas", is proved by the very community of goods that is in question. Though there are those who translate "isotes" also as "aequitas", meaning by it what in Varro is "parilitas" (likeness). Plato, Laws books 5 and 6; also Aristotle in book 5 of the Ethics. Betuleius.

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(8) ‹anchor: In aequitate› · no call (lemma-keyed)

In aequitate. Legitur vero in aqualitate apud Buneman, qui notam sequentem exhibet. — In aequalitate. Sic l. v, cap. 14, sq.: Aequitatem dico... se cum caeteris coaequandi, quam Cicero aequabilitatem vocat... omnes aequos, id est, pares esse....... omnibus aequitatem... largitur... aequo jure.

"In equity." But "in aqualitate" [as printed] is read in Bünemann, who gives the following note. — "In equality." So book 5, chapter 14 and following: "I mean equity ... of making oneself equal with the rest, which Cicero calls 'aequabilitas' ... that all are equal (aequos), that is, on a par ....... he bestows equity on all ... with equal right."

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(9) ‹anchor: Possideant› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Possideant. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq., possidebunt.

"Let them possess." The 1 old Bologna manuscript has "possidebunt" ("they will possess").

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(10) ‹anchor: Ferri hoc potest› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ferri hoc potest. Mss. 2 rec. cum 5 editis, fieri; 1 Reg. rec., Fieri hoc non potest.— Ferri hoc potest, quamdiu. Pro recepta, est Epitom. cap. 38: De patrimoniis tolerabile est... potest aliquo modo ferri. Bun.

"This can be borne." Two recent manuscripts with 5 printed editions have "fieri" ("be done"); 1 recent Royal, "Fieri hoc non potest". — "This can be borne, as long as." For the received reading is the Epitome, chapter 38: "As to patrimonies it is tolerable ... it can be borne in some fashion." Bünemann.

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(11) ‹anchor: Matrimonia quoque, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Matrimonia quoque, etc. Cum alibi, tum. in 5 de Rep. Disputat contra hanc Aristoteles in ii de Rep. item ex Ecclesiasticis Scriptoribus Eusebius lib. xiii de Praeparat. Evang., cap. 12. Notatur ab Epiphanio tom. ii, lib. iii, a Chrysostomo, homilia 1 in Matth. et Actis capite ii. Atque idem Epiph. t. ii, l. i. Bet.

"Marriages too," etc. Both elsewhere and in book 5 of the Republic. Aristotle argues against this in book 2 of the Politics; likewise, among Church writers, Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel book 13, chapter 12. It is censured by Epiphanius, volume 2, book 3; by Chrysostom, homily 1 on Matthew, and on Acts, chapter 2. And the same Epiphanius, volume 2, book 1. Betuleius.

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(12) ‹anchor: Si patientes sunt› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Si patientes sunt. In scriptis 10 et vulgatis 4 legitur, patientes. Ald., sapientes.

"If they are long-suffering." In 10 manuscripts and 4 common editions "patientes" is read. The Aldine has "sapientes" ("wise").

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(13) ‹anchor: Ut vicibus› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ut vicibus. Sic reposui ex melioribus cunctis ferme mss. et 9 vetustioribus editis. In 7 scriptis et 8 rec. vulgatis est, et vicibus.

"So that by turns." So I have restored it from almost all the better manuscripts and 9 older editions. In 7 manuscripts and 8 recent common editions it is "et vicibus".

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(14) ‹anchor: Beatas civitates futuras› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Beatas civitates futuras. Haec Socratis sententia est in v de Rep. Vide Cic. ad Quintum fratrem epist. 1, cujus haec sunt verba: Atque ille quidem princeps ingenii et doctrina Plato, tum denique fore beatas Respublicas putavit, si aut docti, aut sapientes homines eas regere coepissent, aut qui regerent, omne suum studium in doctrina ac sapientia collocassent. Extat de eodem argumento libellus Plutarchi. Non id vero agit Lactantius, ut velit hoc dictum improbare: sed ut appareat, nec Socratem, nec Platonem inter sapientes esse numerandos, idque ex eventu; et ut ait S. Ambrosius, quod non veram, sed fictam et adumbratam dumtaxat Rempublicam descripserint. Betul.

"That cities would be happy." This saying of Socrates is in book 5 of the Republic. See Cicero to his brother Quintus, letter 1, whose words are these: "And that prince of genius and learning, Plato, thought that commonwealths would at last be happy if either learned or wise men began to rule them, or those who ruled them devoted all their effort to learning and wisdom." There is a little book of Plutarch on the same subject. But Lactantius does not aim at condemning this saying, but at showing that neither Socrates nor Plato is to be counted among the wise, and that from the outcome; and, as St Ambrose says, because they described not a real commonwealth but only a feigned and shadowy one. Betuleius.

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(15) ‹anchor: Qui› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Qui. Hanc vocem restitui ex mss. 6 Reg., 6 Colb. aliisque septem, editis octo vet. et 3 rec. Deest in 3 Regiis totidemque excusis.

"Who." I have restored this word from the manuscripts 6 Royal, 6 Colbert and seven others, and eight old and 3 recent printed editions. It is lacking in 3 Royal manuscripts and as many printed editions.

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(16) ‹anchor: Quam vero intulit rationem turpissimi hujus consilii› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quam vero intulit rationem turpissimi hujus consilii. Editi octo rec. Cum vero. Reposui Quam interroga- (continues)

"But what reason did he bring for this most shameful plan?" Eight recent editions have "Cum vero". I have restored "Quam" as an interroga- (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Quam vero intulit rationem turpissimi hujus consilii (p. 212)› · no call (lemma-keyed)

(continued) tionis sensu ex veteribus impressis et omnibus mss. nisi quod 15 pro vero legunt tamen.

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(2) ‹anchor: Devota mens› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Devota mens. Thysio devota mens explicatur votis adstricta; sed majorem vim devotus in se habet, et subst. devotio. Perpende, l. v, cap. 7: Devota Deo suo fides. L. ii, cap. 12: Devotione summa servire. De Opif., cap. xix: Non fidem devotionemque prodere. Bun.

"A devoted mind." By Thysius "devota mens" is explained as "bound by vows"; but "devotus", and the noun "devotio", carry a greater force. Weigh book 5, chapter 7: "faith devoted to its God"; book 2, chapter 12: "to serve with the highest devotion"; On the Workmanship [of God], chapter 19: "not to betray faith and devotion." Bünemann.

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(3) ‹anchor: Individuam... charitatem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Individuam...charitatem. Stylo Cypriani, l. ii, ep. 4, ed. Erasm., Honori nos vestro charitas individua connectit. Bun.

"Undivided ... love." In the style of Cyprian, book 2, letter 4, Erasmus's edition: "Undivided love binds us to your honour." Bünemann.

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(4) ‹anchor: Perit ergo illi uni communitas› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Perit ergo illi uni communitas. Reposuit illi uni, scilicet filio. Quae lectio maxime omnium probatur ex 19 mss. et edit. vet. Rom., Egnat., Fasit., Betul. Legitur in 3 Reg. et 5 vulgatis recentioribus, illi una; in Goth. illa una; quorum vice est matrimonii in impressis quinque.

"So community perishes for that one alone." He restored "illi uni", namely the son. This reading is the best supported of all, by 19 manuscripts and the old Rome edition, Egnatius, Fasit., Betuleius. In 3 Royal and 5 more recent common editions is read "illi una"; in the Gotha, "illa una"; in place of which five printed editions have "matrimonii".

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(5) ‹anchor: Velit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Velit. Sic reposui ex antiquissimo codice Regio aliisque sex, referendo ad Platonem; et illud requirunt ea quae praecedunt, et quae sequuntur. Mss. septem cum editis, velint.

"He would wish." So I have restored it from the very old Royal codex and six others, referring it to Plato; and what precedes and what follows require this. Seven manuscripts, with the printed editions, have "velint" ("they would wish").

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(6) ‹anchor: Qui semper› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Qui semper. Mss. 7 rec., Qui saepe.

"Who always." Seven recent manuscripts have "Qui saepe" ("who often").

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(7) ‹anchor: In extrapositis› · no call (lemma-keyed)

In extrapositis. Stoici non modo res fortuitas, sed etiam corpora ipsa extra nos esse credunt, ut ex Epicteti Enchiridio manifestum est. Non male cum ipsius Christi doctrina congruit, qui rapinas, adulteria, hoc est ὀρέξεις, quae e nobis egrediantur, hominem duntaxat inquinare affirmavit. Betuleius.

"In things placed outside." The Stoics believe that not only chance things but even bodies themselves are outside us, as is clear from Epictetus's Enchiridion. It agrees not badly with the teaching of Christ himself, who affirmed that robberies and adulteries, that is, the appetites that come out of us, are what defile a man. Betuleius.

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(8) ‹anchor: Cum animi pares fuerint› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Cum animi pares fuerint. Par animi Lactantius dicit per Graecismum. Fuerint reposui ex mss. et editis Betul., Tornes., Walch., Soubron. Sint caeterorum vulgatorum est.

"When they are equal in mind." Lactantius says "par animi" by a Grecism. I have restored "fuerint" from the manuscripts and the editions of Betuleius, Tornesius, Walch and Soubron. "Sint" is the reading of the other common editions.

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(9) ‹anchor: Nam si justitia, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Nam si justitia, etc. Justitia namque virtutes in se complectitur omnes, ut Aristoteles in v Moralium dicit. Matrem aliarum virtutum vocat, quod reliquas veluti filias in suo quasi sinu et gremio fovet. De quo vide etiam Joannem Stobeum.

"For if justice," etc. For justice embraces all the virtues in itself, as Aristotle says in book 5 of the Ethics. He calls it the mother of the other virtues, because it cherishes the rest like daughters, as it were in its bosom and lap. On this see also John Stobaeus.

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(10) ‹anchor: Tulit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Tulit. Tulit haud raro ponitur pro sustulit, abstulit. Iterum ipse Lactantius in Epit. c. 29, ex Gellio: Si tuleris unum, abstuleris utrumque. Ambros. l. i, Off., cap. 32: Tolle ex usu hominum benevolentiam, tamquam solem e mundo tuleris, ita erit. L. iii. Off., cap. 5: Solum lanceam... et lenticulam tulit aquae. Bun.

"Took." "Tulit" is not rarely used for "sustulit, abstulit" ("took away"). Again Lactantius himself, Epitome chapter 29, from Gellius: "If you take one, you will have taken away both." Ambrose, On Duties book 1, chapter 32: "Take benevolence out of men's dealings, and it will be as if you had taken the sun from the world." Book 3 of On Duties, chapter 5: "He took only the spear ... and the little flask of water." Bünemann.

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(11) ‹anchor: Siquidem nihil fuerit, quod abstineatur, alienum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Siquidem nihil fuerit, quod abstineatur, alienum. Hanc lectionem retinent quamplurimi mss. et excusi: et optima est, quidquid dicat Thomasius; nam rectissime dicimus, rem aliquam abstineri, quasi procul teneri ac prohiberi. Lact. lib. vii, cap. 17: abstinebat imbres, etc. Livius: Romano bello, Fortuna Alexandrum magnum abstinuit. Mss. 16, rec. et editi octo legunt, siquidem nihil fuerit, quo abstineatur; Bon. siquidem nullus fuerit, qui abstineat alieno. Ex. Isaeo.

"Since there will be nothing belonging to another to be kept from." Very many manuscripts and printed editions keep this reading; and it is the best, whatever Thomasius may say. For we say quite correctly that a thing "is kept off", as if held far off and forbidden. Lactantius book 7, chapter 17: "he held back the rains," etc. Livy: "Fortune kept Alexander the Great from a Roman war." Sixteen recent manuscripts and eight printed editions read "siquidem nihil fuerit, quo abstineatur"; the Bologna, "siquidem nullus fuerit, qui abstineat alieno". From Isaeus.

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(12) ‹anchor: Ac nepotes› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ac nepotes. Id est, consumptores. Horat. Epod. 1, ἄσωτοι, intemperantes, et patrimonii dissipatores. In mss. 1 Reg., 1 Colbert., Pal. et Brun. legitur, ac perditi, quod est interpretatio vocis nepotes. — Luxuriosi ac nepotes. Cicero pro Quintio cap. 12: « Quis tam perditus ac profusus nepos non adesa jam, sed abundanti etiam pecunia sic dissolutus fuisset, ut fuit S. Naevius. » Bun.

"And spendthrifts." That is, squanderers. Horace, Epode 1: "prodigals", the intemperate and dissipaters of a patrimony. In the manuscripts 1 Royal, 1 Colbert, Palatine and Brun. is read "ac perditi" ("and abandoned men"), which is an interpretation of the word "nepotes". — "Wanton men and spendthrifts." Cicero for Quinctius, chapter 12: "What spendthrift so abandoned and lavish, with his money not already eaten away but even abundant, would have been as dissolute as Sextus Naevius was?" Bünemann.

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(13) ‹anchor: Dicam› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Dicam. Ita mss. At editi, dico.

"I would say." So the manuscripts. But the printed editions have "dico" ("I say").

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(1) ‹anchor: Paria junguntur› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Paria junguntur. Ita mss. 3 Reg., 2 Bonon., Cauc., Jun., Cant., Coth., 1 Colb., etc., edit. vet. Rom., Ald., Paris., Florent., et 7 alii, 1 Reg. et 2 Lips. habent conjunguntur; quamplures mss. jungunt; tres rec. et plures edd. conjungunt. Columbarum genus hoc maxime nomine celebratur ab Aristotele, lib. ix Histor. Animalium, cap. 7; et a Plinio, libro x, cap. 34.

"They are joined in pairs." So the manuscripts 3 Royal, 2 Bologna, Cauc., Junius, Cambridge, Gotha [Coth., as printed], 1 Colbert, etc., the old Rome edition, the Aldine, Paris, Florence and 7 others. One Royal and 2 Leipzig have "conjunguntur"; a great many manuscripts "jungunt"; three recent ones and several editions "conjungunt". The race of doves is especially praised on this account by Aristotle, History of Animals book 9, chapter 7, and by Pliny, book 10, chapter 34.

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(2) ‹anchor: Geniales toros› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Geniales toros. Optima lectio, quae est quamplurimorum mss. et edit. Is., Spark., Walch. In caeteris vulgatis et decem scriptis est, genitales. At lectus genialis est apud Horat. lib. i, epist. 1, Pers. Satyr. 2, v. 3.

"Marriage beds." The best reading, that of very many manuscripts and of the editions of Isaeus, Spark and Walch. In the other common editions and ten manuscripts it is "genitales". But "lectus genialis" is in Horace, Epistles book 1, letter 1, and Persius, Satire 2, line 3.

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(3) ‹anchor: Et quoniam videbat› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Et quoniam videbat. Omnia omnium maris ac foeminae miscet officia Plato, lib. vii de Legibus, et in exemplum affert Amazonas, Laconicas virgines, atque mulieres Sarmatas et Ponticas. Quidni etiam lib. v de Republica docet, mulieres aeque ut viros ad munia subeunda idoneas, nisi quod sint aliquanto imbecilliores? Sed hoc institutum reprehendit Aristoteles, cap. 4, lib. ii de Republica. Taxantur haec eadem ab Eusebio, lib. iii de Praeparat. Evangelica, cap. 12. In christiana republica mulieribus Ecclesiae muneribus interdictum est. Betuleius.

"And since he saw." Plato mixes all the duties of male and female, Laws book 7, and brings as examples the Amazons, the Spartan maidens, and the Sarmatian and Pontic women. Why, in book 5 of the Republic he also teaches that women are as fit as men to take up public duties, except that they are somewhat weaker. But Aristotle censures this institution, Politics book 2, chapter 4. The same things are criticized by Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel book 3 [as printed], chapter 12. In the Christian commonwealth women are barred from the offices of the Church. Betuleius.

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(4) ‹anchor: Ut lanam et telam viris, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ut lanam et telam viris, etc. S. Epiphanius, episcopus Constantiae Cypri, contra haereses varias scribens, in tertio libro variarum gentium mores recenset, taleque quiddam de Seris refert.

"As wool and the loom to men," etc. St Epiphanius, bishop of Constantia in Cyprus, writing against various heresies, reviews the customs of various peoples in the third book, and reports something of this kind about the Seres.

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(5) ‹anchor: Neque tam vana› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Neque tam vana. Sic reposui ex omnibus prope mss. et 10 vet. excusis. In 1 Colb. et in edit. Ald. legitur varia pro vana; in scriptis 3 Reg. et Marm. ac 7 impressis rec. neque tam sapiens.

"Nor so vain." So I have restored it from almost all the manuscripts and 10 old printed editions. In 1 Colbert and the Aldine edition "varia" is read for "vana"; in the manuscripts 3 Royal and Marm. and 7 recent printed editions, "neque tam sapiens" ("nor so wise").

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(6) ‹anchor: In tanta vanitate› · no call (lemma-keyed)

In tanta vanitate. Editi 5 cum 1 Reg., varietate.

"In so great vanity." Five printed editions with 1 Royal have "varietate" ("variety").

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(7) ‹anchor: Minores› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Minores. Id est, famae inferioris philosophos, de quibus mox sermo habebitur.

"The lesser." That is, philosophers of lower repute, of whom there will be discussion shortly.

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(8) ‹anchor: In tranquillo› · no call (lemma-keyed)

In tranquillo. Goth., Lips. tert. et Reimm: In tranquillum, sc. mare. Praefero receptam ex aliis mss. et vett. edd. omnibus. Tranquillum opponitur tempestati: in tranquillo, id est, cum tranquillum est. Seneca in Agamemn. iii, 682: Tranquillo male confisae credunt iterum pelago audaces. Livius l. xxvi: Non tranquillo navigamus: sed jam aliquot procellis submersi pene sumus. L. xxvi: Milites tranquillo in altum provecti. Bun.

"In calm weather." The Gotha, the third Leipzig and Reimmann's: "In tranquillum", understanding "mare" ("into the calm sea"). I prefer the received reading, from the other manuscripts and all the old editions. Calm is opposed to storm: "in tranquillo", that is, when it is calm. Seneca, Agamemnon 3, 682: "Ill-trusting the calm, they boldly trust the sea again." Livy book 26: "We are not sailing in calm weather; already we have almost been sunk by several squalls." Book 26: "The soldiers, carried out to the deep in calm weather." Bünemann.

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(9) ‹anchor: Unde possent› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Unde possent. Sic restitui ex omnibus mss. et edd. praeter 2 Reg. rec. et edd. 5, in quibus est, unde putant.

"Whence they could." So I have restored it from all the manuscripts and editions except 2 recent Royal and 5 editions, in which it is "unde putant" ("whence they think").

