PL 4 · cols. 273–278
Cyprianus, Epistolae II-XXI
Letters XIX–XX
Migne Reading Room
PL 4 · cols. 273–278
Letters XIX–XX
LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 132)
(a) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 273
Sed tenentes Bod. 1.
"But holding": Bodleian MS 1.
(printed under page 132)
(b) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 273
Sic ipsa coepit Bod. 1.
"Thus she herself began": Bodleian MS 1.
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(c) ‹Cum ergo› · call in col 273
Cum me ergo Bod. 1.
"When therefore me": Bodleian MS 1.
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(d) ‹transmitte› · call in col 274
Transmittere Ar. Lam. Ebor. Bod. 1, 2. NC. 1.
"To transmit" (infinitive): Arundel, Lambeth and York MSS, Bodleian MSS 1 and 2, New College MS 1.
STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE (Baluze, continued) · col 273 quae alio nomine apud suos Aegyptios Cordimunda vocabatur.
(continued) ...who among her own Egyptians was called by another name, Cordimunda.
(Baluze) ‹Quae conscientia› · col 273 Quae conscientia. Editio Manutii et codex Remensis, quae conscientiam non commisit. Morellius, quae etiam conscientia non commissi. Sic etiam in meo vetere. Rigaltius, quae conscientia non commissi. Codex Gratianopolitanus, quae conscientia non commisit.
Who in conscience. Manutius's edition and the Reims manuscript: who did not commit (her) conscience. Morel: who also in the conscience of what was not committed. So too in my old one. Rigault: who in the conscience of what was not committed. The Grenoble manuscript: who in conscience did not commit.
(Baluze) ‹Sacrificaverunt› · col 273 Sacrificaverunt. Ita editio Morellii et codex Remensis. Sic etiam legitur in meo et in Gratianopolitano. Aliae editiones habent sacrificabant. Et postea additur in iisdem codicibus et in editione Morelliana, sic ipse coepit dicere.
They sacrificed. So Morel's edition and the Reims manuscript. So too it is read in mine and in the Grenoble one. Other editions have they were sacrificing. And afterwards there is added in the same manuscripts and in Morel's edition, thus he himself began to say.
(Baluze) ‹Consilium› · col 273 Consilium. Antea scriptum erat consultum. Sed hujus vocis alia est significatio, videlicet de re deliberata. Emendatum est ex manuscriptis.
Counsel. Before, consultum was written. But this word has another meaning, namely of a matter already deliberated. It has been corrected from the manuscripts.
(Baluze) ‹Videantur debere› · col 273 Videantur debere. In codice Remensi, in Gratianopolitano et in meo legitur videantur ac debeant accipere. Sic etiam editio Morelliana.
Seem to be obliged. In the Reims manuscript, in the Grenoble one and in mine is read seem and be obliged to receive. So too Morel's edition.
(Baluze) ‹Salutate nostros› · col 273 Salutate nostros. Angli monent legendum esse vestros. Quae conjectura videtur esse bona. Verum editiones et scripti libri repugnant.
Greet our people. The English advise that yours should be read. The conjecture seems good. But the editions and the written books are against it.
(Baluze) ‹Opto vos› · col 273 Opto vos. Sic reposuimus ex eodem codice Remensi, cum antea legeretur: Opto vos felicissimos bene valere.
I wish you. So we have restored from the same Reims manuscript, whereas before it was read: I wish you, most happy ones, to fare well.
(Baluze) ‹Epist. XIX — Impertiendam› · cols 273–274 Epist. xix. — Impertiendam. Hanc lectionem reperi in quatuordecim exemplaribus antiquis. Editio Spirensis et vetus Veneta, quamvis sint in hoc loco mendosae, monstrant tamen hanc lectionem esse bonam. Habent enim impertinentiam. Remboltus, impertitam.
Letter XIX. — To be imparted. I found this reading in fourteen old copies. The Speyer edition and the old Venetian one, though faulty in this place, still show this reading to be good. For they have impertinentiam. Rembolt: imparted.
