S. Cornelius papa et martyr, Epistolae, et quae ad eum scriptae sunt

[Two layers on this page: a short variant apparatus with superscript calls, set across the full page width, then the "Variorum notae." The variant calls are set here as printed (97, 98, 99, then 1–5). The top of the images is cropped at the first apparatus line.] [97] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 787 or 788 (not visible) Accepi litteras Lam. Bod. 3. Ver. Corb.

"I received the letters": Lambeth manuscript, three Bodleian manuscripts, the Verona and Corbie manuscripts.

[98] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 787 or 788 (not visible) Compresbyterum nostrum. Bod. 3.

"Our fellow presbyter": three Bodleian manuscripts.

[99] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 787 or 788 (not visible) Nam cum et id consilio et in consensu tuo, Lam. Ebor. NC. 1.

"For since this too, by your counsel and with your consent": Lambeth, York, one New College manuscript.

[1] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 787 or 788 (not visible) Litteris rescribi tibi Bod. 1. Lam Ebor. NC. 1.

"To be written back to you by letter": one Bodleian manuscript, Lambeth, York, one New College manuscript.

[2] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 787 or 788 (not visible) Novatianus introducat Bod. 2, NC. 1.

"Novatian may introduce": two Bodleian manuscripts, one New College manuscript.

[3] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 787 or 788 (not visible) Sollicitudine fidei, rei dubiae veritatem Lam. Ebor.

"With the solicitude of faith, the truth of the doubtful matter": Lambeth, York.

[4] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 787 or 788 (not visible) Frater charissime Bod. 2, Lam Ebor.

"Dearest brother": two Bodleian manuscripts, Lambeth, York.

[5] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 787 or 788 (not visible) Et semper super petram Lam. Ebor. NC. 1.

"And always upon the rock": Lambeth, York, one New College manuscript.

(printed under page 445)

(84) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 787

In prima epistolae hujus parte tam multa sunt quae ad Cornelium attinent, ut inter epistolas aut ab ipso aut ad ipsum scriptas locum ei deberi censuorimus. Hinc sane quam abnormem et contra omnes Ecclesiae leges factam Novatiani ordinationem in superiori epistola audivimus, tam legitime Cornelium in cathedra Petri constitutum fuisse idoneo teste percipiemus. Scripta fuit haec epistola, postquam Decius, ut num. 8 indicatur, Gothorum bello et armis interiit. Anno autem 251 exeunte istud contigit: adeoque haec epistola ad annum 252 non male refertur. COUSTANT. — Priori hujus Epistolae parti et posteriorem subjungimus, ne una in hoc tomo, alteraque in sequente rejecta, manca ac velut utroque pede clauda Epistola prodeat, EDD.

In the first part of this letter there is so much that concerns Cornelius that we judged (censuorimus, as printed) it should have a place among the letters written either by him or to him. Here indeed, just as in the preceding letter we heard how irregular and contrary to all the Church's laws Novatian's ordination was, so we shall learn from a competent witness how lawfully Cornelius was established in the chair of Peter. This letter was written after Decius, as no. 8 indicates, perished in war by the arms of the Goths. That happened at the end of 251, so this letter is not wrongly assigned to the year 252. COUSTANT. — To the first part of this Letter we add the second as well, so that the Letter does not appear maimed and, as it were, lame in both feet, with one part in this volume and the other thrown into the next. EDD.

(printed under page 445)

(85) ‹anchor: Accepi primas› · call in col 787

Accepi primas. Ita plerique codices tam nostri quam Anglicani et Vaticani duo. Alii habent Accepimus primas litteras. Ita etiam antiquae editiones. Quidam libri veteres et editio Remboldi omittunt vocem primas, quae etiam omissa est in codice 199 bibliothecae Vaticanae, quam tamen ego puto convenire huic loco. BALUZ.

"I received the first." So most manuscripts, ours as well as the English ones and two Vatican ones. Others have "We received the first letters"; so too the old editions. Some old books and Rembolt's edition omit the word "first," which is also omitted in codex 199 of the Vatican library; yet I think it fits this passage. BALUZ.

(printed under page 445)

(86) ‹anchor: obtinentes› · call in col 787

Obtinentes. Haec est vera lectio, quam confirmant undecim libri veteres. Obstringentes tamen scriptum est in tribus antiquis codicibus et in editionibus quae Pamelianam antecesserunt. Error ortus est ex inscitia librariorum, qui nescientes legere scribebant pro libito suo quidquid eis in mentem veniebat. Religiosior fuit is qui scripsit codicem Turonensem. Scripsit enim obstringentes vel obtinentes, lectori indicium integrum relinquens. BALUZ.

"Holding." This is the true reading, confirmed by eleven old books. But "binding" is written in three ancient manuscripts and in the editions before Pamelius's. The error arose from the ignorance of copyists who, unable to read, wrote at their pleasure whatever came into their heads. The man who wrote the Tours manuscript was more scrupulous, for he wrote "binding or holding," leaving the reader his judgement (indicium, as printed, for judicium) whole. BALUZ.

(printed under page 445)

(87) ‹anchor: Cornelium collegam› · call in col 787

Cornelium collegam. Nescio quid magnum aut extraordinarium inveniant in hoc loco quidam ut hinc colligant aequalitatem esse inter episcopos et nihilo majorem esse Romanum quam caeteros. Certum quippe est episcopos omnes, cum sint in collegio, esse collegas et se per omnes tempestates vocasse collegas et fratres, uti etiamnum faciunt. Et tamen nemo catholicus dubitat quin episcopus Romanus habeat magnam praerogativam et auctoritatem. BALUZ.

"Cornelius our colleague." I do not know what great or extraordinary thing some people find in this passage, so as to infer from it that there is equality among bishops and that the Roman bishop is no greater than the rest. For it is certain that all bishops, being in a college, are colleagues and have called one another colleagues and brothers in every age, as they still do. And yet no catholic doubts that the Roman bishop has great prerogative and authority. BALUZ.

(printed under page 445)

(88) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 787 or 788

Secum, hoc est, cum catholica Ecclesia communicare. Certe vel hic locus confirmat Romani Pontificis auctoritatem; si enim verum sit, cum Ecclesia catholica illum communicare, qui cum Cornelio Romano Papa communicat, erit igitur Ecclesia illa catholica cui praesidet Cornelius; atque proinde signum per quod discernatur Ecclesia catholica ab haereticorum conciliabulis, est successio Romanorum Pontificum. PAMEL.

"To communicate with him, that is, with the catholic Church." Certainly this passage alone confirms the Roman Pontiff's authority; for if it is true that whoever communicates with Cornelius the Roman Pope communicates with the catholic Church, then the catholic Church is the one over which Cornelius presides; and so the sign by which the catholic Church is told apart from the conventicles of heretics is the succession of the Roman Pontiffs. PAMEL.

(printed under page 445)

(89) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 787 or 788

Motum nutare coepisse. Ipsi etiam Cornelio simile quidpiam contigerat. Cum enim prius erga factionis Felicissimi legatos vigorem prae se tulisset plane sacerdotalem, eorum postmodum minis ac terroribus cedere nonnihil visus est. Qua de re cum eo Cyprianus epist. XII, n. 2, expostulat. Adeo captiosae erant Novatiani litterae, tantae fautorum ejus artes! COUSTANT.

"Shaken, had begun to waver." Something similar had happened to Cornelius himself. For though at first he had shown a truly priestly firmness towards the envoys of Felicissimus's faction, afterwards he seemed to yield somewhat to their threats and intimidation. Cyprian remonstrates with him about this, epist. XII, no. 2. So captious were Novatian's letters, so great the arts of his partisans! COUSTANT.

(printed under page 445)

(90) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 787 or 788

Trophimo. Ita thurificatis jungitur, ut dubitare vix liceat, quin et ipse idolis thus obtulerit. Hujus crimen haud absimile videtur flagitio cujusdam Reposti, qui non tantum in persecutione ipse cecidisse, sed et maximam partem plebis suae sacrilega persuasione dejecisse in epistola subsequente 12, n. 9, legitur. COUSTANT. — Admittebatur is quidem, sed tantum ad laicam communionem: idque ex receptissimo Ecclesiae more, cum contingeret aliquos de Clero lopsos fuisse; his enim depositio erat pro excommunicatione.

"Trophimus." He is so joined with those who offered incense that one can hardly doubt he too offered incense to idols. His crime seems not unlike the outrage of a certain Repostus, who, we read in the following epistle 12, no. 9, "not only fell himself in the persecution, but also threw down the greater part of his people by sacrilegious persuasion." COUSTANT. — He was indeed admitted, but only to lay communion; and this by the Church's most received custom, whenever it happened that some of the clergy had lapsed (lopsos, as printed); for them deposition stood in place of excommunication.

(printed under page 445)

(91) ‹anchor: petram› · call in col 787 or 788

Petram. Octo libri veteres et omnes editiones ante Manutianam addunt robustam. In Fuxensi scriptum est, robusta stabilitate, ut in editione Manutii. Porro vox robustam deest in duodecim vetustis exemplaribus. BALUZ.

"Rock." Eight old books and all the editions before Manutius's add "strong." In the Foix manuscript it is written "with strong stability," as in Manutius's edition. Further, the word "strong" is missing in twelve old copies. BALUZ.

(printed under page 445)

[Two layers: "Variae lectiones" (superscript calls, set across the full page width), then "Variorum notae."] [6] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 789 or 790 (not visible) A quoque poposito, quadam Corb.

"By someone appointed, a certain [woman?]": Corbie manuscript. (poposito as printed)

[7] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 789 or 790 (not visible) Laxandam a me Bod. 1.

"To be relaxed by me": one Bodleian manuscript.

[8] ‹anchor: confessionis potius ardorem› · call in col 789 Confessionis ardorem Lam.

"The ardour of confession": Lambeth manuscript.

[9] ‹anchor: nostris increpiti› (the call is printed as ⁰) · call in col 789 Nostris increpitationibus Bod. 3.

"By our rebukes": three Bodleian manuscripts.

[10] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 789 or 790 (not visible) Epistola mea quae expediant Lin.

"In my letter, what may be expedient": Lincoln manuscript.

[11] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 789 or 790 (not visible) Quam quod postulant Bod. 1 Neap. MR.

"Than what they ask": one Bodleian manuscript, the Naples manuscript, MR.

[12] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 789 or 790 (not visible) Et apud nos quotidie Corb.

"And with us daily": Corbie manuscript.

[13] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 789 or 790 (not visible) Deliberato Lam. Ben. Bod. 2 Ebor.

"Having been deliberated": Lambeth, Benedictine, two Bodleian, York manuscripts.

[14] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 789 or 790 (not visible) Constitutam Lam. Bod. 3.

"Established": Lambeth, three Bodleian manuscripts.

[15] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 789 or 790 (not visible) Romanum ad clerum Corb.

"To the Roman clergy": Corbie manuscript.

[16] ‹anchor: poteris noscere› · call in col 790 Potest nosci Lam. Bod. 2.

"It can be known": Lambeth, two Bodleian manuscripts.

(printed under page 446)

(92) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 789

Et quidem primum quoniam de meo quoque actu, etc. Quemadmodum satis constat ex libro et epistolis superioribus de Lapsis, erat initio, persecutione adhuc fervente, durior paulo erga lapsos Cyprianus, utpote qui non nisi exacta poenitentia ad pacem admittendos censeret, nisi forte ad preces Martyrum instante periculo mortis, idque non solum in sacrificatis, sed et in libellaticis observari volebat. Pace autem jam Ecclesiae data, cum primum convenire licuit, in episcoporum Africae concilio nonnihil moderata est illa censura, et placuit illis (uti infra hac eadem epistola dicit) examinatis causis singularum libellaticos interim admitti, sacrifiatis vero in exitu subveniri. Culpabat itaque Cyprianum Antonianus, quod sententiam mutasset, ipse vero mutati consilii rationes adduci; neque sibi soli sed et clero Romano primum; et deinde episcopis compluribus placuisse hanc diffinitionem imo vero et a Cornelio in synodo Romana confirmatum, Atque haec ad loci hujus intellectum sufficiant. PAMEL.

"And first, since about my own conduct too," etc. As is clear enough from the book and the earlier letters on the Lapsed, Cyprian at first, while the persecution was still raging, was somewhat harsher towards the lapsed, judging that they should be admitted to peace only after penance had been exacted, unless perhaps at the martyrs' request when in danger of death; and he wished this observed not only for those who had sacrificed but for the certificate-holders too. But once peace was given to the Church, as soon as it was possible to meet, that sentence was somewhat moderated in a council of the bishops of Africa, and they decided (as he says below in this same letter) that, after examining each person's case, the certificate-holders should meanwhile be admitted, and those who had sacrificed be helped at their death. So Antonianus blamed Cyprian for having changed his opinion, and he himself brings forward [as printed: adduci] the reasons for his change of mind; and this decision pleased not him alone but first the Roman clergy, and then a good many bishops; indeed it was confirmed by Cornelius too in a Roman synod. Let this suffice for understanding the passage. PAMEL.

(printed under page 446)

(93) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 789

Conscentiam suam. Horum, quos uno verbo libellaticos appellat Cyprianus, et eorum qui idolis sacrificaverunt, quos et sacrificatos vocat, longe imparem conditionem ad diversum peccatum idem praesul in altera epistolae hujus parte demonstrat. Nam qui libellatici ideo dicebantur, quia praemio magistratibus dato, quo tormenta redimerent. libellum ab ipsis accipiebant, ad magistratus vel venientes ipsi testificabantur, vel alio eunte mandabant, se Christianos esse, sacrificare sibi non licere, ad aras diaboli se venire non posse; dare se ob hoc praemium, ne quod non licet faciant. Et illi quidem, ut Cyprianus ibidem testis est, ita se bona fide gerebant, cum hoc licitum, nec prohibitum existimarent. Neque vero rei fuissent, si, pecunia oblata, libellos accepissent, quibus a persecutione liberarentur. Sed in hoc eorum erat crimen, quod ipsos ad aras accessisse, et propositis adversus Evangelium vel edictis vel legibus satisfecisse, ipsi libelli constestabantur, idque deinde publice legebatur, ut narrat clerus Romanus apud Cyprianum epist. XXXI. COUST.

"Their conscience" (Conscentiam, as printed). The same prelate shows in the other part of this letter that the condition of those whom Cyprian calls in one word libellatici (certificate-holders), and of those who sacrificed to idols, whom he also calls sacrificati, was far unequal, answering to a different sin. For those called libellatici were so called because, having given the magistrates a bribe to buy themselves off from torture, they received a certificate from them; and they either came to the magistrates themselves and declared, or sent word by another, that they were Christians, that it was not lawful for them to sacrifice, that they could not come to the devil's altars, and that they were giving this payment so as not to do what is unlawful. And they, as Cyprian testifies in the same place, acted thus in good faith, thinking this lawful and not forbidden. Nor would they have been guilty if, having offered money, they had received certificates freeing them from persecution. But their crime lay in this, that the certificates themselves attested (constestabantur, as printed) that they had gone to the altars and complied with the edicts or laws issued against the Gospel, and this was afterwards read out publicly, as the Roman clergy relates in Cyprian, epist. XXXI. COUST.

(printed under page 446)

(94) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 789 or 790

Circa causam lapsorum. Supple decernere. Vide dictam epistolam XIV. COUSTANT.

"Concerning the case of the lapsed." Supply "to decide." See the said epistle XIV. COUSTANT.

(printed under page 446)

(95) ‹anchor: de eorum rescripto› · call in col 790

De eorum rescripto. Non displicet quod in edit, Oxon, ut in mss. Colb. et Corb. legitur, rescriptis. Nam etsi Cyprianus sola epistolae XXXI. cleri Romani verba in medio ponat, laudare tamen simul videtur et sententiam Confessorum ipsi de eadem re, epist. XXVI, rescribentium: Cum grande delictum, et per totum pene orbem incredibile vastatione grassatum, non oporteat nisi, ut ipse scribis, caute moderateque tractari, consultis omnibus episcopis, presbyteris, diaconis, confessoribus et ipsis stantibus laicis. Cujus circumspectionis laudatus clerus in citata epistola XXXI, hanc reddit rationem: Perquam enim nobis et invidiosum et onerosum videtur, non per multos examinare, quod per multos videatur commissum fuisse; et unum sententiam dicere cum tam grande crimen per multos diffusum, notetur exisse; quoniam nec firmum decretum potest esse quod non plurimorum videbitur habuisse consensum. COUSTANT.

"From their written reply." The reading "replies," as in the Oxford edition and in the Colbert and Corbie manuscripts, is not displeasing. For although Cyprian quotes only the words of the Roman clergy's epistle XXXI, he seems at the same time to praise also the opinion of the confessors who wrote back to him on the same matter, epist. XXVI: "Since a great offence, which has raged with incredible devastation through almost the whole world, ought only, as you yourself write, to be dealt with cautiously and moderately, after consulting all the bishops, presbyters, deacons, confessors, and the laity who stood firm." The clergy praised for this circumspection gives this reason for it in the cited epistle XXXI: "For it seems to us very invidious and burdensome not to examine by many what appears to have been committed by many, and for one man to pronounce sentence when so great a crime is seen to have spread through many; since no decree can be firm that does not appear to have had the consent of very many." COUSTANT.

(printed under page 446)

(96) ‹anchor: Quanquam nobis› · call in col 790

Quanquam nobis. Sumptum est istud ex epistola XXXI, BALUZ.

"Although to us." This is taken from epistle XXXI. BALUZ.

(printed under page 446)

[Two layers: "Variae lectiones" (superscript calls, set across the full page width), then "Variorum notae." The Variorum numbering restarts at (1) on this page.] [17] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 791 or 792 (not visible) Diaconis Sup. Epist. Novat. Diaconibus pariter Lam. Bod. 2.