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(10) ‹anchor: Democritus› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Democritus. Aliter Valer. Max. lib. viii, cap. 7: At Democritus, inquit, cum divitiis censeri posset, quae tantae fuerunt, ut pater ejus Xerxis exercitui epulum dare facile potuerit, quo magis vacuo animo studiis litterarum esset operatus, parva admodum summa retenta, patrimonium suum patriae donavit. Laert. scribit, ipsum suam portionem inter fratres divisisse, sibique aliquantum pecuniae in viaticum peregrinationis reservasse. Seneca in libro de Providentia: Democritus, inquit, divitias projecit, onus illas bonae mentis existimans. Cic. de Finib. v ad Lactantium propius accedit: Cur haec eadem Democritus, qui (vere falsone quaereremus) dicitur oculis se privasse? Certe ut quam minime animus a cogitationibus abduceretur, patrimonium neglexit, agros deseruit incultos: quid quaerens aliud, nisi beatam vitam? Tert. cap. 46, Apol. aliter spontaneam excaecationem interpretatur. Betuleius. — Laudatur Democritus. Meretur legi de hac re Philo de Vita contemplat., fol. 891, ed. Lips. et Hieronymus ad Pammachium f. 164. sqq.; ad Lucinium f. 193; ep. ad Julianum f. 207 et l. ii, adv. Jovian. f. 76; Clem. Alex. de Salute Divitis ed. Ilt. cap. 11, pag. 24. Bun.

"Democritus." Valerius Maximus tells it otherwise, book 8, chapter 7: "But Democritus," he says, "though he could have been rated by his wealth, which was so great that his father could easily give a banquet to the army of Xerxes, yet, so as to apply himself to the study of letters with a freer mind, kept back a very small sum and gave his patrimony to his country." Laertius writes that he divided his share among his brothers and kept back for himself some money as provision for travel. Seneca, in the book On Providence: "Democritus," he says, "threw away his riches, thinking them a burden to a sound mind." Cicero, On Ends book 5, comes nearer to Lactantius: "Why did Democritus do the same — he who (whether truly or falsely, we would ask) is said to have deprived himself of his eyes? Certainly, so that his mind might be drawn away as little as possible from his thoughts, he neglected his patrimony and left his fields untilled: seeking what else but the happy life?" Tertullian, Apology chapter 46, interprets his self-blinding differently. Betuleius. — "Democritus is praised." On this matter Philo, On the Contemplative Life, fol. 891, Leipzig edition, deserves to be read, and Jerome to Pammachius, fol. 164 and following; to Lucinius, fol. 193; the letter to Julian, fol. 207; and Against Jovinian [Jovian., as printed] book 2, fol. 76; Clement of Alexandria, Who Is the Rich Man That Is Saved, Ilt. edition, chapter 11, page 24. Bünemann.

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(11) ‹anchor: Quid ille?› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quid ille? Crates nimirum Thebanus, philosophus Cynicus, Diogenis discipulus: ejus meminit Hieron. ad Paulinum de Institutione monach. et lib. ii adversus Jovinianum, refert ejus apophthegma: Abite, inquiebat, pessum, malae cupiditates; ego vos mergam, ne ipse mergar a vobis. Et hic quidem theologus hoc laudi adscribit, nihil aliud quam pecuniarum contemptum spectans. Sed Apollonius, ut Philost. refert, ipsum eodem reprehendit argumento, quo Lactantius, ut qui nec brutis, nec hominibus utilis fuerit. Verum hujus submersionis nec Laertius, nec Plutarchus meminerunt. Betul.

"What of him?" Crates of Thebes, namely, the Cynic philosopher, disciple of Diogenes. Jerome mentions him, to Paulinus on the training of a monk, and in book 2 Against Jovinian reports his saying: "Go to the bottom," he said, "evil desires; I will drown you, lest I myself be drowned by you." And this theologian counts it to his praise, looking at nothing but the contempt of money. But Apollonius, as Philostratus reports, censures him on the same ground as Lactantius, as one who was useful neither to dumb beasts nor to men. But neither Laertius nor Plutarch mentions this drowning. Betuleius.

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(12) ‹anchor: Quid ille, qui patrimonium in nummos redactum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quid ille, qui patrimonium in nummos redactum. Crates Thebanus est. Hieronymus epist. 13 ad Paulinum, de Institutione monachi: Crates ille Thebanus, homo quondam ditissimus, cum ad philosophandum Athenas pergeret, magnum auri pondus abjecit, nec putavit se simul posse et virtutes et divitias possidere. Buneman.

"What of him who, his patrimony turned into coin." It is Crates of Thebes. Jerome, letter 13 to Paulinus, on the training of a monk: "That Crates of Thebes, once a very rich man, when he was going to Athens to study philosophy, threw away a great weight of gold, and did not think he could possess virtues and riches at once." Bünemann.

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(13) ‹anchor: Effudit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Effudit. Proprie h. l. noster: Cicero translate l. ii, Off. cap. 15: « Multi patrimonia effuderunt inconsulte (continues)

"Poured out." Our author uses it literally in this place; Cicero figuratively, On Duties book 2, chapter 15: "Many have poured out their patrimonies thoughtlessly (continues)

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(1) ‹anchor: Zenonis autem paria, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Zenonis autem paria, etc. Hieronymus notat hac labe Jovinianum. Nam Theologi recte statuunt peccatorum discrimina. Vide Cicer. in Paradoxis. Apud Stoicos vero Paradoxon est, ὅτι ἴσα τὰ ἁμαρτήματα. Stoicorum dogmata compendioso fasciculo complectitur Cicero Oratione pro Muraena: Fuit enim, inquit, quidam summo ingenio vir Zeno, cujus inventorum aemuli Stoici nominantur. Hujus sententiae sunt etiam praecepta ejusmodi: Sapientem gratia numquam moveri, numquam cujusquam delicto ignoscere. Neminem misericordem esse, nisi stultum et levem. Viri non esse, neque exorari, neque placari. Solos sapientes esse; si distortissimi sint, formosos; si mendicissimi, divites; si servitutem serviant, reges. Betul.

"But Zeno's [sins] equal," etc. Jerome brands Jovinian with this taint. For theologians rightly establish distinctions among sins. See Cicero in the Paradoxes. Among the Stoics it is a paradox "that sins are equal". Cicero gathers the Stoics' doctrines into a short bundle in the speech for Murena: "For there was," he says, "a man of the highest genius, Zeno, whose followers are called Stoics. His opinions and precepts are of this kind: that the wise man is never moved by favour, never pardons anyone's fault; that no one is merciful but the foolish and frivolous; that it is not manly to be entreated or appeased; that the wise alone are beautiful, even if most deformed; rich, even if most beggarly; kings, even if they are slaves." Betuleius.

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(2) ‹anchor: Ad coarguendum furiosi hominis errorem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ad coarguendum furiosi hominis errorem. Emman., Cant. et Reimm. cum Sublac., Rost., Ven. 1471, 97, usque ad Gymn. ad coercendum. Aptum visum verbum, quia sequitur furiosi, qui magis coercendi, quam coarguendi. Bun.

"To refute the error of a madman." The Emmanuel, Cambridge and Reimmann's, with the Subiaco, Rostock, and Venice 1471 and [14]97 editions, down to Gymnicus, have "ad coercendum" ("to restrain"). The word seemed apt, because "furiosi" follows, and madmen are to be restrained rather than refuted. Bünemann.

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(3) ‹anchor: Quod inter vitia et morbos misericordiam ponit› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quod inter vitia et morbos misericordiam ponit. Dogma stoicum statuit, misericordiam esse aegritudinem, sive perturbationem contractionemque animi, a ratione alienam. Itaque Sapientes non esse misericordes. Laert. lib. vii, in Zenone; Cic. Orat. pro Muraen. et iv Tusculanar. quaest., cap. 18: cum Plato et Aristoteles contra docuerint, viri boni esse misereri. Quin et Euripides contra prorsus quam Stoici, in Antiopa apud Stob. tom. ii, tit. 3: / Non imperiti motus est miserescere, / Sed viri sapientis; noxaeque imminet, / Cum sapere sese qui putant, sapiunt nimis. / Verum Stoicorum dogma istud Seneca clarissime explicat de Clement. lib. ii, cap. 4, 5: Misericordiam plerique ut virtutem laudant, et bonum hominem vocant misericordem: haec autem vitium animi est. Est enim vitium pusilli animi, ad speciem alienorum malorum succidentis. Et mox: Misericordia aegritudo est ob alienarum miseriarum speciem: aegritudo autem in sapientem virum non cadit. Denique cap. 6: Misericordia vitium est animorum nimis miseriae faventium: quam si quis a sapiente exigit, prope est ut lamentationem exigat; et in alienis superbus gemitus. Porro ista quia durius asperiusque dicta videri poterant, mitigare conatur idem ibidem, ubi subjicit, cap. 5 et 6: Sapiens ergo non miseretur, quia et sine miseria animi non sit: caeterum omnia quae, qui miserentur, dolentes facerent, hic libens et alacri vultu faciet. Succurret alienis lacrymis, non accedet: dabit manum naufrago, exuli hospitium, egenti stipem: donabit lacrymis maternis filium, et catenas solvi jubebit, et ludo eximet, et cadaver etiam noxium sepeliet. Ac faciet ista tranquilla mente, vultu suo. Ergo non miserebitur sapiens: sed succurret, sed proderit, in commune auxilium natus ac publicum bonum, etc. Quin et Augustinus ipse de Moribus Eccles. Cathol. lib. i, cap. 27: Quare illa omnia, quibus hujuscemodi malis incommodisve resistitur, qui officiose atque humaniter praebent, misericordes vocantur, etiamsi sapientes usque adeo sint, ut jam nullo animi dolore turbentur. Nam quis ignoret, ex eo appellatam esse misericordiam, quod miserum cor faciat, condolentis alieno malo? Quamquam revera misericordia potius dicta, quod cordi sit aliena miseria. Verum pergit Aug.: Et quis non concedat, ab omni miseria liberum esse debere sapientem, cum subvenit inopi, cum oppressum liberat, cum denique humanitatem suam usque ad sepulturam porrigit mortuorum? Etiamsi id faciat mente tranquilla, nullis aculeis doloris instinctus, sed adductus officio bonitatis, misericors tamen vocandus est; huic enim nihil obest nomen, cum absit miseria. Stoici, quis sapiens sit, aut fuerit, inquit Cicero (Academ. lib. iv), nec ipsi solent dicere; quique sapientem, vel sapientis ideam potius, talem nobis delineant, qualem nemo mortalis est umquam consecutus.

"That he puts mercy among vices and diseases." The Stoic doctrine lays down that mercy is a sickness, or a disturbance and contraction of the mind, foreign to reason; and so the wise are not merciful. Laertius, book 7, in his Zeno; Cicero, speech for Murena, and Tusculan Disputations 4, chapter 18; whereas Plato and Aristotle taught the contrary, that it belongs to a good man to have pity. Indeed Euripides too, quite contrary to the Stoics, in the Antiope, in Stobaeus volume 2, title 3: "To feel pity is the impulse not of the unskilled but of the wise man; and harm hangs over those who, thinking themselves wise, are too wise." But Seneca explains this Stoic doctrine most clearly, On Clemency book 2, chapters 4–5: "Most people praise mercy as a virtue and call a good man merciful; but it is a vice of the mind. For it is the vice of a small mind, collapsing at the sight of others' ills." And soon after: "Mercy is a sickness caused by the sight of others' miseries; but sickness does not befall the wise man." Finally chapter 6: "Mercy is a vice of minds too partial to misery: if one demands it of the wise man, it is close to demanding lamentation, and groans at others' woes." Further, because these things could seem said too harshly and roughly, he tries to soften them in the same place, where he adds, chapters 5 and 6: "The wise man, then, does not pity, since that is not without misery of mind; but everything that those who pity would do in grief, he will do willingly and with a cheerful face. He will come to the aid of others' tears, not join in them; he will give his hand to the shipwrecked, hospitality to the exile, a coin to the needy; he will restore a son to a mother's tears, and order chains to be loosed, and release from the gladiatorial school, and bury even the corpse of a criminal. And he will do these things with a tranquil mind and his own countenance. So the wise man will not pity; but he will succour, he will help, born as he is for common aid and the public good," etc. Indeed Augustine himself too, On the Morals of the Catholic Church, book 1, chapter 27: "Wherefore all those things by which such evils or troubles are resisted, those who render them dutifully and humanely are called merciful, even if they are so wise as no longer to be troubled by any pain of mind. For who does not know that mercy (misericordia) is so called because it makes the heart (cor) wretched (miserum) as it grieves at another's ill?" Though in truth it is rather called misericordia because another's misery is at heart (cordi). But Augustine continues: "And who would not grant that the wise man ought to be free of all misery when he helps the needy, frees the oppressed, and finally extends his humanity even to the burial of the dead? Even if he does it with a tranquil mind, driven by no stings of pain but led by the duty of goodness, he must still be called merciful; for the name does him no harm, since misery is absent." "The Stoics themselves," says Cicero (Academics book 4), "are not wont to say who is or was wise"; and they sketch for us a wise man, or rather the idea of a wise man, such as no mortal has ever attained.

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(4) ‹anchor: Ad conspectum alterius hominis efferaretur› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ad conspectum alterius hominis efferaretur. Optime judicavit Isaeus, pro eo quod in 1 Reg. rec., Bon., Tax., auferretur, legendum esse efferaretur. Efferantur enim hominum animi miseratione sublata. Sic legunt triginta mss. ac plurimi editi. Ex Gallaeo. —Ad conspectum... efferaretur. Hinc. de Opific. c. 4: Homo quoque, si... haberet ad propulsanda pericula suppetens robur, nec ullius alterius auxilio indigeret; quae societas esset?... aut quid esset tetrius homine? Quid efferatius? Quid immanius? Bun.

"He would grow savage at the sight of another man." Isaeus judged very well that, instead of "auferretur" in 1 recent Royal, the Bologna and the Tax., "efferaretur" should be read. For men's minds grow savage when pity is taken away. So read thirty manuscripts and most printed editions. From Gallaeus. — "At the sight ... would grow savage." Hence On the Workmanship [of God], chapter 4: "Man too, if ... he had strength sufficient to ward off dangers, and needed no one else's help, what society would there be? ... or what would be more hideous than man? What more savage? What more monstrous?" Bünemann.

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(5) ‹anchor: Solivaga› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Solivaga. Quae solitarie amat vivere; iisque opponitur quae gregatim vivunt, ut apes, formicae aliaque multa. — Quarum natura solivaga. Tuscul. lib. v, cap. 13: Bestiae solivagae opponuntur congregatis... Et Offic. l. i, cap. penult.: Solivaga conditio communioni adversatur. Bun.

"Solitary-roaming." [An animal] that loves to live alone; opposed to those that live in herds, as bees, ants and many others. — "Whose nature is solitary-roaming." Tusculans book 5, chapter 13: solitary beasts are contrasted with gregarious ones ... And On Duties book 1, second-to-last chapter: "A solitary condition is opposed to community." Bünemann.

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(6) ‹anchor: Qui nigram dixit esse nivem› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Qui nigram dixit esse nivem. Anaxagoras, ut refert Galenus, lib. de Simplicibus medicamentis. Non minus contra communem sensum pugnavit ille, de quo in eodem opere Gal. lib. ix scribit, cap. 1, quod dixerit, nihil prohibere, quominus diceretur nix eamdem cum igne habere tum qualitatem, tum facultatem. Betuleius.

"Who said that snow is black." Anaxagoras, as Galen reports in the book On Simple Medicines. No less did that man fight against common sense of whom Galen writes in the same work, book 9, chapter 1, that he said nothing prevented snow from being said to have the same quality and the same power as fire. Betuleius.

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(7) ‹anchor: Ut coelum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Ut coelum. Vide supra cap. 9, et infra lib. xi, cap. 1.

"As the sky." See above, chapter 9, and below, book 11 [as printed], chapter 1.

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(8) ‹anchor: Xenophanes› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Xenophanes. Cic. in Acad. Habitari ait Xenophanes in luna, eamque esse terram, in qua multarum urbium et montium portenta videntur. De hoc lege Lucianum in Icaro Menippo. Betuleius.

"Xenophanes." Cicero in the Academics: "Xenophanes says the moon is inhabited, and that it is an earth on which marvels of many cities and mountains are seen." On this read Lucian in the Icaromenippus. Betuleius.

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largiendo. De Cratere plures tradunt, ipsum bona populo Thebano esse largitum. Vid. Menag. ad Laert. l. vi, f. 87; et Perizon. ad Aelian. Var. Hist. l. iii, cap. 6. BUN.

by giving largesse. Of Crates many relate that he gave away his goods to the people of Thebes. See Ménage on Laertius, book 6, f. 87; and Perizonius on Aelian, Varia Historia, book 3, chapter 6. BÜNEMANN.

Tuditani. De eo Val. Max. lib. vii, cap. 8. Cicero quoque Philip. iii, 6: Tuditanus nempe ille, ille qui cum palla et cothurnis nummos populo de rostris spargere solebat.

Of Tuditanus. On him see Valerius Maximus, book 7, chapter 8. Cicero too, Philippics 3.6: "That Tuditanus, to be sure, he who in a mantle and buskins used to scatter coins to the people from the rostra."

Zenonis autem paria, etc. Hieronymus notat hac labe Jovinianum. Nam Theologi recte statuunt peccatorum discrimina. Vide Cicer. in Paradoxis. Apud Stoicos vero Paradoxon est, ὅτι ἴσα τὰ ἁμαρτήματα. Stoicorum dogmata compendioso fasciculo complectitur Cicero Oratione pro Muraena: Fuit enim, inquit, quidam summo ingenio vir Zeno, cujus inventorum aemuli Stoici nominantur. Hujus sententiae sunt etiam praecepta ejusmodi: Sapientem gratia numquam moveri, numquam cujusquam delicto ignoscere. Neminem misericordem esse, nisi stultum et levem. Viri non esse, neque exorari, neque placari. Solos sapientes esse; si distortissimi sint, formosos; si mendicissimi, divites; si servitutem serviant, reges. BETUL.

But Zeno's equal [sins], etc. Jerome brands Jovinian with this blemish. For theologians rightly lay down distinctions among sins. See Cicero in the Paradoxes. Among the Stoics, indeed, it is a paradox "that sins are equal". Cicero gathers the Stoics' tenets into a compact bundle in the speech For Murena: "There was," he says, "a certain man of the highest ability, Zeno, the emulators of whose discoveries are called Stoics. His opinions and precepts are of this kind: that the wise man is never moved by favour, never pardons anyone's offence; that no one is merciful but the foolish and fickle; that it is not a man's part to be entreated or appeased; that the wise alone, though they be most misshapen, are beautiful; though most beggarly, rich; though they serve in slavery, kings." BETULEIUS.