(Baluze) ‹Maculam pristinam› · col 273 Maculam pristinam. Plerique libri veteres et editiones habent primam.
Their former stain. Most old books and editions have first.
(Baluze) ‹Potiore virtute› · col 274 Potiore virtute. Nonnulli codices antiqui praeferunt posteriore.
By a stronger virtue. Some ancient manuscripts show a later.
(Baluze) ‹Librum› · col 274 Librum. De Lapsis, ut interpretatur Rigaltius. Angli contra, rejecta Rigaltii sententia, interpretantur de fasciculo epistolarum. Sed profecto erraverunt. Quippe Cyprianus apertissime distinguit librum ab epistolis, librum cum epistolis numero quinque misi.
The book. On the Lapsed, as Rigault interprets it. The English, on the contrary, rejecting Rigault's view, interpret it of a bundle of letters. But they were certainly wrong. For Cyprian very plainly distinguishes the book from the letters: I have sent the book with letters, five in number.
(Baluze) ‹Epist. XX› · col 274 Epist. xx. — Hanc epistolam primus omnium edidit Morellius. Postea Pamelius, qui fatetur se nullum vetus illius exemplar habuisse, illam recudit, eamque ex ingenio interdum emendavit. Latinius habuit duo vetera illius exemplaria, et in ejus adnotationibus ad Cyprianum, pag 195, adnotatum est illum feliciter emendasse hanc epistolam. Quod verum non est, cum difficile admodum sit eam bene emendare ob errores qui in eam irrepserunt in antiquis exemplaribus. Ego duo habui, unum ex urbe Gratianopolitana, aliud ex bibliotheca mea. Angli laudant unum Vaticanum et unum Bodleianum. Certe extat hodieque in Vaticano (199), uno eorum, ut opinor, quae Latinius viderat.
Letter XX. — Morel was the first of all to publish this letter. Afterwards Pamelius, who admits he had no old copy of it, reprinted it and at times emended it by conjecture. Latinius had two old copies of it, and in his annotations on Cyprian, page 195, it is noted that he emended this letter happily. Which is not true, since it is very difficult to emend it well because of the errors that crept into it in the old copies. I had two, one from the city of Grenoble, the other from my own library. The English cite one Vatican and one Bodleian. It certainly survives today in the Vatican (199), in one of those, I think, which Latinius had seen.
(Baluze) ‹I. — Hujus mundi› · col 274 I. — Hujus mundi. Antea legebatur hujusmodi, nullo sensu. Angli protulerunt veram lectionem. Monet (continues)
I. — Of this world. Before, of this kind was read, making no sense. The English brought forward the true reading. (He) advises (continues)
(printed under page 132)
LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 133)
(a) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 275
Et hoc solet Oxon.
"And this is wont": Oxford edition.
(printed under page 133)
(b) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 275
Dicat si fuero Impr. Audires P. Salv.
"Let him say, if I shall be": printed editions. "You would hear": Pamelius, Salvianus (?) MS.
(printed under page 133)
(c) ‹Sic coronet te› · call in col 275
Si coronet te Vat.
"If he crown you": Vatican MS.
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(d) ‹coram Christo› · call in col 275
Nos coram vel cum Christo Bod. Vat.
"We before or with Christ": Bodleian and Vatican MSS.
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(e) ‹Pete ut sim› · call in col 275
Per te sim Impr.
"That through you I may be": printed editions.
(printed under page 133)
(f) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 276
Magna constitutum scias Impr.
"Know that (he) has been set in great...": printed editions.
(printed under page 133)
(g) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 276
Lacrymabundos dies Vat.
"Tearful days": Vatican MS.
(printed under page 133)
(h) ‹nefanda naufragia› · call in col 276
A quibus postulandum est ut subvenerit tam nefando naufragio Vat. Subveniat tam nefando Lips.
"From whom it must be asked that he may have come to the aid of so wicked a shipwreck": Vatican MS. "May come to the aid of so wicked (a shipwreck)": Leipzig edition.