"Deacons" (diaconis): the Novatian epistle above. "Deacons" (diaconibus) likewise: Lambeth, two Bodleian manuscripts.

[18] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 791 or 792 (not visible) Tutela servavit Bod. 3.

"Kept by protection": three Bodleian manuscripts.

[19] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 791 or 792 (not visible) Scripturis divinis Lam. Ebor. Ben. Bod. 2. N. C. 1.

"By the divine Scriptures": Lambeth, York, Benedictine, two Bodleian, one New College manuscript.

[20] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 791 or 792 (not visible) Salubri ratione Bod. 3.

"By a wholesome method": three Bodleian manuscripts.

[21] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 791 or 792 (not visible) Nec potius desperatione deficerent ex eo Bod. 3.

"Nor rather fail through despair from it": three Bodleian manuscripts.

[22] ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 791 or 792 (not visible) Cluderetur, et saeculo Bod. 3. Clauderetur Colb. Adduceretur Corb.

"Were shut, and to the world": three Bodleian manuscripts. "Were closed": Colbert manuscript. "Were led to": Corbie manuscript.

[23] ‹anchor: perpendere› · call in col 792 Exemplo ratione perpendere Corb. exhortatione Colb..

"To weigh by the example, by the method": Corbie manuscript; "by exhortation": Colbert manuscript.

(printed under page 447)

(97) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 791

Additum est. Hunc locum descripsit Pacianus in tractatu contra Novatianos ad Sympronianum. BALUZ.

"It was added." Pacian copied out this passage in his treatise against the Novatianists, to Sympronianus. BALUZ.

(printed under page 447)

(98) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 791

Ut lapsis. Jam non ipsa cleri Romani verba Cyprianus refert, sed ejus sententiam pluribus explicatam paucis perstringit. Cleri hujus litterae, non ut Rigaltius scripsit, ipsius Cypriani, sede vacante, per totum orbem missae hic dicuntur. Et sapientiam quidem spirant primo Ecclesiae clero dignam. Is nempe nimio potestatis suae studio minime percitus, episcopos vicinos, ac remotos qui Romae aderant secum vocare, eorumque consilio uti non dedignatur. Sibi ante constitutionem episcopi nihil innovandum decernit. Tantum lapsis, si vere poenitentis animi signa prodiderint, ubi mortis imminet periculum, subveniendum putat, Nihil vero erat, cur Oxoniensis editor litterarum illarum auctoritatem inde elevare atque imminuere conaretur, quod a Novatiano scriptae sint. Non enim ab eo qui scribit, sed ab eo cujus nomine scribuntur, necnon e subscribentium consensu pendet epistolarum auctoritas· Cyprianus vero cleri Romani litteras a Novatiano scriptas ac subscriptas esse non tacuit: ut id quod haereticus ille de lapsis ad poenitentiam non admittendis subinde docuit, ipsi non veritate persuadente, sed ambitione sensum pervertente, placuisse planum fieret. COUSTANT.

"That to the lapsed." Cyprian no longer reports the very words of the Roman clergy, but sums up in a few words their opinion set out at length. It is this clergy's letters, not, as Rigault wrote, Cyprian's own, that are here said to have been "sent through the whole world" while the see was vacant. And they breathe a wisdom worthy of the first clergy of the Church. For, far from being driven by excessive eagerness for its own power, it did not disdain to call to itself the neighbouring bishops, and the distant ones who were present at Rome, and to use their counsel. It decides that nothing is to be innovated "before the appointment of a bishop." It holds only that the lapsed, "if they have shown signs of a truly penitent mind," are to be helped "when danger of death is imminent." There was no reason for the Oxford editor to try to belittle and lessen the authority of those letters on the ground that they were written by Novatian. For the authority of letters depends not on the one who writes them but on the one in whose name they are written, and on the consent of the signatories. Cyprian did not keep silent that the Roman clergy's letters were written and signed by Novatian, so that it might be plain that what that heretic afterwards taught about not admitting the lapsed to penance pleased him not because truth persuaded him but because ambition perverted his judgement. COUSTANT.

(printed under page 447)

(99) ‹anchor: placitorum capita› · call in col 791

Placitorum capita. Quae mandatorum capita vocat Optatus in libro primo adversus Parmenianum. An vero haec sit origo canonum poenitentialium, ut censuit Baronius, aliis excutiendum relinquo. BALUZ.

"The heads of the decisions." Optatus calls them "the heads of the mandates" in his first book against Parmenian. Whether this is the origin of the penitential canons, as Baronius thought, I leave to others to examine. BALUZ.

(printed under page 447)

(1) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 792

Videbitur. Ita habent plures codices optimi et veteres editiones. Quae lectio mihi videtur esse melior quam Manutiana, in qua scriptum est Videbatur. BALUZ.

"Will seem." So several of the best manuscripts and the old editions. This reading seems to me better than Manutius's, in which "seemed" is written. BALUZ.

(printed under page 447)

(2) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 792

Habito concilio. Anno 251, ut ait Pearsonius in Annalibus Cyprianicis, ubi refertur ex Eusebio sexaginta episcopos ad hoc Romanum concilium convenisse. Habitum autem fuisse mense Septembri tradit idem auctor et Pagius post eum. BALUZ. — Nostri mss. consilio. Carthaginiense concilium de lapsorum causa, Romano, quod eadem de causa Cornelius habuit, anterius fuisse hic diserte docemur. Quocirca cum apud Eusebium lib. VI, c. 43, Cornelius Romanae synodi gesta cum Afrorum aliorumque sententiis ad Fabium misisse dicitur, de Afrorum sententiis quibus Afri Romanae synodo subscripserint, Eusebius ibi loqui censendus est. COUSTANT.

"A council having been held." In 251, as Pearson says in the Annales Cyprianici, where it is reported from Eusebius that sixty bishops met at this Roman council. The same author, and Pagi after him, say it was held in September. BALUZ. — Our manuscripts have "counsel." Here we are expressly taught that the Carthaginian council on the case of the lapsed came before the Roman one that Cornelius held on the same matter. So when Eusebius, book VI, ch. 43, says that Cornelius sent Fabius the acts of the Roman synod together with the opinions of the Africans and others, Eusebius must be taken there to be speaking of the opinions of the Africans by which the Africans subscribed to the Roman synod. COUSTANT.

(printed under page 447)

(3) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 792

Consensit. Deest hic aliquid, puta rite ad episcopatum pervenisse, aut aliquid simile. Sensus enim non est integer. BALUZ.

"He agreed." Something is missing here, say "that he had rightly come to the episcopate," or something similar. For the sense is not complete. BALUZ.

(printed under page 447)

(4) ‹anchor: exploratione› · call in col 792

Exploratione. In quinque libris antiquis et in vetustioribus editionibus legitur exemplo, eamque lectionem ego prima fronte probabam. Videbam enim illam, insuperhabita editione Manutii, retentam fuisse a Morellio. Confirmabat hanc meam opinionem auctoritas horum quinque veterum librorum in quibus scriptum est, de vitae et disciplinae nostrae exemplo ratione perpendere. Opinabar autem vocem exploratione, quam Manutius protulit, ortam esse ex emendatione cujusdam veteris librarii; qui cum existimaret has voces non cohaerere, adeoque lec- (continues)

"Examination." In five ancient books and in the older editions "example" is read, and at first sight I approved that reading. For I saw that Morel had kept it, disregarding Manutius's edition. My opinion was confirmed by the authority of these five old books, in which is written "to weigh by the example of our life and discipline, by reason." I supposed that the word "examination," which Manutius brought forward, arose from the emendation of some old copyist who, thinking these words did not hang together and therefore that the rea[ding … ] (continues)

(printed under page 447)

[The tops of both images are cropped; text is missing at the head of each column. No "Variae lectiones" are visible in the images; if the page prints any, they fall above the crop.] (printed under page 448)

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Quietus alias. Ex octo mss. in Oxon. edit. recensitis vocem alias revocamus, faventibus Colb. et Corb. quorum in uno alios, in altero aliis legitur. Pluribus opus non est, ut Cyprianum in iis omnibus, in quibus Cornelii electionem commendat, ordinationem Novatiani ut iisdem conditionibus destitutam ex obliquo pulsare ac reprobare persuadeamus. Imo et nomine quidam non obscure designatur Novatianus. Inde etiam cnique exploratum est, id prioribus saeculis circa electiones praesulum usu fuisse receptum, quod postea scriptis legibus mandatum est. COUSTANT.

"Quiet, as others [are not]." We restore the word alias from eight manuscripts collated in the Oxford edition, with the support of the Colbert and Corbie manuscripts, one of which reads alios and the other aliis. There is no need of many words to persuade that Cyprian, in all those points in which he commends Cornelius's election, is indirectly striking at and condemning Novatian's ordination as lacking those same conditions. Indeed Novatian is plainly indicated by the word "a certain man." From this too it is certain to everyone [cnique, as printed] that what was later committed to written laws had been received by usage in the earlier centuries in the election of prelates. COUSTANT.

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Virginalis conscientiae. Colb. ms. virginitatis et continentiae. Septem Anglic. virginalis continentiae suae. Quamvis virginalis conscientiae retineamus, his tamen verbis Cornelium non iis tantum virtutibus, quae virgines decent, sed et virginitate ipsa ornatum praedicari censemus. COUSTANT. — Reposui lectionem quam inveni in XIX libris nostris veteribus et in octo Anglicanis. Vocem conscientiae, quam praeferunt editiones, non inveni nisi in duobus antiquis. Infra in hac ipsa epistola scriptum est, continentiae propositum. In libro de Habitu Virginum, pag. 174, legitur continentiam sequi Christum et virginitatem destinari regno Dei. Lactantius lib. VI, cap. 23, ait hoc continentiae genus esse fastigium et consummationem omnium virtutum. Quintilianus lib. VIII, cap. 4, laudat invictam continentiam Socratis. Alia enim continentia significat abstinentiam in cibo et potu apud A. Gellium lib. IV, cap. 1. et lib. V, cap. 2 In libello precum Marcellini et Faustini laudatur mira continentia Macarii presbyteri Romani, quod nec vino stomachum revelaret, nec carnis esculentia corpus curaret, sed oleo solo escas asperiores mitigans, jejuniis et orationibus vacaret. Hieronymus in epistola ad Lacaetam de institutione filiae: In quadragesima continentiae vela pandenda sunt. Vide C[…]ssianum collat, II, cap. 16 et 26. Julius Capitolinus in Aelio Pertinace: Exemplo autem Imperatoris, cum ille parcius se ageret, ex communi continentia vilitas nata est. Hieronymus in caput quintum epistolae ad Galatas: Non solum autem in desideriis et cupiditate continentia necessaria est, sed etiam in tribus reliquis perturbationibus, dolore scilicet, laetitia, et timore. Item in caput se- [… the right-hand image begins mid-note; first line cut through] id est victu necessario, ut observat Franciscus Pythoeus in glossario ad Julianum antecessorem. BALUZ.

"Of virginal conscience." The Colbert manuscript has "of virginity and continence"; seven English manuscripts "of his virginal continence." Although we keep "of virginal conscience," we judge that by these words Cornelius is declared adorned not only with the virtues befitting virgins but with virginity itself. COUSTANT. — I have restored the reading I found in nineteen of our old books and in eight English ones. The word "conscience," which the editions prefer, I found only in two ancient ones. Below in this very letter is written "the resolve of continence." In the book On the Dress of Virgins, p. 174, one reads that continence follows Christ and virginity is destined for the kingdom of God. Lactantius, book VI, ch. 23, says this kind of continence is the summit and consummation of all virtues. Quintilian, book VIII, ch. 4, praises the unconquered continence of Socrates. For another continence means abstinence in food and drink, in Aulus Gellius book IV, ch. 1, and book V, ch. 2. In the petition of Marcellinus and Faustinus, the wonderful continence of Macarius, a Roman presbyter, is praised: that he neither relieved [revelaret, as printed] his stomach with wine nor tended his body with meat, but, softening rougher foods with oil alone, gave himself to fasting and prayer. Jerome, in the letter to Laeta on the education of her daughter: "In Lent the sails of continence must be spread." See Cassian (the name is garbled in the print), Conference II, chs. 16 and 26. Julius Capitolinus in Aelius Pertinax: "By the Emperor's example, since he lived rather sparingly, cheapness arose from the general continence." Jerome on the fifth chapter of the epistle to the Galatians: "Continence is necessary not only in desires and cupidity, but also in the three remaining passions, namely grief, joy and fear." Likewise on the se[venth?] chapter [… ] that is, with necessary food, as François Pithou observes in his glossary on Julian the jurist. BALUZ.

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Ipse vim passus. Joannes Saresberiensis lib. VIII. cap. 23, Policratici: Antiqui quondam trahebantur inviti, et proni ad martyrium, primas cathedras carcere pejus et couce fugiebant. Et Justinianus Imperator l. v. Si quanquam cod. De episcopis et clericis ait: Profecto enim indignus est sacerdotio nisi fuerit ordinatus invitus. Hieronymus in Epitaphio Nepotiani: Querebatur se ferre non posse, et juvenilem aetatem incongruam sacerdotio causabatur. Sea quanto plus repugnabat, tanto magis in se studia omnium concitabat, et merebatur negando quod esse nolebat, eoque digniar erat quo se clamabat indignum, Idem in Epitaphio Paulae ad Eustochium: Fugiendo gloriam, gloriam merebatur, quae virtutes quasi umbra sequitur, et appetitores sui deserens appetit contemptores. Boetius in libro secundo, de Consolatione philosophiae: Ita fit ut non virtutibus ex dignitate, sed ex virtute dignitatibus honor accedat Et illud de Sancto Honorato episcopo Arelatensi: Et qui venire ad dignitatem detrectaverat, ad ipsum dignitas venit. Sanctus Papa Gregorius, lib. V, Epist· 46, ait ea inter alias ratione se ordinasse Marinianum episcopum quod refugeret episcopatum, quem suscepit invitus. Dignum est legi quod in Gregorii Nazianzeni oratione de funere patris scriptum est de Eusebio electo Caecariensi archiepiscopo. Vide librum diurnum pontificum Romanorum, in quo ille dicitur dignior episcopatu qui se occultat ne fiat episcopus. Vide etiam Cresollium lib. III, cap. 1. Mystagogi. Verum haec electorum episcoporum repugnantia rara postea fuit. Nam cum episcepi coepissent in honore esse, crevissentque opes, episcopatus ut Sulpitius Severus ait, pravis ambitionibus appeti coeperunt. Qua in causa videnda est elegans et diserta Isidori Pelusiotae epistola XXI libri quinti, Gregorius Nazianzenus oratione in laudem Basilii: Non enim virtute magis quam malitia et fraude sacerdotii dignitas paratur, nec meliores ac digniores, sed potentiores thronis insidunt. At non solum in Ecclesia Christi viguit ista magnorum virorum modestia, sed etiam in republica, in imperio. Julius Capitolinus refert concionem Clodii Albini ad milites, cujus hoc initium est: Invitum me, commilitones, ductum ad imperium et (continues)

"He himself suffered force." John of Salisbury, Policraticus book VIII, ch. 23: "The ancients were once dragged unwilling, and, eager for martyrdom, fled the first chairs worse than prison and the cross" [couce, as printed]. And the Emperor Justinian, in the law Si quanquam, Code, On bishops and clerics, says: "For indeed he is unworthy of the priesthood unless he has been ordained unwilling." Jerome in the Epitaph of Nepotian: "He complained that he could not bear it, and pleaded that his youthful age was unsuited to the priesthood. But (Sea, as printed) the more he resisted, the more he stirred up everyone's zeal for him, and he deserved by refusing what he did not wish to be, and was the worthier (digniar, as printed) for crying out that he was unworthy." The same, in the Epitaph of Paula to Eustochium: "By fleeing glory she deserved glory, which follows virtues like a shadow, and, deserting those who seek it, seeks those who despise it." Boethius, in the second book of the Consolation of Philosophy: "So it comes about that honour accrues not to virtues from dignity, but to dignities from virtue." And that saying about St Honoratus, bishop of Arles: "And he who had declined to come to the dignity, to him the dignity came." St Pope Gregory, book V, Epist. 46, says that among other reasons he ordained Marinianus bishop because he shrank from the episcopate, which he accepted unwillingly. What is written in Gregory Nazianzen's funeral oration for his father about Eusebius, elected archbishop of Caesarea [Caecariensi, as printed], deserves to be read. See the Liber diurnus of the Roman pontiffs, in which he is said to be worthier of the episcopate who hides himself so as not to be made bishop. See also Cresollius, Mystagogus book III, ch. 1. But this resistance of bishops-elect was afterwards rare. For once bishops (episcepi, as printed) began to be held in honour and their wealth grew, episcopates, as Sulpicius Severus says, began to be sought with depraved ambition. On this see the elegant and eloquent epistle XXI of book five of Isidore of Pelusium; Gregory Nazianzen in his oration in praise of Basil: "For the dignity of the priesthood is obtained no more by virtue than by malice and fraud, and it is not the better and worthier but the more powerful who sit on the thrones."