Ad coarguendum furiosi hominis errorem. Emman., Cant. et Reimm. cum Sublac., Rost., Ven. 1471, 97, usque ad Gymn. ad coercendum. Aptum visum verbum, quia sequitur furiosi, qui magis coercendi, quam coarguendi. BUN.

To refute the error of a madman. The Emmanuel, Canterbury and Reimmann [manuscripts], with the Subiaco, Rostock and Venice editions of 1471 and [14]97, down to Gymnicus, read "to restrain". The word seemed apt because "madman" follows, who is rather to be restrained than refuted. BÜNEMANN.

Quod inter vitia et morbos misericordiam ponit. Dogma stoicum statuit, misericordiam esse aegritudinem, sive perturbationem contractionemque animi, a ratione alienam. Itaque Sapientes non esse misericordes. Laert. lib. vii, in Zenone; Cic. Orat. pro Muraen. et iv Tusculanar. quaest., cap. 18: cum Plato et Aristoteles contra docuerint, viri boni esse misereri. Quin et Euripides contra prorsus quam Stoici, in Antiopa apud Stob. tom. ii, tit. 3:

That he places mercy among vices and diseases. The Stoic tenet lays down that mercy is a sickness, or a disturbance and contraction of the mind, foreign to reason; and therefore that the wise are not merciful. Laertius, book 7, in the Zeno; Cicero, speech For Murena, and Tusculan Disputations 4, chapter 18; whereas Plato and Aristotle taught the contrary, that it is the part of a good man to feel pity. Nay, Euripides too, quite against the Stoics, in the Antiope, quoted by Stobaeus, volume 2, title 3:

Non imperiti motus est miserescere, Sed viri sapientis; noxaeque imminet, Cum sapere sese qui putant, sapiunt nimis.

To feel pity is no stirring of the untaught, / But of the wise man; and harm hangs over us / When those who think themselves wise are wise overmuch.

Verum Stoicorum dogma istud Seneca clarissime explicat de Clement. lib. ii, cap. 4, 5: Misericordiam plerique ut virtutem laudant, et bonum hominem vocant misericordem: haec autem vitium animi est. Est enim vitium pusilli animi, ad speciem alienorum malorum succidentis. Et mox: Misericordia aegritudo est ob alienarum miseriarum speciem: aegritudo autem in sapientem virum non cadit. Denique cap. 6: Misericordia vitium est animorum nimis miseriae faventium: quam si quis a sapiente exigit, prope est ut lamentationem exigat; et in alienis superbus gemitus. Porro ista quia durius asperiusque dicta videri poterant, mitigare conatur idem ibidem, ubi subjicit, cap. 5 et 6: Sapiens ergo non miseretur, quia et sine miseria animi non sit: caeterum omnia quae, qui miserentur, dolentes facerent, hic libens et alacri vultu faciet. Succurret alienis lacrymis, non accedet: dabit manum naufrago, exuli hospitium, egenti stipem: donabit lacrymis maternis filium, et catenas solvi jubebit, et ludo eximet, et cadaver etiam noxium sepeliet. Ac faciet ista tranquilla mente, vultu suo. Ergo non miserebitur sapiens: sed succurret, sed proderit, in commune auxilium natus ac publicum bonum, etc. Quin et Augustinus ipse de Moribus Eccles. Cathol. lib. i, cap. 27: Quare illa omnia, quibus hujuscemodi malis incommodisve resistitur, qui officiose atque humaniter praebent, misericordes vocantur, etiamsi sapientes usque adeo sint, ut jam nullo animi dolore turbentur. Nam quis ignoret, ex eo appellatam esse misericordiam, quod miserum cor faciat, condolentis alieno malo? Quamquam revera misericordia potius dicta, quod cordi sit aliena miseria. Verum pergit Aug.: Et quis non concedat, ab omni miseria liberum esse debere sapientem, cum subvenit inopi, cum oppressum liberat, cum denique humanitatem suam usque ad sepulturam porrigit mortuorum? Etiamsi id faciat mente tranquilla, nullis aculeis doloris instinctus, sed adductus officio bonitatis, misericors tamen vocandus est; huic enim nihil obest nomen, cum absit miseria. Stoici, quis sapiens sit, aut fuerit, inquit Cicero (Academ. lib. iv), nec ipsi solent dicere; quique sapientem, vel sapientis ideam potius, talem nobis delineant, qualem nemo mortalis est umquam consecutus.

But Seneca explains this Stoic tenet most clearly, On Clemency, book 2, chapters 4–5: "Most people praise mercy as a virtue and call a good man merciful; but it is a vice of the mind. For it is the vice of a petty mind, sinking at the sight of others' ills." And soon after: "Mercy is a sickness arising from the sight of others' miseries; but sickness does not befall the wise man." Finally, chapter 6: "Mercy is a vice of minds that favour misery overmuch; and if anyone demands it of the wise man, he is near to demanding lamentation of him, and groaning at others' troubles." Further, because these things could seem to have been said rather harshly and roughly, the same author tries to soften them in the same place, where he adds, chapters 5 and 6: "The wise man, then, does not pity, because that is not without misery of mind; but all the things that those who pity would do in grief, he will do willingly and with a cheerful face. He will come to the aid of others' tears, not join in them; he will give his hand to the shipwrecked, hospitality to the exile, a coin to the needy; he will restore a son to a mother's tears, and order chains to be loosed, and release from the gladiatorial school, and bury even the corpse of a criminal. And he will do these things with a tranquil mind and his own countenance. So the wise man will not pity; but he will succour, he will help, born as he is for common aid and the public good," etc. Nay, Augustine himself too, On the Morals of the Catholic Church, book 1, chapter 27: "Wherefore those who dutifully and humanely render all those things by which such evils or hardships are resisted are called merciful, even if they are so far wise that they are no longer troubled by any pain of mind. For who does not know that mercy (misericordia) was so named because it makes the heart wretched (miserum cor), as it grieves with another's ill?" Though in truth it is rather called misericordia because another's misery is at heart (cordi). But Augustine goes on: "And who would not grant that the wise man ought to be free from all misery, when he relieves the needy, when he frees the oppressed, when in short he extends his humanity even to the burial of the dead? Even if he does it with a tranquil mind, spurred by no stings of grief but led by the duty of goodness, he must still be called merciful; for the name does him no harm, since misery is absent." "Who is wise, or has been," says Cicero (Academica, book 4), "the Stoics themselves are not wont to say"; and they draw for us such a wise man, or rather the idea of a wise man, as no mortal has ever attained.

Ad conspectum alterius hominis efferaretur. Optime judicavit Isaeus, pro eo quod in 1 Reg. rec., Bon., Tax., auferretur, legendum esse efferaretur. Efferantur enim hominum animi miseratione sublata. Sic legunt triginta mss. ac plurimi editi. EX GALLAEO. —Ad conspectum... efferaretur. Hinc. de Opific. c. 4: Homo quoque, si... haberet ad propulsanda pericula suppetens robur, nec ullius alterius auxilio indigeret; quae societas esset?... aut quid esset tetrius homine? Quid efferatius? Quid immanius? BUN.

Should grow savage at the sight of another man. Isaeus judged excellently that, in place of "should be taken away", which stands in the first Regius, the recent [manuscript], Bononiensis and Taxaquetianus, "should grow savage" must be read. For men's minds grow savage when pity is removed. So read thirty manuscripts and very many editions. FROM GALLAEUS. — At the sight … should grow savage. Hence On the Workmanship [of God], chapter 4: "Man too, if … he had strength sufficient to ward off dangers, and needed the help of no other, what fellowship would there be? … or what would be more hideous than man? What more savage? What more monstrous?" BÜNEMANN.

Solivaga. Quae solitarie amat vivere; iisque opponitur quae gregatim vivunt, ut apes, formicae aliaque multa. — Quarum natura solivaga. Tuscul. lib. v, cap. 13: Bestiae solivagae opponuntur congregatis... Et Offic. l. i, cap. penult.: Solivaga conditio communioni adversatur. BUN.

Solitary-roaming. That which loves to live alone; and it is opposed to those that live in herds, such as bees, ants and many others. — Whose nature is solitary-roaming. Tusculans, book 5, chapter 13: solitary-roaming beasts are opposed to gregarious ones … And On Duties, book 1, second-last chapter: a solitary-roaming condition is contrary to fellowship. BÜNEMANN.

Qui nigram dixit esse nivem. Anaxagoras, ut refert Galenus, lib. de Simplicibus medicamentis. Non minus contra communem sensum pugnavit ille, de quo in eodem opere Gal. lib. ix scribit, cap. 1, quod dixerit, nihil prohibere, quominus diceretur nix eamdem cum igne habere tum qualitatem, tum facultatem. BETULEIUS.

Who said that snow was black. Anaxagoras, as Galen relates in his book On Simple Medicines. No less against common sense did that man fight of whom Galen writes in the same work, book 9, chapter 1, that he said nothing prevented its being said that snow has the same quality, and the same power too, as fire. BETULEIUS.

Ut coelum. Vide supra cap. 9, et infra lib. xi, cap. 1.

That [he might see] the heaven. See above, chapter 9, and below, book 11, chapter 1.

Xenophanes. Cic. in Acad. Habitari ait Xenophanes in luna, eamque esse terram, in qua multarum urbium et montium portenta videntur. De hoc lege Lucianum in Icaro Menippo. BETULEIUS.

Xenophanes. Cicero in the Academica: Xenophanes says that the moon is inhabited, and that it is an earth on which marvels of many cities and mountains are seen. On this read Lucian in the Icaromenippus. BETULEIUS.

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(1) ‹anchor: Dicentibus Mathematicis, etc.› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Dicentibus Mathematicis, etc. Nescio an Anaximandrum intelligat, cujus auditor fuisse creditur. Dixit autem Anaximander, circulum lunae decem et novem partibus terra majorem esse, ut Plut. in Placitis refert; vel ut Galenus, sex decuplum terrae circulum esse lunae. Sed apud Plut. Xenophanis sententia est, σελήνην εἶναι νέφος πεπιλημένον, id est, nubem constipatam vel conglobatam: apud Galen. vero, νέφος πεπυρωμένον, id est, inflammatam nubem. Sed haec nihil aliud sunt, quam somnia.

"As the mathematicians say," etc. I do not know whether he means Anaximander, whose hearer [Xenophanes] is believed to have been. Anaximander said that the circle of the moon is nineteen times greater than the earth, as Plutarch reports in the Placita; or, as Galen has it, that the circle of the moon is sixty times that of the earth. But in Plutarch the opinion of Xenophanes is that "the moon is a compressed cloud", that is, a cloud packed or rolled together; in Galen, "a fiery cloud", that is, a cloud set on fire. But these are nothing but dreams.

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(2) ‹anchor: Duodeviginti› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Duodeviginti. Elegantiae servantissimus est: sequitur paucis mutatis Ciceronem lib. iv Acad. cap. 26, et cap. 41.

"Eighteen." He is most observant of elegance: with a few changes he follows Cicero, Academics book 4, chapter 26 and chapter 41.

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(3) ‹anchor: Intra concavum lunae sinum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Intra concavum lunae sinum. Cicero lib. iv Acad. Quaest. cap. 39: Habitari ait Xenophanes in luna, eamque esse terram multarum urbium et montium. Cell.

"Within the hollow bosom of the moon." Cicero, Academic Questions book 4, chapter 39: "Xenophanes says the moon is inhabited, and that it is an earth of many cities and mountains." Cellarius.

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(4) ‹anchor: Seneca ait› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Seneca ait. Nil de hoc hodie apud Senecam.

"Seneca says." Nothing on this survives today in Seneca.

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(5) ‹anchor: Quid illi, qui esse contrarios vestigiis nostris Antipodas putant?› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quid illi, qui esse contrarios vestigiis nostris Antipodas putant? De quibus Cicero in Lucull. Lactantius quidem multa hoc capite asserit paradoxa, quo nomine a nonnullis exsibilatur. Ego licet illum a vero deflexisse fatear, cum tamen gravissimos homines ac sapientissimos habuerit, ut nunc ostendam, suarum opinionum vel auctores, vel sectatores, nae illos magis exsibilandos putem, qui virum insignem tam temere exsibilandum putarent. Principio nullos esse censet Antipodas, id quod asseruere etiam Eratosthenes, Polyb., Strabo, Tzetzes in Chiliad., Lucret. libro primo, ad fin. Asseritur et haec positio apud Plutarch. in Dial. de fac. in or. Lun. Ex nostratibus idem putaverunt S. Augustinus lib. xvi de Civit. Dei, cap. 9, sed aliis adductus rationibus; verebatur enim si Antipodas dari concederet, ne alius nobis esset humani generis auctor praeter Adamum. Negat etiam Antipodas Nicolaus de Lira super Genes. in principio; et deinde quicumque sphaericam terram esse pernegarunt. Veram tamen sententiam de Antipodibus huic adversam probant Macrob. lib. i, in somn. Scip. ubi Lactantii rationes evertit cap. 5; Plin. ii Hist. c. 65; Cleomed. in i Meteor. cap. 2; S. Aug. sibi contrarius ii in Genes. ad litt. cap. 9, etc. Nec amplius ulla hisce quidem temporibus ea de re haberi dubitatio potest, quibus praeclarissimi illius Herois Liguris Christophori Columbi ingenio ac virtute alterius hemisphaerii quondam incognitae gentes compertae jam sunt, ac penitus exploratae. Isaeus.

"What of those who think there are Antipodes, with their footprints opposite to ours?" On them Cicero in the Lucullus. Lactantius does indeed assert many paradoxes in this chapter, for which he is hissed off by some. Though I admit that he strayed from the truth, yet since he had, as I shall now show, men of great weight and wisdom as authors or followers of his opinions, I would think those more deserving to be hissed who thought so distinguished a man deserved to be hissed so rashly. First, he holds that there are no Antipodes, which Eratosthenes, Polybius, Strabo, Tzetzes in the Chiliades, and Lucretius at the end of book 1 also asserted. This position is asserted too in Plutarch, in the dialogue On the Face in the Orb of the Moon. Among our own, St Augustine thought the same, City of God book 16, chapter 9, though led by other reasons: he feared that if he granted the existence of Antipodes, there would be another author of the human race for us besides Adam. Nicholas of Lyra too denies the Antipodes, on the beginning of Genesis; and so, after him, did all who flatly denied that the earth is a sphere. Yet the true opinion about the Antipodes, contrary to this, is upheld by Macrobius on the Dream of Scipio book 1, chapter 5, where he overturns Lactantius's reasons; Pliny, Natural History 2, chapter 65; Cleomedes, Meteora 1, chapter 2; St Augustine, contradicting himself, On Genesis According to the Letter 2, chapter 9, etc. Nor can there be any further doubt on the matter in these times, in which, by the genius and courage of that most illustrious hero of Liguria, Christopher Columbus, the once unknown peoples of the other hemisphere have now been discovered and thoroughly explored. Isaeus.

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(6) ‹anchor: Hortos pensiles› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Hortos pensiles. Intelligit hortos pensiles Semiramidis, de quibus Diodor. lib. ii, cap. 10; Strab. 16, pag. 508, et Plinius lib. xxxvi, cap. 14.

"Hanging gardens." He means the hanging gardens of Semiramis, on which see Diodorus book 2, chapter 10; Strabo 16, page 508; and Pliny book 36, chapter 14.

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(7) ‹anchor: Quae igitur illos ad Antipodas ratio perduxit?› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Quae igitur illos ad Antipodas ratio perduxit? Addidi praepositionem ad ex 20 mss. et 10 editis, utpote necessariam. In 2 Colb. est Antipedas.

"What reasoning, then, led them to the Antipodes?" I have added the preposition "ad" from 20 manuscripts and 10 printed editions, as being necessary. In 2 Colbert it is "Antipedas".

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(8) ‹anchor: Rotundum esse mundum› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Rotundum esse mundum. Ratio desumitur ex ejus diurno motu; is enim manifestat mundum, ac praecipue coelum, moveri sphaerice, seu ad modum sphaerae, circa proprium axem ac polos. Planetae enim ac sidera omnia, imo ei elementa ipsa, in gyrum ab ortu in occasum, non secus ac in sphaera contingit, revolvuntur: quae omnia argumento sunt, supremam coeli partem esse sphaericam, seu globosam, ac proinde mundum figura sphaerica esse praeditum.

"That the world is round." The reasoning is taken from its daily motion; for this shows that the world, and especially the sky, moves spherically, that is, in the manner of a sphere, about its own axis and poles. For the planets and all the stars, indeed [ei, as printed] the elements themselves, revolve in a circle from rising to setting, just as happens in a sphere: all of which is proof that the highest part of the sky is spherical, or globe-shaped, and hence that the world has a spherical figure.

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(9) ‹anchor: Et ex motu siderum opinati sunt coelum volvi› · no call (lemma-keyed)

Et ex motu siderum opinati sunt coelum volvi. Coelum volvi negat non modo Lactantius, sed et cum eo philosophi plures, ac sanctorum Patrum et doctorum plurimi. Justinus Martyr respondens ad quaest. 93 Orthodox.; Joan. Chrysost., Homil. 6 et 13, in Genes. et 12 ad pop. Antioch.; Caesarius, in fine i Dialog.; Elias Cretensis, ad Orationem vii Greg. Nazianz.; Isidor., Etymolog. lib. iii, cap. 49; Severianus item, et Acacius qui mundum semisphaericum, coelumque immotum extensum sicut tabernaculum, et fornicem seu cameram putaverunt; Junilius in Hexaemeron, Richardus secundo Exception.; Diodor. et Procop. in Commentar. ad Genes. Philastrius hanc opinionem sacris Scripturis consonam, contrariam autem absonam, et paganae potius vanitati, quam christianae veritati consentientem scribit in libro de Haeresibus; et S. Augustinus secundo de Genesi ad litt. cap. 10, defendi eam posse putat. Reprobata tamen est a plerisque tum philosophis, tum mathematicis, praesertim apud Aristotelem secundo, Coel. tex. 43 et seqq. Isaeus.