(printed under page 133)
(i) ‹Memoratus sum enim› · call in col 276
Memor sum enim Vatic.
"For I am mindful": Vatican MS.
STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE (Baluze, continued) · col 275 autem Latinius illam extare in suis exemplaribus. Ita etiam legitur in meo et in Gratianopolitano.
(continued) ...Latinius, however, (notes) that it stands in his copies. So too it is read in mine and in the Grenoble one.
(Baluze) ‹Sciebas› · col 275 Sciebas. Cum haec lectio habeatur in editionibus Morellii, Pamelii et Rigaltii, tum etiam in codice Vaticano, confirment autem illam duo vetera exemplaria quibus utor, tametsi in meo scriptum sit per errorem sciebam, Angli tamen maluerunt scribas. At si attendissent Celerinum de Luciano conqueri quod ad se non scripserit per Montanum, quem sciebat ad se esse venturum, aliter sensissent. Itaque certum est eam lectionem quam nos retinuimus esse bonam.
You knew. Since this reading is found in the editions of Morel, Pamelius and Rigault, and also in the Vatican manuscript, and the two old copies I use confirm it — though in mine I knew is written by mistake — the English nevertheless preferred you may write. But had they noticed that Celerinus complains of Lucian for not having written to him by Montanus, whom he knew was going to come to him, they would have thought otherwise. So it is certain that the reading we have kept is good.
(Baluze) ‹Nam ut tibi› · col 275 Nam ut tibi. Repraesentavimus istic lectionem veterum librorum et editionum. Angli ex ingenio, nullum enim vetus exemplar citant, scripserunt: Nam ut tum quoque de infimo tuo vel fratre dicam, si fuero dignus; Celerinus audiretur. Sane Latinius, cum in codice Vaticano scriptum videret ut est in meo et in vulgatis editionibus, legendum censuerat ferme uti ab Anglis excusum est. In Gratianopolitano scriptum est oblitum esse te mihi scribere, ut tu quoque de infimo vel fratre dicam, etc.
For that to you. We have reproduced here the reading of the old books and editions. The English, by conjecture — for they cite no old copy — wrote: For, to speak then also of your lowliest one or brother, if I shall be worthy; Celerinus would be heard. Indeed Latinius, seeing it written in the Vatican manuscript as it is in mine and in the common editions, had judged it should be read almost as the English printed it. In the Grenoble manuscript is written that you forgot to write to me, so that you too of the lowliest or brother I may say, etc.
(Baluze) ‹Cum essem ... in tam› · col 275 Cum essem ... in tam. Id est, cum essem in carcere constitutus propter nomen Domini.
When I was ... in so. That is, when I had been put in prison for the name of the Lord.
(Baluze) ‹Ut si ante› · cols 275–276 Ut si ante. Haec est lectio editionis Morellianae. Sic etiam in veteri libro meo et in Bodleiano. Male in Gratianopolitano, ut a me cruore illo. Pamelius existimans non licuisse Luciano rescribere post cruoris pro Christo effusionem, credidit deesse in hoc loco negationem, ideoque illam interserere non est veritus. Non placuit ea audacia Latinio, qui censuit hanc orationem nulla indigere negatione. Angli in eadem sententia fuere quoad negationem, sed alio transtulerunt argumentum. Ita quippe interpretantur hunc locum, alioqui satis obscurum et implicitum, tamquam si Celerinus, timens ne Lucianus excederet ante datam pacem et indulgentiam sororibus suis, quae lapsae erant, petiisset a Domino ut earum misereretur, eisque post excessum Luciani daret indulgentiam quam Lucianus morte praeventus non dedisset. Verum ea interpretatio ferri non potest, cum nulla sororum Celerini mentio facta fuerit antea. Vera itaque, ut ego quidem arbitror, ac genuina hujus loci sententia haec est. Conquestus erat Celerinus de negligentia Luciani in scribendo, qui tametsi sciret Montanum venturum ad se esse, nihil per eum scripserat de salute sua vel quid apud eum ageretur. Nunc vero petit ut, si ante Lucianus spiritum effuderit quam hae litterae perveniant ad ea loca in quibus habitabat, nihil rescribat, rescribat tamen si adhuc superstes fuerit cum illae huc pervenerint.