But this modesty of great men flourished not only in the Church of Christ but also in the state, in the empire. Julius Capitolinus reports the speech of Clodius Albinus to the soldiers, which begins: "Brothers in arms, led unwilling to the empire and (continues) (printed under page 448)

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De clericorum testimonio. Notat Annalium Cyprianic. conditor Baronium, mutatis Cypriani verbis in electione sacerdotum clericts suffragium, ac plebi testimonium deferre. In superiore nota eumdem praesulem audivimus de sua ipsius ordinatione dicentem, Post populi suffragium. Quanquam Cyprianus supra, epist. I, II. 2, scribit, episcopo semel facto, et collegarum ac plebis TESTIMONIO et judicio comprobato, alium constitui nullo modo posse. Quae autem sit pars plebis in episcoporum electione, idem praesul Epist. 68, edit. Pamel. pluribus enarrat. Ac primo praemittit, quod ipsa (plebs) maxime habeat potestatem vel eligendi dignos sacerdotes, vel indignos recusandi. Tum proxime subjecit: Videmus de divina auctoritate descendere, ut sacerdos plebe praesente sub omnium oculis deligatur, et dignus atque idoneus publico judicio ac TESTIMONIO comprobetur. Mox exponens qua ratione Deus sacerdotem sub Lege institui voluerit, coram omni synagoga, inquit, jubet Deus constitui sacerdotem, id est, instruit et ostendit ordinationes sacerdotales nonnisi sub populi assistentis conscientia fieri oportere, ut plebe praesente vel deleguntur malorum crimina, vel bonorum merita praedicentur, et sit ordinatio justa et legitima, quae omnium suffragio et judicio fuerit examinata: ubi omnium suffragium et judicium nihil aliud sonat, nisi quod in proxima sententia publicum judicium ac testimonium, et in superiori collegarum ac plebis testimonium et judicium. Subinde addit: Propter quod diligenter de traditione divina et apostolica observatione observandum est et tenendum, quod apud nos quoque et fere per provincias universas tenetur, ut ad ordinationes rite celebrandas, ad eam plebem, cui propositus ordinatur, episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quinque conveniant, et episcopus deligatur plebe praesente, quae singulorum vitam plenissime novit, et aniuscujusque actum de ejus con- (continues)

"On the testimony of the clergy." The author of the Annales Cyprianici notes that Baronius, changing Cyprian's words, assigns the vote in the election of priests to the clergy (clericts, as printed) and the testimony to the people. In the preceding note we heard the same prelate say of his own ordination, "after the people's vote." Although Cyprian writes above, epist. I, no. 2, that "once a bishop has been made and approved by the TESTIMONY and judgement of his colleagues and people, another can in no way be appointed." What the people's part is in the election of bishops the same prelate sets out at length in Epist. 68, Pamelius's edition. First he says that "the people itself has the greatest power either of choosing worthy priests or of refusing unworthy ones." Then he adds immediately: "We see that it comes down from divine authority that the priest be chosen with the people present, under the eyes of all, and be approved as worthy and fit by public judgement and TESTIMONY." Soon, explaining how God willed the priest to be appointed under the Law, he says: "God orders the priest to be appointed before the whole synagogue; that is, he instructs and shows that priestly ordinations ought to be done only with the knowledge of the people standing by, so that with the people present either the crimes of the wicked may be exposed [deleguntur, as printed] or the merits of the good proclaimed, and the ordination be just and lawful, having been examined by the vote and judgement of all." Here "the vote and judgement of all" means nothing other than what in the sentence just before is "public judgement and testimony," and in the earlier one "the testimony and judgement of colleagues and people." Then he adds: "Therefore, from divine tradition and apostolic observance, what is held among us too and in almost all the provinces must be carefully observed and kept: that for ordinations to be duly celebrated, the five nearest bishops of the same province gather to the people for whom the head is being ordained, and the bishop be chosen with the people present, who know most fully the life of each and have seen the conduct of every one [aniuscujusque, as printed] from his con[versation … ] (continues)

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De plebis suffragio. Vide Petavii notas ad Synesium, pag. 56 secundae editionis. Vide etiam Flori diaconi Lugdunensis librum de electionibus episcoporum in appendice Agobarbi, BALUZ.

"By the people's vote." See Petau's notes on Synesius, p. 56 of the second edition. See also the book of Florus, deacon of Lyons, On the elections of bishops, in the appendix to Agobard [Agobarbi, as printed]. BALUZ.

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De sacerdotum antiquorum... collegio. Hoc est, ni fallor, de presbyterorum selectorum et antiquorum numero. Nam cum episcoporum, a quibus Cornelius ordinatus est, jam mentio facta sit, assentiri non possumus Annalium Cyprian. conditori, qui hoc ad eosdem refert. Vulgo quidem apud Cyprianum sacerdotum vocabulum episcopos sonat: sed interdum etiam presbyteri hoc nomine intelliguntur. Neque enim aliud sibi vult is praesul epist. XXXV, seu XL ubi, se admonitum praemittens, ut Numidicus presbgter ascribatur presbyterorum Carthaginiensium numero, illum non sine causa gravisimis tormentis superstitem servatum esse notat: sed ut eum, inquit, clero nostro Dominus adjungeret, et desolatam per lapsum quorumdam presbyterii nostri copiam gloriosis SACERDOTIBUS adornaret. Scribit Julius 1, epist. 1, n, 14, ex ecclesiastici canomis praescripto episcopum in ipsa ecclesia, ex ipso SACERDOTALI, ordine ἀπ' αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἱερατείου ex ipso clero, ab episcopis provinciae illius constitui oportere. COUST. — Apud Ivonem parte V, cap. 259 et apud Gratianum VII, q. 1, cap. 5; itemque in uno veteri libro meo legitur consensu. Eadem voce utitur Cyprianus ep. LV, pag. 82, de electione sua scribens ad Cornelium. Correctores Romani emendarunt Gratianum ex textu Cypriani, male, ut opinor. Nam cum glossa expeteret ut vox consensu retineretur in contextu Gratiani, non debuerant illam rejiicere. BALUZ.

"From the college of the ancient priests." That is, unless I am mistaken, from the number of the chosen and senior presbyters. For since mention has already been made of the bishops by whom Cornelius was ordained, we cannot agree with the author of the Annales Cyprianici, who refers this to the same men. Commonly in Cyprian the word sacerdos means bishops, but sometimes presbyters too are understood by this name. For that is just what the prelate means in epist. XXXV, or XL, where, saying first that he had been advised to enrol Numidicus the presbyter [presbgter, as printed] among the number of the presbyters of Carthage, he notes that he was not without reason kept alive through the most grievous [gravisimis, as printed] torments, "but so that the Lord might join him to our clergy and adorn with glorious PRIESTS the ranks of our presbyterate, left desolate through the fall of some." Julius I writes, epist. 1, no. 14, that by the prescription of the Church's canon [canomis, as printed] a bishop must be appointed "in the church itself, from the PRIESTLY order itself," from the priesthood itself, "from the clergy itself, by the bishops of that province." COUST. — In Ivo, part V, ch. 259, and in Gratian, VII, q. 1, ch. 5, and likewise in one old book of mine, "by the consent" is read. Cyprian uses the same word in ep. 55, p. 82, writing to Cornelius about his own election. The Roman correctors emended Gratian from Cyprian's text, wrongly in my opinion. For since the gloss required the word "consent" to be kept in Gratian's text, they ought not to have rejected it. BALUZ.

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Fabiani locus. In Oxon. edit. hic subjicitur ista annotatio: Rigaltius ait, Conjiciet aliqui manum Cypriani tantum scripsisse cum Fabiani locus et cathedra sacerdotalis vacaret; nec sane aliud quidquam patitur sensus auctoris: nihilque adjungitur unde vel confirmetur Rigaltii conjectura, vel infirmetur. Hanc sane respuit summa omnium mss. consensio, qua qui Romana in cathedra sedet, Cypriani judicio, locum Petri tenere ostenditur, Hoc ipsum et in subjecta epistola XII, n. 13, idem praesul plane asserit COUST. — Ita omnes editiones et libri veteres, Carnotensi excepto, in quo scriptum est gradus. Attamen Rigaltius existimavit [… continues beyond the left-hand image; the rest of (13) and all of (14) are not in the images]

"The place of Fabian." In the Oxford edition this note is added here: "Rigault says, Some will conjecture that Cyprian's hand wrote only 'when the place of Fabian and the priestly chair was vacant'; and indeed the author's sense allows nothing else." And nothing is added by which Rigault's conjecture is either confirmed or weakened. The complete agreement of all the manuscripts certainly rejects it, by which it is shown that whoever sits in the Roman chair holds, in Cyprian's judgement, the place of Peter. The same prelate plainly asserts this very thing in epistle XII below, no. 13. COUST. — So all the editions and old books, except the Chartres manuscript, in which "rank" is written. Yet Rigault thought [… ]

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Alienus est. Optatus lib. II. Quidquid foris est alienum est. BALUZ.

"He is a stranger." Optatus, book II: "Whatever is outside is foreign." BALUZ.

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Floris est. — Hieronymus in Apologia adversus Rufinum: Quid loquar de haereticis, qui licet foris sint, se nominant christianos? Idem in epistola ad Occanum: Alieni et extra Ecclesiam sunt, Judaei haeretici, atque gentiles. Ea est communis Catholicorum opinio. Et tamen Didacus Stunica lib. I, cap, 7, de vera religione disputans adversus Melchiorem Canum, qui lib. IV, cap. 2, dixerat haereticos homines ad Ecclesiam non pertinere neque in Ecclesiae partibus esse numerandos, contendit haereticos ad Ecclesiam pertinere. In uno veteri libro, pro eo quod istic apud Cyprianum legitur foris est, hostis est. BALUZ.

"He is outside" (Floris, as printed for foris). — Jerome in the Apology against Rufinus: "What shall I say of the heretics, who, though they are outside, call themselves Christians?" The same in the letter to Oceanus [Occanum, as printed]: "Strangers and outside the Church are Jews, heretics and pagans." That is the common opinion of Catholics. And yet Diego de Zúñiga (Stunica), book I, ch. 7, disputing on the true religion against Melchior Cano, who in book IV, ch. 2, had said that heretics do not belong to the Church and are not to be counted among the Church's parts, contends that heretics do belong to the Church. In one old book, for what is read here in Cyprian, "he is outside," there is "he is an enemy." BALUZ.

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Secundus esse non possit. Haec verba adversus Guibertum Ravennatem usurpavit Gerohus Reicherspergensis in libro de Statu Ecclesiae sub Henrico IV Imperatore, cap. 14, sed Cypriano non nominato. Cypriani enim verba sua fecit. Istud a Cypriano scriptum est adversus Novatianum, qui se a factiosis quibusdam eligi procuravit adversus Cornelium, qui prior fuit electus. Cum ergo Cornelius sederet in cathedra Petri, qui eamdem cathedram occupaverat Novatianus non poterat esse Romanae urbis episcopus, cum qui post unum, qui solus esse debet, factus est, non jam secundus sed nullus sit, cum cathedra una duos capere non possit. Hic est verus et genuinus sensus verborum Cypriani. Quare ferri non potest interpretatio Francisci Torrensis et aliorum quorumdam qui istic unum et solum episcopum interpretantur de Romano, tanquam si ille solus et unus episcopus esset in Ecclesia, caeteri vero non essent veri episcopi neque successores apostolorum, sed istius unius vicarii. Quod est contra omnia testimonia antiquitatis. Exstat in Vita sancti Anselmi episcopi Lucensis ab auctore coaetaneo et poenitentiario ejus scripta locus citatus ex Cypriano. Sic autem scribit auctor ille scribens adversus Wibertum antipapam: Itaque ut sanctissimi martyris Cypriani verbis utar, nullus vel iste vel nullus, quia nec successor nec ut antecessor cujusdam aut ille, aut iste, ambo parricidae ambo sceleratissimi violatores suae matris Ecclesiae. Videtur autem locus iste conflatus ex duobus locis. ex isto nimirum et ex alio Epistolae 76, pag. 152. Nemini succedens, a se ipso ortus. BALUZ.

"There cannot be a second." Gerhoch of Reichersberg used these words against Guibert of Ravenna in his book On the State of the Church under the Emperor Henry IV, ch. 14, but without naming Cyprian, for he made Cyprian's words his own. Cyprian wrote this against Novatian, who contrived to be elected by certain factious men against Cornelius, who had been elected first. Since, then, Cornelius sat in the chair of Peter, Novatian, who had occupied the same chair, could not be bishop of the city of Rome, since one who is made after the one who alone ought to be is not a second but no one, as one chair cannot hold two. This is the true and genuine sense of Cyprian's words. So the interpretation of Francisco Torres and certain others cannot be borne, who here take "the one and only bishop" of the Roman bishop, as though he alone were the one bishop in the Church, and the rest were not true bishops nor successors of the apostles but vicars of that one man. That is against all the testimonies of antiquity. The passage quoted from Cyprian stands in the Life of St Anselm, bishop of Lucca, written by a contemporary author who was his penitentiary. That author, writing against the antipope Wibert, writes thus: "So, to use the words of the most holy martyr Cyprian, either this one or no one, because neither he nor this one is successor or predecessor of anyone; both are parricides, both most wicked violators of their mother the Church." This passage seems to be put together from two places, namely this one and another of Epistle 76, p. 152: "Succeeding no one, sprung from himself." BALUZ.

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[The tops of both images are cropped; text is missing at the head of each column. The beginning of (18) is not visible; its number is inferred from (19) following. In the right column, (23) breaks off at "instructione" and, after a space, (24) is printed (its call is printed "(24" without the closing bracket).] (18?) (continued; number not visible) ‹anchor: not visible› · call in col 799 [… the image begins mid-note; first line cut through: "…mentem assecutus est Cypriani, dum hunc locum ita"] interpretatur: Cornelium patientius tolerasse aemulum principem, quam Novatianum aemulum sacerdotem. Ibi enim verbum audiret de Decio tyranno, non de Cornelio praedicatur. COUSTANT. — Luciter Calaritanus in libro ad Constantium de Moriendo pro Dei Filio: Adversum se aemulos surgere principes. Non ait Cyprianus aemulum principem fuisse levatum adversus Decium, sed Decium patientius fuisse laturum levari adversum se aemulum principem quam constitui Romae Dei sacerdotem, in quo quidem Cornelii miranda constantia, qui sedebat intrepidus, exspectans corporis sui carnifices et tyranni ferocientis ultores, ut ait Cyprianus in Epistola LII ad Antonianum. Et tamen inventi sunt qui divinare conarentur quis tum princeps levatus sit adversus Decium: scripserunt autem Lucium Priscum fuisse qui levatus est adversus eum, quia Aurelius Victor in libro de Caesaribus scribit delatum illi Gothorum concursu dominatum, postquam, direptis Thraciis plerique illo pervenerant: quam ob causam ait Decium cito quam potuit maturissime Roma digressum. Sed non possum dicedere ab hoc loco quin annotem temeritatem Salmaeii, qui capite sexto de Primatu Papae, pag. 86, contra omnium veterum codicum et editionum fidem contendit istic legi debere malum principem pro aemulum: hancque suam conjecturam nititur probare testimoniis eorum veterum scriptorum qui loquuntur de malis principibus. Quantum eae observationes sint inutiles in ho- loco. nemo non videt. Nam praeterea sensus constare non potest cum conjectura Salmasii. BALUZ.

[… he did not grasp] Cyprian's meaning when he interprets this passage: "that Cornelius bore a rival prince more patiently than Novatian bore a rival priest." For there the verb "would hear" is said of the tyrant Decius, not of Cornelius. COUSTANT. — Lucifer of Cagliari [Luciter, as printed], in the book to Constantius On Dying for the Son of God: "That rival princes rise against him." Cyprian does not say that a rival prince was raised up against Decius, but that Decius would more patiently have borne a rival prince being raised up against him than a priest of God being appointed at Rome; in which indeed lies the wonderful constancy of Cornelius, who sat "unafraid, awaiting the executioners of his body and the avengers of a raging tyrant," as Cyprian says in Epistle LII to Antonianus. And yet some have been found who tried to guess which prince was then raised up against Decius; they wrote that it was Lucius Priscus who was raised up against him, because Aurelius Victor, in the book On the Caesars, writes that rule was conferred on him by the onset of the Goths, after most of them had come there, having plundered Thrace; for which reason, he says, Decius left Rome as early as he possibly could. But I cannot depart [dicedere, as printed] from this passage without noting the rashness of Saumaise (Salmaeii, as printed), who in the sixth chapter On the Primacy of the Pope, p. 86, against the witness of all the old manuscripts and editions, contends that "a bad prince" should be read here for "a rival," and tries to prove this conjecture of his by testimonies of those old writers who speak of bad princes. Everyone sees how useless those observations are in this (ho-, as printed) passage. For besides, the sense cannot stand with Saumaise's conjecture. BALUZ.

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(19) ‹anchor: Dei sacerdotem› · call in col 799

Dei sacerdotem. Hanc lectionem inveni in XIX codicibus nostris, in sex Anglicanis, apud Thomam Waldensem tit. 14, de Sacramentibus et cap. 123, in omnibus editionibus quae Pamelianam antecesserunt. Aliam vero, quae habet aemulum sacerdotem quam Pamelius verissimam, Rigaltius vero procul dubio falsam esse asserit, in uno tantum codice Affligemensi reperisse se testatur idem Pamelius, sicut ego quoque eam non reperi nisi in uno codice qui fuit Francisci Pithoei. Et tamen illustrissimus cardinalis Perronius adversus regem Magnae Britanniae pag. 99, ait illam inveniri in antiquioribus et emendatioribus exemplaribus. Ad quam rem probandam laudat in margine codicem Affligemensem et editionem Pamelii, nullis [… the right-hand image begins mid-note; first line cut through: "…tem Dei in urbe Rome principe imperii, ut multo"] patientius et tolerabilius audiret levari adversus se aemulum principem quam constitui Romae Dei sacerdotem, ut ista recte explicat Rigaltius; non quod timeret, ut quidam crediderunt, episcopum Romanum, hominem, quantum attinebat ad rempublicam, minime principi metuendum aut formidolosum, sed quia erat inimicus crucis Christi, ardens desiderio opprimendae Christianitatis, ut ait vir clarissimus Henricus Dowvellus, valde cupiebat ne Fabiano papae defuncto daretur successor, existimans religionem nostram interituram, si episcopum non haberet, timens praeterea, ut opinor, ne in urbe rerum novarum avida augeretur numerus Christianorum, quorum nimius et copiosus, ut ait Cyprianus, erat populus. BALUZ.