"And from the motion of the stars they supposed that the sky revolves." Not only Lactantius denies that the sky revolves, but with him many philosophers and very many of the holy Fathers and doctors: Justin Martyr, answering question 93 of the Questions to the Orthodox; John Chrysostom, Homilies 6 and 13 on Genesis, and 12 to the people of Antioch; Caesarius, at the end of Dialogue 1; Elias of Crete, on Oration 7 of Gregory Nazianzen; Isidore, Etymologies book 3, chapter 49; Severian likewise, and Acacius, who thought the world a hemisphere and the sky motionless, stretched out like a tent, a vault or chamber; Junilius on the Hexaemeron; Richard, in the second book of the Exceptiones; Diodorus and Procopius in their commentaries on Genesis. Philastrius writes in his book On Heresies that this opinion agrees with the sacred Scriptures, while the contrary is discordant and accords rather with pagan vanity than with Christian truth; and St Augustine, On Genesis According to the Letter 2, chapter 10, thinks it can be defended. Yet it has been rejected by most philosophers and mathematicians alike, especially in Aristotle, On the Heavens book 2, text 43 and following. Isaeus.

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(1) ‹lemma: Hanc igitur coeli rotunditatem› · no call mark

Hanc igitur coeli rotunditatem. Coelum rotundum esse negavit non solum Lactantius, sed etiam Justinus Martyr respondens ad quaestionem 59 et 130 Orthodox; Basil. Homil. 1 in Genes.; Chrysost., Homil. 14 et 27 in Ep. Pauli ad Hebr., et Homil. 2 de incomprehensib. Dei natura; Ambros., lib. I in Hexaemer.; Theophylact. et Theodoret., in cap. VIII Epist. ad Hebr.; Caesarius et Procop. ubi supra; Haimo, Severianus et Acacius; item Primasius in Epist. ad Hebr. Eutymius in Psalm. 103; Elias Cretensis ubi supra. Contraria tamen opinio vera est, ab omnibus philosophis atque astronomis probata, coelum videlicet esse rotundum; idque demonstrat Ptolemaeus novem rationibus 3 cap. lib. I edit. magnae; Aristot. II, Coel. tex. 22 et seqq. Sancti Patres idem asseruere: Nazianz., Orat. 4, adversus Julian., in Orat. 2, de Theolog., in Orat. in sanctum Baptisma; Chrysost. Homil. in Psal. CIII; Ambros. Serm. 12 in Psal. CXVIII; S. Augustinus in Genes. ad litter. lib. I, cap. 10 et lib. II, cap. 9; Beda, de sex dier., Orat. et quaest. in Genes. Magis quoque consonum sacris Litteris videtur. Initio Ecclesiast. Oritur sol, etc., quo de loco videndus est S. Hieronymus; item XXIV Eccli. Gyrum coeli, etc. Job. IX, sub quo curvantur qui portant orbem; Proverb. VIII. Ad Psal. CIII, et Isai. XL, ubi dicitur coelum a Deo, sicut tabernaculum, vel cameram, vel pellem extensum, respondet S. Augustinus cap. 9, lib. II, in Genes. ad litter. ISAEUS.

"This roundness of the heaven, then." That the heaven is round was denied not only by Lactantius but also by Justin Martyr, answering questions 59 and 130 of the Orthodox; Basil, Homily 1 on Genesis; Chrysostom, Homilies 14 and 27 on Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews, and Homily 2 on the incomprehensible nature of God; Ambrose, Hexaemeron book I; Theophylact and Theodoret on chapter VIII of the Epistle to the Hebrews; Caesarius and Procopius in the places cited above; Haimo, Severian and Acacius; likewise Primasius on the Epistle to the Hebrews; Euthymius on Psalm 103; Elias of Crete in the place cited above. The contrary opinion, however, is the true one, approved by all philosophers and astronomers: namely that the heaven is round; and Ptolemy proves it by nine arguments in chapter 3 of book I of the Great [Syntaxis]; Aristotle, On the Heavens II, text 22 and following. The holy Fathers have asserted the same: Nazianzen, Oration 4 against Julian, Oration 2 on Theology, and the Oration on holy Baptism; Chrysostom, Homily on Psalm 103; Ambrose, Sermon 12 on Psalm 118; St Augustine, On Genesis according to the Letter, book I chapter 10 and book II chapter 9; Bede, On the Six Days, Orations and Questions on Genesis. It also seems more consonant with Holy Scripture: the opening of Ecclesiastes, "The sun rises," etc., on which passage St Jerome should be consulted; likewise Ecclesiasticus 24, "the circuit of heaven," etc.; Job 9, "under whom they stoop that bear up the world"; Proverbs 8. To Psalm 103 and Isaiah 40, where heaven is said to be stretched out by God like a tent, or a vault, or a skin, St Augustine replies in On Genesis according to the Letter, book II chapter 9. ISAEUS.

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(2) ‹lemma: Inclusa› · no call mark

Inclusa. Mss. 2 Reg. et editi 7 conclusa.

"Enclosed." Two Regius manuscripts and seven editions read conclusa ("shut in").

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(3) ‹lemma: Ipsam terram globo similem› · no call mark

Ipsam terram globo similem. Est terra rotunda ac sphaerica, non quidem geometrice, sed rudi quodam modo, cum ejus superficiem valles ac montes asperam reddant. Cujus primum sit argumentum, quod sol, stellae, eclypses circa terram omnibus habitatoribus ita successive apparent, perinde ac si circa sphaeram rotundissimam moverentur, hoc est, regulariter et uniformiter, ita ut locis, v. g. per 15 gradus magis orientalibus una hora prius appareant; atque hoc accidit ubique terrarum secundum terrae gyrum ab oriente in occasum productum, quod patet ex eclypsium praedictione infallibili, secundum quam non omnibus eadem hora, sed diversis appariturae praenuntiantur: quae certa praedictio supponit terram esse rotundam. Accedit etiam experientia nautarum, qui dum totum terrae ambitum circumnavigant, eamdem stellarum uniformem ac regularem apparitionem ubique observant. Jos. BLANCANUS.

"The earth itself like a globe." The earth is round and spherical, not indeed geometrically, but in a rough sort of way, since valleys and mountains make its surface uneven. Let the first proof of this be that the sun, the stars and eclipses appear successively to all the inhabitants around the earth, just as if they moved about a perfectly round sphere, that is, regularly and uniformly, so that in places lying, for example, 15 degrees further east they appear an hour earlier; and this happens everywhere on earth along the earth's circuit drawn from east to west, as is clear from the infallible prediction of eclipses, by which they are foretold to appear not at the same hour for all but at different hours: and this sure prediction presupposes that the earth is round. Add also the experience of sailors, who, while sailing around the whole circuit of the earth, observe everywhere the same uniform and regular appearance of the stars. Jos. BLANCANUS [Giuseppe Biancani].

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(4) ‹lemma: Quomodo non cadunt omnia› · no call mark

Quomodo non cadunt omnia. Ms. 1 Regio-Put., cadant. Mss. 10, et vet. 2 edit., Quomodo ergo. 1 Colb., igitur.

"How do all things not fall?" One Regio-Puteanus manuscript has cadant (subjunctive). Ten manuscripts and two old editions read Quomodo ergo ("How then"); one Colbertinus, igitur.

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(5) ‹lemma: A medio deferantur› · no call mark

A medio deferantur. Ita restitui ex decem editis et omnibus mss. praeter 3 Reg. quibus est differantur, ut et 3 vulgatis rec.

"Are carried down from the middle." So I have restored from ten editions and all the manuscripts except three Regii, which have differantur, as do three recent printed editions.

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(6) ‹lemma: Ostendant› · no call mark

Ostendant. Reposui ex mss. et vet. editis 2 Rom. In caeteris vulgatis legitur, ostentent.

"Let them show." I have restored this from the manuscripts and two old Roman editions. In the other printed editions one reads ostentent ("let them display").

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(7) ‹lemma: Multis argumentis› · no call mark

Multis argumentis. Imo nullis.

"By many arguments." Rather, by none.

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(8) ‹lemma: Possit› · no call mark

Possit. Mss. 7 et totidem editi, possint.

"Can" (singular). Seven manuscripts and as many editions read possint (plural).

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(9) ‹lemma: Nunc pauca nobis de philosophia› · no call mark

Nunc pauca nobis de philosophia. Caute lege hoc caput; nam si Lactantius omnem antiquorum Gentilium philosophiam reprehendit, non satis consulte facit, cum multa et vera, et recta contineret illa philosophia, quae usui et utilitati humanae vitae essent. Si vero philosophiam in universum damnat, nullo pacto ferendus est, et repugnat communi Patrum et Ecclesiae sensui. Vide Alphonsum Castrum lib. XIII adversus Haereses, verbo Scientia BRASICHELLI.

"Now a few words from us on philosophy." Read this chapter with caution; for if Lactantius censures all the philosophy of the ancient Gentiles, he does not act wisely enough, since that philosophy contained many things both true and right, which were of use and benefit to human life. But if he condemns philosophy altogether, he is in no way to be tolerated, and he goes against the common mind of the Fathers and of the Church. See Alfonso de Castro, Against Heresies book XIII, under the word Scientia. BRASICHELLI.

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(10) ‹lemma: In commune› · no call mark

In commune. Omnium mss. est, praeter 4 recentiores, quibus est, ut impressis, in communi. — In commune. Restituo ex Bon., Tax., Cauc., Ultr., Goth. Illustravi uberius ad l. III, cap. 21. Hic addo ex Tertull. de Patient.: Patientiae in commune memores. BUNEMAN.

"In common" (in commune). This is the reading of all the manuscripts except four more recent ones, which have, as the printed editions do, in communi. — "In common." I restore it from the Bononiensis, Taxaquetianus, Cauchianus, Ultrajectinus and Gothanus. I have illustrated it more fully at book III, chapter 21. Here I add from Tertullian, On Patience: "mindful of patience in common." BUNEMAN.

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(11) ‹lemma: Summus ille noster› · no call mark

Summus ille noster. Διαβολὴ, per ironiam. Locus est in Praefatione secundae Tusc. Quaest. Ms. 1 Bonon. antiq. habet, Cicero summus ille noster. Ita enim se habet ille locus: Plato quidem in politicis delectum facit, νόθους (id est spurios) excludens a sapientiae studio, γνησίους (id est legitimos) admittens. Sed Plato in Euthydemo haec ait, cum sit finis hominibus in universum omnibus propositus felicitas, felicitas autem in sapientia consistat, relinqui ut omnes sapientiae studio se dedant.

"That great one of ours." A gibe (diabolē), by irony. The passage is in the preface to the second book of the Tusculan Disputations. One old Bologna manuscript has "Cicero, that great one of ours." For the passage runs thus: "Plato indeed makes a selection in his Republic, excluding the nothoi (that is, the bastards) from the study of wisdom and admitting the gnēsioi (that is, the legitimate)." But Plato in the Euthydemus says this: since the end set before all men universally is happiness, and happiness consists in wisdom, it remains that all should devote themselves to the study of wisdom.

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(12) ‹lemma: Possint› · no call mark

Possint. Ita multi optimi et veterrimi mss. In rec. 2 est possunt; in 3 rec. et in excusis, possent.

"Could" (possint). So many of the best and oldest manuscripts. In two recent ones it is possunt; in three recent ones and in the printed editions, possent.

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(13) ‹lemma: Quoniam si sapientia› · no call mark

Quoniam si sapientia. Lips. tert. et Reimm. hoc ordine, quoniam sapientia si. Satis bene; et sic Su- (continues)

"Since if wisdom." The third Leipzig manuscript and Reimmann's have it in this order: quoniam sapientia si. Well enough; and so Su- (continues)

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(1) ‹lemma: Quoniam si sapientia (continued)› · no call mark

(continued) blac., Rost., Ven. 1471, utraque 78; quoniam sapientia si.

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(2) ‹lemma: Tam invidi, quam si velint deligare oculos› · no call mark

Tam invidi, quam si velint deligare oculos. Quintil. lib. II Inst. cap. 17: deligare vulnus, pro aliorum obligare, adligare; sic et deligare oculos rectum. Conf. not. ad Lact. l. V, cap. 1. BUN.

"As grudging as if they wished to bind up the eyes." Quintilian, Institutes book II chapter 17: deligare vulnus, "to bind up a wound," where others say obligare, adligare; so deligare oculos is also correct. Compare the note on Lactantius book V chapter 1. BUN[EMANN].

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(3) ‹lemma: Lumen› · no call mark

Lumen. Quod illuminat omnem hominem venientem in hunc mundum.

"Light." That which enlightens every man coming into this world.

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(4) ‹lemma: Oportuit et opifices› · no call mark

Oportuit et opifices. Ex mss. addidi et quam voculam sequentia postulare videntur.

"Craftsmen too ought." From the manuscripts I have added et ("too"), a little word which what follows seems to require.

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(5) ‹lemma: Populum... conflari› · no call mark

Populum... conflari. Verbo Ciceronis eleganti, quo jam usus, l. II, c. 6.

"A people ... be brought together." With an elegant word of Cicero's, which he has used already, book II, chapter 6.

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(6) ‹lemma: Mysterium ejus barba tantum› · no call mark

Mysterium ejus barba tantum, etc. Philosophi enim promissam barbam habebant, ac pallio amiciebantur: de quo supra. Is Vide etiam infra lib. V, cap. 2. Recte itaque Herodes Atticus apud Gell., lib. IX, cap. 2, mendico, qui habitu philosophiam profitebatur, respondit: Barbam et pallium video, philosophum non video. Vide proverbium, Tragica Simia: item aliud, Barba tenus Sapientes. — Barba tantum celebratur et pallio. Habitu philosophorum, praesertim Graecorum. Infra, l. V, cap. 2, de falso philosopho: Vitia sua capillis et pallio praetegebat. Et Gellius lib. XIII, cap. 8, de ejusdem generis hominibus: Operti barba et pallio, mores et emolumenta philosophiae in linguam verborumque artes convertunt. CELL.

"Its mystery [is celebrated] only by the beard," etc. For the philosophers wore long beards and were wrapped in the cloak: on which see above. See also below, book V, chapter 2. So Herodes Atticus, in Gellius book IX chapter 2, rightly answered a beggar who professed philosophy by his dress: "I see a beard and a cloak; I do not see a philosopher." See the proverb "a tragic ape," and another, "wise as far as the beard." — "It is celebrated only by the beard and the cloak": by the dress of philosophers, especially the Greeks. Below, book V chapter 2, of a false philosopher: "He covered his vices with his hair and his cloak." And Gellius book XIII chapter 8, of men of the same kind: "Covered with beard and cloak, they turn the morals and profits of philosophy into tongue and the arts of words." CELL[ARIUS].

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(7) ‹lemma: Stoici› · no call mark

Stoici. De hoc vide Senecam, Epistol. ad Martiam.

"The Stoics." On this see Seneca, letter to Marcia.

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(8) ‹lemma: Item Plato› · no call mark

Item Plato. Ms. 1 Reg. vetustissimus, idem; Cotton., Ita non Plato.

"Plato likewise." One very old Regius manuscript has idem; the Cottonianus, Ita non Plato ("Not so Plato").

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(9) ‹lemma: Discendae istae communes litterae› · no call mark

Discendae istae communes litterae. Mss. Clarom. et Brun., Discendae sunt communes litterae. — Communes litterae. Cic. lib. II de Orat. cap. 17: Communium litterarum et politioris humanitatis. Sic dixit Lactantius, l. III, cap. 6: communem scientiam. BUN.

"These common letters must be learned." The Claromontanus and Brunswick manuscripts: "the common letters must be learned." — "Common letters." Cicero, On the Orator book II chapter 17: "of common letters and of a more refined culture." So Lactantius said, book III chapter 6: "common knowledge." BUN[EMANN].

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(10) ‹lemma: Tullius› · no call mark

Tullius. Vide Ciceron. ubi supra not. ad fin. 2.

"Tullius." See Cicero in the place cited above, note towards the end, 2.

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(11) ‹lemma: Themisten› · no call mark

Themisten. Putat fortasse Leontii conjugem, ad quam Epicurus scripsisse legitur. Quid dicemus de Themistoclea, Pythagorae sorore? quid de aliis pluribus, quarum bene longum catalogum Textor recenset? BETULEIUS. — Vide Histor. ad mulierum philosopharum Aegidii Menagii, Lugduni, 1682, in 12. Hi tamen auctores non omnes enumerant. — Unam ex omni memoria Themisten. Nulli forsan saeculo, nec antiquitati, doctae feminae defuerunt. Laudatur Themistoclea, soror Pythagorae; laudantur aliae. BUN.

"Themista." He means perhaps the wife of Leontius, to whom Epicurus is read to have written. What shall we say of Themistoclea, the sister of Pythagoras? What of many others, of whom Textor gives a fairly long catalogue? BETULEIUS. — See Gilles Ménage's History of women philosophers, Lyon, 1682, in duodecimo. Yet these authors do not list them all. — "Themista alone in all memory." Perhaps no age, and not antiquity, was without learned women. Themistoclea, sister of Pythagoras, is praised; others are praised. BUN[EMANN].

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(12) ‹lemma: Phaedonem› · no call mark

Phaedonem. Mss. 28 corrupte, Pythagoram. Apud Laert. dubium est, Critone an Alcibiades eum ex Socratis admonitione redemerit. Gellius tamen cum Lactantio facit, qui lib. II, cap. 18, de Phaedone sic scribit: Phaedon Elidensis ex cohorte illa Socratica fuit Socratique, et Platoni perquam fuit familiaris. Ejus nomini Plato illum librum divinum de Immortalitate animae dedit. Is Phaedo servus fuit, forma atque ingenio liberali, et ut quidam scripserunt, a lenone domino puer ad merendum coactus. Eum Cebes Socraticus, hortante Socrate, emisse dicitur, habuisseque in philosophiae disciplinis; atque is postea philosophus illustris fuit, sermonesque ejus de Socrate admodum elegantes leguntur. Lege post hunc Macrob. lib. I, Sat. 2. BETUL. — Pro Phaedonem, in mss. 28, et 2 vet. edit. Rom., videtur fuisse intrusum Pythagorae nomen: sed male; nusquam enim legimus Pythagoram servum fuisse, et a Cebete emptum ac philosophicis imbutum.

"Phaedo." Twenty-eight manuscripts corruptly read Pythagoras. In Laertius it is uncertain whether Crito or Alcibiades ransomed him at Socrates' urging. Gellius, however, agrees with Lactantius; in book II chapter 18 he writes thus of Phaedo: "Phaedo of Elis was of that Socratic band, and was very intimate with Socrates and Plato. To his name Plato gave that divine book on the Immortality of the Soul. This Phaedo was a slave, of a gentleman's looks and mind, and, as some have written, was forced as a boy by his master, a pander, to earn by prostitution. Cebes the Socratic is said to have bought him at Socrates' urging and to have kept him in the studies of philosophy; and he afterwards became a famous philosopher, and his discourses on Socrates, which are very elegant, are read." After him read Macrobius, Saturnalia book I chapter 2. BETUL[EIUS]. — In place of Phaedo, the name of Pythagoras seems to have been thrust into twenty-eight manuscripts and two old Roman editions: but wrongly; for nowhere do we read that Pythagoras was a slave, and bought by Cebes and trained in philosophy.