That if before. This is the reading of Morel's edition. So too in my old book and in the Bodleian. Wrongly in the Grenoble one: that by me with that blood. Pamelius, thinking it was not possible for Lucian to write back after the shedding of his blood for Christ, believed a negative was missing in this place, and so did not fear to insert one. That boldness did not please Latinius, who judged that this sentence needs no negative. The English were of the same view as to the negative, but turned the argument elsewhere. For they interpret this place, otherwise rather obscure and involved, as if Celerinus, fearing that Lucian might depart before peace and indulgence had been given to his sisters who had lapsed, had asked the Lord to have mercy on them and, after Lucian's departure, to give them the indulgence that Lucian, overtaken by death, had not given. But that interpretation cannot be borne, since no mention of Celerinus's sisters has been made before. The true and genuine sense of this place, then, as I at least judge, is this. Celerinus had complained of Lucian's negligence in writing: though he knew that Montanus was to come to him, he had written nothing by him about his welfare or what was happening with him. Now he asks that, if Lucian has breathed out his spirit before this letter reaches the places where he lived, he should write nothing back — but should write back if he is still alive when it arrives there.
(Baluze) ‹II. — In laetitia Paschae› · col 276 II. — In laetitia Paschae. Codex Gratianopolitanus, in hac die laetitiae. Cassiodorus, lib. iv, Epist. 42: Marciani atque Maximi nos querela pulsavit cum paschalibus diebus paterni luctus essent vulnere sauciati et in ipso laetitiae tempore, etc.
II. — In the joy of Easter. The Grenoble manuscript: on this day of joy. Cassiodorus, book iv, Letter 42: The complaint of Marcianus and Maximus struck us, since on the Easter days they had been wounded by the blow of a father's mourning, and in the very season of joy, etc.
(Baluze) ‹Paschae› · col 276 Paschae. Ita scribebant antiqui. Tertullianus in libro de Corona: Eadem immunitate a die Paschae in Pentecosten usque gaudemus. Idem, lib. ii ad uxorem: Quis denique solemnibus Paschae abnoctantem securus sustinebit? Item, lib. iv adversus Marcionem: Nam e tot festis Judaeorum Paschae diem elegit. Concilium Cabarsussitanum, intra diem Paschae futurae. Appendix commonitorii Honorii Aug. in causa Eulalii et Bonifacii contendentium de episcopatu Romano apud Baronium, dies qui imminebant sanctae Paschae. Arator, lib. ii Actuum apostolicorum: Gaudia Paschae electo latrone colis. Sic etiam Rufinus in libris Historiae ecclesiasticae et in libris Recognitionum D. Clementis. Vide notas Sirmondi ad Concilium primum Arelatense.
Of Easter (Paschae, feminine). So the ancients wrote. Tertullian in the book On the Crown: With the same freedom we rejoice from the day of Easter until Pentecost. The same, book ii to his wife: Who, in short, will calmly bear her staying out all night at the Easter solemnities? Likewise, book iv against Marcion: For out of so many feasts of the Jews he chose the day of the Pasch. The Council of Cabarsussi: within the day of the coming Easter. The appendix to the memorandum of Honorius Augustus in the case of Eulalius and Boniface contending over the Roman episcopate, in Baronius: the days which were approaching of holy Easter. Arator, book ii of the Acts of the Apostles: You keep the joys of Easter, the robber having been chosen. So too Rufinus in the books of the Ecclesiastical History and in the books of the Recognitions of St Clement. See Sirmond's notes on the first Council of Arles.