"A priest of God." I found this reading in nineteen of our manuscripts, in six English ones, in Thomas Netter of Walden, title 14, On the Sacraments [Sacramentibus, as printed], and ch. 123, and in all the editions before Pamelius's. The other reading, "a rival priest," which Pamelius asserts to be most true and Rigault without doubt false, the same Pamelius testifies he found in only one manuscript, that of Affligem, just as I too found it only in one manuscript, which belonged to François Pithou. And yet the most illustrious Cardinal du Perron, against the King of Great Britain, p. 99, says it is found in the older and more correct copies. To prove this he cites in the margin the Affligem manuscript and Pamelius's edition, [with] no [… ] [… a priest] of God in the city of Rome (Rome, as printed), the prince of the empire, so that he would hear far more patiently and tolerably of a rival prince being raised up against him than of a priest of God being appointed at Rome, as Rigault rightly explains; not because he feared, as some have believed, the Roman bishop, a man who, as far as the state was concerned, was in no way to be feared or dreaded by the prince, but because he was an enemy of the cross of Christ, burning with desire to crush Christianity, as the most distinguished Henry Dodwell [Dowvellus, as printed] says. He greatly wished that no successor be given to Pope Fabian after his death, thinking our religion would perish if it had no bishop, and fearing besides, I think, that in a city eager for revolution the number of Christians would grow, whose people, as Cyprian says, was excessive and numerous. BALUZ.

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(20) ‹anchor: tantum temporis› · call in col 800

Tantum temporis. Hanc sane lectionem reperi in octo vetustis codicibus. Aliam, quae habet tantis temporibus, exhibent veteres editiones ante Manutianam, et sex libri veteres. BALUZ.

"So much time." I found this reading in eight old manuscripts. The other, which has "in such times," is given by the old editions before Manutius's and by six old books. BALUZ.

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(21) ‹anchor: exspectans ... carnifices› · call in col 800

Exspectans... carnifices. Quippe, Paciano teste ep. 3, crebras persecutiones irati principis sustinebat. Unde calomniae convincuntur ejus aemuli, qui eum libelli labe contaminatum dictitabant. COUSTANT.

"Awaiting ... the executioners." For, as Pacian testifies, ep. 3, "he endured the repeated persecutions of an angry prince." By this the calumnies [calomniae, as printed] of his rivals are refuted, who kept saying he was stained with the taint of a certificate. COUSTANT.

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(22) ‹anchor: et timorem› · call in col 800

Et timorem. Vide appendicem observationum Rigaltii ad Cyprianum, ubi recte interpretatur hunc timorem Cypriani. BALUZ.

"And fear." See the appendix of Rigault's observations on Cyprian, where he rightly interprets this fear of Cyprian's. BALUZ.

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(23) ‹anchor: passus est› · call in col 800

Passus est Supra Epist. XXXVII, pag. 50: Neque enim virtus eorum aut honor minor esse quo minus ipsi quoque inter beatos martyres aggregentur. Quod in illis est, toleraverunt quidquid tolerare parati et prompti fuerunt. Qui se tormentis et morti sub oculis Dei obtulit, passus est quidquid pati voluit. Ad haec loca Cypriani respiciebat haud dubie Erasmus interpretans locum libri Josephi de imperio rationis, ubi sic legitur: Et si fors percipiendi denegat facultatem pertulit tamen cuncta quae voluit pati, Etenim martyres quoque censebantur qui tormenta passi, tamen occisi non fuerant. Commodianus instructione (continues)

"He suffered." Above, Epist. XXXVII, p. 50: "For their virtue or honour is not less, so that they too are not to be joined among the blessed martyrs. As far as lay in them, they endured whatever they were ready and prompt to endure. He who offered himself to torments and death under the eyes of God has suffered whatever he was willing to suffer." Erasmus was doubtless looking to these passages of Cyprian when he rendered a passage of Josephus's book On the Sovereignty of Reason, where one reads: "And if chance denies the opportunity of receiving it, yet he has borne all that he was willing to suffer." For those too were counted martyrs who suffered torments yet were not killed. Commodian, in the instruction (continues)

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(24) ‹anchor: tyrannum victum› · call in col 800

Tyrannum victam. Rufinus in psal. XL: Unde sancti martyres etiam in suis passionibus victores exstiterunt? Quia etsi potuerunt corporaliter occidi, nunquam tamen animo potuerunt frangi. Illi vero qui occiderunt victi sunt. BALUZ.

"The tyrant conquered" (victam, as printed). Rufinus on Psalm 40: "Why did the holy martyrs prove victors even in their sufferings? Because, though they could be killed in body, they could never be broken in spirit. But those who killed them were conquered." BALUZ.

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(continued) ‹anchor: not visible› · call above the cropped foot (number not visible)

Sulpitius Severus in epistola ad Aurelium de sancto Martino : Nam licet ei ratio temporis non potuerit præstare martyrium, gloria tamen martyrii non carebit, quia voto atque virtutibus et potuit esse martyr et voluit. Hieronymus in epistola ad Rufinum, quæ incipit : Plus Deum tribuere, commemorat Ægyptios confessores et voluntate jam martyres. Arnulphus Lexoviensis in epistola scripta ad sanctum Thomam archiepiscopum Cantuariensem, quæ edita est in pagina 487 tomi secundi Spicilegii Dacheriani et inter epistolas sancti Thomæ lib. I, Epist. 85 : Licet enim nondum usque ad sanguinis effusionem causa pervenerit, supplet tamen devotio meritum passionis. BALUZ.

Sulpicius Severus, in his letter to Aurelius on Saint Martin: "For although the conditions of the time could not afford him martyrdom, yet he will not lack the glory of martyrdom, because by his vow and his virtues he both could have been a martyr and willed to be." Jerome, in the letter to Rufinus that begins "Plus Deum tribuere", mentions the Egyptian confessors, martyrs already by their will. Arnulf of Lisieux, in a letter written to Saint Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, published on page 487 of the second volume of d'Achery's Spicilegium and among the letters of Saint Thomas, book I, letter 85: "For although the matter has not yet gone as far as the shedding of blood, devotion nonetheless supplies the merit of the passion." Baluze.

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(25) ‹anchor: Postmodum victum› · call in col 801 or 802 (author's text not on the foot image)

Postmodum victum. Decium imperatorem, qui anno 25 interiit cum filio in bello quod adversus Persas gerebat, ut scribit Pagius, qui Baronium redarguit scribentem id evenisse cum pugnaret adversum Gothos Mœsiam et Thraciam infestantes. BALUZ.

"Afterwards defeated." The emperor Decius, who died in the year 25 [as printed] with his son in the war he was waging against the Persians, as Pagi writes; he refutes Baronius, who writes that this happened while he was fighting the Goths who were harrying Moesia and Thrace. Baluze.

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(26) ‹anchor: Quædam de illo inhonesta› · call in col 801 or 802 (author's text not on the foot image)

Quædam de illo inhonesta. Sic vulgo solet : semper in discordia una pars imputat inhonesta parti adversæ, ut patet etiam ex epistolis XLVIII et XLIX sancti Cypriani adversus Novatum et Novatianum et ex calce epistolæ Firmiliani, in qua annotatum est Cyprianum a papa Stephano vocatum fuisse pseudo christum et spseudo apostolum et dolosum operarium. Innumera sunt exempla istiusmodi in scriptoribus historiarum. Sic in libello Precum Marcellini et Faustini adversus papam Damasum et in epistola concilii Aquileiensis adversus Ursinum, æmulum Damasi. Apud Optatum legimus causas confictas esse contra Cæcilianum episcopum Carthaginensem ut vitiosa ejus ordinatio diceretur. Necesse non est ire per historias sequentium temporum. Vide tamen Notas nostras ad vitas paparum Avenionensium, pag. 702, 1239. BALUZ.

"Certain dishonourable things about him." So it commonly goes: in a quarrel one party always charges the other with dishonourable things, as appears also from letters 48 and 49 of Saint Cyprian against Novatus and Novatian, and from the end of Firmilian's letter, where it is recorded that Cyprian was called by Pope Stephen a false christ and a false apostle ("spseudo", as printed) and a deceitful workman. There are countless examples of this kind in the writers of histories: so in the Libellus precum of Marcellinus and Faustinus against Pope Damasus, and in the letter of the Council of Aquileia against Ursinus, Damasus's rival. In Optatus we read that charges were fabricated against Caecilian, bishop of Carthage, so that his ordination might be called faulty. There is no need to go through the histories of later times. See, however, our Notes on the Lives of the Avignon popes, pp. 702, 1239. Baluze.

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(27) ‹anchor: Communicationem› · call in col 801 or 802 (author's text not on the foot image)

Communicationem. Tres mss. angl. communionem. Cypriano familiarius est communicationis verbum. Quæ de Cornelio inhonesta et maligna jactari mox dicebantur, in hac duplici videntur accusatione posita, quod nimirum et libelli labe maculatus esset, et cum iis qui sacrificaverant communicasset. Postremæ autem accusationi hinc data fuit occasio, quod cum nonnullis eorum qui sacrificasse dicebantur communicaret. Sed ab hoc eum crimine purgat Cyprianus, dum eum non communicare ostendit, nisi cum eo qui audita causa inno- (continues; the rest of this note and the opening of note 28 stand at the top of col 802, above the cropped foot)

"Communication." Three English manuscripts have "communion". The word "communication" is the more usual one in Cyprian. The dishonourable and malicious things that were soon said to be bandied about concerning Cornelius seem to consist in this twofold charge: that he had been stained with the blot of the libellus, and that he had communicated with those who had sacrificed. Occasion was given for the latter charge by his being in communion with some of those who were said to have sacrificed. But Cyprian clears him of this charge by showing that he is in communion only with one who, his case having been heard, [was found] inno- (continues)

(continued) ‹anchor: not visible; note 28, its opening above the cropped foot› · call in col 801 or 802

tiani satellites Cornelium cum iis, qui sacrificaverant, sacrilegam communicationem miscuisse persuaderent, illud proferebant Trophimi. Unde sequitur, ut stare non possit Valesii not. in Euseb., pag. 133, opinio, qua eum Novatiani ordinatorem, qui, pœnitentia motus, ad Cornelium rediit, et cum populi voluntate ad laicam communionem admissus est, hunc Trophimum fuisse putat. COUSTANT.

…[Nova]tian's henchmen, to persuade people that Cornelius had joined in sacrilegious communication with those who had sacrificed, brought forward this case of Trophimus. It follows that the opinion of Valesius (note on Eusebius, p. 133) cannot stand, by which he thinks that this Trophimus was the ordainer of Novatian who, moved by repentance, returned to Cornelius and with the people's consent was admitted to lay communion. Coustant.

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(29) ‹anchor: Charissimus frater noster› · call in col 801 or 802 (author's text not on the foot image)

Charissimus frater noster. Editiones vulgatæ, quæ acceperunt ex Erasmica, addunt Cornelius. Sed cum Cornelii nomen non invenerim in antiquis editionibus, desit autem etiam in sexdecim codicibus antiquis, existimavi auctoritatem tot veterum exemplarium prævalere debere adversus errorem. Cornelii quippe nomen non inveni in ullo veteri libro quam in Eligiano. Itaque illud, cum non dubitem esse ex glossemate, sustuli. Fuisse autem Tiophimum ex clero Romano liquet ex initio istius epistolæ. Ex quo necessario consequitur ista referenda esse ad Cornelium, quamvis nomen ejus non exprimatur. BALUZ. — Erravisse simul Valesium et Baluzium, cum tantorum vivorum pace, dixerimus, dum in diversas abeuntes vias, in eo convenerint ut clero Romano Trophimum ascripserint. Attentis enim S. Cypriani epistolis tum ad Antonianum, tum ad Stephanum papam (Epist. LXVII, ed. Baluz.), asseruit ac probe docuit in recenti dissertatione eruditus quidam hodiernus, haud ultimi subsellii vir, duplicem distinguendum esse Trophimum Arelatensem, unum Apostolis, alterum S. Cypriano coævum, posterioremque eumdem ipsum esse de quo agitur sive in hac Cypriani Epist. LII, sive in LXVII, ad Stephanum papam. Cf. Mémoires pour servir à l'hist. de l'introduc. du Christ. dans les Gaules, par M. le marquis de Fortia d'Urban ; Paris, 1838, pag. 31 et 36 ; - Gregor. Turon. opp. edit. nova ; Paris, 1837, tom. IV, pag. 337 ; Annales du Hainaut, tom. VII, pag. 97 ; Annales de philosophie chrétienne tom. XVII, pag. 7-119. EDD.

"Our dearest brother." The common editions, which took it from Erasmus's, add "Cornelius". But since I have not found the name of Cornelius in the old editions, and it is also missing in sixteen old manuscripts, I judged that the authority of so many old copies ought to prevail against the error. Indeed, I found the name of Cornelius in no old book except the Eligianus. So, not doubting that it comes from a gloss, I removed it. That Trophimus ("Tiophimum", as printed) was of the Roman clergy is clear from the beginning of this letter; from which it necessarily follows that these words are to be referred to Cornelius, though his name is not expressed. Baluze. — We may say, with all respect to such great men ("vivorum", as printed), that Valesius and Baluze both erred: though going different ways, they agreed in assigning Trophimus to the Roman clergy. For, having weighed Saint Cyprian's letters both to Antonianus and to Pope Stephen (Ep. 67, Baluze's edition), a learned man of our day, by no means of the lowest rank, has asserted and well shown in a recent dissertation that two Trophimuses of Arles must be distinguished, one of the apostles' time and the other contemporary with Saint Cyprian, and that the latter is the very one in question, whether in this Letter 52 of Cyprian or in Letter 67, to Pope Stephen. Compare Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de l'introduction du christianisme dans les Gaules, by the Marquis de Fortia d'Urban, Paris 1838, pp. 31 and 36; Gregory of Tours, Works, new edition, Paris 1837, vol. IV, p. 337; Annales du Hainaut, vol. VII, p. 97; Annales de philosophie chrétienne, vol. XVII, pp. 7–119. The Editors.

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(30) ‹anchor: Necessitati succubuit› · call in col 801 or 802 (author's text not on the foot image)

Necessitati succubuit. In mss. Corb. et Colb. ut in priscis edit. necessitate. Jam Cyprianus, supra n. 6, se ipse necessitati temporum succubuisse dixit. Utrobique autem succubuit, id est quod obsecundavit, nonnihil scil. a rigore disciplinæ remittendo, prout colligendæ fraternitatis utilitas exigebat, ut in laudato numero 6 declaratur. COUSTANT.

"He gave way to necessity." The Corbie and Colbert manuscripts, as in the early editions, have "by necessity". Cyprian himself said earlier, at no. 6, that he had given way to the necessity of the times. In both places "gave way" means that he complied, that is, by relaxing the strictness of discipline somewhat, as the need of gathering the brotherhood together required, as is stated at no. 6 cited above. Coustant.

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NOTE ON THE IMAGES: the foot crops cut off the top of the apparatus line above "Variorum notæ" and the right edge of col 804's notes. Letters lost at the right edge are supplied in [square brackets] where the word is certain from context; "[…]" marks what cannot be supplied.

(continued) ‹variant apparatus (Oxford sigla), printed full width above "Variorum notæ"; top line partly cut› · calls not visible

[…] Lam. Ebor. NC. 4. Bod. 2. A nobis abest in Oxon. — Nobis displicent. Lam. Ebor. NC. 4. Bod. 3. — S[…] 1, 2. Lam. Ebor. NC. 1. Lin.

[…] Lambeth, York, New College 4, Bodleian 2. "A nobis" is missing in the Oxford edition. — "Nobis displicent": Lambeth, York, New College 4, Bodleian 3. — S[…] 1, 2; Lambeth, York, New College 1, Lincoln.

Variorum notæ

Notes of various editors

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(31) ‹anchor: Comitante venissent› · call in col 803 or 804 (author's text not on the foot image)

Comitante venissent. Verbum venissent a ms. Corb. abest, integra sententia. Nihil hac occasione egit Cornelius, nisi quod et antea in Ecclesia actum aut certe probatum est. Nam Tertullano teste lib. de Præscript,, c. 30, Marcioni, seu Cerdoni pœnitentiam confitenti pax ea conditione promissa est, si cæteros, quos perditioni erudissel, Ecclesiæ restitueret. Cujusmodi remissionis Augustinus epist. olim 50, nunc 185, c. 10. n. 45, hanc reddit rationem : Cogunt multas invenire medicinas multorum experimenta morborum. Verum in hujusmodi causis, ubi per graves dissensionum scissuras non hujus aut illius hominis est periculum, sed populorum strages jacent, detrahendum est aliquid severitatis, ut majoribus malis sanandis charitas sincera subveniat. Nam pia mater Ecclesia, filiorum suorum salutem unice cupiens, ideo tantum severitate utitur erga nonnullos, ne veniæ facilitate perdat multos. Ubi igitur indulgentia plurimorum lucrum sibi offerri videt, hac eos ratione ad se allicere prorsus non dubitat. Quocirca iis qui multitudinem secum ad Ecclesiam reducunt, etiam honores suos servandos judicavit Africana Ecclesia. Ubi enim cod. can. Eccl. Afr., c. 68, statuit, ut ordinati in parte Donati, si ad Cathalicam correcti transire voluerint, non suscipiantur in honoribus suis, statim adjecit, sed exceptis his per quos catholicæ unitati consulitur, hoc est per quos vel omni modo perfici, vel adjuvari manifestis fraternarum animarum lucris catholica unitas in locis, in quibus degunt, visa fuerit. Hæc igitur unitatis compensatio, ut cum eadem Ecclesia ibid. loquar, una Cornelio causa fuit, cur Trophimo pacem et communionem concedere non differret. Ita unus diversis in sæculis cernitur Ecclesiæ Spiritus, quamvis aliis atque aliis pro temporum diversitate remediis utatur. Semper cujusque membri sanitati sic consuluit, ut totius corporis sui unitati, ex qua salus illius pendet, prospiceret. COUSTANT.