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(13) ‹lemma: Cebetem tradunt› · no call mark

Cebetem tradunt. Abest Cebetem a mss. et 2 vet. edit. Rom. In mss. 14 est, traduntur.

"They report that Cebes." Cebetem is missing from the manuscripts and two old Roman editions. In fourteen manuscripts it is traduntur ("are reported").

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(14) ‹lemma: Platonem› · no call mark

Platonem. De Platonis servitute a Dionysio Juniori tyranno, vide Laertium.

"Plato." On Plato's enslavement by the tyrant Dionysius the Younger, see Laertius.

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(15) ‹lemma: Ac Diogenem› · no call mark

Ac Diogenem. Gellius et Macrob. iisdem locis: Diogenes etiam Cynicus servitutem servivit: sed is ex libertate in servitutem venum ierat. Quem cum emere vellet Xeniades Corinthius, et quid artificii novisset, percunctatus foret: « Novi, inquit Diogenes, hominibus liberis imperare. » Tum Xeniades responsum ejus miratus emit, et manumisit; filiosque suos ei tradens: « Accipe, inquit, liberos meos, quibus imperes. » Confer cum his etiam Laert. BETUL.

"And Diogenes." Gellius and Macrobius in the same places: "Diogenes the Cynic also served as a slave: but he had been sold from freedom into slavery. When Xeniades of Corinth wished to buy him, and had asked what craft he knew, 'I know,' said Diogenes, 'how to rule free men.' Then Xeniades, admiring his answer, bought him and freed him; and handing his sons over to him, 'Take my children,' he said, 'to rule.'" Compare Laertius too with these. BETUL[EIUS].

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(1) ‹lemma: Platonem... redemisse Aniceris quidam› · no call mark

Platonem... redemisse Aniceris quidam. Plato, cum Dionysio, Siciliae tyranno, acerbius de tyrannide respondisset, ab eo abducendus vendendusque traditus est Polidi, Lacedaemoniorum legato, qui Aeginae venalem exposuit. Redemptus vero 20 minis ab Anniceri Cyrenaico, et Athenas remissus ad amicos. CELL.

"That one Anniceris ransomed Plato." Plato, having answered Dionysius, tyrant of Sicily, too sharply about tyranny, was handed over by him to be led away and sold to Pollis, envoy of the Lacedaemonians, who put him up for sale at Aegina. He was ransomed for 20 minas by Anniceris of Cyrene and sent back to his friends at Athens. CELL[ARIUS].

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(2) ‹lemma: Sestertiis octo› · no call mark

Sestertiis octo. Haec summam faciunt ducentorum aureorum coronatorum.

"For eight sestertia." These make a sum of two hundred gold crowns.

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(3) ‹lemma: Furiosus› · no call mark

Furiosus. Heumannus credit, Lactantium scripsisse, furiosius. Ego vix crediderim. Habent omnes libri, in his Reimm., Furiosus, et recte; et ex indole Lactantii, l. VI, cap. 15: Stoici ergo furiosi, qui. BUN.

"Mad." Heumann believes Lactantius wrote furiosius ("more madly"). I should hardly believe it. All the books, among them Reimmann's, have furiosus, and rightly; and it suits Lactantius's manner, book VI chapter 15: "Mad, then, the Stoics, who ..." BUN[EMANN].

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(4) ‹lemma: Ut mihi videtur› · no call mark

Ut mihi videtur. Delevi quidem, quod ab omnibus mss. et nonnullis editis abest.

"As it seems to me." I have deleted quidem, which is missing from all the manuscripts and some editions.

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(5) ‹lemma: Multam pecuniam› · no call mark

Multam pecuniam. Sic reposui ex omnibus mss. ac veteribus editis 2 Rom. Tornes. et Soubron. In 12 vulgatis est, multum pecuniae.

"Much money." So I have restored from all the manuscripts and the old editions, two Roman, the Tornaesius and the Soubron. In twelve printed editions it is multum pecuniae.

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(6) ‹lemma: Mortuo Hectore› · no call mark

Mortuo Hectore. Historia est apud Homer. Iliad.; Dictyn. Cretensem, lib. III; et Virgil., lib. I Aeneid. Cicero, actione VII, Verri hoc crimen objicit, quod cum multos in Sicilia occidisset, cadavera non nisi accepto pretio patribus et cognatis ad sepulturam redderet.

"When Hector was dead." The story is in Homer's Iliad; in Dictys of Crete, book III; and in Virgil, Aeneid book I. Cicero, in the seventh speech [against Verres], charges Verres with this crime: that, having killed many in Sicily, he gave the bodies back for burial to fathers and kinsmen only when he had been paid.

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(7) ‹lemma: Anacharsim Scytham› · no call mark

Anacharsim Scytham. Is fuit Scytharum regis frater, matre Graeca: ex patria Athenas profectus. Vita ejus est libro primo apud Laert. Insignis Luciani Dialogus hujus nomine inscriptus est, in quo de juventutis exercitiis cum Solone disputat. De Anacharsi vide Plutarchum in Vita Solonis. BETUL.

"Anacharsis the Scythian." He was the brother of the king of the Scythians, by a Greek mother; he set out from his homeland to Athens. His life is in the first book of Laertius. A notable dialogue of Lucian bears his name, in which he debates with Solon on the exercises of the young. On Anacharsis see Plutarch's Life of Solon. BETUL[EIUS].

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(8) ‹lemma: Et litteras› · no call mark

Et litteras. Expunxi Graecas, quod a cunctis mss. ac veteribus editis 2 Rom. et Betul. abest. Buneman. habet: — Et (Graecas) litteras. Parenthesi inclusi (Graecas), quam vocem non habent Bon., Tax., Pen., Cauc., Pal., Ultr., Jun., Goth., Lips. 1, 3, Reimm., Emman., Cant., nec ullae edd. vett. Sublac., Rost., Ven. 1471-97, Paris. 1513. At receperunt Aldus et seqq. BUNEM.

"And letters." I have struck out Graecas ("Greek"), because it is missing from all the manuscripts and the old editions, two Roman and Betuleius's. Bünemann has: — "And (Greek) letters. I have put (Graecas) in parentheses; the word is not in the Bononiensis, Taxaquetianus, Pen., Cauchianus, Palatinus, Ultrajectinus, Junius, Gothanus, Leipzig 1 and 3, Reimmann's, Emmanuel, Cantabrigiensis, nor in any of the old editions, Subiaco, Rostock, Venice 1471–97, Paris 1513. But Aldus and those after him took it in." BUNEM[ANN].

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(9) ‹lemma: Poscente natura› · no call mark

Poscente natura. Dictante lege naturae, non corrupta illa, sed primogenita. Nam sub finem hujus capitis, naturae vocabulum usurpat pro vitiata illa, adeoque pro ingenio sive, ut cum Apostolo loquar, lege carnis. BETUL.

"As nature demands." As the law of nature dictates: not that corrupted nature, but the first-made. For towards the end of this chapter he uses the word "nature" for nature as vitiated, and so for natural disposition, or, to speak with the Apostle, the law of the flesh. BETUL[EIUS].

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(10) ‹lemma: Dei autem praecepta› · no call mark

Dei autem praecepta, etc. Non per se, sed per comitantem S. Spiritus efficaciam.

"But the precepts of God," etc. Not of themselves, but through the accompanying efficacy of the Holy Spirit.

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(11) ‹lemma: Tam placidum› · no call mark

Tam placidum. Id ex Terentii Adelphis act. IV, scen. 1, ac docet Lactantius quod christianum nil magis deceat, quam simplicitas.

"So gentle." This is from Terence's Adelphoe, act IV, scene 1; and Lactantius teaches that nothing better becomes a Christian than simplicity.

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(12) ‹lemma: Plenis manibus largientem› · no call mark

Plenis manibus largientem. Optima lectio vetustiorum mss. et plurium editorum. Scripti 13 et vulgati sex, propriis.

"Giving with full hands." The best reading, that of the older manuscripts and of most editions. Thirteen manuscripts and six printed editions read propriis ("with his own").

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(13) ‹lemma: Plenis manibus› · no call mark

Plenis manibus. Hoc est ampliter, copiose, prolixe, minimeque maligne. Haec Eras. in Chil. Jacobus in sua Epistola cap. III, confert mundanam sapientiam cum coelesti, vers. 13, et seqq. — Plenis manibus. Cic. l. II Att., Ep. XXV: Hortatus quam plena manu, etc. Ubi Corradus notat, plena manu esse proverbium ut pleno modio. Saepe utitur Seneca ad Polyb. cap. 28: Munera plena manu congerentem reliquit. Sen. Ep. XXXIII: Si tamen exegeris, non tam mendice tecum agam: sed plena manu fiet; et Epist. CXX: Vidimus, ubi tribuendum esset, plena manu dantem. BUN.

"With full hands." That is, amply, abundantly, generously, and not at all grudgingly. So Erasmus in the Chiliades [Adagia]. James in his Epistle, chapter 3, verse 13 and following, compares worldly wisdom with heavenly. — "With full hands." Cicero, To Atticus book II, letter 25: "with how full a hand he urged," etc.; where Corradus notes that "with full hand" is a proverb, like "with full measure." Seneca uses it often: To Polybius chapter 28, "he left him heaping up gifts with a full hand"; Seneca, Letter 33: "If, however, you demand it, I shall not deal with you so beggarly: it shall be done with a full hand"; and Letter 120: "We have seen him, where something was to be bestowed, giving with a full hand." BUN[EMANN].

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(14) ‹lemma: Cruces› · no call mark

Cruces. Vers. Gall. perperam hic vertit, afflictions; significat. h. l. patibula. BUN.

"Crosses." The French version wrongly renders it here as afflictions; in this place it means gibbets. BUN[EMANN].

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(15) ‹lemma: Cruces, et ignes, et taurum contemnet› · no call mark

Cruces, et ignes, et taurum contemnet. Haec eruditis viris et nobis verior visa est lectio, quam intrusum et pericula 23 manuscriptorum et 7 editorum, pro quo est et Perilli, in 1 Cauc. et Phalaridis, in 3 scriptis et 4 impressis: quae omnia nobis videntur esse glossemata. — Cruces, et ignes, et Phalaridis taurum contemnet. Bon., cruces, et ignes, periculum omne et taurum. Singularis ms. Cauci, cruces et ignes et Perilli taurum contemnet. Perillus enim erat inventor illius aenei tauri, de quo docte et pluribus Salvagninus ad Ovid. Ibid., 439: Aere Perillaeo veros imitere juvencos; et lib. V Trist. 1: Ipse Perillaeo Phalaris permisit in aere / Edere mugitus, et bovis ore queri. BUN.

"He will despise crosses, and fires, and the bull." This seemed to learned men and to us the truer reading, rather than the intruded "and dangers" of twenty-three manuscripts and seven editions; in its place one Cauchianus has "and of Perillus," and three manuscripts and four printed editions "and of Phalaris": all of which seem to us to be glosses. — "He will despise crosses, and fires, and the bull of Phalaris." The Bononiensis: "crosses, and fires, every danger, and the bull." Cauchi's single manuscript: "he will despise crosses and fires and the bull of Perillus." For Perillus was the inventor of that bronze bull, on which Salvagninus writes learnedly and at length on Ovid's Ibis, 439: "May you imitate real bullocks in Perillus's bronze"; and Tristia book V, 1: "Phalaris himself let men bellow in Perillus's bronze and lament through the mouth of an ox." BUN[EMANN].

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(16) ‹lemma: Ganeonem› · no call mark

Ganeonem. Tabernis et conviviis turpioribus dantem operam. Vide Cortium ad Sall. Catil. c. 13, p. 90 et c. 14, p. 94. BUN.

"A glutton." One who gives himself to taverns and to rather shameful banquets. See Cortius on Sallust's Catiline, chapter 13, page 90, and chapter 14, page 94. BUN[EMANN].

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(17) ‹lemma: Uno enim lavacro› · no call mark

Uno enim lavacro, etc. Baptismatis scilicet sacro fonte.

"For by one washing," etc. Namely, by the sacred font of baptism.

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(18) ‹lemma: Stultitiam uno semel impetu expellat› · no call mark

Stultitiam uno semel impetu expellat. Hoc est, hominis malitiam universaque peccata depellit baptismus.

"Drives out folly at a single stroke, once for all." That is, baptism drives out a man's wickedness and all his sins.

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[Header, as printed: VARIORUM NOTAE. The notes carry no call marks; each is keyed by a lemma from the text. They are numbered here in print order.] (printed under page 220)

(1) ‹lemma: Pectus... sitiat› · no call mark

Pectus... sitiat. Rost. pectus... sciat, prave. Imitatur Cyprianum, l. II, ep. 2, ed. Erasmi: Nostrum tantum sitiat pectus et pateat. BUN.

"Let the heart ... thirst." The Rostock edition has pectus ... sciat ("let the heart know"), wrongly. He is imitating Cyprian, book II, letter 2, in Erasmus's edition: "Let our heart only thirst and lie open." BUN[EMANN].

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(2) ‹lemma: Nemo vereatur: nos aquam non vendimus› · no call mark

Nemo vereatur: nos aquam non vendimus. Tali interpunctione haec distinguunt mss. 9 Reg., 3 Colbert. sexque alii, et edit. Rom. 1470. In 3 Colbert. nulla distinctio; in 2 scriptis rec. et 17, excusis legitur: Nemo vereatur nos, aquam non vendimus. — Aquam non vendimus. Materiam Baptismatis, ut vides. Id est, gratis illud sacramentum omnibus conferimus. Et quidem secutis temporibus a variis diversorum regnorum conciliis prohibitum est, ne quid pro baptismi collatione exigeretur. Inter haec sunt Concilia Eliberit. can. 48, Brachar. can. 7, Emerit. an 666, Tribur. an 895, Lemovic. an 1031, Bituric. 1438, Mediolanense sub S. Carolo Borromaeo, Gelasius papa epist. ad universos Lucaniae episcopos cap. 7, Constitutiones Gallonis S. R. E. cardinalis circa annum 1208, cap. 2, Ritualia omnia. — Nemo vereatur: nos aquam. Integer hic locus egregie illustratur ex Cypriani lib. II, ep. 2, ed. Basil. et Gryph. in ep. ad Donatum: Nec ad hoc pretiis aut ambitu, aut manu opus est... sed gratuitum de Deo munus religiosa mente concipitur, et facile est; et ut sponte sol radiat, dies illuminat, fons rigat, imber irrorat: ita se spiritus coelestis infundit. Ipse Lact. l. VII, cap. 27: Et quis est, qui hoc bona parare ac acquirere velit?... Veniant, qui sitiunt ut aquam salutarem de perenni coelestique fonte plenissimis faucibus trahant; et l. I, cap. 1. BUN.

"Let no one fear: we do not sell water." With this punctuation the passage is divided by nine Regius manuscripts, three Colbertini and six others, and the Rome edition of 1470. In three Colbertini there is no division; in two recent manuscripts and seventeen printed editions one reads: "Let no one fear us; we do not sell water." — "We do not sell water": the matter of Baptism, as you see. That is, we confer that sacrament on all freely. And indeed in later times it was forbidden by various councils of different kingdoms that anything be exacted for conferring baptism. Among these are the Councils of Elvira, canon 48; Braga, canon 7; Mérida, in the year 666; Tribur, 895; Limoges, 1031; Bourges, 1438; the Milanese council under St Charles Borromeo; Pope Gelasius, letter to all the bishops of Lucania, chapter 7; the Constitutions of Gallo, cardinal of the Holy Roman Church, about the year 1208, chapter 2; all the Rituals. — "Let no one fear: we [do not sell] water." The whole of this passage is excellently illustrated from Cyprian book II, letter 2 (Basel and Gryphius editions), the letter to Donatus: "Nor is there need for this of price, or canvassing, or handiwork ... but the free gift from God is conceived by a religious mind, and it is easy; and as the sun shines of itself, the day gives light, the spring waters, the shower bedews: so the heavenly Spirit pours itself in." Lactantius himself, book VII chapter 27: "And who is there who would not wish to procure and acquire this good? ... Let those who thirst come, to draw saving water from the everlasting and heavenly fountain with fullest throats"; and book I chapter 1. BUN[EMANN].

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(3) ‹lemma: Excidit vitia› · no call mark

Excidit vitia. Sic omnes fere mss. In 3 Reg. ex Marm. et editis 6, exscindit; in 10 impressis excindit.

"Cuts away vices." So almost all the manuscripts. In three Regii, from the Marmoutier [manuscript], and in six editions, exscindit; in ten printed editions, excindit.

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(4) ‹lemma: Vetere› · no call mark

Vetere. Vide Paulum ad Ephes. IV, et Colossenses III, Exposito vetere, scilicet homine, id est ejecto. Canterus atque alii, loco vocis exposito, legendum putant expuncto, quae conjectura non est contemnenda; utinam manuscriptis esset roborata! — Exposito vetere. Hic est stylus Lactantii et scriptorum veterum S. et ecclesiasticorum. Iterum Lact. l. VII, cap. 5: Homo coelesti lavacro purificatus exponit infantiam cum omni labe vitae prioris; ubi frustra Heumannus tentat, deponit. Saepe ita Cyprianus; e. g. contra Demetrianum ed. Basil. fol. 103, Oxon. fol. 193: Exposita nativitate terrena, spiritu recreati et renati sumus. Idem, epist. XI ed Oxon., fol. 26: Conversationem veteris hominis exponunt. Lib. II, ep. III, in Oxon. ed., ep. LXIII, fol. 153: Tristitia omnis exponitur... exponatur memoria veteris hominis. Idem de Habitu Virginis prope finem: Hominem veterem illic gratia lavacri spiritualis exponunt. Idem certius probat versus Paulini Nolani Poem. XXIII, 609, 610: Ne maneam terrenus Adam, sed virgine terra / Nascar, et, exposito veteri, nova former imago. BUN.