(Baluze) ‹Subveniat› · col 276 Subveniat. Ego addidi hanc vocem ex conjectura, tantum ut sensum eo modo constituerem. Si quis maluerit substituere aliud vocabulum, non repugno.
May come to the aid. I added this word by conjecture, only so as to establish the sense in that way. If anyone prefers to put another word in its place, I do not object.
(Baluze) ‹Postulaturus› · col 276 Postulaturus. Codex Gratianopolitanus, postulandum est subveniat tam nefando naufragio.
About to ask. The Grenoble manuscript: it must be asked that he come to the aid of so wicked a shipwreck.
(Baluze) ‹Pro sororibus nostris› · col 276 Pro sororibus nostris. Ita editio Anglicana, quam confirmat codex Gratianopolitanus. Ita quoque se scriptum vidisse in duobus antiquis codicibus testatur Latinius. In meo legitur per sorores nostras.
For our sisters. So the English edition, which the Grenoble manuscript confirms. Latinius too testifies that he saw it so written in two ancient manuscripts. In mine is read through our sisters.
(printed under page 133)
LECTIONES VARIANTES (printed under page 134)
(a) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 277
Floride omnium eorum ministerium Vat.
"Flourishingly the ministry of all of them": Vatican MS.
(printed under page 134)
(b) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 277
Suscipe Impr.
"Receive": printed editions.
(printed under page 134)
(c) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 277
Enim minister Bod. 1.
"For the minister": Bodleian MS 1.
(printed under page 134)
(d) ‹ad Tria Fata› · call in col 278
Tria facta Impr.
"Three deeds" (for Tria Fata): printed editions.
(printed under page 134)
(e) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 278
Has Vat.
"These" (feminine accusative): Vatican MS.
(printed under page 134)
(f) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 278
Operationes Vat.
"Operations": Vatican MS.
(printed under page 134)
(g) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 278
Nobis Vat.
"To us": Vatican MS.
(printed under page 134)
(h) ‹anchor not visible› · call in col 278
Qui Vat.
"Who": Vatican MS.
STEPH. BALUZII NOTAE (Baluze) ‹III. — Et nunc super ipsos› · col 277 III. — Et nunc super ipsos. Codex meus, et nunc super ipsos factus antistites Dei recognovit id est minister. Sic etiam in Gratianopolitano, nisi quod illic scriptum est antistes. Sidonius lib. vii, Epist. 17: Quaeso ut abbas sit frater Auxanius, tu vero et supra abbatem.
III. — And now over them. My manuscript: and now, made over them, the bishops of God recognized, that is, minister. So too in the Grenoble one, except that bishop (singular) is written there. Sidonius, book vii, Letter 17: I ask that brother Auxanius be abbot, but you even above the abbot.
(Baluze) ‹Fratribus tuis› · col 277 Fratribus tuis. Ita veteres libri et editiones. Male in editione Anglicana, fratribus tuis et meis, meis dominis.
To your brothers. So the old books and editions. Wrongly in the English edition: to your brothers and mine, my lords.
(Baluze) ‹Etecusam› · col 277 Etecusam. Gisbertus Cuperus, in epistola ad Paulum Voetium, monet episcopum Cestriensem rescripsisse Aecusam. Aecusam dixit Julius Firmicus in quibusdam editionibus, in aliis Aethusam. Verum Aecusa illa multum differt ab Etecusa. (Haud contemnenda profecto esset conjectura Dodwelli Diss. Cypr. ad ep. 22 (?), legendum esse aecusam; ἀεκοῦσαι enim dicebantur, quae contra voluntatem vi contumeliisque superatae cesserant. Modo mss. faverent. Goldast.)
Etecusa. Gisbert Cuper, in a letter to Paul Voet, notes that the bishop of Chester restored Aecusa. Julius Firmicus said Aecusa in some editions, Aethusa in others. But that Aecusa differs much from Etecusa. (Certainly not to be despised would be Dodwell's conjecture, Dissertationes Cyprianicae on letter 22 (?), that aecusa should be read; for those were called ἀεκοῦσαι ("unwilling women") who had yielded against their will, overcome by force and insults. If only the manuscripts supported it. Goldast.)