"Had come accompanied." The word "venissent" is missing in the Corbie manuscript, the sense being complete. On this occasion Cornelius did nothing that had not been done, or at least approved, in the Church before. For on the witness of Tertullian ("Tertullano", as printed), De praescriptione, ch. 30, peace was promised to Marcion, or Cerdo, when he professed penance, on condition that he restore to the Church the others he had schooled ("erudissel", as printed) for perdition. Augustine, letter formerly 50, now 185, ch. 10, no. 45, gives this reason for a remission of this kind: "The experience of many diseases compels the finding of many remedies. But in cases of this kind, where through grave rifts of dissension it is not this or that man who is in danger but whole peoples lie in ruin, something must be taken from severity, so that sincere charity may come to the help of healing greater evils." For holy Mother Church, desiring above all the salvation of her children, uses severity towards some only so that she may not lose many through easiness of pardon. When, therefore, she sees that indulgence offers her the gain of a great many, she does not hesitate at all to draw them to herself by this means. For that reason the African Church judged that those who bring a multitude back with them to the Church should even keep their ranks. For where the Code of Canons of the African Church, ch. 68, decreed that those ordained in the party of Donatus, if they wished to pass over, amended, to the Catholic Church ("Cathalicam", as printed), should not be received in their ranks, it at once added: "except those through whom the good of Catholic unity is served", that is, "those through whom Catholic unity is seen, by clear gains of brothers' souls, either to be brought wholly about or to be helped in the places where they live". This compensation for unity, then, to speak with the same Church in that place, was Cornelius's one reason for not delaying to grant Trophimus peace and communion. So the one Spirit of the Church is seen in different ages, though it uses one remedy after another as the times differ. It has always so cared for the health of each member as to provide for the unity of its whole body, on which that member's health depends. Coustant.

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(32) ‹anchor: Frater charissime› · call in col 803 or 804 (author's text not on the foot image)

Frater charissime. Plura his addit Cyprianus, quibus primum Ecclesiæ in concedenda lapsis pace sapientiam et charitatem commendat, tum Novatiani schisma atque hæresim exponit. Sed quia ad Cornelium per se non attinent, ea ut a nostro instituto aliena omittenda du[ximus]. COUSTANT.

"Dearest brother." Cyprian adds a good deal more to this, in which he first commends the wisdom and charity of the Church in granting peace to the lapsed, and then sets out the schism and heresy of Novatian. But since these matters do not of themselves concern Cornelius, we have thought they should be left out as foreign to our purpose. Coustant.

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(33) ‹anchor: Offocari› · call in col 803 or 804 (author's text not on the foot image)

Offocari. Quamvis non dubitem plu[…] mutationem a me in hoc loco factam improba[…], parum videlicet curantes an hoc aut alio […] legatur, modo sensus idem sit præsertim si […] habeat molestiæ et difficultatis, feci tamen, e[t] sustuli vocem suffocari suppositam veræ le[ctioni] ab imperitis librariis ; quibus cum offocari [voca]bulum esset incognitum, ei pro sua audacia s[ubsti]tuerunt lectionem quam crediderunt meliu[s con]venire. Porro istam restitutionem esse necess[ariam] probatur auctoritate multorum veterum exe[mpla]rium. Reperi quippe scriptum offocari in qu[…]decim libris veteribus, et idem de quinque A[…]nis testatur editio in eo regno facta. Tertullia[nus …] calce libri de Idololatria : Quicunque fluctu[…] offocant. Hieronymus in epistola consolato[ria …] Virginem : Quod reprimit non offocat, sed in[…]. Augustinus lib. V Confess. cap. 11 : Sed me […] me captum et offocatum quodam modo deprim[…] corporalia meditantem. Seneca in libro de [Brevi]tate vitæ cap. 2 : Aspice illos ad quorum felic[itatem] concurritur, bonis suis offocantur. Festus : O[ffoca]re, aquam in fauces mittere ad sorbendum. G[…] veteres in codices quorumdam Cyrilli scrip[…] repertæ : ἀποπνίγω, offoco, suffoco. Onoma[sticon] Græco-Latinum olim quidem editum Basileæ, [po]stea recusum a Bonaventura Vulcanio : offoco […]πνίγω. Florus lib. II, cap. 11, loquens de […] Græcis : Sed alligati miraculo quidam fuere […] catenas morsibus et ore tentassent, cum offoc[…] invicem fauces præbuissent. Sic quoque dic[…] obrogare, ut apud T. Livium, Ciceronem, Fl[…] ac fortasse alibi. Apud sanctum Augustinum […] contra Donatistas, cap. 17, scriptum est, d[…]tionis ira et erroris offectura. Ubi clarissimi […]res novæ editionis operum sancti Augustini m[…] editiones Amerbachii et Erasmi habere offoc[…], plerosque vero codices mss. offectura, apud C[…]num vero legi offectura. Nimirum in sententi[…] in causa baptismi hæreticorum protulit Mun[…] Girba in concilio Carthaginiensi, ut illic dic[…]. BALUZ.

"To be choked (offocari)." Although I do not doubt that many […] will disapprove of the change I have made in this place, caring little, that is, whether it is read this way or another, provided the sense is the same, especially if it carries no awkwardness or difficulty, I have nevertheless made it, and removed the word "suffocari", which unskilled copyists put in place of the true reading: since the word "offocari" was unknown to them, they boldly substituted for it the reading they thought fitted better. That this restoration is necessary is proved by the authority of many old copies, for I found "offocari" written in […]teen old books, and the edition made in that kingdom attests the same of five A[…] [manuscripts]. Tertullian, at the end of the book On Idolatry: "Whatever waves […] choke." Jerome, in the letter of consolation [to …] a virgin: "What it holds down it does not choke, but […]." Augustine, Confessions V, ch. 11: "But me […] caught and choked, as it were, weighed me down […] as I thought of bodily things." Seneca, On the Shortness of Life, ch. 2: "Look at those whose good fortune men flock to: they are choked by their own goods." Festus: "Offocare: to put water into the throat for swallowing." Old glosses found written in manuscripts of certain [works] of Cyril: "ἀποπνίγω, offoco, suffoco." The Greek-Latin Onomasticon, once printed at Basel and afterwards reissued by Bonaventura Vulcanius: "offoco, [ἀπο]πνίγω." Florus, book II, ch. 11, speaking of […] Greeks: "But some, bound, were a marvel […] when they had tried their chains with their teeth and mouth, they offered their throats to one another to be choked." So too one says "obrogare", as in Livy, Cicero, Fl[orus] and perhaps elsewhere. In Saint Augustine […] Against the Donatists, ch. 17, it is written: "the anger of [dissen]sion and the 'offectura' of error". Where the very distinguished editors of the new edition of Saint Augustine's works note that the editions of Amerbach and Erasmus have "offoc[atura]", but most manuscripts "offectura", while in C[yprian?] "offectura" is read. That is, in the opinion that Mun[nulus] of Girba delivered on the baptism of heretics at the Council of Carthage, as it is said there. Baluze.

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Variæ lectiones

Variant readings

(44–57) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width; calls 52–53 visible in col 805 (after "recepit", "viventes"), 56–57 in col 806 (after "lapsos", "demus"); the others stand above the cropped foot› 44 Judicium Oxon. 45 Pietatis Cod. S. Dyon. Rem. Patientiæ. 46 Lenitas Fux. 47 Hi quoque Neap. 48 Necessitate compulsus est nec ille qui Cod. Gratianop. 49 Pactione Lam. Ebor. Bod, 1. 2. N. C. 1. Ver. Passione Ben. Neap. 50 Ille qui qui intimos Bod. 1. 51 Fratres, sed etiam plures Gratianop. 52 Hospitatus cepit Bod. 3. 53 Multa solventes Corb. 54 Mihi omnino non Vat. 55 In hæresim ut in schisma M. R. 56 Lassos Lam. Bod. 2. Ebor. N. C. 1. Ver. 57 Lupis dabimus Bod. 3.

44 "Judicium": Oxford edition. 45 "Pietatis": manuscript of Saint-Denis, Reims; "Patientiae". 46 "Lenitas": Fux. [manuscript, siglum as printed]. 47 "Hi quoque": Naples. 48 "Necessitate compulsus est nec ille qui": Grenoble manuscript. 49 "Pactione": Lambeth, York, Bodleian 1, 2, New College 1, Verona; "Passione": Benedictine [manuscript], Naples. 50 "Ille qui qui intimos": Bodleian 1. 51 "Fratres, sed etiam plures": Grenoble. 52 "Hospitatus cepit": Bodleian 3. 53 "Multa solventes": Corbie. 54 "Mihi omnino non": Vatican. 55 "In haeresim ut in schisma": M. R. [siglum as printed]. 56 "Lassos": Lambeth, Bodleian 2, York, New College 1, Verona. 57 "Lupis dabimus": Bodleian 3.

Variorum notæ

Notes of various editors

(printed under page 454)

(34) ‹anchor: Æquandi sunt› · call above the cropped foot (col 805 or 806)

Æquandi sunt. Sex libri veteres habent æquatus est ille. Quæ lectio potest esse bona. BALUZ.

"Are to be made equal." Six old books have "he was made equal". That reading may be good. Baluze.

(printed under page 454)

(35) ‹anchor: Luctatus› · call above the cropped foot (col 805 or 806)

Luctatus. Fatendum est hanc lectionem repertam a me fuisse in solo codice Fossatensi sane optimo et in vetustissimis editionibus. Alii libri, in majori sane numero, habent reluctatus. Ego tamen eam lectionem præfero quam posuit, quia luctari est proprie pugilum, cujusmodi fuere martyres, quos certum est non fuisse reluctatos, sed tormenta et mortes lubenti animo pertulisse. Ipse Cyprianus in libro ad Demetrianum, pag. 221, ait : Nemo nostrum quando apprehenditur reluctatur. Et in libro de Bono Patientiæ, pag, 250, loquens de Abele, ait : Adversus fratrem fratricidam non resistit nec reluctatur, sed humilis et mitis patienter occiditur. BALUZ.

"Having wrestled." It must be admitted that I found this reading only in the manuscript of Saint-Maur-des-Fossés, a very good one, and in the oldest editions. Other books, in much greater number, have "having struggled against". Yet I prefer the reading I have set, because wrestling is properly the business of fighters, such as the martyrs were, who certainly did not struggle back but bore torments and deaths with a willing mind. Cyprian himself says in the book To Demetrianus, p. 221: "None of us struggles back when he is seized." And in the book On the Good of Patience, p. 250, speaking of Abel, he says: "He does not resist or struggle against his fratricidal brother, but humble and meek he is patiently slain." Baluze.

(printed under page 454)

(36) ‹anchor: Perfunctione› · call above the cropped foot (col 805 or 806)

Perfunctione. In quinque libris veteribus scriptum est passione. Alii quinque et duo Anglicani et editio Mor, pactione. Alii duo passione vel patione (continues)

"Discharge." In five old books "passion" is written. Five others, two English ones and the Morel edition have "compact". Two others "passione" or "patione" (continues)

(57 [sic, for 37]) ‹anchor: viventes› · call in col 805 Multas viventes. Ita libri decem veteres. Alii duo et editiones antiquiores habent salvatas. Codex Corbeiensis, solventes, manifesto errore. BALUZ.

"Many living." So ten old books. Two others and the older editions have "saved". The Corbie manuscript has "solventes", a plain error. Baluze.

(printed under page 454)

(38) ‹anchor: episcopo tractante› · call in col 805

Episcopo tractante. Optatus lib. V : Restat ut dicitis eum cum populo communicasse. Et locutum eum esse aliquid in populo constat sed insinuandi alicujus rei causa, non tamen tractandi, quod est episcoporum. Vide notas nostras ad Lupum Ferrariensem, pag, 479. BALUZ.

"When the bishop was preaching." Optatus, book V: "It remains that you say he communicated with the people. And it is agreed that he said something among the people, but for the sake of suggesting something, not of preaching, which belongs to bishops." See our notes on Lupus of Ferrières, p. 479. Baluze.

(printed under page 454)

(39) ‹anchor: Auditis nobis› · call above the cropped foot (col 806)

Auditis nobis. Emendatio supra lineam in codice Monasteriensi, auditis nostris lamentationibus. Ex glossemate nimirum. BALUZ.

"Having heard us." A correction above the line in the Münster manuscript: "having heard our lamentations". From a gloss, clearly. Baluze.

(printed under page 454)

(40) ‹anchor: Lassam› · call above the cropped foot (col 806)

Lassam.. Veteres editiones et plures libri veteres habent lapsam. Quæ lectio confirmari potest ex Evangelio secundum Matthæum ad quod respicit hic locus. ex quo constat ovem illam non fuisse simpliciter lassam, sed lapsam. Ego tamen præfero priorem lectionem. Nam ovis (continues)

"Weary." The old editions and many old books have "lapsam" (fallen). That reading can be supported from the Gospel according to Matthew, to which this passage looks, from which it is clear that the sheep was not simply weary but fallen. I nevertheless prefer the former reading. For the sheep (continues)

(printed under page 454)

NOTE ON THE IMAGES: the right-column crop cuts off the ends of col 808's lines. Letters lost there are supplied in [square brackets] where certain; "[…]" marks what cannot be supplied. The full-width apparatus is joined from the two crops. Variæ lectiones

Variant readings

(58–73) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width; calls 64–66 visible in col 807 (after "eisdem", "sequente", "robur"), 72–73 in col 808 (after "onera", "superbos"); the others stand above the cropped foot› 58 Sic Lam. Bod. 3. Ebor. Lin, N. C. 1. Vitanda quæ non Oxon. 59 Lenissimus Lam. Ebor. Bod.[…] 1. 60 Estote ergo misericordes Bod. 3. Quomodo Pater Ver, 61 Misericors est Bod. 3. iidem […] 62 Opem nostram et medelam vulneratis Bod. 1, 63 Saucios Lam. Bod. 2 Ebor. N. C. 1. 64 Nu[…] iidem Bod. 3. 65 Pœnitentia frequenter Lam. Ebor. Lin. N. C. 1. Bod. 2. 66 De pœnitentiæ robore […] N. C. 1 Bod. 2. Pœnitentiæ robur armatur Vatic.. 67 Nomen Christi Bod. 2. 68 Si ergo prælium […] Ebor. N. C. 1. 69 invenietur et armatus Lam. Ebor. Lin. N. C. 70 Infirmitas venerit Lam. Ebor. Lin[…] Bod. 2. 71 Fuerit statutum Lam. Ebor. N. C. 1. 72 Onera vestra Lam. Ebcr. N. C. 1. 73 Item su[…] Lam. Ponit Lam.

58 So Lambeth, Bodleian 3, York, Lincoln, New College 1. "Vitanda quae non": Oxford edition. 59 "Lenissimus": Lambeth, York, Bodleian […] 1. 60 "Estote ergo misericordes": Bodleian 3. "Quomodo Pater": Verona. 61 "Misericors est": Bodleian 3; the same […] 62 "Opem nostram et medelam vulneratis": Bodleian 1. 63 "Saucios": Lambeth, Bodleian 2, York, New College 1. 64 "Nu[…]": the same, Bodleian 3. 65 "Poenitentia frequenter": Lambeth, York, Lincoln, New College 1, Bodleian 2. 66 "De poenitentiae robore" […] New College 1, Bodleian 2; "Poenitentiae robur armatur": Vatican. 67 "Nomen Christi": Bodleian 2. 68 "Si ergo praelium" […] York, New College 1. 69 "invenietur et armatus": Lambeth, York, Lincoln, New College. 70 "Infirmitas venerit": Lambeth, York, Lincoln […] Bodleian 2. 71 "Fuerit statutum": Lambeth, York, New College 1. 72 "Onera vestra": Lambeth, York ("Ebcr.", as printed), New College 1. 73 "Item su[…]": Lambeth; "Ponit": Lambeth.

Variorum notæ

Notes of various editors

(continued) ‹note 40, Lassam, from page 454›

illa recte dicitur lassa quæ multum errando laboraverat, ut verbis utar Hieronymi in epistola de Filio prodigo ad Papam Damasum. BALUZ

…is rightly called weary, since it had toiled much in its wandering, to use the words of Jerome in the letter On the Prodigal Son to Pope Damasus. Baluze.