"The old." See Paul to the Ephesians 4 and to the Colossians 3. "The old being put off," that is, the [old] man, that is, cast out. Canterus and others think that in place of the word exposito one should read expuncto ("struck out"), a conjecture not to be despised; would that it were supported by the manuscripts! — "The old being put off." This is the style of Lactantius and of the old sacred and ecclesiastical writers. Again Lactantius, book VII chapter 5: "Man, purified by the heavenly washing, puts off infancy with every stain of his former life"; where Heumann tries, in vain, deponit ("lays down"). Cyprian often says it so; for example, Against Demetrianus, Basel edition fol. 103, Oxford fol. 193: "Our earthly birth put off, we have been re-created and reborn by the Spirit." The same, letter 11 in the Oxford edition, fol. 26: "They put off the conduct of the old man." Book II, letter 3, in the Oxford edition letter 63, fol. 153: "All sadness is put off ... let the memory of the old man be put off." The same, On the Dress of Virgins, near the end: "There, by the grace of the spiritual washing, they put off the old man." The verses of Paulinus of Nola, Poem 23, 609–610, prove the same more surely: "That I may not remain an earthly Adam, but be born of virgin earth, and, the old put off, be formed a new image." BUN[EMANN].

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(5) ‹lemma: Quod a scientia veniat› · no call mark

Quod a scientia veniat. Ita mss. 2 veterrimi Reg. aliique plures, cum cunctis ferme editis. In 1 Bonon. et 10, scriptis rec. est, quod ad scientiam veniat.

"That it comes from knowledge." So two very old Regius manuscripts and many others, with nearly all the editions. In one Bologna manuscript and ten recent manuscripts it is "that it comes to knowledge."

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(6) ‹lemma: Virtutem esse Stoici aiunt› · no call mark

Virtutem esse Stoici aiunt. Laertius Zenonem et Chrysippum hujus assertionis auctores citat. Disputant super hac quaestione Cicero in V Tusc. quaest., Seneca epist. 92. Lactantius probat gentilium sententiam, quam tamen aliter atque ipsi, intelligit: ita nimirum, quod virtus, quae ex fide christiana nascitur, ad aeternam felicitatem consequendam sufficiat: quum Gentilium sensus sit, virtutem sibi sufficere, neque indigere cujusquam laude, vel gloria, neque praesidio fortunae parere, perficereque beatitudinem. Hinc definivit etiam Cic. in I de Legibus virtutem, perfectam in se ad summum perductam naturam. BETULEIUS.

"The Stoics say that virtue is ..." Laertius cites Zeno and Chrysippus as the authors of this assertion. Cicero debates this question in Tusculan Disputations V, and Seneca in letter 92. Lactantius approves the opinion of the Gentiles, though he understands it otherwise than they: namely, that the virtue born of Christian faith suffices to obtain eternal happiness; whereas the Gentiles' sense is that virtue suffices for itself, needs no one's praise or glory, does not depend on the protection of fortune, and achieves blessedness. Hence Cicero too, in On the Laws I, defined virtue as nature perfected in itself and brought to its highest. BETULEIUS.

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(7) ‹lemma: Sapiens, inquit, semper beatus est› · no call mark

Sapiens, inquit, semper beatus est. Apud Ciceronem in II, Tusc. quaest. sub initium de hac Epicuri constantia sic legimus: Epicurus affirmat, si uratur sapiens, si crucietur, expectas fortasse dum dicat, patietur, perferet, non succumbet. Magna mehercule laus, et eo ipso per quem juravi, Hercule digna. Sed Epicuro, homini aspero et duro, non est hoc satis. In Phalaridis tauro si erit, dicet: « Quam suave est hoc, quam hoc non curo. » Suave etiam? an parum est, si non est amarum? etc. De Perillo notior est historia, quam quae referri debeat. Vide, si voles, Plin. lib. XXXIV, cap. 8. Prov. apud Erasm. Phalaridis imperium. BUTELEIUS.

"The wise man, he says, is always happy." In Cicero, Tusculan Disputations II, near the beginning, we read thus of this firmness of Epicurus: "Epicurus affirms — if the wise man is burned, if he is tortured — you perhaps expect him to say, he will endure, bear it out, not give in. Great praise, by Hercules, and worthy of that very Hercules by whom I swore. But for Epicurus, a harsh and hard man, this is not enough. If he is in the bull of Phalaris, he will say, 'How pleasant this is; how little I care for it.' Pleasant even? Is it too little if it is not bitter?" etc. The story of Perillus is too well known to need telling. See, if you wish, Pliny book XXXIV chapter 8; the proverb in Erasmus, "the rule of Phalaris." BUTELEIUS [as printed, for Betuleius].

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(8) ‹lemma: Si propter gloriam patientiae; non fruetur› · no call mark

Si propter gloriam patientiae; non fruetur. Sic legunt 6 Reg., 1 Colbert., Bon., 2 Brun., Em., Cauc., Ultr., atque ita legendum esse contendo; ut enim recte affirmat Thomasius, si, ut est in aliis 4, mss. et editis legatur patientia fruetur, nullum habebimus sensum: hoc autem intendit Lactantius, ho- (continues)

"If for the glory of patience; he will not enjoy it." So read six Regii, one Colbertinus, the Bononiensis, two Brunswick manuscripts, the Emmanuel, the Cauchianus and the Ultrajectinus, and so I maintain it must be read; for, as Thomasius rightly asserts, if, as in four other manuscripts and in the editions, one reads "he will enjoy patience," we shall have no sense: but what Lactantius means is this, ... (continues)

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[Header, as printed: VARIORUM NOTAE. The notes carry no call marks; each is keyed by a lemma from the text. They are numbered here in print order.] (printed under page 221)

(1) ‹lemma: Si propter gloriam patientiae; non fruetur (continued)› · no call mark

(continued) mines non ita felices futuros inter calamitates, ut clamat Epicurus. Si enim propter gloriam patientiae patiatur, non poterit frui illa gloria statim moriturus. Mss. 1 Reg., Pal., et ed. Rom. 1468, pro fruetur, habent fruatur.

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(2) ‹lemma: Veniat› · no call mark

Veniat. Recte. At aliis venit.

"Should come" (veniat). Correctly. But others have venit ("comes").

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(3) ‹lemma: Utrum aequo an iniquo animo eam subieris› · no call mark

Utrum aequo an iniquo animo eam subieris. Omissas in antiquo Bononiensi et in 5 excusis duas voces, an iniquo, restitui ex caeteris editis et 27 mss. nisi quod in 2 Colb. et 1 Clarom. est aut iniquo.

"Whether you underwent it with an even or an uneven mind." The two words an iniquo ("or an uneven"), omitted in the old Bologna manuscript and in five printed editions, I have restored from the other editions and twenty-seven manuscripts, except that two Colbertini and one Claromontanus have aut iniquo.

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(4) ‹lemma: Non sequetur› · no call mark

Non sequetur. Scilicet gloria. 1 Bon. rec. et ed. Is. non sequitur. Ms. Jun. et 9 editi ferunt non sequenda, quod non cohaeret. Hanc lectionem nostram ita Thomasius interpretatur, ut dicat Lactantius, prava hominum judicia effectura esse, ut nulla inde, id est ex virtute, gloria oriatur, ubi fuerit vera et solida gloria, vel vita digna hac gloria.

"Will not follow." Namely, glory. One recent Bologna manuscript and the edition of Isaeus: non sequitur ("does not follow"). The Junius manuscript and nine editions give non sequenda, which does not hang together. Thomasius interprets this reading of ours as meaning that Lactantius says men's perverse judgements will bring it about that no glory arises from it, that is, from virtue, where there has been true and solid glory, or a life worthy of this glory.

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(5) ‹lemma: Ita qui haec locuti sunt› · no call mark

Ita qui haec locuti sunt. Sic veterrimi et optimi mss. Bonon. et Reg. aliique cum editis quinque. In scriptis 15 rec. et 11 impressis, Itaque qui haec locuti sunt; in rect. 1 Reg. et 1 Colb., Itaque qui hoc.

"So those who said these things." So the very old and best manuscripts, the Bologna and the Regius, and others, with five editions. In fifteen recent manuscripts and eleven printed editions, "And so those who said these things"; in one recent Regius and one Colbertinus, "And so those who [said] this."

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(6) ‹lemma: Videbant› · no call mark

Videbant. Utrobique ex mss. repositum. Editi habent bis, viderunt.

"They saw" (videbant). Restored in both places from the manuscripts. The editions have viderunt twice.

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(7) ‹lemma: Defixi› · no call mark

Defixi. Mss. 8 rec et edd. 5, Deflexi. Caeteri ut in textu.

"Fixed." Eight recent manuscripts and five editions, deflexi ("bent aside"). The rest as in the text.

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(8) ‹lemma: Ostentabat› · no call mark

Ostentabat. Manuscriptorum est; ostendebat editorum, et Lucretii vulgati. Versus ille Lucretii est libro I, initio.

"Displayed." This is the reading of the manuscripts; ostendebat ("showed") that of the editions and of the common text of Lucretius. That verse of Lucretius is at the beginning of book I.

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(9) ‹lemma: Virtuti› · no call mark

Virtuti. Emendavi ex mss. et melioribus editis. Sex impressi habent virtute.

"To virtue." I have corrected it from the manuscripts and the better editions. Six printed editions have virtute ("by virtue").

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(10) ‹lemma: Cum res non vestigabiles quaerunt› · no call mark

Cum res non vestigabiles quaerunt. Ita vetusti codices mss. Vitiose recentiores et impressi, cum res non investigabiles. Quasi dicat Lactantius eos, qui nullam religionem habent, et animam putant esse mortalem nihil causae habere, cur in coelum spectent, quia si ibi mortalitatem animarum et impietatem quaerunt, res quaerunt non vestigabiles, hoc est quae inveniri non possunt. Si vero legas non investigabiles, contrarius erit sensus, et plane nullus. Haec ex Thomasio. Attamen Cellarius et Heumannus auctoritate antiquarum editionum freti, putant legendum esse non investigabiles. Videant igitur eruditi quam lectionem sibi amplectendam esse existiment.

"When they seek things not to be tracked." So the old manuscript codices. The more recent ones and the printed editions faultily read "when [they seek] things not untraceable." As if Lactantius were saying that those who have no religion, and think the soul mortal, have no reason to look to heaven, because if they seek there the mortality of souls and impiety, they are seeking things not to be tracked, that is, things that cannot be found. But if you read non investigabiles, the sense will be the opposite, and plainly none at all. This from Thomasius. Yet Cellarius and Heumann, relying on the authority of the old editions, think one should read non investigabiles. Let the learned, then, see which reading they judge they should embrace.

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(11) ‹lemma: Aut religionem suscipere› · no call mark

Aut religionem suscipere. Doctiss. Rivetus in Notis suis mss. legit suspicere: sed in nullo, quod sciam, ms. sic legitur. GALLAEUS. — Infra, religionem non suscipiunt.

"Or to take up religion." The most learned Rivet, in his manuscript notes, reads suspicere ("to look up to"): but in no manuscript, so far as I know, is it read so. GALLAEUS. — Below: "they do not take up religion."

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(12) ‹lemma: In coelo est› · no call mark

In coelo est. Nam cogitatio nostra in coelis esse debet, ait Paulus.

"Is in heaven." For our thought ought to be in the heavens, says Paul.

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(13) ‹lemma: Specie falsae virtutis› · no call mark

Specie falsae virtutis. Mss. 1 Colbert. et Brun., falsa.

"By the appearance of false virtue." One Colbertinus and the Brunswick manuscript: falsa (agreeing with "appearance": "by a false appearance of virtue").

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(14) ‹lemma: Naturae nomen invenit› · no call mark

Naturae nomen invenit. De natura, testante Galeno, scripserunt Plato, Hippocrates, Empedocles, Parmenides, Melissus, Alcmaeon, Heraclitus, Epicurus. Vocabulum naturae varie usurpatur a Latinis. Nam quandoque pro indole, ingenio, habitu accipitur, quandoque pro mente, saepius pro substantia, praesertim apud Ciceronem: communior tamen hujus usus est, ut pro nascendi conditione rationeque accipiatur. Lactantius autem, dum significationes istas confundit, sese magis involvit, quam explicat: alioqui non immerito damnans eos, qui Deum rerum conditorem sua gloria fraudantes, Naturam quamdam creatricem, et administratricem rerum constituunt; cum Natura (φύσις) nihil aliud sit, quam lex et voluntas aeterna Dei creantis et administrantis per ipsam omnia. Nam verbalia Graecorum ις, saepissime actionem agendique facultatem significant. Mirari quis posset, cur Naturae vocem suspectam reddere nitatur, (continues)

"Found the name of nature." On nature, as Galen testifies, Plato, Hippocrates, Empedocles, Parmenides, Melissus, Alcmaeon, Heraclitus and Epicurus wrote. The word "nature" is used variously by the Latins. For sometimes it is taken for disposition, temperament, habit; sometimes for mind; more often for substance, especially in Cicero: its more common use, however, is for the condition and manner of being born. Lactantius, though, in confusing these meanings, entangles himself more than he explains: otherwise rightly condemning those who, robbing God the founder of things of his glory, set up a certain Nature as creatress and administratrix of things; whereas Nature (physis) is nothing other than the law and eternal will of God, who creates and administers all things through it. For the Greek verbal nouns in -is very often signify action and the faculty of acting. One might wonder why he strives to make the word "Nature" suspect, (continues)

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[Header, as printed: VARIORUM NOTAE. The notes carry no call marks; each is keyed by a lemma from the text. They are numbered here in print order.] (printed under page 222)

(1) ‹lemma: Naturae nomen invenit (continued)› · no call mark

(continued) cum ea non modo in utriusque Testamenti voluminibus crebro occurrat legentibus, sed etiam apud scriptores ecclesiasticos antiquissimos. Neque enim ex sese vel est quidquam, vel movetur, quae nihil aliud quam Dei nutus est, et ut dixi, voluntas aeterna. Deus autem Natura quidem esse potest, si non φύσιν, sed οὐσίαν intelligas. Nam sic non Cicero modo, sed etiam ipse Augustinus, creaturam οὐσίαν transtulerunt, non de Deo modo, sed etiam de aliis substantiis. Nam in II de Moribus Manichaeorum libro, cap. 1, dicit, verbo substantivo (nihil refert sive εἰμὶ, unde οὐσία deducitur; sive sum, unde Essentia, intelligas) subesse manentis in se, atque incommutabiliter sese habentis naturae significationem. Hanc nihil aliud quam Deum possumus dicere. Idem Augustinus l. II de Anima. Quare Lactantius hoc quoque, quod sano cum intellectu et legi et intelligi poterat, praeter meritum videtur acerbius reprehendere. Quam quidem quaestionem cap. 10, de Ira Dei refricat. BETULEIUS.

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(2) ‹lemma: Si Deum naturam vocent› · no call mark

Si Deum naturam vocent. Quae Senecae sententia fuit. Vide supra lib. I, cap. 9.

"If they call God nature." Which was Seneca's opinion. See above, book I, chapter 9.

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(3) ‹lemma: Sed› · no call mark

Sed. Ex mss. reposui; in editis est quia.

"But." I have restored it from the manuscripts; in the editions it is quia ("because").

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(4) ‹lemma: Non dissimili errore› · no call mark

Non dissimili errore. In hunc Gentilium errorem invehitur S. Augustinus lib. IV de Civit. Dei, cap. 18 et 19.

"By no unlike error." St Augustine inveighs against this error of the Gentiles in The City of God book IV, chapters 18 and 19.

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(5) ‹lemma: Cum hac se compositos› · no call mark

Cum hac se compositos. Verbum gladiatorum, ubi paria componebantur, quod et committere, comparare dicebant. Hic Firmianus respexit ad Senec. de Provid. cap. 2: Ecce par Deo dignum, vir fortis cum mala fortuna compositus. BUNEMAN.

"Matched with her." A gladiators' word, used when pairs were matched, which they also called committere, comparare. Here Firmianus had in view Seneca, On Providence chapter 2: "Behold a pair worthy of God: a brave man matched with ill fortune." BUNEMAN.

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(6) ‹lemma: Amissionemque carorum› · no call mark

Amissionemque carorum. Conf. infra, amiserit carissimam. Interitus et amissio non raro pro obitu ponuntur. Sic sacri et profani scriptores. Tertull. de Patient. cap. 14: amissio carissimorum. Conf. cap. 9, pr. Cyprianus de Bono Patient. n. 9: Multiplex tentationum qualitas irrogatur, de jacturis facultatum... de cruciatibus vulnerum, de amissione carorum. Arnobius lib. II, n. 98: Amissio pignorum. Seneca ad Marciam cap. 7: Ex discessu, non solum amissione carissimorum necessarius morsus est. Ipse Cicero lib. III Off. cap. 5: Amissio liberorum, propinquorum, amicorum; et lib. III, Tusc. c. 30, pr. In Lips. altero legitur, ab interitu amissioneque carorum. BUNEMAN.

"And the loss of dear ones." Compare below, "has lost a most dear one." Interitus and amissio are not seldom used for death. So the sacred and profane writers. Tertullian, On Patience chapter 14: "the loss of the dearest." Compare chapter 9, beginning. Cyprian, On the Good of Patience no. 9: "Manifold kinds of trial are inflicted: losses of property ... tortures of wounds, the loss of dear ones." Arnobius book II, no. 98: "the loss of pledges [children]." Seneca to Marcia chapter 7: "From the departure, not only the loss, of the dearest a pang is inevitable." Cicero himself, On Duties book III chapter 5: "the loss of children, kin, friends"; and Tusculans book III chapter 30, beginning. In the second Leipzig manuscript one reads "from the death and loss of dear ones." BUNEMAN.

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(7) ‹lemma: Vexetur› · no call mark

Vexetur. Omnium pene mss. et editorum est; scripti 1 Bon. antiq., 1 Colb. et 3 editi legunt, versetur; 1 Reg. rec., veretur.

"Is harassed." The reading of almost all the manuscripts and editions; the old Bologna manuscript, one Colbertinus and three editions read versetur ("is engaged"); one recent Regius, veretur ("fears").

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(8) ‹lemma: Eamque a se esse superatam› · no call mark

Eamque a se esse superatam. Mss. 3 Reg., Lips., Goth. et edit. Cellar. post a se addunt semper, quod caeteri mss. editi respuunt, neque necessarium videtur, cum mox praecesserit. Vide et Tusculan. quaestiones Ciceron. lib. V: Occupavi te, inquit, fortuna, atque cepi, omnesque aditus tuos exclusi, ut ad me aspirare non posses. — Eamque a se semper esse superatam. Lips. et Goth. semper interserunt, quam alii negligunt, forsan quod repetitam ex superioribus crediderunt. Nec vero ingrata repetitio, aut a genio auctoris aliena. BUNEMAN.