(Baluze) ‹Tria Fata› · cols 277–278 Tria Fata. Ita codex Vaticanus in editione Anglicana laudatus, duo vetera exemplaria Latinii, unum ex mea bibliotheca. Neque dubium est quin haec sit vera lectio. Hic autem locus, qui nullam, ut ego quidem arbitror, habet difficultatem, valde vexatus est ab interpretibus, existimantibus eam lectionem non esse bonam. Et tamen mihi constat nullam aliam posse esse bonam praeter istam. Confirmant porro eam loca ad explicationem hujus loci ex gestis pontificalibus allata a viris doctissimis. Negari quippe non potest quin Romae, unde haec epistola scripta est, fuerit locus appellatus Tria Fata. Hujus rei locuples nobis testis est Procopius, lib. i, cap. 25, de bello Gothico; ubi scribit Janum aedem habuisse in foro ex adverso curiae super Tria Fata. Constat autem mulierem de qua agitur in hac epistola Celerini ascendisse, in capitolium videlicet, ut sacrificaret, sed substitisse ad Tria Fata, et inde descendisse, poenitudine videlicet ductam. Cum vero Procopius scribat Tria Fata fuisse prope aedem Jani ex adverso curiae, cum P. Victor templum Jani ponat prope forum, cum Dionysius Halicarnasseus, lib. ii, doceat forum positum fuisse medio inter Capitolium et palatium spatio, in planitie capitolio subjecta, Onuphrius autem Panvinius in descriptione urbis Romae annotaverit montem palatinum habere ad occasum forum Romanum et Capitolium et ad septentrionem viam sacram, et auctor Gestorum pontificalium tradat basilicam sanctorum Cosmae et Damiani, quae erat sita in Tribus Fatis, fuisse sitam in via Sacra, quam Ovidius, in libro iii Tristium, locat prope forum et palatium, ubi Fabium fornicem fuisse docet Cicero in Oratione pro Cn. Plancio, hunc autem fornicem fuisse vicinum rostris doceat Seneca in capite ii libri, Quod in sapientem non cadit injuria, et fornicem illum Asconius Paedianus in commentario ad actionem primam in Verrem scripserit situm fuisse in clivo capitolino et inde rectam viam ad forum fuisse per forum et per Tria Fata, Dio vero Cassius, lib. liv, et Herodianus, lib. iv, aditum fuisse per viam Sacram in forum, manifestum est eam lectionem esse veram quam nos retinuimus. Quare nollem viros doctissimos fuisse tam faciles in recipienda conjectura Gronovii scribentis in capite 14 Observationum in Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis dryfacta reponendum esse in hac epistola Celerini pro Tria Fata, cum certum sit eam emendationem esse tentatam contra omnium veterum librorum et editionum fidem et absque ulla necessitate. Itaque jure meritoque rejecta est in editione Anglicana. Porro Celerinum, quod nobis nunc incumbit probandum, fuisse tum Romae, et alii jam monuerant, et liquet ex loco ipsius epistolae, pag. 29, ubi Celerinus ait supersessum esse causae quarumdam mulierum donec episcopus constituatur, id est, donec locus Petri, qui vacabat post mortem Fabiani, accepisset episcopum, praecipue vero ex Epistola 22, pag. 32, in qua Cyprianus scribit ad presbyteros et diaconos Romae consistentes mittere se ad eos epistolam Celerini ad Lucianum, ut recognoscant an vera sit. Missam autem fuisse per Crementium hypodiaconum facile colligitur ex Epistolis iv et xiv.