(printed under page 455)

(41) ‹anchor: Peccata paria› · call above the cropped foot (col 807 or 808)

Peccata paria. Hieronymus in epistola ad Pammachium de Dormitione Paulinæ, in libro primo adversus Pelagium, et lib, II adversus Jovinianum. ait Stoicos contendisse peccata esse paria. Lactantius cap. 38 Epitomes, loquens de Zenone, Stoicorum magistro : Nam quod dicit paria esse peccata ex eadem immunitate est qua misericordiam velut morbum insectatur. Plutarchus in libro de toicorum Repugnantiis scribit neque peccatum peccato majus esse neque virtutem virtuti præstare. Cassianus, lib. V. cap. 11 : Cunctarum namque virtutum et una natura est, licet in multas dividi species et vocabula videatur. Seneca Epist. 120 : Sunt enim virtutibus vitia confinia. Et Hieronymus adversus Luciferianos : Vicina sunt vitia virtutibus. Sic etiam Quintilianus lib. III, cap. 7, et lib, VIII, cap, 3. Cicero, lib. III Officiorum : A me ipso dis sertatum est, qui unam habet omnes habere virtutes. Vide etiam Paradoxa, ubi fusius ista tractantur. Et tamen idem in libro primo de Oratore scripsit spinosam et exilem orationem eorum esse qui dicunt qui virtutem habeat eum omnes habere. Sententiam illam videtur non approbasse Sene[ca] enim in Epistola 66 : Quomodo possunt pari[a] esse? Ergo virtutes inter se pares sunt? Vide i[…]retum. Vide etiam sancti Augustini respon[…] ad epistolam Nectarii de negotio Cala[…]. BALUZ.

"Sins equal." Jerome, in the letter to Pammachius On the Falling Asleep of Paulina, in the first book Against Pelagius and in book II Against Jovinian, says the Stoics maintained that sins are equal. Lactantius, Epitome ch. 38, speaking of Zeno, master of the Stoics: "For his saying that sins are equal comes from the same hardness with which he attacks mercy as a disease." Plutarch, in the book On the Contradictions of the Stoics ("toicorum", as printed), writes that no sin is greater than another and no virtue surpasses another. Cassian, book V, ch. 11: "For all the virtues have one nature, though it seems to be divided into many kinds and names." Seneca, Letter 120: "For vices border on virtues." And Jerome Against the Luciferians: "Vices are neighbours to virtues." So also Quintilian, book III, ch. 7, and book VIII, ch. 3. Cicero, De officiis III: "It has been argued by me myself that he who has one virtue has all the virtues." See also the Paradoxa, where these things are treated more fully. And yet the same man wrote in the first book of De oratore that the speech of those who say that whoever has virtue has them all is thorny and thin. Seneca seems not to have approved that opinion, for in Letter 66 [he asks]: "How can they be equal? Are virtues then equal among themselves?" See […]. See also Saint Augustine's reply to the letter of Nectarius on the affair of Cala[ma]. Baluze.

(printed under page 455)

(42) ‹anchor: Lenis nimis› · call above the cropped foot (col 807 or 808)

Lenis nimis. In sex libris nostris a[…] et in quatuor Anglicanis scriptum est leni[…]. Quod propius accedit ad editionem vulgata[m] Numerorum, quæ habet mitissimus. BALUZ.

"Very gentle." In six of our books a[nd …] and in four English ones "leni[ssimus]" is written, which comes nearer to the Vulgate edition of Numbers, which has "mitissimus" (meekest). Baluze.

(printed under page 455)

(43) ‹anchor: Misertus est› · call above the cropped foot (col 807 or 808)

Misertus est. Ita primus scripsit Er[…]. Hanc autem lectionem deprehendi in noven[…] cibus antiquis. In tribus aliis et in antiqu[…]tionibus legitur misericors est. Quæ est […] vulgatæ editionis Evangelii secundum […]. BALUZ.

"Had mercy." So Er[asmus] first wrote. I found this reading in nine[…] old manuscripts. In three others and in the old editions "is merciful" is read. Which is […] of the Vulgate edition of the Gospel according to […]. Baluze.

(printed under page 455)

(44) ‹anchor: Cum solatio› · call above the cropped foot (col 807 or 808)

Cum solatio. Ita septem libri vet[…] editio Manutiana. Neteres itaque editione[…] septem libri veteres habent consolatio. Negat[…] in quatuor antiquis. In uno meo scriptu[m …] in consolatione pacis et communicationis […]. BALUZ.

"With solace." So seven old books [and] the Manutius edition. The old ("Neteres", as printed) editions, then, and seven old books have "consolatio". […] in four old ones. In one of mine is written "in the consolation of peace and communion" […]. Baluze.

(printed under page 455)

(44) ‹anchor: Cum solatio› · call in col 808 (after "cum solatio")

Cum solatio. Ita septem libri vet[…] editio Manutiana. Neteres itaque editione[…] septem libri veteres habent consolatio. Negat[…] in quatuor antiquis. In uno meo scriptu[…] in consolatione pacis et communicationis […] BALUZ.

"With the comfort." So seven old books [read …] the Manutian edition. "Neteres" (as printed, for "veteres": the old) editions, then, [have …]; seven old books have "consolatio" (comfort). [… is] lacking in four ancient ones. In one of mine is written […] "in the comfort of peace and communion […]". Baluze.

(printed under page 455)

(45) ‹anchor: Sustinete› · call in col 808 (after "onera", where variant 72 also stands)

Sustinete. Codex Sobornicus, sust[…] Fuxensis, portate, Et hæc est lectio vulgata[…]nis epistolæ ad Galatas. BALUZ.

"Bear." The Sorbonne ("Sobornicus", as printed) manuscript has "sust[…]"; the Foix manuscript has "portate" (carry). And this is the reading of the Vulgate edition of the letter to the Galatians. Baluze.

(printed under page 455)

Variæ lectiones

Variant readings

(74–88) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width (joined from the two crops); call 81 visible in col 809 (after "redemit"); the others stand above the cropped foot› 74 Stabilire Lam. Lin. Ebor. Bod. 1, 2, 3. NC. 1. 75 Ipse est suffragator et deprecator Bod. 3. Ipse deprecator Lam. 76 Eliberabimur Ver. Man. 77 Sic Bod. 1, 2. Sacerdotes Oxon. Lam. Ebor. Lin. N C. 1. Et duri Bod. 3. 78 Pertinaces atque contumaces Cod. Gratianop. 79 Sic Bod. 1, 2. Lam. Ebor. M. R. Refundendam Imp. 80 Laxandum esse debemus Lam. Ebor. Bod. 2. 81 Pereat quod Bod. 3. 82 Cujus parte Bod. 1. Neap. 83 Diabolo facimus Lam. 84 Sic Lam. Ebor. N C. 1. Bod. 1, 2. 85 Nunc curatum Bod. 1, 3. 86 Reservamus Bod. 1. 87 Corde solo in Deum Bod. 1. 88 Continentia, ac propositum M R.

74 "Stabilire": Lambeth, Lincoln, York, Bodleian 1, 2, 3, New College 1. 75 "Ipse est suffragator et deprecator": Bodleian 3; "Ipse deprecator": Lambeth. 76 "Eliberabimur": Verona, Manutius. 77 So Bodleian 1, 2; "Sacerdotes": Oxford edition, Lambeth, York, Lincoln, New College 1; "Et duri": Bodleian 3. 78 "Pertinaces atque contumaces": Grenoble manuscript. 79 So Bodleian 1, 2, Lambeth, York, M. R.; "Refundendam": Imp. [siglum as printed]. 80 "Laxandum esse debemus": Lambeth, York, Bodleian 2. 81 "Pereat quod": Bodleian 3. 82 "Cujus parte": Bodleian 1, Naples. 83 "Diabolo facimus": Lambeth. 84 So Lambeth, York, New College 1, Bodleian 1, 2. 85 "Nunc curatum": Bodleian 1, 3. 86 "Reservamus": Bodleian 1. 87 "Corde solo in Deum": Bodleian 1. 88 "Continentia, ac propositum": M. R.

Variorum notæ

Notes of various editors

(printed under page 456)

(46) ‹anchor: Suffragatorem› · call above the cropped foot (col 809 or 810)

Suffragatorem. Lectio vulgata, quam plerique codices antiqui præferunt, habet justum. In quinque tamen æque antiquis scriptum est suffragatorem. Quo etiam modo legi in Affligemensi testatur Pamelius. Ego vero puto hanc lectionem esse meliorem, tum quia Angli testantur in codice Bodleiano legi Ipse est suffragator et deprecator, tum quia ea recedit ab editione vulgata epistolæ Joannis. Cyprianum autem constat usum non esse editione qua nos hodie utimur. Mox enim ipse scribit delictis, ut solet, pro eo quod in nostra vulgata legitur peccatis. Quanquam peccatis vidi scriptum in duobus antiquis exemplaribus, per audaciam, ut puto, eorum qui putabant loca sacræ Scripturæ allegata a Cypriano debere emendari secundum editionem nostram vulgatam. Porro arbitror eum qui scripsit codicem Bodleianum legisse suffragator in suo exemplari et istud explicare volentem addidisse et deprecator. Certum enim est unum horum vocabulorum sufficere. BALUZ.

"Supporter." The common reading, which most old manuscripts show, has "the just one". In five equally old ones, however, "supporter" is written, and Pamelius attests that it is so read in the Affligem manuscript. I think this reading the better, both because the English editors attest that the Bodleian manuscript reads "He is supporter and intercessor", and because it departs from the Vulgate edition of John's epistle; and it is agreed that Cyprian did not use the edition we use today. For just afterwards he writes "offences", as he usually does, where our Vulgate reads "sins". Though I have seen "sins" written in two old copies, through the boldness, I think, of those who supposed that passages of sacred Scripture quoted by Cyprian ought to be corrected to our Vulgate. Further, I think that the writer of the Bodleian manuscript read "supporter" in his exemplar and, wishing to explain it, added "and intercessor". For it is certain that one of these words is enough. Baluze.

(printed under page 456)

(47) ‹anchor: Nam et mæchis› · call above the cropped foot (col 809 or 810)

Nam et mæchis. In duobus antiquis exemplaribus additur id est adulteris. Sed istud est glossema. Decretum Papæ Zephyrini apud Tertullianum in libro de Pudicitia : Ego et mæchiæ et fornicationis delicta pœnitentia functis dimitto. Ubi obiter admoneo Baronium et Rigaltium male existimasse edictum Zephyrini ita conceptum fuisse ; Episcopus episcoporum edicit Ego et mæchiæ, etc. Episcopi enim Romani nunquam usi sunt ambitioso illo et invidioso loquendi modo, præsertim in illa antiquitate. Sua tantum nomina præferebant, ut videre est etiam in epistolis papæ Cornelii ad Cyprianum. BALUZ.

"For to the unchaste too." Two old copies add "that is, to adulterers". But that is a gloss. The decree of Pope Zephyrinus in Tertullian, On Modesty: "I forgive the sins both of adultery and of fornication to those who have done penance." Where I note in passing that Baronius and Rigault wrongly supposed Zephyrinus's edict to have been framed thus: "The bishop of bishops decrees: I … both of adultery," etc. For the bishops of Rome never used that ambitious and odious manner of speaking, especially in that early age. They set only their own names at the head, as may be seen also in Pope Cornelius's letters to Cyprian. Baluze.

(printed under page 456)

(48) ‹anchor: Aliud missum in carcerem non exire inde› · call above the cropped foot (col 809 or 810)

Aliud missum in carcerem non exire inde, etc. Eadem sunt Cypriano : ad veniam stare, missum in carcerem non exire inde donec solvat novissimum quadrantem, et pro peccatis longo dolore cruciatum emundari, et purgari diu igne. Eadem etiam e contrario ad gloriam pervenire, statim fidei et virtutis accipere mercedem et peccata omnia passione purgasse. Per quæ distinguit haud dubie statum lapsorum post hanc vitam qui nondum pœnitentiam compleverant, a statu Martyrum. Atque adeo miro facit hic locus ad confirmandam Ecclesiæ traditionem de Purgatorio, quod etiam ante me animadvetit reverendiss. Guidixiensis episcopus Martinus Peresius Ayala. Alludit autem ad Scripturas, Matth. V, et I Cor. III. Illam eodem modo interpretantur D. Hieronym. in Matth. et Ambr. in Lucam, c. 12. Hanc vero Origenes hom. 6 in Exod. et 8 in Levit. Ambr. Theodor. et OEcum. in Comment. August. Enchir. c. 69, in Psalm. XXXVI, et XXI de Civitate Dei, c. 26. Paulinus Nolanus paraphrasi Psal. I, et Epistola ad Severum, ac Gregorius, lib. Dial IV, c. 7. Ut autem de nomine non contendamus, suffragium defunctorum quæ in sacrificiis et precibus ecclesiasticis fiunt, jam inde ab ætate Apostolorum, indicant esse locum quempiam, in quo puniantur. Alioquin enim frustra oratio fieret, ut a pœnis solvantur. Non tamen tam recens est purgatorii nomen sive purgatoriarum pœnarum, ut meminerunt D. August. Enchir. c. cit., de Civitate Dei lib. XX, c. 25, et XXI, c. 13 ; Gregorius loco citato, in III Psalm. pœnit. et alibi frequenter, et Beda in Psalm. XXXVII, et serm. quodam ms. in illud Joannis I : Joannes perhibet testimonium de ipso. Ignis etiam purgantis, præter Cyprianum hoc loco et alios supra allega- (continues)

"It is one thing, sent into prison, not to go out thence," etc. To Cyprian these are the same: to stand waiting for pardon, sent into prison not to go out thence until one pays the last farthing, and to be cleansed for one's sins by long tormenting pain and to be purged a long time by fire. And these are the same, on the contrary side: to come to glory, to receive at once the reward of faith and virtue, and to have purged all sins by suffering. By these he certainly distinguishes the state after this life of the lapsed who had not yet completed their penance from the state of the martyrs. And so this passage serves wonderfully to confirm the Church's tradition about Purgatory, as the most reverend bishop of Guadix, Martín Pérez de Ayala, also noticed ("animadvetit", as printed) before me. He alludes to the Scriptures, Matthew 5 and 1 Corinthians 3. The former is interpreted in the same way by St Jerome on Matthew and Ambrose on Luke, ch. 12; the latter by Origen, homily 6 on Exodus and 8 on Leviticus, by Ambrose, Theodoret and Oecumenius in their commentaries, and by Augustine, Enchiridion ch. 69, on Psalm 36, and City of God XXI, ch. 26; by Paulinus of Nola in his paraphrase of Psalm 1 and the letter to Severus, and by Gregory, Dialogues IV, ch. 7. But not to quarrel about the name: the suffrages for the dead, made in the sacrifices and prayers of the Church from the very age of the apostles, show that there is some place in which they are punished; otherwise prayer would be made in vain that they be released from punishments. Nor is the name of purgatory, or of purgatorial punishments, so recent, as St Augustine recalls, Enchiridion in the chapter cited and City of God XX, ch. 25, and XXI, ch. 13; Gregory in the place cited, on the third Penitential Psalm and often elsewhere; and Bede on Psalm 37 and in a certain manuscript sermon on John 1, "John bears witness to him". Of the purging fire, too, besides Cyprian in this place and the others cited above (continues)

(printed under page 456)

NOTE ON THE IMAGES: the top line of each foot crop is cut through; what can be read is set, the rest marked "[…]". There is a gap at the top of col 812 between the end of col 811's notes and the first legible line of col 812.

(continued) ‹note 48, from page 456›

[…] Purgatorio contra Græcos : ubi multas veterum Græcorum sententias allegat, PAMEL.

[…] On Purgatory, against the Greeks, where he cites many opinions of the old Greek writers. Pamelius.

(printed under page 457)

(49) ‹anchor: Pendere in diem› · call above the cropped foot (col 811 or 812)

Pendere in diem. Ita inveni scriptum in quinque codicibus antiquis et in editione Manutii. Sic etiam se scriptum vidisse in codice Germanensi optimæ notæ testatur vir optimus et doctissimus Domnus Petrus Coustant in præfatione sua ad opera sancti Hilarii, § 229. Pamelius in annotatione sua ad hunc locum existimat hic per diem judicii uniuscujusque. Contra Nicolaus Faber in suo Cypriano impresso, qui nunc meus est, putat intelligi debere de extremo judicio ex opinione ea quæ fuit multorum et magnorum virorum tam Græcorum quam Latinorum in Ecclesia primitiva, qui solos martyres gloria divina perfrui ante illud extremum judicium, cæteros vero in illud differri voluerunt, et hanc etiam fuisse Tertulliani sententiam. Quem Nicolai Fabri locum descripsit Rigaltius in addendis ad observationes suas in Cyprianum. Nota est controversia quæ fuit ævo Joannis papæ XXII. circa visionem beatificam. Qua de re vide annotationes Erasmi in caput septimum Epistolæ primæ Pauli ad Corinthios et Notas nostras ad vitas paparum Avenionensium, pag. 788, et 798, itemque præfationem nostram ad historiam Tutelensem. Alii hunc Cypriani locum intelligunt de igne purgatorio. Illos vero vehementer exagitat Joannes Dallæus lib. IV, de pœnis et satisfactionibus humanis, cap. 10. BALUZ. — Rigaltius ait : Ad notam Pamelii, ubi dicitur locum esse intelligendum de die particularis judicii uniuscujusque, Nic. Faber notat ; Imo potius de extremo judicio ex ea opinione quæ fuit multorum et magnorum virorum tam Græcorum quam Latinorum in Ecclesia primitiva, qui solos martyres gloria divina perfrui ante illud extremum judicium, cæteros vero, in extremum judicium differri voluerunt. Quæ fuit etiam Tertulliani sententia Sed illa non erat Cypriani nostri : qui passim in libro de Mortalitate docet, ejus esse mortem timere qui ad Christum nolit ire. Et tunc esse servis Dei pacem, tunc liberam, tunc tranquillam quietem, quoniam de istis mundi turbinibus extracti, sedis et æternæ tranquillitatis portum petimus, quando expuncta hac morte ad immortalitatem venimus. Tunc, ad refrigerium justi vocantur, ad supplicium rapiuntur injusti ; [d]atur velocius tutela fidentibus, perfidis pœna. […] (gap at the top of col 812) […] unde forte preces etiam pro martyribus conceptæ. Sacrificia pro eis semper offerimus, inquit Cyprianus, Ep, 39, quoties martyrum passiones et dies anniversaria commemoratione celebramus. Vid. quæ dicta ad Ep. II et XII. FELL.