"And that she had been overcome by him." Three Regius manuscripts, the Leipzig, the Gotha, and Cellarius's edition add semper ("always") after a se, which the other manuscripts and editions reject, nor does it seem necessary, since it came just before. See also Cicero's Tusculan Disputations book V: "I have forestalled you, Fortune, he says, and taken you, and shut off all your approaches, so that you could not reach me." — "And that she had always been overcome by him." The Leipzig and Gotha insert semper, which others pass over, perhaps because they thought it repeated from what went before. But the repetition is not unpleasing, nor foreign to the author's manner. BUNEMAN.

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(9) ‹lemma: Inquit› · no call mark

Inquit. Idem Cicero in fragmentis de Consolatione.

"He says." The same Cicero, in the fragments of the Consolation.

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(10) ‹lemma: Et manum tollo› · no call mark

Et manum tollo. Ita legendum est ex mss. et ex ipso Cicerone. Theod. Canterus ita correxit. Ita habent edit. antiquiss. Rom. 1470, et Veneta 1490, editi legunt, en manum tollo. Qui superabantur ac victos se agnoscebant, manum dabant: hinc Virgil. lib. XII Aeneid. tendere palmas dixit. Cicero in Laelio, ad extremum det manus, vincique se patiatur. Item Theocrit. Eidyllio 23.

"And I raise my hand." So it should be read from the manuscripts and from Cicero himself. Theodor Canter corrected it so. So have the very old editions, Rome 1470 and Venice 1490; the [other] editions read "lo, I raise my hand." Those who were being overcome and acknowledged themselves beaten gave their hands: hence Virgil, Aeneid book XII, said "stretch out the palms." Cicero in the Laelius: "let him at last give his hands and suffer himself to be beaten." Likewise Theocritus, Idyll 23.

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(11) ‹lemma: Qui sic jaceat?› · no call mark

Qui sic jaceat? Id est, sic abjectus, afflictus, fractus sit. Unde Ciceroni saepe afflictus et jacens, abjectus et jacens, junguntur. Conf. Lact. de Mort. Pers. cap. 1. BUNEMAN.

"Who lies so low?" That is, is so cast down, stricken, broken. Hence in Cicero "stricken and lying low," "cast down and lying low" are often joined. Compare Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors chapter 1. BUNEMAN.

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(12) ‹lemma: Inquit› · no call mark

Inquit. Sic omnes mss. et veteres edd. Rom. et Paris. vulgati 12 inquis.

"He says." So all the manuscripts and the old editions of Rome and Paris; twelve printed editions inquis ("you say").

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(13) ‹lemma: Datis› · no call mark

Datis. Secutus sum librorum mss. pene omnium et optimorum auctoritatem. Quinque recentissimi habent dat; 1 Lips. data sunt; 2 Reg. recent. et 1 Colb. cum editis dantur. Non male.

"Given" (datis). I have followed the authority of almost all and the best of the manuscript books. Five very recent ones have dat; one Leipzig data sunt; two recent Regii and one Colbertinus, with the editions, dantur. Not badly.

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(14) ‹lemma: Qui sapiat› · no call mark

Qui sapiat. Reposui ex omnibus mss. et plerisque editis. Caeteris vulgatis est, sapit.

"Who is wise" (sapiat). I have restored it from all the manuscripts and most editions. In the other printed editions it is sapit.

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(15) ‹lemma: Facit› · no call mark

Facit. In quibusdam editionibus, faciat.

"Makes." In some editions, faciat.

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(16) ‹lemma: Affingere› · no call mark

Affingere. Omnium fere mss. est et edition. Vulgat. accedentibus 3 Colb. in quibus est affigere; ms. Tornes. attingere. Vulgati legunt effingere.

"To attach falsely" (affingere). The reading of almost all the manuscripts and editions. The common editions, with three Colbertini joining them, have affigere ("to fasten on"); the Tornaesius manuscript attingere ("to touch"). The printed editions read effingere ("to portray").

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(17) ‹lemma: Anaxagoras› · no call mark

Anaxagoras, etc. Haec videntur ex primo Academicorum Ciceronis desumpta esse, ubi de Academicorum ἀκαταληψία scribit. Verba Ciceronis sunt: Tum ego, cum Zenone, inquam, ut accepimus, Arcesilas sibi omne certamen instituit, non pertinacia aut studio vincendi (ut mihi quidem videtur) sed earum rerum obscu- (continues)

"Anaxagoras," etc. This seems to be taken from the first book of Cicero's Academics, where he writes of the Academics' akatalēpsia [the doctrine that nothing can be grasped]. Cicero's words are: "Then I said: Arcesilas, as we have been told, set up his whole contest with Zeno, not from obstinacy or desire to win (as it seems to me, at least), but [because of] the obscu[rity] of those things ... (continues)

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[Header, as printed: VARIORUM NOTAE. The notes carry no call marks; each is keyed by a lemma from the text. They are numbered here in print order.] (printed under page 223)

(1) ‹lemma: Anaxagoras (continued)› · no call mark

(continued) ritate, quae ad confessionem ignorationis adduxerunt Socratem, et veluti amantes Socratem, Democritum, Anaxagoram, Empedoclem, omnes pene veteres, qui nihil cognosci, nihil percipi, nihil sciri posse dixerunt; angustos sensus, imbecillos animos, brevia circula vitae, et (ut Democritus) in profundo veritatem esse demersam. Hoc posterius legitur etiam in altero, quod extat, Academicarum Quaest. fragmento: Naturam accusa, quae in profundo veritatem, ut ait Democritus, penitus abstruserit. BETUL.

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(2) ‹lemma: In puteo demersa veritas› · no call mark

In puteo demersa veritas. Ita cum vet. 8 excusis ferunt cuncti mss. praeter duos Reg. rec. qui habent in puteum. Sed et apud Ciceronem I Academic. Quaest., cap. 12, effertur sexto casu: Democritus dixit, in profundo veritatem esse demersam.

"Truth sunk in a well." So, with eight old printed editions, all the manuscripts have it, except two recent Regii, which have in puteum ("into a well"). And in Cicero too, Academic Questions I, chapter 12, it is expressed in the ablative case: "Democritus said that truth is sunk in the deep."

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(3) ‹lemma: In summo illis› · no call mark

In summo illis. Veteres editiones legunt illis in summo.

"To them at the top." The old editions read illis in summo (the same words in another order).

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(4) ‹lemma: Nisi hoc unum› · no call mark

Nisi hoc unum. Istud vide apud Plat. in Apolog. Phaedon. Criton. et apud Cicer. I Acad. quaest. sub. init.

"Except this one thing." See this in Plato's Apology, Phaedo and Crito, and in Cicero, Academic Questions I, near the beginning.

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(5) ‹lemma: Saepe› · no call mark

Saepe. Mss. 6 rec. semper.

"Often." Six recent manuscripts: semper ("always").

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(6) ‹lemma: Quid sentirent, quid vellent› · no call mark

Quid sentirent, quid vellent. Mss. 10 rec. cum edit. Betul., quid sentiant, quid velint. Mss. Cotton., quid sentire vellent.

"What they thought, what they meant." Ten recent manuscripts, with Betuleius's edition: quid sentiant, quid velint (present tense). The Cotton manuscript: "what they wished to think."

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(7) ‹lemma: Statuere› · no call mark

Statuere. Sic antiquissimi codices Bonon., 3 Reg., Cauc., 3 Oxon. cum editis octo. Recentiores scripti 23 cum vet. impressis 8 ferunt satis statuere.

"To determine." So the most ancient codices, the Bononiensis, three Regii, the Cauchianus, three Oxford manuscripts, with eight editions. Twenty-three more recent manuscripts, with eight old printed editions, have satis statuere ("to determine sufficiently").

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(8) ‹lemma: Suo sibi gladio pereunt› · no call mark

Suo sibi gladio pereunt. Ms. 1 Clarom. a secunda manu, suo sese gladio peremerunt. Proverbium est: vide Terent. in Adelphis.

"They perish by their own sword." One Claromontanus manuscript, in a second hand: "they slew themselves with their own sword." It is a proverb: see Terence in the Adelphoe.

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(9) ‹lemma: Quos sua ipsos destruit› · no call mark

Quos sua ipsos destruit. Ita cuncti fere mss. cum omnibus pene editis. In tribus editis est ipsa suos; in scriptis rec. 1 Colb. et Brun. ipsa sua; in 1 Reg. rec., sua ipsa.

"Whom their own [doctrine] destroys." So almost all the manuscripts with nearly all the editions. In three editions it is ipsa suos; in recent manuscripts, one Colbertinus and the Brunswick, ipsa sua; in one recent Regius, sua ipsa.

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(10) ‹lemma: Afficit› · no call mark

Afficit. Sic restitui ex optimo et veterrimo ms. Regio-Put., 5 al. Reg., 6 Colb. septemque aliis, necnon ex vet. edit. Rom. 1470. Scripti tres et editi 14 ferunt affligit; 1 Reg. rec. infligit: sed et afficere simpliciter Ciceroni et Columellae idem est, ac vexare, affligere: quam vocem substituerunt ignari amanuenses.

"Afflicts" (afficit). So I have restored it from the best and oldest manuscript, the Regio-Puteanus, five other Regii, six Colbertini and seven others, and also from the old Rome edition of 1470. Three manuscripts and fourteen editions have affligit; one recent Regius infligit: but afficere used absolutely is, for Cicero and Columella, the same as vexare, affligere — a word which ignorant copyists substituted.

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(11) ‹lemma: Aut stultissimos, aut gloriosissimos fuisse› · no call mark

Aut stultissimos, aut gloriosissimos fuisse. Haec lectio sit omnium ferme et optimorum mss. codicum in 7 rec. et 5 vulgatis est aut gloriosos.

"Were either the most foolish or the most vainglorious." Let this be the reading of almost all and of the best manuscript codices; in seven recent ones and five printed editions it is aut gloriosos ("or vainglorious").

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(12) ‹lemma: Tempus? quo more? quando est› · no call mark

Tempus? quo more? quando est. Usus rarior probari potest ex Cic. lib. I Invent., c. 25, pr.: In victu considerare oportet, apud quos et quo more, et cujus arbitratu sit educatus.

"Time? In what manner? When is it?" The rarer usage can be proved from Cicero, On Invention book I, chapter 25, beginning: "In the manner of life one must consider among whom, and in what manner, and at whose direction he was brought up."

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(13) ‹lemma: Tamquam sit in aliquo sensu› · no call mark

Tamquam sit in aliquo sensu. Lege, tamquam sit illis aliquis sensus. HEUMAN. — Tamquam sit in aliquo sensu. Sine praepositione Cicero l. II de Nat. deor., cap. 15: Id animal et sensu acerrimo, et mobilitate celerrima esse. Sed notum est, veteres saepe in addere. BUN.

"As though it were in some sense." Read "as though they had some sense." HEUMAN[N]. — "As though it were in some sense." Without the preposition, Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods book II, chapter 15: "that this animal is of the keenest sense and the swiftest motion." But it is well known that the ancients often add in. BUN[EMANN].

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(14) ‹lemma: Sed deum esse dicunt› · no call mark

Sed deum esse dicunt. Quod philosophi hoc fecerint, nondum legi. Nisi fortassis Plutum intelligas, qui apud Aristoph. et ipse caecus inducitur. Sed Romani Fortunam masculam, et Fortunam muliebrem coluerunt, ut a Plutarcho scriptum est in lib. de Fortuna Romanorum. Augustinus utrinsque meminit loco supra citato. Masculae Fortunae templum ab Anco Martio, quarto Romanorum rege, extructum, quod plusculam sibi fortunam ad indipiscendam victoriam affuisse, quam fortitudinem crediderat. Fuit etiam alia masculae Fortunae aedicula ad Veneris fanum, auctore eodem Plutarcho, qui variarum Fortunarum et nomina et delubra recenset. Sed hic locus majorem acquireret lucem, si Ciceronis verba quae hic citantur, ex Academicarum Quaest. primo adscripsero integra; ibi enim perfectio illa rerum multis nominatur et variis nominibus. Verba Ciceronis, ubi de naturali philosophia loquitur, sic habent: Partes autem esse mundi, omnia quae insint in eo, quae Natura sentiente teneantur, in qua ratio perfecta insit, quae sit eadem sempiterna. Nihil enim valentius, a quo intereat. Quam vim Animum dicunt esse mundi, eamdemque esse mentem sapientiamque perfectam, quam Deum appellant, omniumque rerum, quae sunt ei subjectae, quasi prudentiam quamdam procurantem, coelestia maxime. Deinde in terris ea quae pertinent ad homines, quam interdum eamdem necessitatem appellant, quia nihil aliter possit, atque ab ea constitutum sit inter quasi fatalem et immutabilem continuationem ordinis sempiterni. Nonnunquam quidem eamdem Fortunam, quod (continues)

"But they say it is a god" (masculine). That philosophers did this I have not yet read. Unless perhaps you understand Plutus, who in Aristophanes is himself brought on blind. But the Romans worshipped a male Fortune and a female Fortune, as Plutarch writes in his book On the Fortune of the Romans. Augustine mentions both in the place cited above. A temple of male Fortune was built by Ancus Marcius, fourth king of the Romans, because he believed that rather more fortune than courage had stood by him in gaining victory. There was also another little shrine of male Fortune near the temple of Venus, on the authority of the same Plutarch, who lists both the names and the shrines of the various Fortunes. But this passage would gain more light if I wrote out in full the words of Cicero cited here, from the first book of the Academic Questions; for there that perfection of things is named by many and various names. Cicero's words, where he speaks of natural philosophy, run thus: "And that all things in the world are parts of it, held together by a sentient Nature, in which perfect reason dwells, and which is likewise everlasting. For there is nothing stronger by which it could perish. This force they call the Soul of the world, and say it is likewise perfect mind and wisdom, which they call God, and a kind of providence caring for all things that are subject to it, above all the heavenly ones. Then on earth, for the things that concern men; which they sometimes call also necessity, because nothing can be otherwise than as it has been ordained by it, in a kind of fated and unchangeable sequence of everlasting order. Sometimes, indeed, they call the same thing Fortune, because ... (continues)

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[Header: VARIORUM NOTAE (not visible on this page's foot images). The notes carry no call marks; each is keyed by a lemma from the text. They are numbered here in print order.] (printed under page 224)

(1) ‹lemma: Sed deum esse dicunt (continued)› · no call mark

(continued) efficiat multa improvisa haec, nec opinata nobis propter obscuritatem ignorationemque caussarum. Sed apud Cicer. in II de Divinatione; disputatur, utrum divinatio rerum fortuitarum esse possit. Et contradicitur: si fortuna sit, fatum tolli; sin autem omnia ex aeternitate fataliterque fiant, tolli fortunam. Addidit Lact. eumdem Deum interdum naturam, interdum fortunam esse. Plut. vero in Problem. hanc ponit differentiam, quod fortuna sit rerum omnium principium, natura vero casu consistat. Sed de his lege Joan. Damascenum lib. II Orthodoxae fidei, cap. 15.

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(2) ‹lemma: Interdum naturam› · no call mark

Interdum naturam. Hae duae voces absunt a 12 mss. et ab edit. Thomas.

"Sometimes nature." These two words are missing from twelve manuscripts and from Thomasius's edition.

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(3) ‹lemma: Efficiat inopinata nobis› · no call mark

Efficiat inopinata nobis. Ita editi et mss. omnes, praeter 2 recentissimos Em. et Cant. in quibus est, Efficiat improvisa nec opinata nobis. Vide Ciceronem in I Academicar. quaestionum circa finem.

"Brings about things unexpected by us." So the editions and all the manuscripts, except two very recent ones, the Emmanuel and the Cantabrigiensis, in which it is "brings about things unforeseen and unexpected by us." See Cicero, Academic Questions I, near the end.

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(4) ‹lemma: Valde serio› · no call mark

Valde serio. Hac voce indicatur liber. II de Offic. cap. 2 ad finem, quibusdam tamen immutatis.

"Very seriously." By this phrase is indicated On Duties book II, chapter 2, near the end, though with some things changed.

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(5) ‹lemma: Pervenimus› · no call mark

Pervenimus. Legitur pervehimur apud Buneman, qui hujus mutationis sic rationem reddit. — Hanc lectionem cum Cicerone convenientem recepi ex Reimm., mss. et Tornes. 1587, ubi ante editum, pervenimus. BUN.

"We arrive." One reads pervehimur ("we are carried through") in Bünemann, who gives his reason for this change thus: — "This reading, agreeing with Cicero, I have taken in from Reimmann's, the manuscripts and the Tornaesius of 1587, where formerly pervenimus was printed." BUN[EMANN].

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(6) ‹lemma: Cum reflaverit› · no call mark

Cum reflaverit. Sic legitur in excusis et mss. codicibus, praeter octo qui ferunt cum respiraverit; et 1 Reg. cum respiravit. At reflaverit, quod est ex Ciceronis loco, optime respondet τῷ prospero flatu, quod mox praecessit. Sic et infra, qui flatus iste: et qui reflatus. — Reflaverit. Emman. et Goth. respiraverit. Receptam Ciceronis codices habent, et ipse Lact. infra, qui flatus... et qui reflatus. BUNEMAN.

"When it has blown against us." So it is read in the printed editions and manuscript codices, except eight which give cum respiraverit ("when it has breathed again"), and one Regius cum respiravit. But reflaverit, which comes from Cicero's passage, answers excellently to the phrase "with a favourable wind," which came just before. So too below: "what is that wind ... and what that contrary wind." — Reflaverit: the Emmanuel and Gotha have respiraverit. The codices of Cicero have the received reading, and so does Lactantius himself below: "what wind ... and what contrary wind." BUNEMAN.

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(7) ‹lemma: Assensus esse retinendos› · no call mark

Assensus esse retinendos. Sed vide potius Ciceronem ipsum in librorum de Officiis praefatione, ubi huic objectioni occurrit: occurritur autem nobis, etc. quam responsionem videas.

"That assent must be withheld." But see rather Cicero himself in the preface to the books On Duties, where he meets this objection: "but we are met with," etc.; look at that reply.

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(8) ‹lemma: Nam simulacrum ejus› · no call mark

Nam simulacrum ejus, etc. Cum copiae cornu Bupalus (ut ex Pausania Volaterr. citat) apud Smyrnaeos statuam fortunae fecit, cum polo supra caput, et altera manu cornu copiae. Sed Galeni quoque Fortuna gubernaculum in manibus habet. Caeterum quod caeca, et globo volubili insistens pingatur, praeter Galenum, vide Cebetis tabulam, et Pacuvii versus in Rhetorica ad Heren., lib. II, cap. de Vitiosa argumentatione. HEUM.