The Three Fates. So the Vatican manuscript cited in the English edition, two old copies of Latinius, and one from my own library. Nor is there any doubt that this is the true reading. Yet this place, which in my judgement has no difficulty, has been much harassed by interpreters who think the reading is not good. And yet I am certain that no other can be good except this one. It is confirmed, further, by passages from the pontifical acts brought forward by very learned men to explain this place. For it cannot be denied that at Rome, whence this letter was written, there was a place called Tria Fata. Of this Procopius is an ample witness for us, book i, chapter 25, On the Gothic War, where he writes that Janus had a shrine in the forum facing the senate house, above the Tria Fata. Now it is agreed that the woman with whom this letter of Celerinus deals went up — to the Capitol, that is — to sacrifice, but stopped at the Three Fates and came down from there, led, that is, by repentance. Now since Procopius writes that the Tria Fata were near the shrine of Janus facing the senate house; since P. Victor places the temple of Janus near the forum; since Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book ii, shows that the forum lay in the space midway between the Capitol and the Palatine, on the level ground below the Capitol; since Onofrio Panvinio in his description of the city of Rome noted that the Palatine hill has the Roman forum and the Capitol to the west and the Sacred Way to the north; since the author of the Pontifical Acts records that the basilica of Saints Cosmas and Damian, which stood in Tribus Fatis, stood on the Sacred Way, which Ovid, in book iii of the Tristia, places near the forum and the Palatine, where Cicero in the Speech for Gnaeus Plancius shows the Fabian arch stood; since Seneca, in chapter ii of the book That injury does not befall the wise man, shows that this arch was next to the rostra, and Asconius Pedianus, in his commentary on the first action against Verres, wrote that the arch stood on the Capitoline slope and that the straight way from there to the forum ran through the forum and through the Tria Fata; and since Dio Cassius, book liv, and Herodian, book iv, show that the approach to the forum was by the Sacred Way — it is plain that the reading we have kept is the true one. So I would rather that very learned men had not been so ready to accept the conjecture of Gronovius, who writes in chapter 14 of his Observations on the Ecclesiastical Writers that dryfacta should be restored in this letter of Celerinus for Tria Fata, since it is certain that this emendation was attempted against the authority of all the old books and editions and without any necessity. So it was rightly and deservedly rejected in the English edition. Further, that Celerinus was then at Rome — which it now falls to us to prove — others had already pointed out, and it is clear from a place in the letter itself, page 29, where Celerinus says the case of certain women has been deferred until a bishop is appointed, that is, until the see of Peter, vacant after Fabian's death, had received a bishop; and especially from Letter 22, page 32, in which Cyprian writes to the presbyters and deacons residing at Rome that he is sending them Celerinus's letter to Lucian so that they may verify whether it is genuine. That it was sent by the subdeacon Crementius is easily gathered from Letters iv and xiv.
(Baluze) ‹Praepositi› · col 278 Praepositi. Id est, illi e clero qui ecclesiam Romanam gubernabant post mortem Fabiani.
Those set over (us). That is, those of the clergy who governed the Roman church after Fabian's death.
(Baluze) ‹IV. — Sanctimonio› · col 278 IV. — Sanctimonio. Ita libri veteres et hic et alibi. Possem plurima exempla proferre ut ostenderem veteres ita vulgo scripsisse. Sed supersedeo, quia puto lectores mihi facile fidem praestituros. Eodem modo dicebant blasphemium pro blasphemia, ut notavimus ad Marium Mercatorem, pag. 451. Addo tamen doctissimos monachos quibus debemus novam editionem operum sancti Augustini posuisse in epistola lxi sanctimonii et continentiae. Item in rescripto Honorii et Theodosii AA. ad Aurelianum contra Pelagianos.
IV. — Holiness (sanctimonium, neuter). So the old books, both here and elsewhere. I could bring forward very many examples to show that the ancients commonly wrote so. But I refrain, because I think readers will readily believe me. In the same way they said blasphemium for blasphemia, as we noted on Marius Mercator, page 451. I add, however, that the very learned monks to whom we owe the new edition of the works of St Augustine set sanctimonii et continentiae in letter lxi. Likewise in the rescript of the Augusti Honorius and Theodosius to Aurelian against the Pelagians.
(printed under page 134)