"To hang in suspense until the day." So I found it written in five old manuscripts and in Manutius's edition. That excellent and most learned man Dom Pierre Coustant, in his preface to the works of Saint Hilary, § 229, attests that he also saw it so written in the Saint-Germain manuscript, of the best quality. Pamelius, in his annotation on this passage, thinks it means here each person's day of judgement. Nicolas Le Fèvre, on the other hand, in his printed Cyprian, which is now mine, thinks it must be understood of the last judgement, according to the opinion of many great men, Greek as well as Latin, in the early Church, who held that the martyrs alone enjoy divine glory before that last judgement and that the rest are deferred to it, and that this was Tertullian's opinion too. Rigault copied this passage of Le Fèvre into the addenda to his observations on Cyprian. The controversy over the beatific vision in the time of Pope John XXII is well known; on which see Erasmus's annotations on the seventh chapter of Paul's First Letter to the Corinthians, and our Notes on the Lives of the Avignon popes, pp. 788 and 798, and likewise our preface to the history of Tulle. Others understand this passage of Cyprian of the purgatorial fire; but Jean Daillé attacks them vehemently in book IV of On Human Penances and Satisfactions, ch. 10. Baluze. — Rigault says: "On Pamelius's note, where the passage is said to be understood of the day of each person's particular judgement, Nic. Le Fèvre notes: 'Rather, of the last judgement, according to the opinion of many great men, Greek as well as Latin, in the early Church, who held that the martyrs alone enjoy divine glory before that last judgement and that the rest are deferred to the last judgement.' This was also Tertullian's opinion. But it was not our Cyprian's, who teaches throughout the book On Mortality that to fear death belongs to one who does not wish to go to Christ; and that then the servants of God have peace, then free and tranquil rest, since, drawn out of the whirlwinds of this world, we make for the harbour of our home and of eternal tranquillity, when, this death struck out, we come to immortality. Then the just are called to refreshment, the unjust are snatched away to punishment; protection is given more swiftly to the faithful, punishment to the faithless." […] (gap) […] whence perhaps prayers were framed even for the martyrs. "We always offer sacrifices for them," says Cyprian, Ep. 39, "as often as we celebrate the passions and days of the martyrs with an anniversary commemoration." See what was said on Epp. 2 and 12. Fell.

(printed under page 457)

(50) ‹anchor: Et quidem› · call above the cropped foot (col 811 or 812)

Et quidem. Refert hunc locum sanctus Augustinus in epistola ad Vincentium Rogatistam. BALUZ.

"And indeed." Saint Augustine quotes this passage in the letter to Vincent the Rogatist. Baluze.

(printed under page 457)

(51) ‹anchor: Antecessores nostros› · call above the cropped foot (col 811 or 812)

Antecessores nostros. Id est episcopos qui ecclesiam Africanam rexerant ante tempora Cypriani. Ait ergo Cyprianus quosdam episcopos Afros putasse pacem non esse dandam mœchis. Hanc opinionem fuisse in Africa ante tempora Cypriani liquet etiam ex testimonio Tertulliani, qui in libro mox laudato vehementer declamat adversus Papam Zephyrinum, quod is mœchiæ et fornicationis delicta pœnitentia functis dimitteret. Manebat tamen interim concordiæ vinculum inter episcopos Afros, quamvis diverse nonnulli sentirent de reconciliatione lapsorum. BALUZ. — Satis inconsulte Albaspinæus asserit mœchis veniam non factam ante Novatiani tempora, quando contrarium hic aperte doceat Cyprianus. Verisimilior longe Morini sententia. qui statuit pœnas pœnitentiales usque ad Novati tempora fuisse leviores : quod ex censura Apostolica. 1 Cor., V, et Joannis praxi quam ex Clemente Alexand refert Eusebius, Hist. lib. II, c. 17, et aliis veterum scriptis conficit. Certe ipse Tertullianus quando in Zephyrinum tanquam impudicitiæ patronum invehitur, agnoscit Psychicos, hoc est, Catholicos, mœchos olim ad pœnitentiam admisisse. Erit igitur, inquit, et hic adversus Psychicos titulus, adversus meæ quoque sententiæ retro penes illos societatem, quo magis hoc mihi in notam levitatis objectent. Porro, Zephyrino antiquior Dionysius Corinthiorum episcopus, cujusvis flagitiis compertos per pœnitentiam suscipiendos decrevit. Ep. ad Amastrianos, apud Euseb. lib. IV, c. 23 : Τοὺς ἐξ οἵας δ' οὖν ἀποπτώσεως ἢ πλημμελείας, εἴτε μὴν αἱρετικῆς πλάνης ἐπιστρέφοντας δεξιοῦσθαι προστάττει. Demum S. Ignatius, Epist. ad Philadelphenses in universum pronuntiat Ὅσοι ἂν μετανοήσαντες ἔλθωσιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑνότητα τῆς Ἐκκλησίας προσδέχεσθαι αὐτούς. FELL.

"Our predecessors." That is, the bishops who had governed the African church before Cyprian's time. Cyprian says, then, that certain African bishops had held that peace should not be given to adulterers. That this opinion existed in Africa before Cyprian's time is clear also from the testimony of Tertullian, who in the book just cited declaims vehemently against Pope Zephyrinus for forgiving the sins of adultery and fornication to those who had done penance. Meanwhile the bond of concord remained among the African bishops, though some thought differently about the reconciliation of the lapsed. Baluze. — Aubespine rather rashly asserts that pardon was not granted to adulterers before Novatian's time, when Cyprian here plainly teaches the contrary. Far more probable is the opinion of Morin, who holds that penitential punishments were lighter until the time of Novatus, which he concludes from the apostolic censure in 1 Corinthians 5, from the practice of John that Eusebius (History II, 17) reports from Clement of Alexandria, and from other writings of the ancients. Certainly Tertullian himself, when he inveighs against Zephyrinus as a patron of unchastity, acknowledges that the Psychics, that is, the Catholics, had formerly admitted adulterers to penance. "This too, then," he says, "will be a heading against the Psychics, and against my own former fellowship in their opinion, which they may the more throw at me as a mark of fickleness." Further, Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, earlier than Zephyrinus, decreed that those found guilty of any crimes whatever should be received through penance. Letter to the Amastrians, in Eusebius IV, 23: "He orders that those who turn back from any fall or offence whatever, or indeed from heretical error, be welcomed." Finally Saint Ignatius, Letter to the Philadelphians, pronounces generally: "As many as repent and come to the unity of the Church are to be received." Fell.

(printed under page 457)

(52) ‹anchor: Lapsis pœnitentiam› · call above the cropped foot (col 811 or 812)

Lapsis pœnitentiam. Codex Gratianopolitanus. indulgentiam non putent lapsis. Infra in calce hujus epistolæ legitur : et veniam et indulgentiam pœnitentibus non denegari. BALUZ.

"Penance to the lapsed." The Grenoble manuscript: "they do not think [to grant] indulgence to the lapsed". Below, at the end of this letter, is read: "that both pardon and indulgence are not denied to penitents". Baluze.

(printed under page 457)

Variæ Lectiones

Variant readings

(91–4) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width (joined from the two crops); calls 97–99 visible in col 813 (after "discindite", "flectat", "irrogatam"); the others stand above the cropped foot› 91 Non agentibus Lam. Bod. 2. Ebor. 92 Prophetissam Bod. 3, Prophetin Vulg. Propheten Bod. 1, 2. 93 De sacrificia Lam. Ebor. N. S. 1 Manut. 94 Pœnitentiam gesserint Bod, 1, 2. 3, Lam. Ebod. Lin. N. C. 1. Fecerint Oxon. 95 Scriptum sit, Dominus Deus Lam. 96 Dominus Deus, venite convertimini Lin. 97 Scindite Bod. 2. 98 Sententiam vertat Benev. 99 Sic Bod. 1. Lam. Ebor. N, C. 1. Malitias irrogatas Oxon. 1 Poscentibus se Oxon. 2 Prioribus Bod. 3. 3 Ac pœnitentiam, ac dolore correctum Man. 4 Ipsa. bonitas Oxon. Bonitatis et misericordiæ et pietatis fons Bod. 3.

91 "Non agentibus": Lambeth, Bodleian 2, York. 92 "Prophetissam": Bodleian 3; "Prophetin": Vulgate; "Propheten": Bodleian 1, 2. 93 "De sacrificia": Lambeth, York, N. S. 1 [as printed], Manutius. 94 "Poenitentiam gesserint": Bodleian 1, 2, 3, Lambeth, York ("Ebod.", as printed), Lincoln, New College 1; "Fecerint": Oxford edition. 95 "Scriptum sit, Dominus Deus": Lambeth. 96 "Dominus Deus, venite convertimini": Lincoln. 97 "Scindite": Bodleian 2. 98 "Sententiam vertat": Benevento. 99 So Bodleian 1, Lambeth, York, New College 1; "Malitias irrogatas": Oxford edition. 1 "Poscentibus se": Oxford edition. 2 "Prioribus": Bodleian 3. 3 "Ac poenitentiam, ac dolore correctum": Manutius. 4 "Ipsa bonitas": Oxford edition; "Bonitatis et misericordiae et pietatis fons": Bodleian 3.

Variorum notæ

Notes of various editors

(printed under page 458)

(53) ‹anchor: Gesserint› · call above the cropped foot (col 813 or 814)

Gesserint, Hanc lectionem inveni in decem codicibus antiquis. Angli viderunt sex in quibus etiam habetur. In quique vero aliis a me visis scriptum est egerint. Quæ est lectio vulgatæ editionis Apocalypsis. BALUZ.

"Have performed." I found this reading in ten old manuscripts; the English editors saw six in which it also appears. In five ("quique", as printed) others that I saw, however, "egerint" is written, which is the reading of the Vulgate edition of the Apocalypse. Baluze.

(printed under page 458)

(54) ‹anchor: Gaudium› · call above the cropped foot (col 813 or 814)

Gaudium. Codex Fuxensis, gaudium coram angelis Dei in cœlo, ex glossemate, ut opinor. BALUZ.

"Joy." The Foix manuscript: "joy before the angels of God in heaven", from a gloss, I think. Baluze.

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(55) ‹anchor: Super uno peccatore› · call above the cropped foot (col 813 or 814)

Super uno peccatore. Nihil volui mutare. quamvis sciam plurimos optimos codices præferre super unum peccatorem. Nam editio quam retineo nititur etiam auctoritate plurimorum veterum librorum. BALUZ.

"Over one sinner." I chose to change nothing, though I know that very many of the best manuscripts show "super unum peccatorem" (accusative). For the edition I retain rests also on the authority of very many old books. Baluze.

(printed under page 458)

(56) ‹anchor: Delectatur› · call above the cropped foot (col 813 or 814)

Delectatur. Ita scriptum vidi in multis antiquis codicibus et in vetustioribus editionibus. Manutius mutavit et scripsit lætatur. Sane fateor lectionem Manutianam exstare in multis codicibus antiquis et in editione vulgata sacræ Scripturæ. Sed illa usum non esse Cyprianum constat. Itaque prætuli lectionem veterum editionum. BALUZ.

"Delights." So I saw it written in many old manuscripts and in the older editions. Manutius changed it and wrote "rejoices". I admit that Manutius's reading is found in many old manuscripts and in the Vulgate edition of sacred Scripture. But it is agreed that Cyprian did not use that edition. So I have preferred the reading of the old editions. Baluze.

(printed under page 458)

(57) ‹anchor: adversus malitiam› · call in col 813

Malitiam. Sic emendavi secutus auctoritatem veterum editionum et undecim veterum exemplarium nostrorum et trium Anglicanorum. Nam et textus prophetiæ Joel habet præstabilis super malitia. Manutius posuit malitias. Sed ego eam lectionem non reperi nisi in quinque libris veteribus. In Veronensi legebatur injurias irrogatas. Vide Frontonis Ducæi notas in homilias sancti Joannis Chrysostomi, pag. 14. BALUZ.

"Malice." So I have corrected it, following the authority of the old editions, of eleven of our old copies and of three English ones. For the text of the prophecy of Joel too has "relenting of the evil". Manutius set "malitias" (plural), but I found that reading in only five old books. In the Verona manuscript was read "injuries inflicted". See Fronton du Duc's notes on the homilies of Saint John Chrysostom, p. 14. Baluze.

(printed under page 458)

(58) ‹anchor: reservantis› · call in col 813 (printed "(68)" in the text)

Reservantis. In uno vetere libro meo scriptum est cum correxerit ut misereatur reservantis, in Divionensi et in recentiore Remigiano miserentis reservatis. BALUZ.

"Sparing." In one old book of mine is written "when he has corrected, sparing so as to have mercy"; in the Dijon manuscript and in the more recent manuscript of Saint-Remi, "of one having mercy, sparing". Baluze.

(printed under page 458)

(59) ‹anchor: in virga› · call in col 813

Virga. Codex Gratianopolitanus et Monasteriensis addunt ferrea. Infra in hac ipsa epistola, fictilia ab eo cui data est ferrea, virga frangentur. Rufinus in Psal. II : Virga ferrea accipitur inflexibilis justitia. BALUZ.

"Rod." The Grenoble and Münster manuscripts add "of iron". Below, in this very letter: "the earthen vessels will be broken by him to whom the iron rod has been given". Rufinus on Psalm 2: "The iron rod is taken to mean unbending justice." Baluze.

(printed under page 458)

(60) ‹anchor: Bonitas› · call above the cropped foot (col 814)

Bonitas. Angli monuerunt in codice Bodleiano scriptum esse bonitatis et misericordiæ et pietatis fons. Ita enim in Pithœano, nisi quod deest vox fons. BALUZ.

"Goodness." The English editors noted that the Bodleian manuscript has "the fount of goodness and mercy and kindness". So it is also in the Pithou manuscript, except that the word "fount" is missing. Baluze.

(printed under page 458)

Variæ lectiones

Variant readings

(5–10) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width (joined from the two crops); calls 8–9 visible in col 815 (after "corporis", "rescindere"); the others stand above the cropped foot› 5 Jactet se licet et ferat quomodo vult Lam. Ebor. NC. 1 Bod.2. 6 Unitatem retinuit Oxon. 7 A decem et septem Bod. 3. 8 Ecclesiastici ordinis Bod.3. 9 Contaminatione conscindere Lam. Bod.2. 10 Unitate discederet Lam.

5 "Jactet se licet et ferat quomodo vult": Lambeth, York, New College 1, Bodleian 2. 6 "Unitatem retinuit": Oxford edition. 7 "A decem et septem": Bodleian 3. 8 "Ecclesiastici ordinis": Bodleian 3. 9 "Contaminatione conscindere": Lambeth, Bodleian 2. 10 "Unitate discederet": Lambeth.

Variorum notæ

Notes of various editors

(printed under page 459)

(61) ‹anchor: A sexdecim› · call above the cropped foot (col 815 or 816)

A sexdecim. Pacianus in tractatu contra Novatianos : Cornelius jam Romæ episcopus a sedecim episcopis factus locum cathedræ vacantis acceperat. BAL.

"By sixteen." Pacian, in the treatise against the Novatianists: "Cornelius, already made bishop at Rome by sixteen bishops, had received the place of the vacant chair." Baluze.

(printed under page 459)

(62) ‹anchor: Episcopatus unus› · call above the cropped foot (col 815 or 816)

Episcopatus unus. Locus insignis, inquit Pamelius, pro episcopatu Romano. Sed non cepit sensum Cypriani, qui manifestus est. Sunt apud Cyprianum varia loca multo favorabiliora episcopo Romano, ut istud in epistola LV, pag. 86 : Post ista adhuc insuper, pseudoepiscopo sibi ab hæreticis constituto, navigare audent et ad Petri cathedram atque ad Ecclesiam principalem, unde unitas sacerdotalis exorta est, a schismaticis et profanis litteras ferre. Etiam ea tempestate qua theologi scholastici libere disputabant, inventus erat unus qui diceret omnes sacerdotes posse dici unum et eumdem sacerdotem, ut videre est apud Ægilium Romanum in capite 21 libri de Renuntiatione papæ. BALUZ.

"One episcopate." "A notable passage," says Pamelius, "for the Roman episcopate." But he did not grasp Cyprian's sense, which is plain. There are various passages in Cyprian much more favourable to the bishop of Rome, such as this in Letter 55, p. 86: "After all this, besides, having had a false bishop set up for them by heretics, they dare to set sail and to carry letters from schismatics and profane men to the chair of Peter and to the principal Church, whence priestly unity arose." Even in the age when the scholastic theologians disputed freely, one was found to say that all priests can be called one and the same priest, as may be seen in Giles of Rome ("Ægilium", as printed), ch. 21 of the book On the Renunciation of the Pope. Baluze.

(printed under page 459)

(63) ‹anchor: inter initia fervere› · call in col 815

Schismaticos inter initia fervere. Hic, data occasione, emendabo locum ex actis Alecandri papæ III valde corruptum et depravatum in Annalibus Baronii, anno videlicet 1159 § 74. Sic ergo restituendus est ex veteri codice ms. bibliothecæ regiæ. Tunc vero non mediocriter est elevatum cor ipsius hæresiarchæ, extollens se super se tanquam insanus et cæcus, nesciens quod secundum beati Cypriani martyris dictum schismatici semper inter initia fervent, incrementa vero habere non possunt nec augmentare valent quod illicite cœpit, sed statim cum prava sua æmulatione deficiunt.