"For her image," etc. With the horn of plenty: Bupalus (as Volaterranus cites from Pausanias) made for the people of Smyrna a statue of Fortune with the pole [of heaven] above her head and in her other hand the horn of plenty. But Galen's Fortune too holds a rudder in her hands. As for her being painted blind and standing on a rolling globe, besides Galen see the Tablet of Cebes, and the verses of Pacuvius in the Rhetoric to Herennius, book II, the chapter on faulty argumentation. HEUM[ANN].

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(9) ‹lemma: Et humanarum› · no call mark

Et humanarum, etc. Plin., lib. II: Toto quippe mundo et locis omnibus, omnibusque horis, omnium vocibus fortuna sola laudatur, sola arguitur, et cum conviciis colitur; volubilis, a plerisque vero et caeca etiam existimata, et in tota ratione mortalium sola utramque paginam facit. Sic et Minucius Felix: Soluta legibus fortuna dominatur.

"And of human [affairs]," etc. Pliny, book II: "For throughout the whole world, in all places and at all hours, by the voices of all, Fortune alone is praised, alone accused, and worshipped with reproaches; held fickle, and by most even blind, and in the whole account of mortals she alone fills both pages." So too Minucius Felix: "Fortune, freed from laws, holds sway."

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(10) ‹lemma: Virgilius› · no call mark

Virgilius. Cujus haec verba sunt lib. VIII Aeneid., vers. 334. Aeneas loquitur: Me pulsum patria, pelagique extrema sequentem, / Fortuna omnipotens et ineluctabile fatum / His posuere locis, etc. Atque ibi Servius ait poetam secundum Stoicos locutum esse, qui nasci et mori fatis dant, media omnia fortunae, eo quod vitae humanae incerta sunt omnia.

"Virgil." His are these words, Aeneid book VIII, verse 334. Aeneas speaks [as printed; the speaker there is Evander]: "Me, driven from my country and following the furthest bounds of the sea, all-powerful Fortune and inescapable fate have set in these places," etc. And there Servius says that the poet spoke after the Stoics, who assign birth and death to the fates and everything between to fortune, because all things in human life are uncertain.

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(11) ‹lemma: Et historicus› · no call mark

Et historicus, etc. Sallustius: locutus est in prologo Catilinariae historiae. Possunt plurima in hanc sententiam testimonia ex Graecis Latinisque scriptoribus colligi. Sed hoc instituti nostri non est. Ita et Plato in IV de Legibus.

"And the historian," etc. Sallust: he spoke so in the prologue to the history of Catiline. Very many testimonies to this effect could be gathered from Greek and Latin writers. But that is not our purpose. So too Plato, Laws IV.

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(12) ‹lemma: Vel, si tantum› · no call mark

Vel, si tantum. Alii duas fortunas faciunt, bonam, malamque. At diversas fortunas esse posse, validis argumentis refellit Augustinus, lib. IV Civit. Dei, c. 18.

"Or, if only." Others make two Fortunes, a good and a bad. But that there can be different Fortunes Augustine refutes with strong arguments, City of God book IV, chapter 18.

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(13) ‹lemma: Illam generi hominum vexatricem constituerit› · no call mark

Illam generi hominum vexatricem constituerit. Sic reposui ex optimis et omnibus fere mss. In scriptis Em. et 1 Clarom. est, generi humano; in 1 Reg. rec. et cunctis editis, generis hominum. At infra idem Lactantius simili utitur locutione, c. 30: Una spes homini.... posita est; et mox, hominibus tam inimica. — Generis hominum vexatricem. Goth., Reimm.: Generi hominum, respectu verbi, constituerit; genitivus pendet a vexatricem. Ut lib. II, c. 15, fin.: vexatores hominum. BUN.

"Has set her up as tormentress to the race of men." So I have restored it from the best and almost all the manuscripts. In the Emmanuel and one Claromontanus manuscript it is generi humano ("to the human race"); in one recent Regius and all the editions, generis hominum ("of the race of men"). But below, chapter 30, the same Lactantius uses a like expression: "the one hope for man ... is placed"; and soon after, "so hostile to men." — "Tormentress of the race of men." The Gotha and Reimmann's: generi hominum, with respect to the verb constituerit; [whereas] the genitive depends on vexatricem. As in book II, chapter 15, end: "tormentors of men." BUN[EMANN].

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(14) ‹lemma: Obscuretque› · no call mark

Obscuretque. Lege obscuretve.

"And obscures." Read obscuretve ("or obscures").

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(15) ‹lemma: Hominibus inimica... et mox, inimicus bonis› · no call mark

Hominibus inimica... et mox, inimicus bonis. Inimicus cum tertio casu etiam lib. VI, c. 20, Epitom., c. 71, lib. de Ira Dei, c. 19.

"Hostile to men ... and soon after, hostile to the good." Inimicus with the dative also in book VI, chapter 20; Epitome, chapter 71; On the Anger of God, chapter 19.

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(16) ‹lemma: Iniquitatem fortunae lacerant› · no call mark

Iniquitatem fortunae lacerant. Cic. XI Philipp. 2: Cum verborum contumeliis optimum virum lacerasset. Val. Max., lib. IV, c. 4, extr.: Quid..... fortunam, quasi praecipuum generis humani malum diuturnis conviciis laceramus? BUN.

"They tear at the injustice of fortune." Cicero, Philippic XI, 2: "when he had torn the best of men with insulting words." Valerius Maximus, book IV, chapter 4, foreign examples: "Why ... do we tear at fortune with endless reproaches, as if she were the chief evil of the human race?" BUN[EMANN].

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[Header, as printed: VARIORUM NOTAE. The notes carry no call marks; each is keyed by a lemma from the text. They are numbered here in print order.] (printed under page 225)

(1) ‹lemma: Se suasque virtutes› · no call mark

Se suasque virtutes, etc. Ita scribo cum mss. Regio-Put., 2 Colbert., 2 Clarom., Cant. et editis sex. Alii tres vulgati habent, et se suasque virtutes. In 8 scriptis totidemque impressis deest et se.

"Himself and his virtues," etc. So I write, with the Regio-Puteanus manuscript, two Colbertini, two Claromontani, the Cantabrigiensis and six editions. Three other printed editions have "and himself and his virtues." In eight manuscripts and as many printed editions et se is missing.

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(2) ‹lemma: Contraria faciat, quam Deus› · no call mark

Contraria faciat, quam Deus. Ego tale exemplum deprehendi sine ulla mss. variatione in Augustini de Civit. Dei, lib. VIII, c. 24: Qui (Deus) haec contrariis caussis, quam instituta sunt, abstulit. Melius tamen noster Firmianus de Ira, c. 5: Qui contraria Deo faciat. BUN.

"Does the contrary of what God does." I have found such an example, without any manuscript variation, in Augustine's City of God, book VIII, chapter 24: "Who (God) took these things away by causes contrary to those by which they were established." Better, however, our Firmianus in On the Anger [of God], chapter 5: "who does things contrary to God." BUN[EMANN].

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(3) ‹lemma: Hic ergo insidiatur universis› · no call mark

Hic ergo insidiatur universis. Sic omnes mss. et plerique editi; in vulgatis nonnullis est His.

"This one, then, lies in wait for all." So all the manuscripts and most editions; in some printed editions it is His ("for these").

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(4) ‹lemma: Circumfundit› · no call mark

Circumfundit. Ita repositum ex mss. et quatuor editis; in caeteris est circumfudit, male. Vide praecedentia.

"Pours about" (present). So restored from the manuscripts and four editions; in the rest it is circumfudit (perfect), wrongly. See what precedes.

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(5) ‹lemma: Dolis et astu› · no call mark

Dolis et astu. Restitui ex 16 mss. veterrimis et optimis ac edit. Is. In 12 scriptis rec. et impressis est dolis et astutia.

"By tricks and cunning" (astu). I have restored it from sixteen very old and excellent manuscripts and the edition of Isaeus. In twelve recent manuscripts and in the printed editions it is dolis et astutia.

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(6) ‹lemma: Ac peccatis blandientibus› · no call mark

Ac peccatis blandientibus. Sic reposui ex editis 3 vet. Romanis, Is. et Cellar. nec non ex omnibus mss. praeter Cauc. et 1 Reg. rec. in quibus, ut et in vulgatis undecim est peccati blandamentis.

"And by flattering sins." So I have restored from three old Roman editions, those of Isaeus and Cellarius, and also from all the manuscripts except the Cauchianus and one recent Regius, in which, as in eleven printed editions, it is peccati blandamentis ("by the blandishments of sin").

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(7) ‹lemma: Vi et violentia› · no call mark

Vi et violentia. Voces vi et absunt a 15 mss. rec. et 8 editis.

"By force and violence." The words vi et are missing from fifteen recent manuscripts and eight editions.

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(8) ‹lemma: Non statim ad poenam› · no call mark

Non statim ad poenam. In eadem sententia fuere nonnulli antiquiores Patres, nixi videlicet his testimoniis Matthaei, c. VIII, v. 29 et 31, ac epist. II Petr., c. II, v. 4, S. Justinus Apolog. I pro christianis; S. Irenaeus, lib. V advers. Haeres.; Tertullianus in Apolog., c. 27; Origenes in cap. XXII Numer. Homil. 13; S. Augustinus, lib. II de Genesi contra Manichaeos, c. 17, citat illud Christi Matth., c. XXV; Discedite a me, maledicti, in ignem aeternum, qui paratus est diabolo et angelis ejus. Clarius adhuc testimonium vide in II Petri Epistol., c. II, v. 4, Partim ex. BETULEIO. Vide Isaeum si lubet.

"Not at once to punishment." Some of the more ancient Fathers were of the same opinion, relying, namely, on these testimonies: Matthew 8:29 and 31, and 2 Peter 2:4; St Justin, First Apology for the Christians; St Irenaeus, Against Heresies book V; Tertullian, Apology chapter 27; Origen on Numbers chapter 22, Homily 13; St Augustine, On Genesis against the Manichees book II, chapter 17, cites that word of Christ, Matthew 25: "Depart from me, you cursed, into everlasting fire, which was prepared for the devil and his angels." See a still clearer testimony in the Second Epistle of Peter, chapter 2, verse 4. Partly from BETULEIUS. See Isaeus if you like.

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(9) ‹lemma: Ex quo fit› · no call mark

Ex quo fit, etc. Falsa haec Lactantii est sententia. Virtus quidem est: sed sine adversario, vires suas non exerit.

"From which it comes about," etc. This opinion of Lactantius is false. Virtue does indeed exist: but without an adversary it does not put forth its strength.

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(10) ‹lemma: Nullum numen abest› · no call mark

Nullum numen abest. Sic profecto legendum ex mss. Bonon. 4 Reg. aliisque octo, ac 12 editis, ut Juvenalis respondeat scopo. In 19 manu exaratis et 2 impressis habes, male. Hi duo versus in Juvenalis Sat. 10 circa finem. — Nullum numen habes. Mss., Cauc., Palat., Jun., Lips. 1, Reimm., Rost., Ven. altera 478, Paris.: nullum numen habes. Ultraj.: nullum nomen habes, cum Veneta prima 478. Variant quoque Juvenalis libri; at menti Lactantii habes hic convenientius, quam aliorum, abest. BUN.

"No divinity is absent." So it should certainly be read, from the Bologna manuscript, four Regii and eight others, and twelve editions, so that it answers to Juvenal's aim. In nineteen handwritten copies and two printed ones you have habes ("you have"), wrongly. These two verses are in Juvenal's Satire 10, near the end. — "You have no divinity." The manuscripts Cauchianus, Palatinus, Junius, Leipzig 1, Reimmann's, the Rostock edition, the second Venice [1]478, and the Paris edition: nullum numen habes. The Ultrajectinus: nullum nomen habes ("you have no name"), with the first Venice [1]478. The manuscripts of Juvenal also vary; but habes suits Lactantius's meaning here better than the others' abest. BUN[EMANN].

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(11) ‹lemma: Cicero› · no call mark

Cicero. Quem vide in I Acad. quaest. ubi supra.

"Cicero." See him in Academic Questions I, in the place cited above.

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(12) ‹lemma: Armis› · no call mark

Armis. Iis scilicet, de quibus Paulus ad Ephes., c. VI, v. 11 et 13.

"With arms." Namely those of which Paul speaks, Ephesians 6:11 and 13.

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(13) ‹lemma: Vitalibus› · no call mark

Vitalibus. Hic est pro intestinis et visceribus. — Venientem vitalibus..... ictum. Vitalia sunt viscera interna. Seneca ep. 99: Quam multis vitalia eruuntur. Ammian. Marcellin., lib. XVI, c. 12: Tela eorum vitalibus immergebat. BUN.

"The vitals." Here it stands for the bowels and inward parts. — "A blow coming at the vitals." The vitalia are the internal organs. Seneca, letter 99: "from how many are the vitals torn out." Ammianus Marcellinus, book XVI, chapter 12: "he plunged their weapons into the vitals." BUN[EMANN].

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(14) ‹lemma: Sentio› · no call mark

Sentio. Ita restitui ex vetustissimis duobus Regiis, 2 Bonon. aliisque 32 mss. (absque 12 Vaticanis) ac 3 vet. Romanis aliisque 8 editis. In scriptis Cauc., 1 Reg. rec., Marm., 1 Lips. et 7 vulgatis est Scio.

"I perceive." So I have restored it from two very old Regii, two Bologna manuscripts and thirty-two other manuscripts (apart from twelve Vatican ones), and from three old Roman and eight other editions. In the manuscripts Cauchianus, one recent Regius, the Marmoutier and one Leipzig, and in seven printed editions, it is Scio ("I know").

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(15) ‹lemma: A pravis religionibus› · no call mark

A pravis religionibus. Sic Paulus ad Colossens. II, vocat susceptas religiones, sapientia carentes. Observa religionis nomen in plurali a Lactantio semper in malam usurpari partem. BETULEIUS.

"From perverse religions." So Paul, Colossians 2, speaks of religions taken up that lack wisdom. Note that the word "religion" in the plural is always used by Lactantius in a bad sense. BETULEIUS.

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(16) ‹lemma: Spes homini› · no call mark

Spes homini. Ita cum omnibus fere excusis manuscripti, praeter 2 Reg. rec. et Goth. nonnullosque typis expressos, quibus est hominis.

"Hope for man." So the manuscripts, with almost all the printed editions, except two recent Regii and the Gotha and some printed copies, which have hominis ("of man").

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(17) ‹lemma: Hic, hic est illud› · no call mark

Hic, hic est illud, etc. Sic restituo ex omnium mss. (continues)

"Here, here is that," etc. So I restore it from all the manuscripts ... (continues)

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[Header: VARIORUM NOTAE (above the area visible in this page's foot images). The notes carry no call marks; each is keyed by a lemma from the text. They are numbered here in print order.] [GAP WARNING: the rendered foot images begin partway down the notes block. The opening lines of note (1) on this page ("vetustissimis ... quod Gallice", the top of the left notes column) were read from the column image and are now set (Q2b). The lines at the top of the right-hand notes column between "Sic" (end of note 2 in the left column) and "quod solus ita formatus" are still NOT visible here. Re-render this page with the full notes block to fill them.] [Below the notes, after a rule, the page begins the editor's "ANALYSIS LIBRI QUARTI QUI INSCRIBITUR DE VERA SAPIENTIA ET RELIGIONE." That is editors' matter of another kind (a synopsis of Book IV), not footnotes, and is not set here.] (printed under page 226)

(1) ‹lemma: Hic, hic est illud (continued)› · no call mark

(continued) vetustissimis et optimis 1 Bon., 1 Reg. 900 annor. et Regio-Put. necnon Em. et edit. Is. ut scribitur HIC in contractuum margine e regione loci, in quo consistit summa rei unde judicandum est: quod Gallice dicimus le Hic de la pièce, vel voilà le Hic: haec tamen nonnisi populari dicuntur sermone, non eleganti eloquio. Nostrae lectioni favent mss. 3 Reg. alii, 1 Colbert., Gat., Brun., quibus est, Hic est illud, sine repetitione; Jun. 1 Colb. Hoc, hoc est illud; in Cauc. et 11 aliis rec. scriptis cunctisque fere impressis, Hoc est illud.

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(2) ‹lemma: Retinuerunt› · no call mark

Retinuerunt. Ita reposui ex editis Tornes., Soubron., Walch. et omnibus mss. praeter 2 Reg. rec. et 14 impressos, in quibus est tenuerunt.

"They kept back" (retinuerunt). So I have restored it from the Tornaesius, Soubron and Walch editions and all the manuscripts, except two recent Regii and fourteen printed editions, in which it is tenuerunt ("they held").

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(3) ‹lemma: Sacramentum› · no call mark

Sacramentum. Id est mysterium, voce a Lactantio saepe usurpata. Id est a quo natus sit et creatus. Sic [... gap: lines at the top of the right column not visible in the rendered image ...] quod solus ita formatus, ut oculi ejus ad coelum directi... excitasse. BUN.

"Sacrament." That is, mystery, a word often used by Lactantius. That is, by whom he was born and created. So [... gap ...] "that he alone was so formed that his eyes, directed to heaven ..." "... had roused." BUN[EMANN].

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(4) ‹lemma: Utrumque conjunctum› · no call mark

Utrumque conjunctum. Dicit utrumque, id est, religionem sapientiamque conjunctam. Idem, lib. IV, c. 2, fin. dicit: Sapientiam cum religione sic cohaerere, ut divelli utrumque non possit. Ibid., c. 3: Sapientia cum religione inseparabili nexu cohaeret; ibid., c. 4: Apparet, quam inter se conjuncta sint sapientia et religio; ibid., c. 5: Sapientiam et religionem non posse diduci. BUN.

"Both joined." He says "both," that is, religion and wisdom joined. The same, book IV, chapter 2, end, says: "that wisdom so coheres with religion that the two cannot be torn apart." Ibid., chapter 3: "Wisdom coheres with religion in an inseparable bond"; ibid., chapter 4: "It is plain how closely wisdom and religion are joined to each other"; ibid., chapter 5: "that wisdom and religion cannot be separated." BUN[EMANN].

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(5) ‹lemma: Et hoc› · no call mark

Et hoc. Scilicet tertio libro: quod bene cohaeret prioribus libris. Itaque restitui hoc cum Cellario ex mss. praeter 6 Reg. in quibus legitur et hic, ut in cunctis fere vulgatis.

"And this." Namely, in the third book: which coheres well with the earlier books. So I have restored hoc with Cellarius from the manuscripts, except six Regii, in which one reads et hic ("and here"), as in almost all the printed editions.

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