"That schismatics are hot at the beginning." Here, as the occasion offers, I shall correct a passage from the acts of Pope Alexander III ("Alecandri", as printed) that is badly corrupted and distorted in Baronius's Annals, at the year 1159, § 74. It is to be restored from an old manuscript of the royal library thus: "Then the heart of that heresiarch was lifted up no little, raising himself above himself like a madman and blind, not knowing that, according to the saying of the blessed martyr Cyprian, schismatics are always hot at the beginning but cannot have growth, nor can they increase what they unlawfully began, but at once fail along with their wicked rivalry."

(printed under page 459)

(64) ‹anchor: Quantus arrogantiæ tumor› · call above the cropped foot (col 816)

Quantus arrogantiæ tumor. Hunc locum descripsit sanctus Augustinus lib. IV de Baptismo contra Donatistas, cap. 12, et Gratianus, sed non ita integrum ut apud Augustinum. 23, q. 4, cap. Quamvis, ubi citatur ex Augustino, non ex Cypriano. Salvianus. lib. IV, cap, 12. Maxima quippe accusatrix hominum noxiorum est usurpatrix innocentiæ arrogantia. Idem in epistola ad Eucherium : Pedissequa enim plerumque novi honoris est arrogantia. Honores enim persæpe mutant mores. BALUZ.

"What a swelling of arrogance." Saint Augustine copied this passage in On Baptism against the Donatists IV, ch. 12, and Gratian too, though not as completely as Augustine, at C. 23, q. 4, c. Quamvis, where it is cited from Augustine, not from Cyprian. Salvian, book IV, ch. 12: "For arrogance usurping innocence is the greatest accuser of guilty men." The same in the letter to Eucherius: "For arrogance is usually the handmaid of new honour." For honours very often change manners. Baluze.

(printed under page 459)

(65) ‹anchor: fraudatores› · call in col 816

Fraudatores, id est idololatras. Nam dicet paulo post, fraudator, quod est idololatria. Hieronymus in epistola ad Heliodorum de Laude vitæ solitariæ : Omnis fornicator, aut immundus, aut avarus, aut fraudator, quod est idolorum servitus, non habet hæreditatem in regno Christi et Dei. Istud vero sumptum est ex Epistola Pauli ad Ephesios. BALUZ.

"Defrauders," that is, idolaters. For he will say a little later, "a defrauder, which is idolatry". Jerome, in the letter to Heliodorus On the Praise of the Solitary Life: "No fornicator, or unclean person, or covetous person, or defrauder, which is the service of idols, has an inheritance in the kingdom of Christ and of God." This is taken from Paul's Letter to the Ephesians. Baluze.

(printed under page 459)

Variæ Lectiones

Variant readings

(11–16) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width (joined from the two crops); calls 15–16 visible in col 818 (after "accipies", "desperatione"); the others stand above the cropped foot› 11 Errore deceptus, ille Lam. Ebor. N. C. 1. 12 Secundum Apostolum Lam. Ebor. N. C. 1. 13 Et iterum dicit Lam. Ebor. N. C. 1, 13 [sic, for 14] Hortari ad satisfactionem Bod. 3. [15, numeral not visible] Quæris invenies Lam. Ebor. N. C. 1. 16 Ipsa statim desperatione Lam. Ebor. N. C. 1

11 "Errore deceptus, ille": Lambeth, York, New College 1. 12 "Secundum Apostolum": Lambeth, York, New College 1. 13 "Et iterum dicit": Lambeth, York, New College 1. [14] "Hortari ad satisfactionem": Bodleian 3. [15] "Quaeris invenies": Lambeth, York, New College 1. 16 "Ipsa statim desperatione": Lambeth, York, New College 1.

Variorum notæ

Notes of various editors

(printed under page 460)

(66) ‹anchor: Qui mæchatur› · call above the cropped foot (col 817 or 818)

Qui mæchatur. Multa de hoc argumento dici possent, quibus abstineo. Sed tamen illud silere non possum quod scio emendandum esse apud Commodianum instruct. 10 et sequenti, ubi reponendum est mæchus et mæchia pro eo quod Rigaltius posuit Maius et Maia. Sic etiam reponendum in instructione 12, ubi Rigaltius posuit Maria et pro mæcha. Ego enim affero lectiones libri veteris. BALUZ.

"He who commits adultery." Much could be said on this subject, which I forgo. Yet I cannot keep silent about something I know needs correcting in Commodian, Instruction 10 and the following, where "mæchus" and "mæchia" must be restored in place of Rigault's "Maius" and "Maia". So too it must be restored in Instruction 12, where Rigault set "Maria" and [the like] for "mæcha". For I bring the readings of an old book. Baluze.

(printed under page 460)

(67) ‹anchor: Libidinibus› · call above the cropped foot (col 817 or 818)

Libidinibus. Codex Fuxensis turpitudinibus. In epistola ad Donatum pag. 4. Tum delectat in mimis, turpitudinem magisterio Silvianus lib. VI, cap. 8, loca et habitacula turpitudinum. BALUZ.

"Lusts." The Foix manuscript has "shameful acts". In the letter to Donatus, p. 4: "Then it delights in mimes, shamefulness by instruction." Salvian ("Silvianus", as printed), book VI, ch. 8: "places and dwellings of shameful acts". Baluze.

(printed under page 460)

(68) ‹anchor: Nec sibi› · call above the cropped foot (col 817 or 818)

Nec sibi. Citat hunc locum S. Augustinus lib. IV de Baptismo adversus Donatistas, cap. 5 ; Itemque Hincmarus in opusculo LV Capitulorum cap. 47, pag. 663. BALUZ.

"Nor for himself." Saint Augustine cites this passage in On Baptism against the Donatists IV, ch. 5; and likewise Hincmar in the treatise of Fifty-five Chapters, ch. 47, p. 663. Baluze.

(printed under page 460)

(69) ‹anchor: Idololatris› · call above the cropped foot (col 817 or 818)

Idololatris. Omnes libri veteres et vetustiores editiones et hic paulo post habent scriptum idololatris et idololatriæ ; nihil tamen mutare volui, quamvis sciam ita vulgo scriptum esse in antiquis codicibus veterum scriptorum latinorum, et quamvis exemplum ita scribendi habeam Antonii de Albone archiepiscopi Lugdunensis, qui ita scripsit in editione sua commentariorum Ruffini in Psalmos. Habendus esse videbatur honos antiquitati. Sed etiam satisfaciendum erat delicatis ingeniis ævi nostri. BALUZ.

"Idolaters." All the old books and the older editions have written, both here and a little after, "idololatris" and "idololatriæ"; yet I chose to change nothing, though I know that it is commonly so written in the old manuscripts of the ancient Latin writers, and though I have the example of Antoine d'Albon, archbishop of Lyon, who wrote it so in his edition of Rufinus's commentaries on the Psalms. Honour seemed due to antiquity; but the fastidious minds of our age also had to be satisfied. Baluze.

(printed under page 460)

(70) ‹anchor: alterum› · call in col 817

Inquinari alterum. Codex Fuxensis, alterum inquinari dicunt. In Sorbonico et in uno meo, excusari alterum dicunt. BALUZ.

"That the other is defiled." The Foix manuscript: "they say that the other is defiled" (word order changed). In the Sorbonne manuscript and in one of mine: "they say that the other is excused". Baluze.

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(71) ‹anchor: Ipsum teneri› · call above the cropped foot (col 818)

Ipsum teneri. Prætuli hanc lectionem, quia illam inveni in XV libris veteribus. Alioqui enim facile mutassem ut eam revocarem quæ exstat in antiquis editionibus, ubi legitur reum teneri. Nam eam quoque lectionem reperi in quatuor exemplaribus antiquis. BALUZ.

"That he himself is held." I have preferred this reading because I found it in fifteen old books. Otherwise I would readily have changed it to bring back the one found in the old editions, which read "that he is held guilty"; for I found that reading too in four old copies. Baluze.

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(72) ‹anchor: Lamentantium› · call above the cropped foot (col 818)

Lamentantium. Duo libri veteres habent amentium tantum. BALUZ.

"Of those lamenting." Two old books have only "amentium" (of the senseless). Baluze.

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(73) ‹anchor: frequenter operare› · call in col 818

Frequenter operare. Id est, ut ego quidem arbitror, frequenter eleemosynam. Vide librum de Opere et Eleemosynis, Commodianus instruct. 55 : Non opera facitis, id est eleemosynas. Vide etiam instruct. 69. BALUZ.

"Work often." That is, as I at least think, [give] alms often. See the book On Works and Alms. Commodian, Instruction 55: "You do not do works", that is, alms. See also Instruction 69. Baluze.

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Variæ Lectiones

Variant readings

(17–21) ‹variant apparatus, printed full width (joined from the two crops); the calls stand above the cropped foot› 17 Sic. Lam. Ebor. Corb. N. C. 1. Lin, Est Imp. Vel si ei cui usum Benev. Cui dum Vatic. 18 Fortem carinam Bod. 1, 2. 19 Abscidere Ver. Benev. 20 Fructus pœnitentiæ interdicitur. Lam. Ebor. N. C. 1. Bod. 2. 21 Sic. Lam. Bod. 3. Ebor. Ecclesiam venturus Oxon.

17 So Lambeth, York, Corbie, New College 1, Lincoln; "Est": Imp. [siglum as printed]; "Vel si ei cui usum": Benevento; "Cui dum": Vatican. 18 "Fortem carinam": Bodleian 1, 2. 19 "Abscidere": Verona, Benevento. 20 "Fructus poenitentiae interdicitur": Lambeth, York, New College 1, Bodleian 2. 21 So Lambeth, Bodleian 3, York; "Ecclesiam venturus": Oxford edition.

Variorum notæ

Notes of various editors

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(74) ‹anchor: Dominum› · call above the cropped foot (col 819 or 820)

Dominum etc. Hanc lectionem inveni in quindecim exemplaribus antiquis et in editionibus Manutii et Morelli ; Pamelius posuit est pro et. Hunc imitatus est Rigaltius. Angli reposuerunt veterem lectionem, quæ profecto melior est. In libro Fuxensi legitur, dominium et jus est BALUZ.

"The Lord," etc. I found this reading in fifteen old copies and in the editions of Manutius and Morel; Pamelius set "est" for "et", and Rigault followed him. The English editors restored the old reading, which is certainly better. The Foix book reads "is the dominion and right". Baluze.

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(75) ‹anchor: Interius› · call above the cropped foot (col 819 or 820)

Interius. Ego hanc lectionem, quam veteres editiones itemque Morelliana et tria vetera exemplaria habent, præfero, etiam ob eam causam quod paulo post Cyprianus ait Dominum, cum ad Ecclesiam suam venerit de illis utique judicaturum quos in ea intus invenerit. Infra epist. 55, pag. 88, plebis intus positæ. Sunt etiam multa similia apud Cyprianum. Optatus lib. III, nos qui intus habitamus, et nunquam de radice recessimus. Hæretici, qui sunt foris, non habitant intus. Vide notas ad epistolam 76. BALUZ.

"Within." I prefer this reading, which the old editions, likewise Morel's, and three old copies have, also for the reason that a little later Cyprian says that the Lord, when he comes to his Church, will judge those whom he finds within it. Below, Letter 55, p. 88: "of the people placed within". There are many similar passages in Cyprian. Optatus, book III: "we who dwell within and have never departed from the root". Heretics, who are outside, do not dwell within. See the notes on Letter 76. Baluze.

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(76) ‹anchor: Nec si occisi› · call above the cropped foot (col 819 or 820)

Nec si occisi. Iste sæpe repetit sanctus martyr præcipue in libro de Unitate Ecclesiæ, pag. 198. Hinc ortum vulgatum illud : Martyrem non facit pœna, sed causa, quod exstat apud Rufinum in psalmo XXXIV et XLIII, et sæpe citatur a sancto Augustino. Id vero sanctus papa Gregorius lib. II, Indict. 10, Epist. 57 laudat ex Cypriano. Videtur autem acceptum ex libro de Duplici martyrio ad Fortunatum, in quo ita scriptum est : Neque enim statim martyr est qui occiditur. Occiduntur et sicarii et piratæ. Non supplicium facit martyrem, sed causa. Sic Primasius in caput tertium epistolæ Pauli ad Galatas ait : Reum non facit pœna, sed causa. Et sanctus Hieronymus in libro secundo adversus Rufinum, loquens de charitate, quam ait esse majorem fide et spe, et quam Paulus optat potius quam præsumit, addit sine qua et martyrio sanguis effusus corpusque flammis traditum coronam non habet præmiorum. Idem in caput quintum Epistolæ ad Galatas : Vide quantum sit bonum charitatis. Si ita martyrium fecerimus ut nostras velimus ab hominibus reliquias honorari, si opinionem vulgi sectantes intrepidi sanguinem fuderimus, et substantiam nostram usque ad mendicitatem propriam dederimus, huic operi non tam præmium quam pœna debetur, et perfidiæ magis tormenta sunt quam corona victoriæ. Sanctus Augustinus in libro de Correctione Donatistarum cap. 2 : Non ergo qui propter iniquitatem et propter christianæ unitatis impiam divisionem sed qui propter justitiam persecutionem patiuntur, hi martyres veri sunt. Et paulo post : Potest enim esse impiorum similis pœna, sed dissimilis est martyrum causa. Plangendi igitur erant Donatistæ qui gravissima tormenta toleraverant pro nomine Christi in persecutione Diocletian. Vide eorum acta in libro secundo miscellaneorm nostrorum. Guibertus de Novigento lib, I, cap. 3, de Pignoribus sanctorum : Donatistæ non imparia martyribus passi sunt, et quia exteriores a charitate fuerunt, frustra fuerunt. Stephanus Tornacensis in epistola sua secunda, loquens de cæde Joannis decani Aurelianensis : Joannem nostrum martyrem simul causa fecit et pœna. Cæsarius Heisterbachersis lib. VIII, cap. 64 : Causa, non pœna, facit martyres. Vide notas ad vitar paparum Avenionensium, pag. 1280. BALUZ.

"Not even if killed." The holy martyr often repeats this, especially in the book On the Unity of the Church, p. 198. Hence arose the common saying, "Not the punishment but the cause makes the martyr," which is found in Rufinus on Psalms 34 and 43 and is often quoted by Saint Augustine. Saint Gregory the pope, book II, indiction 10, Letter 57, cites it from Cyprian. It seems, however, to have been taken from the book On the Twofold Martyrdom, to Fortunatus, in which it is written thus: "For not everyone who is killed is at once a martyr. Assassins and pirates are killed too. Not the punishment but the cause makes the martyr." So Primasius on the third chapter of Paul's letter to the Galatians: "Not the punishment but the cause makes the guilty man." And Saint Jerome, in the second book against Rufinus, speaking of charity, which he says is greater than faith and hope and which Paul wishes for rather than presumes, adds: "without which even blood shed in martyrdom and the body given to the flames has no crown of rewards." The same on the fifth chapter of the Letter to the Galatians: "See how great a good charity is. If we undergo martyrdom so as to want our remains honoured by men, if, following the opinion of the crowd, we shed our blood fearlessly and give away our substance to the point of beggary ourselves, to this work is owed not so much a reward as a punishment, and these are rather the torments of faithlessness than the crown of victory." Saint Augustine, On the Correction of the Donatists, ch. 2: "Not those, then, who suffer persecution for iniquity and for the impious division of Christian unity, but those who suffer it for justice, are true martyrs." And a little later: "For the punishment of the impious may be alike, but the cause of the martyrs is unlike." The Donatists, then, were to be mourned, who had endured the heaviest torments for the name of Christ in Diocletian's persecution; see their acts in the second book of our Miscellanea. Guibert of Nogent, On the Relics of the Saints, book I, ch. 3: "The Donatists suffered no less than the martyrs, and because they were outside charity, they suffered in vain." Stephen of Tournai, in his second letter, speaking of the killing of John, dean of Orléans: "Both the cause and the punishment made our John a martyr." Caesarius of Heisterbach, book VIII, ch. 64: "The cause, not the punishment, makes martyrs." See the notes on the Lives of the Avignon popes, p. 1280. Baluze.

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(77) ‹anchor: not visible (a note on the letter as a whole; no lemma printed)› · call above the cropped foot (col 819 or 820)

Cum hæc epistola inter Cyprianicas magni sit momenti, paucis dicendum quo tempore et qua occasione scripta sit. Imminebat persecutio anno 252 cùm hæc scriberet Cyprianus, ac his ipsis diebus, quibus has ad Cornelium litteras faciebat, ob sacrificia quæ edicto proposito celebrare populus jubebatur, clamore popularium ad leonem denuo postulatus in circo fuerat. Sacrificia de quibus loquitur Cyprianus, videntur fuisse indicta ob pestem quæ tunc sæviebat sub Gallo et Volusiano, Hujus autem epistolæ scribendæ hæc fuit occasio. Pars Felicissimi episcopum Carthagine ausa est ordinare Fortunatum, unum ex quinque presbyte- (continues)

Since this letter is of great importance among Cyprian's, something must briefly be said about when and on what occasion it was written. Persecution was threatening in the year 252 when Cyprian wrote it, and in the very days when he was writing this letter to Cornelius he had again been demanded for the lion in the circus by the shouting of the populace, on account of the sacrifices that the people had been ordered by a published edict to perform. The sacrifices Cyprian speaks of seem to have been ordered on account of the plague then raging under Gallus and Volusian. The occasion for writing this letter was this. Felicissimus's party dared to ordain at Carthage as bishop Fortunatus, one of the five presby- (continues)

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